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Sur le conseil d’un ami diété-
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ses ns Les volailles, sait sut de d'énergie (sauf celle
du Er
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|'Ünjodr, une Amie m'a dit: VOUS AUSSI! FAITES

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COMME N0S
MA CHÉRIE, TU DEVRAIS CON-
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M C'est la force suprême
14 FALSSION Qui bout dans le chaudron
MAG-Hc
Je connais un breuvage
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Je connais
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 Chapitre 2: LE eme ses si seu
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TES NONCOPAIN.
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 Chapitre 3 : | LA GAUDRIOLE
Quand je ponte à LaGaulle,
F'aideuxailes ci ere Faut” que Slle
au Caique”» Chex nou, il œune noblelle de laplaisae-
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larondelle
nous qu'en a huerté le uétique !
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 Chapitre 4 : 2h RSTISE
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te Lt . bearVoisins € es i ie
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rave déeuk. ! Dei fvoïsins ils enavdient ét
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mains ,des Vsiaolhs, des Oshro-
aachaaes , Rings , dei Sanazins,
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trdef Sat Coods .
Jgut set déroulé dans rune atmosphère de “pos
anche bonne humeur tr, disond-le, de camaña-
dée pile.
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ment” douès

ka
bo ae
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cahaëiète. -enkieh , ceitek ,mais quinepensent” dt dire. quoi , la auete2

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 FATTES QUOI,
LA, AU JUSTE ?
LES BAFFES
QUE JE EUR

Lt
ME MÊLER.. Vous deviez bienvous endouter
…MAIS VOUS Vousréfléchissez
pasouquoi
FAITES FUIR Qu'est-ce
quevous vous imaginiez
LE POISSON
Vheit lui otd te Son ‘bou:” Qu'on peut débarquer
chezlessens
Leur piétiner
lespotagers
lier , ou à la limite lu Leur pincer destrucs entournant
collé. di chedina -qum Sans qu'un malaise vienne à planer
ant Lamate à Y enavait d'autres
àembêter
on w'ingisle Jai ;
Vous faitespasgaffe
ça Jhalte . Jutte mais Pourquoi c'est nous que vous venez chercher
Nous pifpafon colle desbaffes
Fais S Chatte du
mMmomeñt où, on commence. Y a unprincipe élémentaire
Qui s'appliqueàlaterre entière
Quand onembète un être humain
Il a tendance
àmettre despains
Assez causé c'està quil'tour
Qui veut tâter dugros balourd
À quilesbosses à quilescroûtes
Qui quiveut l'honjour du mammouth

Y enavaitd'autres
àembêter
Vous faites
pas gaffe
i c'est nous que vous venez chercher
Nous pifpaf on colle des baffes

Lep'titjeune homme Kàil enveut

Combien jluienmetsuneoudeux
qu'on luimange dank
lei J'aisunpaquet avecruban
ne
comunissions
DESTRUCTION | PILLAGE! RAPINES !
SACCAGE !NOLS ! MEURTRES !
Ou cestpour lesmanger maintnant
Pas d'panique mollo y a pas l'feu
J'en termine avec le monsieur
VIOLS ! (er autres aBus). LE TOUT Vous êtes gentils vous vous calmez
À NOLONTÉ ! £EKÉCUTION!! Tout l'monde aura sa giroflée
Aoïz a le-
endaiñe humeur ? Y en avait d'autres
àembêter
LES FEMMES ET LES Vous faitespas gaffe
SE Tôucher lesaftel ENFANTS D'ABORD! Pourquoi c'est nous que vous venez chercher
AA LES VIEILLARDS Nous pifpafon colle desbaffes
PAS DE À Qu'est-cequel'asdit
j'ai passais
QUARTIER! Ça veutdirequoiça« çasuffit»
Ce s'rait dommage
des'arrêter
T'es tout rouge qued'un seul côté
PRENEX
JA UNE [Vos Nous on veut bien être vos copains
FOLLE ENVIE 12e POSITIO Vous n'avez qu'à nous tendre la main
DE DONNER } Nous on demande qu'à se bidonner
DES BAFFES. Mais faut pas trop nous chatouiller

Y'en avait d'autres à embêter

Vous faites pas gaffe
ïc'estnous que vous venez chercher
Nous pifpaf on colle des baffes
 Chapitre 6: FALBALA Mais quel est ce vent de folie
Dis dis-le moi Falbala dis
Des fois j'prépare un compliment
Pour te dire des trucs importants.
Quand t'amives tout tombe en quenouille
Je cueille des fleurs j'fais l'comichon, J'voudrais en parler à tout l'monde Je bute j'hésitej'rougis j'hafouille
Il2h ùa, quand même un. ze que le a 18 he au,Fondde li un del Je joue tout seul à saute-mouton
Leur dire combien je Le trouve blonde
en$ honnëlé: on ve dite bleu. $ de Jons 2
J'ai très envie d'arier ton nom Ça me poursuit ça me travaillé
le ES SCT run pivenien. Unb Si ça se Fo] tourlité du Gau- voudrais qu'on m'tue En plein milieu des réunions Ça me remue dans les entrailles,
Mais quelle est donc cette maladie
Éank enfice dant LR Aéfall, son stule Le Lois ar dapisse de J'ai des absences j'vois des lucioles
étaisFitrèssoigné
Qui m'donne envie de l'aire des p'tits
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Où en a même Vo avec le maîn& qui Hai- Si ça. Setouse., 1 ÿ à del Quks jret- J'fais attention à mon caleçon Falbala Falbala
ISpasC' 1e sens tout chose
je l'objet d'une métamorhose Tu dois savoir toi dis-le moi
dout, Aiecuis de soleil etdei bi ches qui Falbala Falbala Falbala Falbala
Re les &fauloisES — qi Sotént 8i bon— saëlent- dans ouf le$ Send. ‘Tu dois savoir toi dis-le moi Mais ue st ce ventde ae
Bi ça se joue, à l’intékieur
du Æaulois, Falbala Falbala Falbala Falbala le moi Falbala dis
€PAPE x
4Ha
er comptent La Tu dois savoir toi dis-le moi Mais quelle est donc cette maladie Den quelle est done cétte maladie
Stemert evine sex nartique
ca, ‘a pat beaucouju. Falbala Falbala Qui m'a coupé tout l'appétit Qui m'donne envie de taire des p'tits
 Chapitre
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Chapitre 8: Sa Y A TOUJOURS
UN GRATTEUX
Y a toujours un gratteux une sorte de harpiste
Style nouvelle barderie celtique
Pieds nus dans des sandales y'a toujours un artiste
Qui grattouille une guitare en peau d'hique

) V2 LA FAIM Y'a toujours un poète le cheveu long ét plat

A 14 GUERRE Notons la tunique violette
A Qui pousse à l'univers son cri de désarroi
Quelque part y àtoujours une vedette
_ Qband ls sohtenbande les Ÿ à la faim y àla guerre
GER RER Îls Y à pas d'amour sur terre
moi pauvre de moi
men en
dx lesnan, 8e.ie
$e » Ca
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148 en. axivent Souseht àfat C'est le sécret de sa musique
Il récite des phrases fait des gestes gracieux
C'est très beau très très fin très lyrique

Il remue des rubans autour des feux de bois

Il a le sens du tambourin
Depuis la nuit des temps il donne de La voix:
Des chanteurs
yenatoujourseuun

Re
A à lachème
Ladigeo
Aég .
LRUde Je suis une pomme de terre
Un vieux bout de caca
Ô moi pauvre de moi
De l'existence qu'il est lourd le cabas
On pense qu'il a fini on est déjà en liesse
Mais ça repart pour un refrain
Jusqu'à la fin des temps pour brailer la détresse
Des gratteux y'en aura toujours un
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 au

Chapitre 9 : LA RIPAILLE
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lesbaleines
\ LÉGER, POUR À PEUT-ÊTRE7
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A table lesbaleines Rien detelpour remettre lescompteurs à zéro

On vapaschipoter c’est à labonne franquette J'aime l'ail

Mettez vosépluchures surlebord de l'assiette J'aime l'oignon *
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, Reprenez dusaindoux jvaisvouschercher dupain J'aimons
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 SOMMAIRE RENDONS À CÉSAR CE QUI APPARTIENT À CÉSAR
Introduction Chapitre 5 Gotainer n’est pas l’auteur des textes des dessins de Gotlib.
VIVE LA GAULE LA COLÈRE C'est Gotlib qui a fait les bulles.
Les baffes Gotlib a écrit les textes d'introduction mais n’en est pas l’auteur.
(L'auteur, c’est Gotainer.)
Chapitre 1 Chapitre 6 On pourrait croire que Gotainer est aussi l’auteur des textes
LA FORCE L'AMOUR des chansons. :
La potion magique Falbala Ce n’est pas faux, mais il s’est fait aider de son copain Kristy.
Gotlib, en dessinant ses Gaulois, n’a pas copié sur Uderzo.
Chapitre 2 Chapitre 7 Uderzo, en dessinant ses Gaulois, n’a pas copié sur Gotlib.
L'AMITIÉ LA MAISON Thierry Mébarki a mis les dessins en couleurs.
Mon gros copain Vive l'hiver Frédéric Mébarki a encré les dessins d’Uderzo.
Gotlib a encré les dessins de Gotlib.
Chapitre 3 Chapitre 8 La gardienne du 26 n’a pas collaboré à la réalisation de cet album.
LA FÊTE LA POÉSIE Et César attend toujours qu’on lui rende ce qui lui appartient.
La gaudriole Y'a toujours un gratteux

Chapitre 4 Chapitre 9
LA BÊTISE LE MANGER
La guerre La ripaille

© LES ÉDITIONS ALBERT RENÉ. 1988

Dépôt légal octobre 1988 n° 038-4-01
ISBN n° 2-86497-038-4
Imprimé en Italie par Nuovo Istituto Italiano d'Arti Grafche -Bergamo —
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Other documents randomly have
different content
the fabrication, and again when we were seeking the spiritual
meaning of the design; by these two widely different lines of
evidence we were led severally and independently to infer a British
rather than a foreign origin for the Figure[29].
This inference was further confirmed by a third evidential process,
arising out of the sympathy of meaning which appears to unite the
enamelled Figure with the engraved device upon its back-plate. This
led us to question the long-established doctrine of duality of origin
which rested upon the authority of Sir Francis Palgrave, and to infer
that the whole composition of the Jewel had been projected and
devised by a single mind.
Finally, we found reason to think that all these features harmonized
well with the mind and character of a person with whose name the
Jewel is already connected by the Epigraph; and if anything was yet
wanting to complete the identification of that person, it seems to be
supplied by certain traces of inward affinity between the symbolism
of the Jewel and that of the epilogue to the translation of the
Pastoral Care, one of the surest monuments of the mind of king
Alfred.

[16] For the etymology: enamel is a compound of the

simple amel, which is now obsolete. This was an
anglicized form of French émail, which in Old French
was esmal, whose cognates were Provençal esmalt,
Spanish and Portuguese esmalte, Italian smalto (used
by Dante), which, in medieval Latin, was smaltum. The
source is Old High German *smaltjan, our verb to
smelt, i.e. to fuse by heat (New English Dictionary, v.
Amel).
[17] It is figured in the Dictionary of Christian
Antiquities, v. Crown.
[18] These eight plates have been reproduced by M.
de Linas in his Histoire du Travail à l’Exposition
universelle de 1867, p. 125.
É
[19] Notice des Émaux, &c., du Musée du Louvre, par
M. de Laborde, 1857, p. 99.
[20] Philostratus, Icones, i. 28:—the horsemen are
described as—ἀργυροχάλινοι καὶ στικτοὶ καὶ χρυσοῖ τὰ
φάλαρα. Ταῦτά φασι τὰ χρώματα τοὺς ἐν ὠκεανῷ
βαρβάρους ἐγχεῖν τῷ χαλκῷ διαπύρῳ, τὰ δὲ
συνίστασθαι καὶ λιθοῦσθαι, καὶ σώζειν ἃ ἐγράφη.
[21] Augustus W. Franks, ‘Vitreous Art,’ p. 14 in Art
Treasures of the United Kingdom, a book which was
brought out in connexion with the Manchester
Exhibition of 1857.
[22] Mr. Arthur Evans recognizes a Keltic physiognomy
in the eyes of the icuncula; but for me the eyes are as
if they were not, being so much sunk out of their
place, that through infirmity of sight I am unable to
verify them.
[23] Appendix B.
[24] Appendix C.
[25] And þa comon hi ymb vii niht to londe on
Cornwalum, and foron þa sona to Ælfrede cyninge.
[26] For the Irish illumination above referred to I have
relied upon Facsimiles of Miniatures and Ornaments of
Anglo-Saxon and Irish Manuscripts. By J. O.
Westwood. London, 1868. Plate XI.
[27] ‘The back, or reverse, is a plate of gold lying
immediately upon the back of the miniature, and this is
beautifully worked in foliage.’ Llewellynn Jewitt, F.S.A.,
in the Reliquary for October, 1878: vol. xx, p. 66.
[28] Here I follow the old copy of this drawing in
Hickes’s Thesaurus (1705) facing p. viij.
[29] Appendix D.
 CHAPTER VIII
ALFRED IN SOMERSET BEYOND PEDRIDA
When we have described the form and symbolism of the Alfred
Jewel, and reviewed the various interpretations which it has evoked,
and when we have moreover analyzed its design and considered
each several feature, we have not as yet exhausted the matter of
our theme. An important part of the problem remains to be
discussed, and that is the place of its discovery, the how and the
why of its deposit there, and the possibility of light to be derived
from the historical associations of the locality. It was found near the
Isle of Athelney. This looks like a piece of circumstantial evidence
tending to identify the Alfred named in the Epigraph, and to
associate the Jewel with the chief and central episode in the career
of our national hero. The momentous crisis which is thus reflected in
the Jewel seems to open a wider view, and to demand some
enlargement of this Essay, so as to embrace a glimpse of that
eventful story.
 THE ISLE OF ATHELNEY.

Of all this we now, after the lapse of a thousand years, speak as

men who know the sequel, and (because we do know the sequel) it
is the harder for us to appreciate the intensity of that crisis. We are
helped by the occurrence of an opportune discovery. Just when our
nation was beginning to be ripe for historical reflection and capable
of entering into the struggles of our remote forefathers, there was
‘dug up’ in the locality where Alfred took refuge in the year 878, a
personal ornament bearing his name in impressive characters. It is
to us now as if the king himself had but recently passed that way
under such stress of circumstances as constrained him to hide his
royal insignia, and as if we somehow by this chance were brought
nearer to the burden of his lot, and were made sharers not only in
the fruits of his triumph, but also in the toil and the joy of his
achievement.
By the sudden surprize with which the Danes had broken the peace
and come upon him at Chippenham in the dead of winter, they had
almost fulfilled their design and taken him captive. But he had fled,
and they had Wessex at will, and were proceeding to divide and
occupy the land. The king, with a few companions, had escaped into
Selwood, and thence by wood and by fen, like hunted creatures,
they eluded pursuit, but were never secure until they had passed
beyond Pedrida.
What were his reflections on finding himself suddenly an outcast in
the winter, a fugitive in the wild? He had experienced hair-breadth
escapes, but none like this! He had trusted Guthrum’s oath, had
thought him in earnest this time! And even now he was loth to
charge this last perfidy upon him. No! this trick was not his, it came
from those buccaneers in the Severn Sea. Mad at the defeat of last
summer’s combined scheme, which they had come from far north to
support, they had forced Guthrum’s hand, and compelled him to join
them in this winter raid. And they would not stop there! Finding that
he had given them the slip, they would certainly be down upon
some part of the coast of Somerset or of Devon, and preparations
must be made to receive them. Odda will surely be stirring: he is
safe to be on the alert! I must find out what he is doing, and we
must work on a plan; he in Devon, and I in Somerset!
It was now twelve years since he had come to the front, and had
taken his stand by the side of his brother Æthered. The moment
when he had begun to share in public affairs had coincided with a
great change in the situation. That was the time when the invaders
acquired a footing in East Anglia: they made there a centre of
operations from which they went out and to which they came in—it
had become the head quarters of an invading host which manifested
a settled design of conquest. Previously the incursions of the
Northmen had been desultory, but from that time they had become
methodical. This change had coincided with the death of Æthelbriht
in 866, and the accession of Æthered. In the following year had died
Alhstan, that vigilant patriot, the old warlike bishop of Sherborne.
Æthered and I were the two youngest of the family, and our
relations had been peculiarly close. Before we were united by public
cares, we had been partners in our private concerns. Our several
estates had been kept in one and worked in common, under agreed
conditions, so that they had remained undivided. Our names had
been coupled together by the common voice of the nation. The style
was ever thus:—Æþered cyning and Ælfred his broþur.
Oh what a fearful time it was for Angelcynn, that five years of
Æthered’s reign! Northumbria, that old imperial kingdom, was
crushed; Mercia reduced to make a peace with the heathen, which
was the best we could effect by marching in force to Nottingham to
support Burgred and Æthelswith! And, worst of all, the East Angles
defeated in battle, the good king Edmund slain (he fought like a
hero, and died like a martyr); the land conquered, possessed, and
turned from an Anglian into a Danish kingdom!
It was our turn next. All was at length ripe for the subjugation of
Wessex, and on this aim they brought all their strength to bear. We
made a gallant stand at Ashdown against overwhelming odds; we
slew their kings and jarls, and made their practised braves fly before
the rustic militia of Ecgberht. Eight pitched battles in that year,
besides smaller fights without number. But Æthered died at Easter.
Rightly the people revere him as a saint. So I was left to continue
the struggle single-handed.
Since then they have established themselves in the possession of
London, and they have banished Burgred and set up for king in
Mercia a tool of their own; also Halfdan has abolished the kingdom
of Northumbria and partitioned the land. And amidst all this, what a
destruction of religious houses, seats of piety and learning and
education—Lindisfarne, Wearmouth, Jarrow, York, Ripon, Bardney,
Ely, Crowland, Medeshamstead, and many others.
They have destroyed the powers of Northumbria and Mercia; but
there they had a point in their favour which is against them here.
The Welsh at the back of those nations were always ready to co-
operate with the invader, but that is not so here in the west. The
Cornish have never made common cause with the heathen since the
battle of Hingston Down, in which that coalition was quashed by
Ecgberht. And we have a still better guarantee in the constant policy
of Wessex ever since the days of Ina and Aldhelm. The territorial
quarrel was then appeased, and the religious difference too. The
West Welsh were conquered, but they were never wantonly
humiliated, no man was ejected from his own. They appreciated the
respect and even honour that was shown to their favourite church of
Glastonbury. Therefore I have good hope of the support of the men
of Somerset.
True, we have to count upon the hostility of the Welsh on the
opposite shore of the Severn Sea, where the Danish fleets find
harbour and all friendly countenance. Still, that is not quite the same
thing as having an active enemy behind your back upon the same
stretch of territory. Here in this west country the people differ only in
degrees of allegiance, none are actively hostile. This is the weak
point in the position of the invaders. This is the one little bit of
advantage that still remains to us. I must improve it to the utmost!
But first of all we must provide against a sudden descent on the
coast. For the last two years events have succeeded one another at
a quickened pace: surprize on surprize! There, under the opposite
coast, lies a heathen fleet, ready to be down upon us without notice!
The coast-wardens must be kept up to the mark, and I not to be
seen in it!
The mobility of these troopers defies calculation! How unexpected
and startling was that occupation of Wareham last autumn! How
daringly defiant of gods and men that breach of their most sacred
oath! When by that perjury they had lulled our mistrust, they made
a sudden rush for Exeter! Perfidy is part of their tactics. How
wonderful, how divinely providential, that storm off Swanage, which
wrecked the perfidious plan! And now, not to be baulked, they
pounce upon Chippenham in time of truce and in mid-winter,
thinking to capture me! How great in war is the unexpected! Without
perfidy, I too must learn to meditate surprize; I must contrive how to
distract their calculations, and strike where least expected.
With some such a strain of thought as this (if I have followed him
aright) now ruminated the undaunted king, in whom thought was
the spring of action. Moreover, he reasoned thus with himself: ‘So
long as winter lasts, they cannot follow me with the host by the way
that I have come, but if they learn my whereabouts, they may easily
find adventurers who would undertake to kill me. Wherefore I must
not make myself too freely known, but proceed cautiously, and make
proof of men before I trust myself to them. To most I must appear
like some mounted yeoman hunter who follows the high deer that
abound in the forests about these hills. And as for this sacred toy,
this personal enigma, this Jewel of ceremony, which many eyes have
beheld, I must no longer carry it about me, lest peradventure it
make me known unawares. I will bury it in some convenient spot!’

The western boundary of Wessex had for centuries been the Great
Wood of which the ancient name still survives as a specific element
in the historic designation of Frome Selwood.
This great wood was also called Wealwudu, a very natural and
appropriate name, because it had long been the barrier between the
Saxon and the Welsh populations. Here lies the most fitting scene for
the story of Denewulf. In the time when the king was a fugitive, he
found this man keeping swine in the forest, and he discovered in him
a great natural capacity and aptness for good, and after his return to
power he educated Denewulf, and made him bishop of Winchester.
This story does not run on all fours, because according to the best
authorities Denewulf became bishop of Winchester in 879, and if he
was keeping swine in 878, being already of mature age, it smacks
rather of hagiology than of history. But it may be that the marvel has
been enhanced in transmission; or if we choose the lowest estimate
and call it mere fiction, still it is worth while observing what manner
of stories were invented about king Alfred.
Behind this barrier the Danes had never been able to get a footing.
As if aware how greatly this was needed for the success of their
designs upon Wessex, they had made several attempts. Two great
efforts which imply this aim were made at the end of the reign of
Ecgberht. The force of thirty-five ships which that king repelled at
Charmouth, on the coast of Dorset, seems to indicate something
more than merely a plundering incursion.
In 835, a great naval armament (micel sciphere) came to the
Cornish coast and were joined by the West Welsh, and they
gathered in force at Hingston Down, where they probably intended
to fortify themselves; when Ecgberht appeared with an army, and
dispersed them.
The next recorded attempt of the kind was in the year 845, in the
reign of Æthelwulf, when the Wicengas entered the mouth of the
Parret, and were met by the posse comitatus of the two shires,
Somerset and Dorset, under their two ealdormen, and Alhstan the
warlike bishop of Sherborne.
Only in the very last year (877) their land-force had, by a perfidious
surprize, seized Exeter, acting in concert with a fleet of one hundred
and twenty ships, which were to sail up the Exe and co-operate with
them—but they were wrecked in a storm off Swanage [30]. This
disaster, combined with the promptitude of the king in assault, had
compelled them to capitulate, and had dislodged them from Exeter.
Of the same nature and motive was the attempt of this spring on the
coast of Devon at a place which Asser calls Cynwit, with a force of
twenty-three ships, which were wintering on the opposite coast of
the Severn Sea. The repulse was complete and the blow decisive,
but the name of the English leader is not given by the contemporary
annalist. A hundred and twenty years later, Ethelwerd calls him Odda
the ealdorman of Devonshire. The reticence of the Chronicle
suggests that this achievement was conducted by Alfred while he
was keeping in the background, lest the place of his retreat should
become known.
Gradually and by the spontaneous action of natural causes, the
western barrier of the Saxon was moved from the line of Selwood to
the fenland of Pedrida. This barrier was deeper bedded in the soil,
was harder to pass, and has left behind it memories more indelible.
The first explicit notice of this virtual transfer of the western
boundary meets us seventeen years later than the epoch with which
we are now engaged, and it may be worth while to go so far out of
our way in order the better to realize the import of Pedrida.
In the last decade of Alfred’s reign, when he was in the agony of
that supreme crisis which tested the value of his institutions, a great
muster of force was called for, and the extent of the contributing
area is sketched by the annalist as matter of amazement. ‘There
gathered Æthered aldorman and Æthelm aldorman and Æthelnoth
aldorman, and the king’s Thanes who were then at home in the
fortifications, from every garrison east of Pedrida (whether west of
Selwood or east), likewise also north of Thames and west of Severn:
—moreover some part of the Welsh nation[31].’
Here we mark the startling novelty that the Welsh in 894 are seen
aiding the Saxon against the Dane; and we can hardly forgo a
passing cry of wonder and pleasure at this signal token of the
imperial success of Alfred’s policy. But our present concern is with
the recognition of Pedrida as the westernmost limit of Wessex
proper instead of Selwood, and the implication that the change was
recent. We see that Selwoodshire (as the intervening district was
popularly called) was by 894 quite assimilated and included in the
military administration of Wessex, but that beyond Pedrida some
other rule was operative at that time. Such a fact reflects back an
illustrative light upon the year 878, and helps us to estimate the
situation of Alfred when he was in Somerset beyond Pedrida.
The political division here indicated has left traces which may still be
recognized, particularly in the dialect and in folk-lore. Of the dialect
we have a remarkable monument in Mr. Elworthy’s works, The
Dialect of West Somerset, and his West Somerset Word-Book.
Especially to be noted is the ‘u’ of the West Country, which is
radically one with the Welsh ‘u’ and with the French ‘u,’ while at the
same time it has a very distinct local character of its own. Every
Englishman who is conversant with the French language knows how
hard it is to acquire the utterance of the French ‘u’ after the age of
infancy. A like strangeness is experienced by English people born
east of Pedrida, when they attempt to reproduce the western ‘u.’ In
fact, this vowel-sound is Keltic; it is a legacy from our British
predecessors.
Not that this British ‘u’ is absolutely confined to the western
promontory: it may be occasionally heard in other parts of the
country by a cultivated and observant ear. Mr. Mayhew once told me
that he had heard it in the Corn Market at Oxford. But though not
confined to the lands west of Pedrida, it is in a peculiar manner
concentrated there. It is chiefly in Devonshire that this peculiar
vowel has wakened wider attention, but this is simply because that
county has been the most frequented as a place of holiday resort.
The so-called Devonian ‘u’ and its contiguous sounds have been
described many times from first to last, but it has been mostly in
that perfunctory vein which contents the summer tourist. It is rare to
catch such a plain and solid illustration as the following, which is
quoted from the preface to Mr. Elworthy’s West Somerset Word-
Book:—‘I was a passive listener at Brandon’s while a bonnet was
being discussed, and when making the payment ventured to remark
to the young lady, “You must have been a long time in London.” “Oh
yes, ten years; but why do you ask?” “Only for information,” said I.
“And did you come straight from Teignmouth?” With much surprise
at my supposing she came from Devonshire, she said at length that
she was a native of Newton Abbott. I could not pretend to define the
precise quality of her two, but it was only in that one word that I
recognized her locality.’
If the vocabulary of this dialect were minutely examined by a
competent Welsh scholar, some British words might be detected.
Among those which would deserve early attention are plum (soft, as
a bed), pilm or pillum (dust), welt (to beat, thrash).
Another local characteristic of the West Welsh promontory is this,
that it is the peculiar haunt of a race of whimsical or mischievous
sprites called Piskies or Pixies. In South Devon and Cornwall any one
whose conduct is strange and unaccountable is said to be pisky-led.
This is a branch of the numerous kindred of that versatile Puck,
whose memory is kept fresh by the Midsummer Night’s Dream. In an
Anglo-Saxon perambulation of land at Weston by Bath, we meet with
a Pucan Wyl, Puck’s Well[32]. The English Dialect Dictionary
preserves the name of Aw-Puck for Will-o’-the-Wisp or ignis fatuus, a
compound which imports that he is the most dangerous of the
species. This name was current in Worcestershire, but is now
obsolete [33].
These are the more obvious extant traces of the long isolation of the
trans-Pedridan world: others there are which have attracted inquiry,
such as peculiar customs, implements, songs and song-tunes, which
latter have been investigated by Dr. Bussell and the Rev. S. Baring-
Gould.

The Somerset to which Alfred retired was widely unlike the Somerset
of to-day. In this respect three points may be taken: (1) Differences
in the distribution of land and water; (2) differences in the trees and
woods and game; (3) differences in the political aspect of the
population.
1. West Somerset was separated from East Somerset by wide inland
waters: the beds of the Brue and Parret were lakes in the winter,
and only passable in summer to those who knew the ground.
Pedrida was regarded as a natural limit, like the sea itself, dividing
nations; it was spoken of in like phraseology. Thus we read in 658
how Cenwalh warred against the Welsh and drave them even unto
Pedrida[34]; and, in 682, how Centwine drave the Bret-Welsh even
unto the sea[35].
The cause of that expanse of water and large area of fenland
happened far back beyond historical chronology, and we can only
date it by using the geological method of reckoning time. Far back in
the sub-glacial era a subsidence of the land took place which
affected the coast of Somerset and North Devon. Proof of this is
found in a submarine forest extending along the south coast of the
Severn Sea, which has long been known. ‘That portion of it visible at
Porlock was described in 1839 by Sir Henry de la Beche, and more
recently by Mr. Godwin Austen in an essay read before the
Geological Society in 1865[36].’
Subsequently the Rev. H. H. Winwood and Professor Boyd Dawkins
verified the discovery by a thorough examination of the forest-bed.
Near Minehead the forest consists of oak, ash, alder, and hazel,
which grew on a blue clay. An ancient growth of oak, ash, and yew
is found everywhere underneath the peat or alluvium in the
Somersetshire levels. Throughout this wide area the trees were
destroyed by the growth of peat, or by the deposits of the floods,
except at a few isolated spots, which stand at a higher level than
usual, in the great flat extending between the Polden Hills and the
Quantocks. One of these oases, a little distance to the west of
Middlezoy, is termed the Oaks, because those trees form a marked
contrast to the prevailing elms and willows of the district. In the
neighbouring ditches, that gradually cut into peat, and then into silt,
prostrate oaks are very abundant[37].
Subsidence of the land at a remote geological period was the cause
of the impassable state of these levels in the time of king Alfred, and
the modern system of drainage which was carried out at a later date
has been the cause of the improved condition which we see now,
and which has made the Vale of Taunton Dean proverbial as the
Garden of England.
2. In Alfred’s time the eye was greeted by a variety of trees which
are not observable now. The elm predominates all over the plain. I
asked the occupier of Athelney Farm about the trees on his land, and
he said there was hardly anything but elm. Of other kinds he had
only two ash-trees and one beech; ‘but (he added) we find bog-oak
in the moors, and it makes good gate-posts.’ The elms have driven
out both oak and ash, and whatever other sorts they touched in
their ‘wrastling’ progress. These sombre grenadiers dress up their
lines so close as to leave little room for other trees. They suck the
fruitful soil more than any other tree, and they repay their costly
nurture with timber of inferior value. Introduced by the Romans to
serve as stakes and props in the culture of the vine, they have
overrun the land like the imported rabbits in some of our colonies. In
Alfred’s day these hungry aliens had not yet usurped the field, and
there was still room for the display of the rich variety of nature—oak,
ash, beech, fir, maple, yew, sycamore, hornbeam, holly, poplar,
aspen, alder, hazel, wych-elm, apple, cherry, juniper, elder, willow,
mountain ash, spindle-tree, buckthorn, hawthorn, wild plum, wild
pear, service-tree, &c. But now, the fair places of the field are
encumbered by the tall cousins of the nettle, and the most
diversified of English counties is muffled with a monotonous shroud
of outlandish and weedy growth.
In the animal world, likewise, the lapse of a thousand years has
brought change. In the pastures the most frequent animal is the
cow, and only on rare occasions, as we view the moors from some
elevated ‘tump,’ have we the chance to see a little company of
antlered deer careering over the open plain, clearing the rhines with
an airy bound. In Alfred’s time too, cow-keeping was a stock
industry, and we read of the king as entertained incognito by one of
his own cowherds (apud quendam suum vaccarium).
But the proportion of wild to domesticated animals was far greater
then than it is now. The whole stretch of country from Pedrida to the
end of Exmoor, fifty miles long and twenty miles wide, was then
almost a continuous forest, abounding with game of all kinds, but
especially with red deer, which still continues, though in diminished
numbers. This noble creature is thus described by Bewick:—
‘The Stag or Red Deer. This is the most beautiful animal of the deer
kind. The elegance of his form, the lightness of his motions, the
flexibility of his limbs, his bold, branching horns, which are annually
renewed, his grandeur, strength, and swiftness, give him a decided
pre-eminence over every other inhabitant of the forest[38].’
The red deer still lives and breeds along the southern coast of the
Severn Sea, and this is I believe the only part of Great Britain in
which this right royal animal still ranges at large in all the freedom of
nature. I am informed by my friend Mr. Townshend that in Ireland
they are kept as an ornament in some gentlemen’s parks, but that in
a free state of nature they survive only in the mountains of Killarney.
Here it will be useful to read Leland’s notes of travel across the
lowlands of Somerset, especially as they touch some places with
which we are concerned. (I quote from the Proceedings of the
Somersetshire Archæological and Natural History Society, No. xxxiii,
‘Leland in Somersetshire, 1540–1542.’)

‘Thens to Cury-Malet a 3. Miles, wher is a Parke longging to

Chambernoun of Devonshire.
I left this Parke a litle on the lift Hand, and sone after cam over
a great Brook, that resith West South West, and rennith East
North East into Ivel a 2. Miles above Michelborow by Estimation.
(Here I cam from the Hilly Ground to the Low and Marschy
Ground of Somerseteshir.)
Thens to North Cury stille by low Ground aboute a 2. Miles or
more. The Chirch of Welles hath fair Landes here.
And hereabout is Stoke Gregory, wher the Chirch of Welles hath
Possessions.
Thens about a Mile to the Ripe of Thone Ryver, by the which I
passed by the space of half a Mile, and then I went over Thone
by a Wood Bridge.
Athelney lyith half a Mile lower on Thon, and ther is a Bridge of
Wood to entre thabbay[39], and beneth that almost at the very
Confluence of Thone and Ivel is another Wood Bridge over
Thone.
 Thonetoun alias Tawntoun is a 5. Miles by South West from
Athelney.
Ther is a great Bridge on Thone at Basford a Mile lower then
Thonetoun.
From this Bridge by Athelney I rode by a low Marsch Ground a
2. Miles to Pedertun Park.
Here at Pederton the soyle Westward and South West rysith
agayn and ys not fenny.
There ys a great Numbre of Dere longging to this Park, yet hath
it almost no other Enclosure but Dikes to let the Catelle of the
Commune to cum yn.
The Dere trippe over these Dikes and feede al about the
Fennes, and resort to the Park agayn. There is a praty Lodge
moted yn the Parke.
There cummith a praty Broke thorough the Park, and half a Mile
beneth the Park it goith ynto Ivel.
This Brooke is caullid Peder, and risith West South West yn the
Hylles aboute a 2. Myles of. First it cummith by Noth Pedreton, a
praty uplandisch Toun, wher is a fair Chirch, the Personage
whereof was impropriate to Mynchin bocland.
Then it touchith on South Pederton, in the which Paroch the
Parke standith, and so to the Ryver of Ivel.
From the Lodge in Pederton Parke to Northpedertun a Mile.
From Northpedertun to Bridgewater 2. Miles. The way or I cam
ynto Bridgwater was caused with Stone more then half a Myle.’

Here we may observe that Leland appears to know of no river

Parret; to him it was ‘Ivel.’ It would be curious to learn when and
how a minor tributary gave its name of Parret to the lower waters of
the Ivel. It may be surmised that Pedrida was never the name of a
river, but of a belt of country, and that it may have meant ‘the
passage or ford of the Peder,’ Leland’s ‘praty broke.’ The name seems
to contain the Welsh rhyd, a ford. At first it may have denoted the
ford of the Peder, and then by natural extension it may have come to
designate the whole fenland of the lower Ivel.
3. Racial differences were still seen and felt. The West Welsh had
been conquered, and were now living in peaceful subjection, and
forming an outlying part of the kingdom of Wessex; but still they
were imperfectly assimilated.
The old internecine quarrel between the races had in this western
land been hushed and calmed; and on no other border were the
British living and mingling with their conquerors on such amicable
terms. There was a very great difference between the disposition of
the West Welsh towards the Saxon and that of the ‘North Welsh’ on
the opposite coast of the Severn Sea.
These pacific relations were not of recent date; they appear as a
deliberate policy in the reign of Ina before the end of the seventh
century, and even earlier indications of this tendency may be
gleaned which carry us back two hundred years behind the reign of
Alfred.
When in 665, Wina[40], bishop of Winchester, consecrated Ceadda
(St. Chad), he had with him two British bishops as his assistants.
These two bishops must have belonged to the West Welsh. Further,
there is reason to believe that Ceadwalla, though descended from
Cerdic, and king of Wessex, was half a Briton. Again: the legendary
tales about Ina’s legislation which are embodied in the so-called
Laws of Edward the Confessor, however unhistorical, have possibly a
traditional value as characterizing the attitude of Wessex towards her
British subjects in the seventh and eighth centuries. In this
apocryphal text it is said that by Ina’s enactment ‘the British were
declared politically equal with the English, and that as he himself
had set the example of a Welsh marriage, so he would that
connubium between the two races should be legally recognized.’
These are distorted reminiscences of the historical fact that Ina
maintained a conciliatory policy towards the conquered British, and
in this course he was well supported or perhaps guided by Aldhelm,
abbot of Malmesbury, who in 704 was requested by a synod to write
a letter to Gerontius (Geraint), king of Damnonia, and exhort him
and his people to conformity with Catholic usage in the time of
keeping the Easter festival. The letter was sent, and it is still extant.
It is addressed, in respectful and courteous language—‘To the most
glorious prince, swaying the sceptre of the Western realm, whom I,
the searcher of the heart is my witness, do embrace with brotherly
charity—to king Geraint and to all God’s priests dwelling in
Damnonia, Aldhelm, &c.[41]’
And when, shortly afterwards, Hædde, bishop of Winchester, died,
and the moment had arrived for the long-contemplated division of
the vast diocese of Wessex, Aldhelm became bishop ‘to the west of
the wood,’ over a province which (as Ethelwerd tells us) was
commonly called Selwoodshire. Aldhelm died in 709 upon one of his
episcopal journeys, at the village of Doulting on the western brow of
Mendip, between Wells and Frome. His memory has been locally
revived in the present century by the discovery of a small Saxon
church in Bradford-on-Avon, which has been identified by competent
judges with the ecclesiola which William of Malmesbury says that
Aldhelm built in that place. To him was probably due the
preservation of the British monastery at Glastonbury and its
endowment by king Ina.
That spot was dear to the British patriot as the mysterious sojourn of
their hero, who in due time was to return and revive the ancient
glory of the British name. The extant books in which this legend is
recorded are later than the time of Alfred, but the romance itself is
of the sixth century. Our oldest English form of it is of about a.d.
1200.

THE PASSING OF ARTHUR

(From Laȝamon’s Brut, line 28,582.)

Arthur wes forwunded Arthur was wounded

wunderliche swithe. very dangerously.
Ther to him com a cnaue, There to him came a youth
the wes of his cunne; who was of his kin;
he wes Cadores sune, he was son of Cador,
the eorles of Cornwaile. the earl of Cornwall.
Constantin hehte the cnaue; Constantine hight the youth;
he wes than kinge deore. to the king he was dear.
Arthur him lokede on, Arthur looked upon him,
ther he lai on folden, where he lay on the ground,
and thas word seide, and these words said,
mid sorhfulle heorte: with sorrowful heart:
Constantin thu art wilcume, Constantine thou art welcome,
thu weore Cadores sune; thou wert Cador’s son;
ich the bitache here, I here commit to thee,
mine kineriche: my kingdom:
* * * * * *
And ich wulle uaren to Aualun, And I will fare to Avalon,
to uairest alre maidene; to the fairest of all maidens;
to Argante there quene, to Argante the queen,
aluen swithe sceone: elf exceeding sheen;
and heo scal mine wunden and she shall my wounds
makien alle isunde; make all sound;
al hal me makien, all whole me make,
mid haleweiȝe drenchen. with healing drinks.
And seothe ich cumen wulle And sith return I will
to mine kineriche: to my kingdom:
and wunien mid Brutten, and dwell with Britons,
mid muchelere wunne. with much delight.
Æfne than worden, Even with these words,
ther com of se wenden, lo came from sea wending,
that wes an sceort bat lithen, that was a short boat sailing,
sceouen mid vthen: driving with the waves:
and twa wimmen therinne, and two women therein,
wunderliche idihte: of wondrous aspect:
and heo nomen Arthur anan, and they took Arthur anon,
and aneouste hine uereden, and straight him bore away,
and softe hine adun leiden, and softly down him laid,
and forth gunnen hine lithen. and forth with him to sea
they gan to move away.
Tha wes hit iwurthen, Then was it come to pass,
that Merlin seide whilen: what Merlin said whilome:
that weore unimete care, that there should be much curious care
of Arthures forth fare. when Arthur out of life should fare.
Bruttes ileueth ȝete, Britons believe yet,
that he beo on liue, that he be alive,
and wunnie in Aualun, and dwelling in Avalon,
mid fairest alre aluen: with the fairest of all elves;
and lokieth euere Bruttes ȝete, still look the Britons for the day
whan Arthur cume lithen. of Arthur’s coming o’er the sea.

All this history was known to Alfred and went to swell the stream of
his meditations, which tended to assure him that he had a fresh and
promising field before him, and to mature in him the purpose of
exerting himself to win the hearty attachment of this well-affected
but still half alien population.

Between Twelfth Day and Easter Day of the year 878 there were
barely eleven weeks, for Easter fell early that year, namely on March
23. Of Alfred’s doings in that interval we have no information, except
in so far as it seems to be indicated that the affair of Cynwit was not
conducted without his intervention. And we may add the traditional
story of the cakes, a story which probably dates from Alfred’s day, as
we have reasonably good evidence that it was current in the tenth
century. Nor may we omit his espial of the Danish camp in minstrel
guise, a legend which, though not found in early authorities, yet
does claim some credit from the book in which it is narrated, namely
the Book of Hyde—a book in which we might expect to find some
early traditions of New Minster, one of king Alfred’s foundations.
But while we desire to make the most of these items, it must be
admitted that they constitute an inadequate furniture for eleven
weeks of Alfred’s time in the most intense crisis of his life. At any
other point in Alfred’s career, the silence of so many weeks might
not provoke remark, but at this moment it makes a sensible void. If,
however, we rightly apprehend the situation of the fugitive king, his
hopes and his fears, his aims and his resources, we may (in the light
of the great result) indulge a sober imagination without fear of
considerable error.
Among the pieces of genuine tradition which seem to greet the
explorer in Asser’s Life, there is perhaps none on which we may
more confidently lean than a certain fragment in the paragraph
beginning ‘Interea tamen rex[42].’
The drift of this context is that with all his wars and frequent
interruptions, Alfred ruled his kingdom, and ‘practised every branch
of the craft of venery; directed his goldsmiths and all his artificers;
did moreover instruct the falconers and hawk-catchers and dog-
trainers; and by his own novel engineering constructed buildings
beyond all former wont, statelier and more costly; had Saxon books
read to him, and commanded others to learn Saxon poems by heart,
&c.’
In this passage I seem to recognize a true historic note; and I think
that in this picture of the range of his powers, and the roll of his
accomplishments, his vast activity and versatility, we have some
genuine reminiscences of the personality of Alfred. In the emphasis
here laid on hunting, we may recognize the king who, some years
later, sent a present of wolfhounds to the archbishop of Rheims, and
such dogs, too, that their quality and breed was accentuated by the
receiver in his grateful acknowledgement[43]. And when to this we
add that he could make and sing a song, could tell a good tale,
could make choice of men and win their confidence, we need little
aid from imagination to perceive how this mysterious visitor might
captivate the British hearts of all Somerset like one man, and
perhaps set them wondering whether it could be their own ideal king
Arthur come back to them again.
During nearly three months of that eventful year his aim was to
cultivate closer relations with the people of that outlying territory,
desiring that they might become attached to him with sentiments of
loyalty and friendship. To devote himself to this undertaking was at
once his duty, his interest, and his delight. For such an achievement
as this he had advantages both natural and acquired. Apart from
war, there is nothing like hunting for making comrades, if a man
have a genial soul and be himself a mighty hunter. Alfred was a
mighty hunter and a genial soul, and close at hand there was one of
the finest hunting-grounds in the world.
Immediately from the Pedridan swamp the ground began to rise to
north and north-west towards a run of hilly and woodland country
forty miles long, and from ten to twenty miles broad; a country
which remains singular to this day for its natural breed of red deer
and its chase of the great game. This royal sport survives on Exmoor
and in the Quantocks, and there are Minehead people who can tell
you that they have seen the stag-hunt scamper through their main
street in full cry.
At the entrance of this country, at a point which is conveniently
situated for uniting activity inland with a constant observation of the
line of Pedrida, is a village which is now called North Newton, with
which Petherton Park had been so long and closely linked that it
went by the popular name of Newton Park. I am led by a number of
small indications to infer that this is the place where Alfred had his
chief residence during those early months of the year 878.
When Easter came, his action began to be overt; he dropped
personal disguise, and stood forth as Ælfred cyning. ‘When Easter
came, king Alfred, with a small force, constructed a fort at Athelney,
and out of that fort was warring against the invading host, he and
the men of Somerset, that portion of them which was nighest[44].’
This is the action of a commander who has made sure of his
following, and is now beginning his operations against the enemy.
He fortifies himself on the east side of the bridge, where a conical
hill offers an opportune position; and from that basis he opens a
guerilla warfare with the invaders. He does not show his hand: he
rather wants to be thought weak. This naturally draws away from
head quarters more and more of the hostile force, who think that
they shall presently deal a last blow to the Saxon resistance. And so
with a petty and apparently futile display of military force, he
continues to amuse and distract the enemy for the next six weeks.
The impression made on the mind of the people by these events is
traceable in two names: Athelney, which now represents Æthelinga
Eig, the island of princes; and Borough Bridge, which means the
bridge at the fortification. The fort which Alfred made in 878 is well
preserved, the entrenchments occupying the summit of a conical hill
near the east end of the bridge which spans the Parret, after its
junction with the Tone.
How the king had employed the unrecorded months is manifest in
the result. His muster-roll at Brixton Deveril, in the words of a
contemporary, is brief yet eloquent: ‘Then in the seventh week after
Easter he rode to Ecgbrihtes Stân, on the eastern side of Selwood,
and to meet him at that place came the men of Somerset, all of
them, and the Wiltshire men, and of Hampshire the part that was on
the hither side of the sea; and of him fain they were.’ This passage
of the Saxon Chronicle seems to render a satisfactory account of the
manner in which the king had employed his time from Epiphany to
Easter in the year 878.
Absorbed in this supreme effort, where his all was at stake, he may
well have found no time for recovering his buried Jewel, and he may
never have revisited the spot until his marks were all obliterated.
From the land beyond Pedrida, which had hitherto counted to the
crown of Wessex only as a recent territorial acquisition, now started
up around the fugitive king an army of devoted warriors, who
resolutely threw their weight into the scale, and rescued the dynasty
of their conquerors.
Such was the nature of the force which Alfred now with a swelling
heart perceived to be entirely at his disposal, and he buckled to the
task of employing them to the best advantage. From the entrenched
hill by Borough Bridge he prosecuted the war against the Danes,
whose basis was at Chippenham, and this he continued for six
weeks. This he could do with a small force, as he had great
advantages of position. Between him and the foe lay the fenny
channel of the Brue, which he and his people were expert in
crossing. So it was comparatively easy for him to harass them and
retire to his fort.
This kind of warfare, continued for six weeks, must have had the
designed effect of drawing off from the strength of the foe in
Wiltshire, and causing them to concentrate their attention upon this
feigned line of attack. For all this was only to amuse and distract the
enemy, and so to facilitate the execution of a very different project,
which the king was preparing. What was passing in Alfred’s mind
may (in all essentials) be read in Lord Roberts’s narrative of his
preparations for attacking the Afghans, when they were entrenched
on the Peiwar Kotal in December, 1878[45]. By making display of
reconnoitring parties and other preparations as for a front attack,
carrying this on to the extent of raising batteries and mounting guns,
till he had caused the enemy to make counter dispositions
accordingly, he with the utmost secrecy by a circuitous night march
made a flank attack, taking them unprepared, and promptly
dislodged them from an apparently impregnable position. So Alfred,
while waging the six weeks’ war, had his trusty messengers abroad
all through Wiltshire and Hampshire, preparing for the tryst at
Ecgbrihtes Stân.
Well may we exclaim with Sir Walter Besant—‘What follows is like a
dream!’ Yea, verily, like a dream in its sudden transformation of the
whole face and prospect of things, and equally unaccountable too;
for no attempt to explain it by natural causes will ever match the
stupendous result. It is not in order to dispel an illusion that we seek
to trace the plan and the process—the illusion cannot be dispelled.
No, rather it is in order to penetrate further into the action of a life
that has kindled our admiration. Of that life we have a mirror in the
enthusiasm with which his presence had fired the Welsh of Somerset
beyond Pedrida. It is surely no mere accident that in the
memorandum of that resolute force which mustered for his
restoration, the first item should be—Sumorsæte alle.

[30] Among promising fields of exercise in exploring

the bed of the sea, there is the coast from Swanage
Bay round to St. Aldhelm’s Head, which might yield
some durable relics from the loot of ancient
monasteries. And if Alfred really did purchase the
evacuation of Wareham in 877, ‘pecuniam dando,’ as
Ethelwerd has it, the very coins may still be there, and
in a good state of preservation.
[31] Þa gegaderode Æþered ealdormon and Æþelm
ealdorman and Æþelnoþ ealdorman, and þa cinges
þegnas þe þa æt ham æt þæm geweorcum wæron, of
alcre byrig be eastan Pedredan, ge be westan
Sealwuda ge be eastan; ge eac be norþan Temese,
and be westan Sæfern, ge eac sum dæl þæs Norð
Weal cynnes. Sax. Chron., . 894.
[32] Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus, vol. iii, p. 423;
Birch, Cartularium Saxonicum, No. 814.
[33] The English Dialect Dictionary. Edited by Joseph
Wright, M.A., Ph.D., Deputy Professor of Comparative
Philology in the University of Oxford.
[34] 658. Her Cenwalh gefeaht æt Peonnum wiþ Walas
and hie gefliemde oþ Pedridan.
[35] 682. On þissum geare Centwine gefliemde Bret
Wealas oþ sæ.
[36] Proceedings of the Somersetshire Archæological
and Natural History Society, vol. xviii.
[37] From an Address by Professor Boyd Dawkins in
the Proceedings of the Somersetshire Archæological
and Natural History Society for the year 1872.
[38] A General History of Quadrupeds. The Figures
engraved on Wood by Thomas Bewick, 1820, p. 135.
In Taunton Castle, which is the home and museum of
the Somersetshire Archæological and Natural History
Society, the form and beauty of the red deer may be
contemplated in a fine specimen which is set up in the
great hall, the very hall of the Bloody Assize.
[39] Appendix E.
[40] The West Saxon form of this name was Wine, but
I write it Wina, as also I adopt the Latin form Ina, in
place of the genuine Ine, lest the English reader
should allow it to pass through his mind in the shape
of a monosyllable. The Anglian forms of these names
(in Bede) are Ini and Wini.
[41] ‘Domino gloriosissimo occidentalis regni sceptra
gubernanti, quem ego, ut mihi scrutator cordis et
rerum testis est, fraterna caritate amplector, Gerontio
Regi simulque cunctis Dei sacerdotibus per
Domnoniam conversantibus, Althelmus, &c.’ Haddan
and Stubbs, Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents
relating to Great Britain and Ireland, vol. iii, p. 268.
[42] In the edition by F. Wise (1722) it is on p. 48; in
Monumenta Historica Britannica, p. 486.
[43] This letter is printed in the edition of Asser by F.
Wise, p. 123; and the most important parts are given
in English by Mr. Conybeare, Alfred in the Chroniclers,
p. 218.
[44] And þæs on Eastron worhte Ælfred cyning, litle
werede, geweorc æt Æþelinga eigge, and of þam
geweorce was winnende wiþ þone here, and
Sumursætna se dæl se þær niehst wæs. Sax. Chron.,
. 878.
[45] Forty-one Years in India, chap. xlvi.
 CHAPTER IX
NEWTON PARK AND FAIRFIELD HOUSE
From the date of its discovery in 1693 down to the present time, the
name of ‘Newton Park’ has been associated with the Alfred Jewel as
designating the property on which it was found. In our day, however,
this name is no longer recognized in the neighbourhood, and indeed
it is apt to be misleading. For this title is now current in Somerset in
another sense, namely, as denoting the seat of Earl Temple at
Newton St. Loe, near Bath. Still the honorific appellation of ‘Newton
Park,’ for the estate on which the Jewel was discovered, will be
found to rest upon historic antecedents, which are full of interest,
and not devoid of suggestiveness for the purpose of our present
investigation.
The extant mention of this Newton carries us back a good space
behind the Norman Conquest. The Will of Ælfric, archbishop of
Canterbury, who died in 1006, affords evidence that he was a
landowner in Newton. It is not generally possible to identify a place
by a name which became so common, but the coupling of it in Abp.
Ælfric’s Will with the name of Fiddington, removes all uncertainty.
The passage in the Will (which is cast in the third person) runs thus:
‘And the land in the West Country at Fiddington and at Newton he
bequeathed to his sisters and their children[46].’
In the forest laws, which grew up after the Conquest, we find that
the custody of the royal forest of North Petherton was a serjeanty,
which was attached to the Manor of Newton and caused it to be
distinguished by the name of Newton Forester. When this Manor was
granted by King John to William de Wrotham, it was declared that he
held it by the service of being the king’s forester in the counties of
Somerset, Dorset, Devon, and Cornwall. As he does not appear to
have exercised his office beyond the county of Somerset, this
territorial definition suggests that some vague prerogative had
attached to Newton Manor at an earlier time.
In the third generation from the above grant this Manor passed with
an heiress into the hands of William de Placetis. A generation later it
was divided between three co-heiresses, Sabina, Evelina, and Emma.
Then arose a question about the office of Forester, and it was found
that it appertained to a particular messuage and meadow, and that
these were included within the portion of Sabina, so she was
declared Forester in fee of the forests of Exmoor, Neroche, Selwood,
and Mendip, likewise custodian of the warren of Somerton; and
these offices she discharged by deputy. In her time (26 Edw. I)
occurred the Perambulation of the forests of the county, in
pursuance of the Charter of the Forests which had been granted by
Henry III. The forests were to be reduced to their ancient and lawful
bounds, according to their limits at the accession of Henry I. The
annual value of the lands then disafforested was more than a
hundred times as great as that of the legal forest of North Petherton.
In the time of Edward III the Manor of Newton with its rights and
appurtenances belonged to Roger, earl of Mortimer, in whose
descendants and in the dukes of York it continued to the time of
Edward IV, when it came to the Crown, and then the Manor was
quoted as Newton Regis. During this period the powers of Forester
were delegated, and some interesting names occur in the list of
deputies:

14 Ric. II. Richard Brettle and Gefferey Chaucer, esqrs., by the

appointment of the earl of March.
21 Ric. II. Gefferey Chaucer, by Alienor, countess of March.
4 Hen. V. Thomas Chaucer, by Edward, earl of March.
8 Hen. VI. William Wrothe and Thomas Attemore.
12 Hen. VI. William Wrothe.
 29 Hen. VI. Sir William Bonville and Richard Luttrell, by the duke
of York.
14 Edw. IV. Sir Giles D’Aubeny, for life.
23 Hen. VII. Robert Wrothe, for thirty years.

Soon after the expiration of which term Sir Thomas Wrothe, son and
heir of the last-named Robert, purchased of Edward VI the fee of
Petherton Park and the Manor of Newton Regis. The office of
Forester had now fallen into decay and the ancient glory had
departed, and the transfer of this property appears to have been
governed by the ordinary considerations. In the time of Queen
Elizabeth the descendants of Sir Thomas pulled down the park
house, and carried the materials to a lodge called the Broad Lodge,
which (said Collinson in 1791) ‘the late Sir Thomas Wrothe improved
to a handsome dwelling. The whole park[47] is now converted into
farms.’ The improvements of Sir Thomas Wrothe, here mentioned,
have a probable connexion with our subject.
Such is the remarkable history of the Manor which has been at
different times known as Newton Forester, Newton Placey, Newton
Regis, and Newton Wrothe; and this history ministers occasion for a
surmise that the distinction which attended this Manor may have had
its roots considerably further back, inasmuch as the extant records
do not offer an adequate account of that peculiar prerogative which
made it so famous and so dignified.
I venture to suggest that the beginnings of this place, which has
been so eminent, and which is now known by the comparatively
obscure name of North Newton, may have been connected with the
retreat of the king to Athelney, that this may have been a spot of his
own selection. It is reached from Athelney by simply following the
rise of the ground, it is well placed for keeping an eye on the Parret,
the side from which a surprize was most to be apprehended, and it
was the approach to the fine hunting-fields of Quantock and Exmoor.
What more natural than that he should take a liking to the place and
judge it convenient for a hunting-lodge? And I venture to throw out
a surmise for consideration. May it not be that the prefix ‘New’ was
set by the king himself, who gave the name of New Minster to his
foundation at Winchester[48]?
The name of Newton properly belonged only to the Manor, but as
the lordship of this Manor was long coupled with the custody of
Petherton Park, and as the two were habitually associated in men’s
minds, the latter came to be spoken of as ‘Newton Park,’ and this
title is simply a colloquial variation and equivalent for Petherton Park.
The correct name of Petherton Park is constantly used by Leland in
the extract from his Itinerary which is given in the previous chapter.
So that when the Alfred Jewel is said to have been found in Newton
Park, this is only a popular way of saying that it was found in
Petherton Park. The discovery occurred in the time of Sir Thomas
Wrothe, who was also the enlarger of the mansion, and it is a
probable inference that it was found in the excavations which were
required for this work[49].

The scene now shifts from Newton to the neighbouring parish of

Stogursey or, as modern research has taught us to write it, Stoke
Courcy. In this parish is Fairfield House, a handsome Elizabethan
mansion in which the Alfred Jewel was preserved for a quarter of a
century, from the time of its discovery in 1693, until it was given to
the University of Oxford in 1718[50].
About the time of Henry II the lands of ‘Ferfelle’ were severed from
those of Honibere, and erected into a separate estate.
By-and-by the name slid into a new form, conveying a new idea. The
new name into which it merged is one that has been freely
propagated both at home and in the colonies, with pleasing
associations of soft and gently undulating landscape suggestive of
homely scenery and a sheltered situation. Very different is the
connotation of the name in its documentary form. In ‘Ferfelle’ we
can see only some outlying ‘remoter fell,’ such as would be little
visited save for uses of summer pasture. In Collinson’s picture of the
mansion, which is here reproduced, while the foreground seems to
justify the modern name, the hills and hanging woods at the back of
the house seem to bear out the more primitive signification of an
outlying mountain fell. And probably this was also the idea which
originally gave name to the well-known mountain in Westmoreland
over Grasmere.

FAIRFIELD HOUSE.

After a succession of owners of various names this new estate came

(14 Edw. I) into the possession of William de Vernai, who had
married the sole daughter and heiress of the previous proprietor. For
nearly three hundred years there was always a Vernai at Fairfield. In
12 Edw. IV the Vernai of that day (the fourth of the name of William)
had a licence to build a wall and seven round towers about his
mansion-house at Fairfield, and to enclose two hundred acres of
ground for a park. ‘The tomb in the Vernais isle in the fine old Priory
church of Stoke Courcy, with an image of an armed man lying
thereon, belongs to this William Vernai’ (Collinson).
Fairfield had come into the family of Vernai by an heiress, and at
length it passed in the same manner to the family of Palmer. Hugh
de Vernai left one only daughter, and she was called Elizabeth, after
the great queen, who was her godmother. On the death of her
father her wardship was granted to Sir Thomas Palmer, of Parham, in
the county of Sussex, Knt.; to whose only son, William, she was
afterwards married. Soon after this marriage, Sir Thomas Palmer
pulled down the old house, and began the present mansion, which
was completed by his grandson (also Sir Thomas Palmer, Knt.), who
inherited Fairfield in 1587. This proprietor was not a keeper at home.
In 1595 he was with Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Hawkins in the
expedition to Porto Rico, and afterwards commanded a ship at the
taking of Cadiz, where he was knighted. He was one of the most
considerable persons in the Court of Queen Elizabeth; but on the
accession of King James he resolved to spend the remainder of his
days beyond the seas, and accordingly, in the year 1605, he went
with the earl of Nottingham into Spain, where, as he was providing a
settlement for his family at Valladolid, he died of the small-pox, and
was there buried.
William Palmer, his son and heir, was a man of learning, and chose
to live in London, and he was, in the time of Charles I, fined a
thousand pounds by the Star Chamber for disobedience to the king’s
proclamation, which required all persons of estate to reside and
keep hospitality at their country houses.
His brother Peregrine, who succeeded him, went as a volunteer to
the Palatinate wars, and was afterwards an officer in the Swedish
army. As soon as the royal standard was set up he repaired to
Nottingham, and faithfully served King Charles in the commissions of
major, lieutenant-colonel, and colonel of horse, being present at the
battles of Edgehill, Marston Moor, Cropredy Bridge, and Naseby. He
died in 1684, having married Anne, the daughter of Nathaniel
Stevens, in the county of Gloucester, Esq., and he was succeeded in
the estate by his eldest surviving son, Nathaniel, who is reported in
the Philosophical Transactions as the possessor of the Alfred Jewel in
the year 1698[51]. He served in several parliaments for the boroughs
of Minehead and Bridgwater, and for the county of Somerset. The
first recorded possessor of the Alfred Jewel died in 1717. He was
succeeded by his son Thomas, who resided at Fairfield, where he
lived a studious life, investigating the antiquities of his country. His
manuscript is preserved at Fairfield, and it was a valuable source of
information to Collinson, the historian of Somerset. It is from this
source we learn that the Jewel was ‘dug up,’ an expression which
seems to justify the inference that it was not accidentally lost, but
purposely buried[52]. It was he who, in 1718, gave the Alfred Jewel
to the University of Oxford.
He married a daughter of Sir Thomas Wrothe of Petherton Park, who
died in 1721, leaving two daughters co-heiresses. The elder of these
was married to Sir Hugh Acland, of Columb-John in the county of
Devon, Bart., and the younger to Mr. Thomas Palmer, who died
without issue. He was succeeded by his brother Peregrine, who
represented the University of Oxford in several parliaments, and died
in 1762, the last survivor of his name and family. He left his estate to
Arthur Acland, Esq., his next of kin, from whom it has descended to
Sir Alexander Acland Hood, Baronet, the present owner of the
Fairfield estate.

[46] And ðe land be westan at Fittingtúne and at

Niwantúne he becwæð his sweostrum and heora
bearnum. Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus, p. 719;
Thorpe, Diplomatarium, p. 549; Earle, Land Charters,
p. 223.
[47] ‘In this park was found the curious amulet of king
Alfred, mentioned in vol. i, p. 87.’ Collinson, History of
Somerset, vol. iii, p. 62.