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EDⅥ は D GIBBON

DECLIPttO E
QUttA DO
Ⅲ PEⅢ O R0 0
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07=″ η2′ ノοθttr7η グッグθ

Dero A.Saunders

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Charles Alexander RObinson,Jr.

T7′
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ノθθη
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JOSё Pau10 Paes

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cOMPANHiADE30LSo
Copynght 0 1952 by Vlking Press,Inc.
Copyright rcnewed(0 1980 byヽ lking Pcnguin,Inc.
CopFight das notas suplcmentares OJosё Pau10 Paes
R憔あθ πα′
71g″

Decline and Fall ofthc Roman Empire― The pOrtable Gibbon

C″ ′
JeffFisher
bpα%ノ θ
Cccflia Ramos

lκ aic`θ πθ″り慮 :60

JOSё ⅣlunizJr.
Rι υι
協o
Renato Potenza Rodrigllcs
ヽ4vian iVliwa iVIatsushita

Dados lnternacionais dc Cataloga95o na publicagio(cIP)

(camara Brasileira do Liwo,sP,Brasil)
Gibbon,Edward,1737-1794
DeclFniO e qucda do lmp6riO ROmano/Edward GibbOn;
organizagio c introduφ O Dero A.Saunders;PrcLciO Charlcs
Nexander Robinson,J■ ;tradu9五 o c notas suplemcntares JoS6 Pau10
Pacs― ―Ed abre宙 ada一 ―S50 Paulo:COmpanhia das Lctras,2005

Tftl1lo origlnal Dcclinc and fal ofthe Roman Empire― ―The

portablc Gbbon
ISBN 978-85-359‐ 07∠ 4‐ 5

1 lmp6rio bizandno― Hist6Ha 2 Roma一 Hist6ria― IinP6riO,

30a.C.-4761.Saundcrs,DerO Ⅱ Robinson,Jr,Charles Nexandcr
III Pacs,JoS6 Paulo,Ⅳ Tftl110

05‐ 7885 CDD‐ 937.06

Indices para cat`logo sistem`dco:
1.Imp6rio Romano:Hist6ria,31aC-476 937.06
2 Roma antiga:Imp6rio:Hist6ria,31a.C.-476 93706

2012
Todos os direitos dcsta edig,o resenradosう
EDITORA SCIIll‐ ARCZ LTDA.
Rua Bandeira Paulista,702,cj.32
04532-002-― S,o Paulo― ―sP
TelefOne:(11)3707-3500
Fax:(11)3707-3501
ヽVヽ いVlCOmpanhiadasletras.com.br
W￢ ヽ ″lb10gdacOmpanhiaocOm.br
 SUMARIO

Pre“ clo
Cみ ″
雀ル∫
∠ル″
″πル″R彬 ′
容θ,デ49
η
1ntrodu9ao d0 0rganizador 」」

(98-180 doC。 )A extensao e o pOderiO militar do lmp6riO na

6poca dos Antoninos 夕2
Da unidade e prosperidade interna do lmp6riO ROmano na
6poca dos Aご LtOninos 5タ
Da Constituigao dO Impё rio Romano na 6poca dos Antoni―
nos ∂イ
4. (180-248 doC。 )A cmeldade,asloucuras e o assasshio de CO―
modo――Seu sucessor Pertinax 6 trllcidado pelos guardas
pretorianos――Venda p`blica dO Imp6rio a lDfdioJulianO―
TriunfO e cmel reinadO de S6timo Severo― ―A tirania de
Caracala e as 10ucuras de IIeliOgttbalo― ―Desassossego ge―
ral e r`pida sucessao de imperadOres‐ 一 Usurpa95o e jogos
seculares de Filipe Fθ 9
(248-285 doC。 )OS imperadOres D6ciO,Galo,EmilianO,ヽ L―
lerianO e Galieno――Invas5o geral dOs b`rbaros――(Ds trin―
ta tiranos― ―Reinados e vit6rias de Cldudio e Aureliano一
Intelvalo de paz ap6s a lnorte de Aureliano一 Reinados de
TttcitO,ProbO,CarO e fllhOs de CarO f26
_
6. (285-313 doC。 )O reinado de Diocleciano e seus tres ass。
ciados,Ⅳ Ia対 miano,Ga16riO e Constanci。 __Restabeleci―
mento da orden■ e tranqtilidade gerais― ―A guerra persa,
vit6島 e triunfo一 A nova fOrma de administracao― _Ab―
dicagao e ailstalllento dc IDioclecianO eル IaⅢ n■ iano F6θ
 (305-324 doC。 )Perturbac6es ap6s a abdicacaO de Dioclecia―
no― Ⅳlorte de COnstanci。 _ElevacaO de Constantino e
Maxenci。 __Seis imperadores aO mesmO tempo― ―iVIorte
de MaxlnlianO c Ga16riO__Vlt6rias de COnstantino sObre
Maxencio e LicfniO― ―Uniao dO imp6rio sob a autOridade
de COnstantino 197
8。 0 avango da religiaO crista c os sendmentos,costumeS,ni―
mero e condicao dOs cristaos prirnitivos― ―Perseguicao aos
cristaos prilnitivos 2夕 ∫
9. (300-500 doC。 )Fundactto de COnstantinopla― _Sistelna po―
lfticO de Constantino e de seus sucessores― ―lDisciplina rni_
litar――C)palttciO――As flnancas― ―‐Breve resenha do desti―
no dos fllhOs e sobrinhos de COnstantino e dOs resultadOs
da oncializagao da lgreja crist5 292
10。 (312-362d.C。 )PerseguicaO da heresia一 ―O cisma dOs dO―
natlstas― ―A cOntroversla arlana― Atanaslo― Estado de
perturbacaO da lgreia e dO Imp6rio sob COnstantino e seus
ilhOs― ―T01erancia do paganismO タイθ
(360-363 doC.)JulianO ёproclamadO imperador pelas le―
gi5es da G`lia一 ― Sua marcha e triunfO― A mOrte de Cons―
tanci。 _Administra95o ci宙 l deJulianO_Sua tentativa de
restaurar a idolatria paga― ―ル1。 rte deJulianO na campanha
persa― Seu sucessor9Jo宙 an。 ,salva O Imp6riO Romano por
meio de um tratado desonrOsO 夕∂
イ
(363-384 doC。 )Elei9う O de ValentinianO,que se associa ao
trono de seu irIIlao Valcnte e procede a divisIo flnal dOs IIn―
p6rios do Oriente e dO(Dcidente― ―Revolta dc PrOc6pio― ―
AdttiniStracao ci宙 l e eclettstica一 ―Germania_Britania
― Africa― O Oriente― O Danibio― ル10rte de Valen―
tiniano― ――Seus dOis fllhOs,GracianO eヽ LlentinianO II,sO_
ben■ aO trono do lmpё riO ocidental イIθ
(365-398 doC。 )COSmnles das nac6es pastoris― ― Avan9o dos
hunOs da China at6 a Europa― ― Fuga dOs godos― ―Eles
atravessam o Dan`bio― A guerra g6tica― ― Derrota e mor―
te de Valente__Graciano entrega a Teod6sio o lmp6rio do
Orlente― Carater e exlto de TcOd6slo― Paz e assenta―
 mento dos godos― ―TriunfO da ortOdO対 a e destruic5o flnal
do paganismo― ―As guerras civis e a rnorte de Teod6sio― ―
E)ivislo flnal do lmp6rio entre seus fllhos イイタ
14. (398-408 doC.)Revolta dOs godos― Eles saqueiam a Grё ―
cia― ―】Duas grandes invas6es da ltttlia por AlaricO e Rada―
gttsio― Sao repelidos pOr EstflicO― ― Os gerIIlanos inva―
den■ aG`lia― ―Desgraca e inOrte de Estflico イ7θ
(408-410 doC。 )InvattO da ltこ lia por Alarico一 Costllmes do
Senado e do povo rOmano― ―Roma 6 sidada por tres vezes
e flnallnente pilhada pelos gOdOs― -Obselvac5eS gerais so―
bre a queda do lmp6rio Romano do(Dcidente ,θ 7
16. Excertos da segunda inetade da obra origina1 5イ σ
l.C)Imp6rio do Oriente no sё culoヽ 覆:Io Retrato de uma
iinperatriz;Ⅱ o As fac95es do IIip6dromo ,イ 7
2.ルIaom6 e a ascensao do lsl五 J6」
3.A queda de Constantinopla(1453d.C。 )e a derroca―
da flnal do lmp6rio do(Driente ,72
4.Asl■lfnas de Roma no s6cu10〕 でv e conclusao da Obra
toda 592

1ndice onomttstico ∫9∂

Sobre o autor 6θ 7
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 PREFACIO

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,

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Zι ″ %θ 力州ι
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%″ なθ 乙ぎ中 Sル %ιπ″ .

υ″′グル′ %″ p″ ルυ,ヮ .Declmio e queda do lmpё rio Romano

た″ ∫′ηp7で ′Jgθ ル θ ψθ ε″′p′ 7′ ″ル π″ ル ∫ θ
雰 ル′ ,αssi%″ %θ
υθp′ ,′ 笏′ 笏.ヽ 物ε ηε ノ
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みθ π%″ η%υ θ %ル Ⅳ Cos,ω η 滋 あ%`∫ θ"π ra%ι π協あ″ ι∫ι 協″―
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7り勧′ルγ′ οル′
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οπ′ゆθ
″″θ
∫∠η
′θη
′η″

No sEG■ rNDO SiC■ ILO DA ERA CR【 STA,o imp6rio de Rorlla

abrangia a lrlais bela parte da terra e o segmento lnais civili―
zado da humanidade.ALs fronteiras daquela vasta mOnarquia
eram guardadas por antigo renome e disciplinada bravura.A
influencia branda mas eflcaz das leis e dOs costumeS havia gra―
duallnente ciinentado a uniao das prOvmciaso seus pacfflcOs
habitantes desfrutavan■ atё o ponto de abus0 0s privi16gios da

opulencia e do luxO.A ilnagem de uma constitllig螢 o livre era

mantida conl decoroso respeito:o Senado rOmano parecia cs―
tar investido de autOridade soberana e delegava aos imperado―
res romanos todos Os poderes executivos de governo.Durante
un■ ditoso perfOdo de inais de oitenta anos,a adnlinistragtto p`―
blica foi gerida pela prObidadq e aptid6es de Nera,Trajano,
Adriano c os dois Aご itOninoso E prOp6sito deste e dos dois ca―
pftu10s subseqtentes descrever a prosPcridade do lmp6riO sob
esses iinperadores e posteriorrrlente deduzir,a partir da lnOrte
de】/1arcO AntoninO,as circunstancias mais ilnportantes do dc―
clfniO e da queda do ditO Imp6riO,uma rev01ucao que sertt para
sempre lembrada e cujOs efeitOs sao ainda sentidOs pelas nac5es
da terra.
As principais cOnquistas dos rOmanos foran■ feitas durante
a Rep`blica;e os imperadores,na inaior parte dos casos,con―
tentaralrl― se corlll preselvar os dorllfniOs adquiridos enl cOnse―
qtencia da polftica dO SenadO,da ativa emulacaO dOs cOnsules
e do entusiasmO Inarcial dO povO.Os sete prilneiros s6culos as―

夕2
sistiralll a uma rttpida sucessao de triunfOs;caberia a Augusto,
toda宙 a,p6r delado o ambiciosO projeto de dominagao dO mun_
do todo e introduzitt nos conselhos piblicos,urrl espfrito de
mOderacao.Predisposto)paz por seu temperamento e condi―
caO,1。 i_lhe ficil descobrir que ROma,na sobranceira posig五 o
cnl que entaO se encontrava,tinha rnuito lnais a tcmcr que es―
perar de uma aventura arIIlada;e que levar a cabo guerras re―
motas se tornava uma elllpresa a cada dia mais diicil,de exit。
mais do que duvidoso,a16m de a pOsse se demonstrar tanto
mais prec`ria quanto menos vantajosa.A experiencia de Augus―
to deu peso a essas sadias reflexё es e o convenceu eflcazmente
de que,pelo prudente宙 gor de seusjufzos,seria“ cil obter to―
das as concess5es que a seguranca ou a dignidade de ROma pu―
dessen■ exigir dos bttrbarOs lnais terllfveis.Ern vez de expor sua
pr6pria pessoa e suas lcgi5es hs setas dos partos,cOnSeguiu cle,
por via de uln honroso tratado,a devolucaO dOs estandartes e
dos prisionciros que haviam sido capturados quandO da derro―
ta de Crasso.★
Nos priln6rdios de seu reinadO,seus generais tentaranl a
conquista da Eti6pia e daノ 特 持ancaram 1600
ゴ
`bia Feliz(Iernen)。
qui16metrOs ao sul do tr6pico,mas o clima t6rrido nao tardOu
a repelir os invasores e a proteger os nada belicosos nativos
daquelas remOtas regi5es.C)s pafses setentriOnais da Europa
dincilmente justincavam o dispendio e o esfOr90 de conquis―
tao ALs florestas e os pantanos da GerIIlania eranl ocupados por
uma raca de b`rbaros anilnosos que desprezavarll a vida ca―
rente de liberdade;e,cmbora parecessen■ ceder,ao priineirO
ataque,ante a superioridade dO poderiO rOmanO,logo cOnse―
guiralll, rnerce de um extraordinttriO gesto de desespero,re―
cuperar sua independencia e lembrar Augusto das vicissitudes

'卜 Iarco Licfnio Crasso(`.H5-53a.C。 ):polftiCO romano quc fcz partc do

prilncirO triun、 4rato,ao ladO de Pompcu c」 Sar;quando governador da
Sfria,combateu Os partos,tendo sido derrOtadO c`liO Cё
assassinado por clcs.SObrc os
partos,ver nota complementar)p.38.ぃ T)
。
da fort■ lna。
l Quando essc imperador mOrreu,seu testamento bi
lido enl piblico nO SenadO.Deixava ele cOmO valiOsO legadO a
seus sucessores a recomenda950 de cOnflnaren■ o lmp6riO aque_
les lilrlites que a Natureza parecia ter-lhe estabelecidO cOmO ba―
luartes e fronteiras perinanentes:a oeste,o oceano Atlantic。 ;。
Reno c o Danibio ao nOrte;o EliateS a leste;e,para o sul,Os de―
sertos arenosos da Ar`bia e da Africa。
Felizmente,para descanso da humanidade,o sistema cOme―
dido recomendado pela sabedoria de Augusto foi adOtado pelos
temores e vlclos de seus sucessores lmediatOso EInpenhados na
busca do prazer Ou no exercfcio da tirania,os prilneiros C6sares
raramente sc lnostravalll as tropas ou as provmcias;tampouco
estavanl dispostos a perΠlitir que os triunfOs negligenciados pOr
協´indolencia fossenl usurpados pe10 cOmandO e bravura de seus
lugares―tenentes.O renome inilitar de um s`dito era conside―
rado insolente usurpagtto da prerrogativa imperial,pe10 que sc
tornava devett tanto quanto interesse,de todo general romanO
guardar as frOnteiras cOniadas a sua宙 ginncia sem aspirar a con―
quistas que se poderialll demonstrar n五 o lnenos ttltais a cle pr6-
prio quc aos b`rbarOs vencidOs.
C)inico acr6scilno que o lmpё riO ROmanO recebeu durante
o priineirO s6cu10 da era crista foi a pr。 、
■ncia da Britaniao Nesse
inicO caso,os sucessores de Cё sar e de Augusto foran■ persuadi―
dos a seguir antes o excmplo daquele quc o preceito deste.Por
estar pr6xirna da costa da G`lia,a Britania era un.convite as ar_
mas;a prazenteira,cOnquanto du、 ■dOsa atracaO de uma pesca de
pё rolas espicagava-lhes a avareza,2 e COmO a Britania cra、 ista sob

l Quando do massacre deヽ

LrO★ e de suas tres lc」 5cS,AuguSto niO rcccbeu as
inttustas noビ cias com a nrllleza e a scrcnidade quc serianl esPcradas de scu car`―
tCn PS nOtas de rodap6 s,o dc Gibbon,a lllcnos quc hala indicac,O cm contr`五 o.]
'P`blio Quintflioヽ LrO(m.9d.C.):general rOmano quc,derrotadO pclos
germanOs cOmandadOs porヱ 特mmi。 ,cometeu suicfdiO.卜 .T)
2c)pr6pHo C6sar oculta csse rnotivo ign6bil,quc
ёnO cntanto rncnciona―
do por Suct6nio.ハ s pё rolas britanicas revelaram― se por6Π l dc pouco valor dc―
vidO a sua cOr escura,pl`mbea.

タイ
O aSPCCtO de um mundo distintO c insulado,sua conquista rnal se
constittlfa exce9五 o ao SiStema geral de Fnedidas continentaiso Ao
cabo de uma guerra de cerca de quarenta anos,empreendida pelo
mais obtllso,continuada pelo mais diss01uto e cOncluFda pelo
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follows that he was thereby advocating the worship of many gods,
which was the accusation most frequently brought against him by the
Catholic Church. The same accusation might with equal propriety be
made against John Bunyan on account of his Interpreter and his Mr
Greatheart.
But whatever Valentinus’ own views with regard to the Supreme
Being may have been, he could no more escape than did Philo or
any other Platonist from the difficulty of explaining the connection of
this Perfect God with imperfect matter[355], and this had to be the
work in his system of an intermediate Power. This Power was that
Nous or Monogenes whom we have seen was the first and unique
being produced from the Unknowable Father, to whom he seems to
have stood in much the same relation as the Dionysos of the Orphics
did to the supreme Zeus[356]. Yet although it was through this
lieutenant of the Unknown Father that all things were made, he also
was too great to act directly upon matter. Seeing, says Hippolytus in
this connection, that their own offspring, Logos and Zoe, had brought
forth descendants capable of transmission, Nous and his partner
Aletheia returned thanks to the Father of All and offered to him a
perfect number in the shape of ten aeons[357]. These ten aeons were
projected like the direct emanations of the Godhead in syzygies or
pairs, their names being respectively Bythios or Deep (Βυθιὸς[358])
and Mixis or Mixture (Μίξις), Ageratos or Who Grows not Old
(Ἀγήρατος) and Henosis or Oneness (Ἕνωσις), Autophyes or Self-
Produced (Αὐτοφύης[359]) and Hedone or Pleasure (Ἡδονή), Akinetos
or Who Cannot Be Moved (Ἀκίνητος) and Syncrasis or Blending
(Σύγκρασις), Monogenes or the Unique (Μονογενὴς)[360] and Macaria
or Bliss (Μακαρία). In like manner, Logos and Zoe wishing to give
thanks to their progenitors Nous and Aletheia, put forth another set,
this time an imperfect number, or twelve aeons, also arranged in
syzygies and called Paraclete (Παράκλητος) and Faith (Πίστις),
Fatherly (Πατρικὸς) and Hope (Ἐλπίς), Motherly (Μητρικὸς) and
Love (Ἀγάπη), Ever-Thinking (Ἀείνους[361]) and Comprehension
(Σύνεσις), Of the Church (Ἐκκλησιαστικὸς) and Blessedness
(Μακαριότης), Longed-for (Θελητὸς) and Wisdom (Σοφία). It was
through this last, as through her namesake in the system of the
Ophites, that the Divine came to mingle with Matter.
Before coming to this, however, it will be well to say something here
about the ideas that seem to lie behind the names of this series of
aeons numbering, with the first six, twenty-eight in all, which thus
made up what was known as the Pleroma or Fulness of the
Godhead. If we arrange them in three families or groups according to
their parentage, thus:

Children of Bythos (either alone or with Sige).

Nous—Aletheia.

Children of Nous and Aletheia.

Logos—Zoe.
Bythios—Mixis.
Ageratos—Henosis.
Autophyes—Syncrasis.
Monogenes—Macaria.

Children of Logos and Zoe.

Anthropos—Ecclesia.
Paracletos—Pistis.
Patricos—Elpis.
Metricos—Agape.
Ecclesiasticus—Macariotes.
Theletas—Sophia,

it will be seen that among the elder members of each group, that is,
the three first syzygies, Nous-Aletheia, Logos-Zoe, and Anthropos-
Ecclesia, the name of the male member of each syzygy is always
that of an actual and concrete concept—the Mind, the Word, and
Man,—showing perhaps how thought and speech all marked
different stages in the evolution of the being called the Perfect
Man[362]; while the appellatives of the females of each syzygy—Truth,
Life, and the Church—all connote abstract ideas[363]. With the Decad
put forth by Nous and Aletheia, i.e. Bythios-Mixis, Ageratos-Henosis,
Autophyes-Hedone, Acinetos-Syncrasis, and Monogenes-Macaria,
every male aeon, as M. Amélineau has pointed out, has for name an
adjective, while the females are all described by substantives[364]. But
the names of the male aeons are all epithets or attributes peculiar to
their father Nous, who is thus said to be the abysmal, never-ageing,
creator of his own nature, immovable, and unique, and those of the
female aeons are descriptive of different states or conditions arising
from his action[365]. M. Amélineau thinks that the names of these last
describe a successive degradation of the Divine Nature; but this
does not seem to have been Valentinus’ intention, and it is hard to
see for instance why Syncrasis or blending should be more unworthy
than Mixis or simple mixture. Moreover, this group of aeons, unlike
the six preceding them, are not reproductive and no direct
descendants follow from their conjugation. Perhaps then we may
best understand Valentinus’ nomenclature as a statement that the
coming together of Mind and Truth produced Profound Admixture,
Never-ageing Union, Self-created Pleasure, Unshakeable
Combination, and Unique Bliss. In like manner, the names of the
members of the Dodecad or group of twelve aeons proceeding from
Logos and Zoe may be read as describing the Comforting Faith, the
Fatherly Hope, the Motherly Love[366], the Everlasting
Comprehension, the Elect Blessedness, and the Longed-for Wisdom
arising from the conjugation of the Word and Life or, in one word,
from the Incarnation[367].
To return now to the fall of Sophia which, in the system of Valentinus,
as in that of the Ophites, brought about the creation of the universe.
All the accounts of Valentinus’ teaching that have reached us seem
to agree that Sophia’s lapse was caused, according to him, not by
accident as with the Ophites, but by her own ignorance and
emulation. Leaving the Dodecad, “this twelfth and youngest of the
aeons,” as Hippolytus describes her[368], soared on high to the Height
of the Father, and perceived that he, the Unknowable Father, was
alone able to bring forth without a partner[369]. Wishing to imitate him,
she gave birth by herself and apart from her spouse, “being ignorant
that only the Ungenerated Supreme Principle and Root and Height
and Depth of the Universes can bring forth alone.” “For,” says he (i.e.
Valentinus), “in the ungenerated (or unbegotten) all things exist
together. But among generated (or begotten) things, it is the female
who projects the substance, while the male gives form to the
substance which the female has projected[370].” Hence the substance
which Sophia put forth was without form and unshapen—an
expression which Valentinus seems to have copied, after his
manner, from the “without form and void” (ἄμορφος καὶ
ἀκατασκεύαστος) of Genesis[371].
This Ectroma or abortion of Sophia, however, caused great alarm to
the other members of the Pleroma, who feared that they might
themselves be led into similar lapses, and thus bring about the
destruction of the whole system. They accordingly importuned
Bythos, who ordered that two new aeons, viz. Christos or Christ and
the Holy Spirit, should be put forth by Nous and Aletheia to give form
and direction to the Ectroma and to alleviate the distress of
Sophia[372]. This was accordingly done, and this new pair of aeons
separated Sophia from her Ectroma and drew her with them within
the Pleroma, which was thereupon closed by the projection by
Bythos of yet another aeon named the Cross (Σταυρός)[373], whose
sole function was apparently to preserve the Pleroma or Divine
World from all contamination from the imperfection which was
outside[374]. This last aeon being, says Hippolytus, born great, as
brought into existence by a great and perfect father, was put forth as
a guard and circumvallation for the aeons, and became the boundary
of the Pleroma, containing within him all the thirty aeons together.
Outside this boundary remained Sophia’s Ectroma, whom Christ and
the Holy Spirit had fashioned into an aeon as perfect as any within
the Pleroma; and she, like her mother, is now called Sophia, being
generally distinguished from “the last and youngest of the aeons” as
the Sophia Without[375].
This Sophia Without the Pleroma was by no means at peace within
herself. She is represented as having been afflicted with great terror
at the departure of Christos and the Holy Spirit from her, when they
left her to take their places within the Pleroma, and as grieving over
her solitude and “in great perplexity” as to the nature of the Holy
Spirit. Hence she turned herself to prayers and supplications to
Christos, the being who had given her form, and these prayers were
heard. Meanwhile, the thirty aeons within the Pleroma had resolved,
on finding themselves safe within the guard of Stauros, to glorify the
Father or Bythos by offering to him one aeon who should partake of
the nature of each, and was therefore called the “Joint Fruit of the
Pleroma[376].” This was Jesus “the Great High Priest,” who, on
coming into existence was sent outside the Pleroma at the instance
of Christos in order that he might be a spouse to the Sophia Without
and deliver her from her afflictions[377]. This he did, but the four
passions of Sophia, namely, fear, grief, perplexity, and supplication,
having once been created could not be destroyed, but became
separate and independent beings. Thus it was that matter came into
being, and was itself the creation of the Deity, instead of being, as in
the earlier systems, of independent origin. For Jesus “changed her
fear into the substance which is psychic or animal (οὐσία ψυχικὴ),
her grief into that which is hylic or material, and her perplexity into
the substance of demons[378].” Of her supplication, however, Jesus
made a path of repentance (ὁδὸν ἐπὶ μετάνοιαν) and gave it power
over the psychic substance. This psychic substance is, says
Valentinus, a “consuming fire” like the God of Moses, and the
Demiurge or Architect of the Cosmos, and is called the “Place”
(τόπος) and the Hebdomad or Sevenfold Power, and the Ancient of
Days, and is, if Hippolytus has really grasped Valentinus’ opinions on
the point, the author of death[379]. He and his realm come
immediately below that of Sophia Without, here somewhat
unexpectedly called the Ogdoad, where Sophia dwells with her
spouse Jesus[380]. His sevenfold realm is, it would seem, the seven
astronomical heavens, of which perhaps the Paradise of Adam is the
fourth[381]. Below this again comes this world, the Cosmos, ruled by a
hylic or material Power called the Devil (Διάβολος) or Cosmocrator,
not further described by Valentinus but apparently resembling the
Satan of the New Testament[382]. Lowest of all is unformed and
unarranged matter, inhabited by the demons, of whom Beelzebub,
as in the Gospels, is said to be the chief[383]. We have then four
“places” outside the Pleroma or Godhead, arranged in a succession
which reckoning from above downwards may be thus summed up:
1. The Heaven of Sophia called the Ogdoad, wherein dwell Sophia
Without and her spouse Jesus[384].
2. The Sevenfold World called the Hebdomad created and ruled by
the Demiurge or Ancient of Days.
3. Our own ordered world or Cosmos created by the Demiurge but
ruled by the Devil.
4. Chaos or unarranged Matter ruled by Beelzebub, Prince of the
Demons.
Much of this may be due to the desire apparently inborn in natives of
Egypt to define with excessive minuteness the topography of the
invisible world; but the disposition of these different Rulers was by no
means a matter of indifference to mankind. The Demiurge, as in the
Ophite system, was not, indeed, bad, but foolish and blind, not
knowing what he did, nor why he created man. Yet it is he who
sends forth the souls of men which reach them at their birth and
leave them at their death. Hence, says Hippolytus, he is called
Psyche or Soul as Sophia is called Pneuma or Spirit. But this soul of
man is little else than what we call the life, and here as in all else the
Demiurge is controlled without knowing it by his mother Sophia, who
from her place in the Heavenly Jerusalem directs his operations. The
bodies of men the Demiurge makes from that hylic and diabolic
substance which is matter[385], and the soul which comes from him
dwells within it as in an inn, into which all may enter. Sometimes,
says Valentinus—and in this instance at least we know it is he, not
one of his followers, who is speaking—the soul dwells alone and
sometimes with demons, but sometimes with Logoi or “words,” who
are heavenly angels sent by Sophia Without and her spouse the
Joint Fruit of the Pleroma into this world, and who dwell with the soul
in the earthly body, when it has no demons living with it.[386] After
leaving the body of matter, the soul will even be united with its
especial angel in a still more perfect manner, as is a bridegroom with
his bride[387], a state which is sometimes spoken of as “the Banquet,”
and seems connected with what has been said above about the
meeting of Jesus the Joint Fruit with the Sophia Without[388]. Yet this
is not a question of conduct or free will, but of predestination, and
seems to mark the chief practical difference between Valentinus on
the one hand and the Ophites and the pre-Christian Gnostics on the
other. The Ophites, as we have seen, believed in the threefold
nature of the soul, or its composition from the pneumatic or spiritual,
the psychical or animal, and the choic or earthly, all which elements
were thought to be present in everyone. But they held, following their
predecessors the Orphici, that these divisions corresponded to what
may be called degrees of grace, and that it was possible for man to
pass from one category to the other, and become wholly pneumatic
or psychic or earthly. Valentinus, however, introduces a different idea
and makes the distinction between the three different categories of
human souls one not of degree, but of essence[389]. Men have not a
threefold soul, but belong to one of three classes, according to the
source of their souls. Either they are pneumatic, i.e. spiritual,
belonging wholly to Sophia, or psychic, that is animated by the
Demiurge alone and therefore like him foolish and ignorant although
capable of improvement, or hylic, that is formed wholly of matter and
therefore subject to the power of the demons[390]. Nothing is said
explicitly by Hippolytus as to how this division into classes is made;
but we know by other quotations from Valentinus himself that this is
the work of Sophia who sends the Logoi or Words into such souls as
she chooses, or rather into those which she has created specially
and without the knowledge of the Demiurge[391].
The consequences of this division upon the future of mankind
generally also differed materially from that of the Ophitic scheme.
Only the pneumatics or spiritual men are by nature immortal or
deathless, and when they leave the material body go on high to the
Ogdoad or Heaven of Sophia, where she sits with Jesus the “Joint
Fruit” of the Pleroma[392]. The hylics or men who are wholly material
perish utterly at death, because their souls like their bodies are
corruptible[393]. There remain the psychic—the “natural men” of the
New Testament[394]—who are not so to speak “saved”; but are yet
capable of salvation. How was this salvation to be brought about?
Valentinus seems to have answered this by saying, as any Catholic
Christian would have done at the time, that it was through the Divine
Mission of Jesus. Yet this Jesus, according to Valentinus or the
Valentinian author from whom Hippolytus draws his account, was
neither Jesus the Joint Fruit of the Pleroma, who according to them
remained with his spouse Sophia in the Heavenly Jerusalem, nor
Christos who with his consort the Holy Spirit was safe within the
Pleroma. He was in effect a third saviour brought into being
especially for the salvation of all that is worth saving in this devil-
ruled and material world, in the same way that Christos and his
consort had saved the first Sophia after she had given birth to the
monstrous Ectroma, and as Jesus the Joint Fruit had saved this
Ectroma itself. It is very probable, as M. Amélineau has shown with
great attention to detail, that every system, perhaps every universe,
had according to Valentinus its own saviour, the whole arrangement
being part of one vast scheme for the ordering and purifying of all
things[395]. Hence Valentinus explains, as the Ophites had failed to
do, that salvation spreads from above downwards and that the
redemption of this world was not undertaken until that of the universe
of the Demiurge had been effected[396]. The Demiurge—and the
statement has peculiar significance if we consider him the God of the
Jews—had been taught by Sophia Without that he was not the sole
God, as he had imagined, and had been instructed and “initiated into
the great mystery of the Father and the Aeons[397].” Although it is
nowhere distinctly stated, it seems a natural inference that the same
lot will fall to the psychic men who are, like the Demiurge, “soul”
rather than “spirit,” and that they will receive further instruction in the
Heaven of Sophia. Thus, he continues, the lapses[398] of the
Demiurge had been set straight and it was necessary that those here
below should go through the same process. Jesus was accordingly
born of the Virgin Mary; He was entirely pneumatic, that is His body
was endowed with a spiritual soul, for Sophia Without herself
descended into Mary and the germ thus sown by her was formed
into a visible shape by the operation of the Demiurge[399]. As for His
Mission, it seems to have consisted in revealing to man the
constitution of the worlds above him, the course to be pursued by
him to attain immortality, and to sum up the whole matter in one
word, the Gnosis or knowledge that was necessary to salvation[400].
Here the account of the teaching of Valentinus, which has been
taken almost entirely from the Philosophumena or from quotations
from his own words in trustworthy writers like Clement of Alexandria,
abruptly ends, and we are left to conjecture. We cannot therefore
say directly what Valentinus himself taught about the Crucifixion.
Jesus, the historical Jesus born of the Virgin Mary, though purely
pneumatic or spiritual at the outset, received according to one
account some tincture of the nature of all the worlds through which
He had descended, and must therefore, probably, have had to
abandon successive parts of His nature, as He reascended[401].
Probably, therefore, Valentinus thought that the Spiritual or Divine
part of Him left Him before the Passion, and that it was only His
material body that suffered[402]. As we shall see later, this idea was
much elaborated by the later Gnostics, who thought that all those
redeemed from this world would in that respect have to imitate their
Great Exemplar. If this be so, it is plain that it was only that part of
the soul of Jesus which He had received from Sophia which returned
to her, and was doubtless re-absorbed in her being. Yet there is
nothing to make us believe that Valentinus did not accept the
narrative of the Canonical Gospels in full[403], or to doubt that he
taught that Jesus really suffered on the Cross, although he doubtless
interpreted this in his usual fashion, by making it a symbol of the self-
sacrifice of Jesus the Joint Fruit of the Pleroma, when He left that
celestial abode to give form and salvation to the miserable Ectroma
of Sophia[404]. Here again we can but gather Valentinus’ opinions
from those of his followers, who may have altered them materially to
fit them to the exigencies of a situation of which we can form no very
precise idea.
Of these followers we know rather more than in the case of any other
of the early heresiarchs. According to Tertullian, Valentinus was
brought up as a Christian, and expected to become a bishop of the
Catholic Church, “because he was an able man both in genius and
eloquence[405].” Finding, Tertullian goes on to say, that a confessor[406]
was preferred to him, he broke with the Church and “finding the track
of a certain old opinion” (doubtless, the Ophite) “marked out a path
for himself.” The same accusation of disappointed ambition was
levelled against nearly every other heresiarch at the time, and may
serve to show how greatly the place of bishop was coveted; but we
have no means of judging its truth in this particular instance, and it is
repeated neither by Irenaeus, Hippolytus, nor Clement of Alexandria
who was in an exceptionally good position for knowing the truth of
the case. Irenaeus, however, says that Valentinus came to Rome
during the papacy of Hyginus, flourished (ἤκμασε) under that of Pius,
and dwelt there until that of Anicetus; and this is confirmed by
Eusebius, who connects Valentinus’ stay in Rome with the reign of
Hadrian’s successor, Antoninus Pius[407]. Tertullian further declares
that Valentinus did not separate from the Church until the papacy of
Eleutherus[408], which did not commence until A.D. 174, and M.
Amélineau seems therefore well-founded in his inference that
Valentinus elaborated his system in Egypt while yet in the Church,
and that he went to Rome in order to impose it upon the rest of the
faithful[409]. If this be so, it would abundantly account for its far closer
approximation to the orthodox faith than that of the Ophites, from
which it appears to have been derived. Epiphanius tells us further
that after quitting Rome, Valentinus died in Cyprus, where he made
“a last shipwreck of his faith[410].” Could we place implicit faith in
Epiphanius’ highly-coloured statements, we might gather from this
that Valentinus gave a fresh turn to his doctrines after finding himself
away from the great cities in which he had hitherto spent his life.
However that may be, the time which, on the shortest computation,
Valentinus passed in Rome was quite sufficient for him to set up a
school there, and we are not surprised to hear that thereafter there
was a body of Valentinians in the West, which was called the “Italic
school.” Innovating, as Tertullian said all heretics did, upon the
system of their founder, they taught, as before mentioned, that Sige
or Silence was a real spouse to the Ineffable Bythos or the Supreme
Being and existed side by side with Him from eternity[411]. They
further said that the Dodecad or group of twelve aeons, of whom
Sophia was the last, emanated not from Logos and Zoe, but from the
third syzygy of Anthropos and Ecclesia[412]; and that the body of the
historical Jesus was not material but psychic or from the world of the
Demiurge[413], which seems to include the view held by other
Gnostics that it was a phantasm which only appeared to suffer on
the Cross, but did not do so in reality. We know the names of several
of the leaders of this Italic school, among whom were Ptolemy,
Secundus, and Heracleon. It was the doctrine of the first of these
apparently flourishing in Gaul in his time, which spurred on Irenaeus
to write against them[414]; while Heracleon was called by Clement of
Alexandria the most distinguished of the school of Valentinus and
taught in the last-named city[415]. Ptolemy’s doctrine as described by
Irenaeus seems to have materially differed from that of his master
only in the particulars just given; while Secundus is said by the same
heresiologist to have divided the First Ogdoad into two tetrads, a
right hand and a left, one of which he called light and the other
darkness[416]. Over against this, we hear from Hippolytus of an
Eastern school (Διδασκαλία ἀνατολικὴ), which M. Amélineau shows
satisfactorily to have most closely represented the teaching of
Valentinus himself[417], and which was carried on after his death by
Axionicus and Bardesanes[418]. Of these, Axionicus is said to have
taught in his native city of Antioch; while Bardesanes was evidently
the same as the person called by the Syrians Bar Daisan of Edessa,
whose name was still great in the time of Albiruni[419]. Theodotus,
whose writings are quoted at some length by Clement of Alexandria,
and Alexander, whose arguments as to the body of Jesus are
rebutted by Tertullian, probably continued their teaching[420].
The life of Bar Daisan, of which some particulars have been
preserved for us by Bar Hebraeus and other Eastern historians of
the Church, throws considerable light upon the attitude towards
Christianity of Valentinus and that Anatolic School which best
represented his teachings. Bar Daisan was born some fifty years
after Valentinus of rich and noble parents in the town of Edessa in
Mesopotamia, where he seems to have been educated in the
company of the future king of the country, Abgar Bar Manu[421]. He
was probably a Christian from his infancy, early became a Christian
teacher, and withstood Apollonius, a Pagan Sophist who visited
Edessa in the train of the Emperor Caracalla, making avowal of his
readiness to suffer martyrdom for the faith. According to Eusebius,
he had the greatest abhorrence of the dualistic doctrine of Marcion
and wrote books against him in his native Syriac which were
afterwards translated into Greek[422]. He, or perhaps his son
Harmonius[423], also composed a great number of hymns which were
sung in the Catholic Churches of Mesopotamia and Syria; and it was
not until a century and a half after his death that Ephrem Syrus, a
doctor of the now triumphant and persecuting Church, found that
these abounded in the errors of Valentinus, and deemed it necessary
to substitute for them hymns of his own composition[424]. Valentinus
seems in like manner to have lived in Rome as a Christian teacher,
as we have seen, for at least sixteen years, and to have composed
many psalms, some of which are quoted by Clement of Alexandria. If
Tertullian is to be believed, he was qualified for the episcopate,
which he must have had some chance of obtaining; and his want of
orthodoxy cannot, therefore, have been manifest at the time or
considered an objection to his candidature[425]. Moreover, Irenaeus
says that Valentinus was the first who converted the so-called
Gnostic heresy into the peculiar characteristics of his own school[426];
which agrees with Tertullian’s statement that Valentinus was “at first
a believer in the teaching of the Catholic Church in the Church of
Rome under the episcopate of the Blessed Eleutherus[427].” It is
evident, therefore, that long after his peculiar teaching was
developed, he remained a member of the Church, and that it was not
by his own wish that he left it, if indeed he ever did so.
One is therefore led to examine with some closeness the alleged
differences between his teaching and that of the orthodox
Christianity of his time; and these, although they may have been
vitally important, seem to have been very few. With regard to his
views as to the nature of the Godhead, as given above, they do
indeed seem to differ toto coelo from those shadowed forth in the
Canonical Gospels and Epistles, and afterwards defined and
emphasized by the many Œcumenical and other Councils called to
regulate the Church’s teaching on the matter. The long series of
aeons constituting his Pleroma or Fulness of the Godhead seems at
first sight to present the most marked contrast with the Trinity of
Three Persons and One God in the Creeds which have come down
to us from the early Church. But is there any reason to suppose that
Valentinus regarded the members of these Tetrads, Decads, and
Dodecads as possessing a separate and individual existence or as
having any practical importance for the Christian? We can hardly
suppose so, when we consider the attitude of his immediate
followers with regard to them. Some, as we have seen, were said to
have put as the origin of all things, not a single principle but two
principles of different sexes or, as Irenaeus says, a “dyad,” thereby
splitting the Supreme Being into two[428]. We can imagine the outcry
that this would have caused two centuries later when the different
parties within the Christian Church were at each other’s throats on
the question whether the Son was of the same or only of like
substance with the Father. Yet neither Valentinus, nor Ptolemy, nor
Heracleon, nor any one of the Valentinian leaders seems to have
borne the others any hostility on that account, to have dreamed of
separating from them on such a pretext, or to have ceased to regard
themselves both as Christians and followers of Valentinus. The only
inference to be drawn from this is either that the account of their
teaching has been grossly corrupted or that they considered such
questions as matters of opinion merely, on which all might freely
debate, but which were not to be taken as touchstones of the faith.
This view derives great support from the way in which Clement of
Alexandria, Valentinus’ countryman and the one among the Fathers
who seems best fitted to understand him, regarded similar questions.
M. Courdaveaux has shown with great clearness that Clement
sometimes confounded the Third Person of the Trinity with the
Second, and sometimes made Him His inferior. He also considered
the Son as a simple creature of the Father, and, therefore,
necessarily, of lower rank[429]. It was for such “heresies,” as they
were afterwards called, that Photius, who had Clement’s now lost
book of the Hypotyposes under his eyes, condemned him as a
heretic, although his judgment in the matter has never been adopted
by the Church. M. Courdaveaux also shows that Tertullian, even
before he left the Church, looked upon both the Son and the Holy
Spirit as only “members” of the Father, whom he considered to
contain within Himself the complete divine substance; and this was
certainly none of the heresies for which his memory was
arraigned[430]. It by no means follows that Valentinus’ teaching was
the same as that of the Church in all its details; but it seems possible
from these examples that he did not think it necessary to be more
definite than the Church herself upon such points, and that he did
not look upon them in any other light than as matters of opinion.
It should also be considered whether the language that Valentinus
used regarding the nature and divisions of the Godhead is to be
construed in the same sense and as implying the meaning that it
would have done a few centuries later, when these points had been
long discussed and the reasons for and against them marshalled
and weighed. So far as can now be seen, he, like all Egyptians,
never lost sight of allegory in dealing with matters transcending
sense. Thus, when he speaks of the pretended union of Bythos and
Sige, he is careful to say that there is nothing actually begotten, and
that the whole story must be considered in a figurative sense:

“The Father [i.e. Bythos] alone,” he says, “was unbegotten, not

subject to conditions of place, nor time, taking no counsel, nor
having any other being that can be comprehended by any
recognized trope: but he was alone, and, as it is said, solitary,
and resting in solitary repose within himself. And when he
became fruitful, it seemed to him good at a certain time to
engender and bring forth the most beautiful and perfect thing
which he had within him: for he did not love solitude. For he was
all love, but love is not love unless there is something to be
loved[431].”

Between this and such Canonical texts as “God is love, and he that
dwelleth in love dwelleth in God and God in him[432],” there may be a
difference of application indeed, but none of language.
It seems, therefore, that in his theology Valentinus treated the
Ophitic ideas on which he worked very much as the Ophites had
themselves treated the legends of Osiris and Attis. Dealing with their
stories of aeons and powers as myths—that is to say as legends
which whether true or not were only to be considered as symbols
designed to show the way in which the world and man came forth
from God—he thereby established his cosmology on a foundation
which could be considered satisfactory by those half-heathen
schools which had already contrived to reconcile the Pagan rites with
the Jewish Scriptures and the Christian belief in the Mission of
Jesus. But he went far beyond them in applying the same method of
interpretation to all the acts of Jesus recorded in the Gospels. If
Jesus were crucified upon the Cross, it was because its type the
aeon Stauros had been set as a limit between that which is God and
that which is not God but only godlike[433]. If He is said to go up to
Jerusalem, it means that He went up from the world of matter to the
Heaven of Sophia which is called Jerusalem[434]. If He were sent
down to earth, it was because the higher worlds had already been
put in the way of redemption by the gathering-in of Sophia into the
Pleroma, the marriage of Sophia Without to Jesus the Joint Fruit,
and the revelation to the Demiurge or God of the Jews that he was
not the Supreme Being but only his reflection at several removes[435].
Every world is a copy of the one above it, every event must take
place in every world in its turn, and all creation is like a chain which
hung from the heavens is gradually drawn up to them, this creation
of ours (κτίσις καθ’ ἡμᾶς) being its last link[436].
In all this, Valentinus wrote like a philosopher of the period, and, in
fact, pretty much as Philo had done. But beyond this, he seems to
have paid great attention to what is called the “pastoral” duty of a
religious teacher or the care of souls, and to have busied himself to
show how religion could be used to console and sustain the heart.
All the fragments that we have left of the writings of himself and his
followers are directed towards this end; and would, from this point of
view, do credit to any doctor of the Church. This is especially the
case with the passage formerly quoted likening the human heart to
an inn, of which Clement of Alexandria gives the actual words as
follows:

“There is one good by whose coming is the manifestation, which

is by the Son, and by Him alone can the heart become pure, by
the expulsion of every evil spirit from the heart. For the multitude
of spirits dwelling in it do not suffer it to be pure; but each of them
performs his own deeds, insulting it often with unseemly lusts.
And the heart seems to be treated somewhat like the courtyard
of an inn. For the latter has holes and ruts in it, and is often filled
with dung; men living filthily in it, and taking no care for the place
because it belongs to others. So fares it with the heart as long as
no thought is taken for it, and it is unclean and many demons
dwell therein. But when the one good Father visits it, it is
sanctified and gleams with light. And he who possesses such a
heart is so blessed, that he shall see God[437].”
It is no wonder that M. Amélineau speaks in terms of admiration of
the eloquence with which Valentinus applies himself to the problem
of the existence of evil, and that Neander should say that he in great
measure realized the idea of Christianity[438].
It seems indeed plain that Valentinus never intended to break with
the Catholic Church and that it is not likely that he would have
attempted during his life to found any organization that would have
been in any way hostile to her[439]. Hence it is in vain to search for
any special rites belonging to the sect; and it is most probable that
he and his immediate followers continued to worship with the
orthodox, and to resort to the priests of the Church at large for the
administration of the Church’s sacraments. Did they however
demand any formal initiation into their own doctrines or, in other
words, attempt to keep them in any sense secret? One can only say
that there is no proof that they did so. Clement of Alexandria and
Origen both quote freely from the books written by Valentinus and
his follower Heracleon in which their doctrines are openly set forth,
and do not hint at any special difficulty they may have had in
obtaining them. Irenaeus, Tertullian, and Hippolytus do the same
thing with regard to the writings of Valentinus and Ptolemy, and
Irenaeus tells us that he has obtained his knowledge of their
doctrines not only by reading their commentaries (on Scripture) but
by personal conversation with their disciples[440]. It does not,
therefore, look as if before the legal procedure of the State or the
more summary methods of the Christian mob could be used by the
Catholics for the suppression of opinion and discussion, the
Valentinians ever tried to do what Basilides had recommended to his
followers, and to found what was really a secret society either within
or without the bosom of the Church[441].
It does not follow from this, however, that the Valentinians differed
only in trifling points from the orthodox, or that the Fathers were
wrong when they accused them of working grave injury to the
nascent Church. The compliances with heathenism which they
allowed those who thought with them, such as attendance at the
circus and the theatres, partaking of heathen sacrifices, and flight or
even the denial of their faith in time of persecution[442], although
justified by them with texts, such as: “That which is of the flesh is
flesh; and that which is of the Spirit is Spirit,” must have aroused the
most bitter hostility from those wise governors of the Church who
saw clearly whither the struggle between the Church and the Roman
Empire was tending. The reward most constantly before the eyes of
those about to obtain what was called “the crown” of martyrdom was
that by thus giving their lives for the faith they would immediately
after death become united with the Deity, instead of waiting like other
Christians for the Last Judgment[443]. Hence, intending martyrs were
regarded even while yet alive with extraordinary reverence by the
rest of the faithful, who, as we know from heathen as well as
Christian writers, were in the habit of flocking into the prisons after
them, weeping over them and kissing their fetters, and deeming it a
privilege to minister in every way to the necessities of those who
might by a sort of anticipation be regarded as already Divine[444]. It
was on this veritable army of martyrs and on the enthusiasm which
their triumphs excited that the Church mainly relied for victory in her
warfare with the State. But how was this army to be recruited if the
ideas of Valentinus once gained the upper hand in the Christian
community, and it came to be thought that the same reward could be
gained by acquaintance with the relative positions of the heavens
and their rulers, and an accurate knowledge of the constitution of the
universe? It was in time of persecution that the Valentinians oftenest
found adherents—“then the Gnostics break out, then the
Valentinians creep forth, then all the opponents of martyrdom bubble
up,” as Tertullian describes it[445]; and it is easy to understand that
those who had most to lose in position or ease of life would grasp
eagerly at any intermediate course which would enable them to keep
their faith in the religion recently revealed to them without going
through the terrible trials to which their orthodox teachers sought to
subject them. Hence, the Valentinians probably in some sort justified
Gibbon’s remark that “the Gnostics were distinguished as the most
polite, the most learned, and the most wealthy of the Christian
name[446]”; and this alone would probably account for the undying
hostility which the Church always exhibited towards them.
It was also the case that the spread of the tenets of Valentinus and
his followers was attended with some peculiar social dangers of its
own. Their division of mankind into the three natural classes of
spiritual, psychical, and hylic, if carried to its logical conclusion,
brought with it some strange results. As the spiritual or pneumatics
were saved in any event, and were, already even in this life, as was
expressly said, a kind of “gods,” it was manifestly not for them to
trouble themselves about obedience to the moral law. The same
conclusion applied to the hylics who were doomed to annihilation in
any case, and whose struggles towards righteousness were bound
to be inefficacious. There remained the psychics or animal men, for
whom indeed a certain course of life was prescribed before they
could attain salvation. But with the excessive freedom of
interpretation and the licence of variation that Valentinus apparently
allowed his followers, the exact limits of this course must always
have been a matter of doubt; and it was here that many corruptions
and debasements of his teaching began to show themselves. For it
was an age when religious impostors of all kinds found an easy
market in the credulity of their fellows, and charlatans everywhere
abounded who were ready to support their claims to exclusive
knowledge of holy things by false miracles and juggling tricks.
Hippolytus gives us a long list of such devices including the means
of answering questions in sealed letters, producing an apparition,
and the like, which he declares the heresiarchs learnt from the
magicians and used as proof of their own doctrines[447]. One knows
at any rate from Lucian’s evidence that religious pretenders like
Alexander of Abonoteichos were not negligent of such practices, and
charlatans of his kind were perhaps especially likely to be attracted
to the timid and wealthy followers of Valentinus. A Valentinian
impostor of this sort, if the Fathers are to be believed, was the
Jewish magician Marcus, who taught a system corresponding in
most points with that given above, but made use of it in his own
interest as a means of moneymaking and for the corruption of
women. Irenaeus speaks of the doctrine of this Marcus as being an
especial snare to the Christians of Gaul, into which country Marcus
or some follower of his perhaps travelled while Irenaeus was Bishop
of Lyons[448]. By a mode of interpretation which was indeed a
caricature of Valentinus’ own, Marcus found proof of the existence
and order of his aeons in the values of the letters composing Divine
names and in words like Jesus and Christos[449]. He seems, too, to
have himself administered baptism accompanied by exorcisms in the
Hebrew language, and to have profaned the Eucharist with juggling
tricks which made the cup to overflow and turned the water it
contained into wine having the semblance of blood[450]. Thus, says
Irenaeus, he contrived to draw away a great number from the
Church and to seduce many of the faithful women. Valentinus,
perhaps, is somewhat unfairly held responsible by the Fathers for
such a perversion of his own teaching which he would, perhaps,
have condemned as loudly as they. Scandals of the kind here hinted
at were not unknown in the Catholic Church itself, and Christian
ministers have been found in all ages, sects, and countries who have
been willing to abuse for their own purposes the power which religion
gives them over the opposite sex. It is true, too, that people, as has
been well said, are seldom either as good or as bad as their creed,
and the doctrine that “God sees no sin in His elect” has been
preached in our own time without being followed by the
“wretchlessness of most unclean living” which the 17th article of the
Church of England declares to be one of the probable consequences
of predestinarian teaching. The later Valentinians certainly did not
forbid marriage, as is shown by the pathetic epitaph from a grave in
the Via Nazionale quoted by Renan[451], and thus avoided some of
the moral dangers with which the practice of celibacy is sometimes
reproached.
Of the fortunes of the Valentinian sect after the death of Valentinus,
we have very little precise information. Tertullian speaks of it as
being in his time the most numerous society of heretics
(frequentissimum plane collegium haereticorum), and in the West it
extended from Rome, as we have seen, into Gaul and even into
Spain, where it existed at the end of the 4th century[452]. Probably,
however, it here propagated itself sporadically, its opinions appearing
now and then among isolated writers and teachers, who probably
drew their disciples carefully from among the Christian community,
and only disclosed their system to those who showed some aptitude
for it. Of such was doubtless “my fair sister Flora” (ἀδελφή μου καλὴ
Φλώρα), to whom Valentinus’ successor Ptolemy wrote a letter
setting out his tenets which Epiphanius has preserved for us[453]. As
the quotations in it presuppose an acquaintance on her part with Old
Testament history as well as with the Canonical Gospels and the
Pauline Epistles, there can be little doubt that she was already a
Christian convert. This mode of propaganda was the more
obnoxious to the episcopate that it was likely to escape for some
time the observation of the overseers of the Church, and is quite
sufficient to explain the pains which bishops like Irenaeus and
Hippolytus took to expose and refute the doctrines of the
Valentinians, as well as what they say with doubtful accuracy about
the secrecy which was observed concerning them[454]. In the East,
things were probably different, and Heracleon’s Commentaries on
the Gospels, from which Origen quotes freely, would on the face of it
have been useless unless addressed to the Christian community at
large, and make no attempt to conceal their heretical teaching. In
Egypt, however, the Gnostic teachers found a soil ready prepared for
them. Egyptian Christianity, whether founded, according to tradition,
by St Mark or not, never seems to have gone through the
intermediate stage of observing the prescriptions of the Jewish Law
while preaching its abrogation, and, in Alexandria especially, so far
appealed to those learned in the Hellenistic and other philosophies
as to necessitate the founding of a Christian school there for their
study. The native Egyptians, too, had for millennia been given to
mystic speculation about the nature of God and the destiny of the
soul after death; and Valentinus, who must be presumed to have
understood his own people, doubtless knew how to suit his teaching
to their comprehension, even if he did not incorporate therein, as M.
Amélineau has endeavoured to show, some of the more abstruse
doctrines on these points of the old Egyptian religion[455]. Moreover,
from the time of Hadrian onwards, the Egyptians were animated by a
bitter and restless hatred against their Roman masters, and this
feeling, which was by no means without justification, disposed them
to embrace eagerly any ideas condemned by the bishops and clergy
of Rome and of Constantinople. Hence the Valentinians had in Egypt
their greatest chance of success, and the existence of documents
like those described in the next chapter shows that Egyptian
Christianity must have been largely permeated by their ideas
perhaps up to Mohammedan times. Further East, the same causes