About this ebook
Nik Cornish
Nik Cornish is a former head teacher whose passionate interest in the world wars on the Eastern Front and in Russias military history in particular has led to a series of important books on the subject including Images of Kursk, Stalingrad: Victory on the Volga, Berlin: Victory in Europe, Partisan Warfare on the Eastern Front 1941-1944, The Russian Revolution: World War to Civil War 1917-1921, Hitler versus Stalin: The Eastern Front 1941-1942 Barbarossa to Moscow, Hitler versus Stalin: The Eastern Front 1942-1943 Stalingrad to Kharkov and Hitler versus Stalin: The Eastern Front 1943-1944 Kursk to Bagration.
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The Russian Army in the First World War - Nik Cornish
Preface
The concept that underpins this book is simply to provide the general reader of military history with a heavily illustrated overview of the First World War from a Russian perspective.
I hope that this book goes some way to de-mystifying the operations in that theatre and sheds light on events other than the Battle of Tannenberg, the cataclysmic events of the Russian Revolutions of 1917 and the subsequent horror of the Russian Civil War. Furthermore, some readers may be encouraged to a deeper study of this neglected backwater of the First World War – indeed, it will certainly reward those with an interest in the exotic.
The Russian army fought on two fronts against three empires, Germany, Austria-Hungary and Turkey, all of which fielded not inconsiderable armies. It also dealt with a major internal uprising towards the middle of 1916 when the non-Russian population of Turkestan rose up against the Tsar in protest against the introduction of conscription.
During the last twenty years or so it has become much easier to access sources in the former Soviet Union, indeed, with political constraints removed, the study of the First World War and the Russian contribution to the Allied cause have become acceptable, even popular, in Russian academic circles. If this book helps to generate Western efforts in this direction, then it will have succeeded in achieving one of my aims.
For the sake of comparison with events on other fronts I have used the Gregorian calendar thus avoiding the irritation of adding thirteen days to Russian dates. The Gregorian replaced the Julian calendar under the Soviet regime in February 1918. I apologise to purists as many, more academic, books tend to use the Julian system until February 1918 whereas the majority of memoirs use the older dating style. Austria-Hungary is referred to as Austria and its Chief-of-Staff as von Hotzendorf not Conrad, as is quite often the case.
The images used throughout are, with few exceptions, drawn from archives in Russia and the states of the former USSR.
Introduction
For generations the Russian armies that marched to war during the summer of 1914 have suffered from the popular Western perception that they were ill-prepared, poorly led sheep marked for slaughter at the hands of the Kaiser’s superbly officered, well-equipped troops while the Tsar and his family occupied their time with mysticism and domesticity. However, this view of the Russian army is somewhat at odds with the reality.
During the course of the preceding century Russia’s military record had been an interesting one. Having contributed significantly to the defeat of Napoleon’s armies between 1812 and 1814, her strategic objectives re-focused on the dismemberment of the Ottoman Turkish Empire via the Caucasus and the Balkans and expansion into central and eastern Asia from bases in Siberia. The latter campaigns had no significant impact on Russia’s theory of war or the composition of her armies. However, the three wars fought against the Turks, 1828–9, the Crimean War 1854–5 and the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–8 did leave their mark, particularly the latter as it led to the beginnings of military modernisation with the introduction of a new field gun, infantry rifle and machine gun. Furthermore, it highlighted the weakness of the army’s supply network and lack of medical facilities. Unfortunately, it also decided for many European military theorists that any subsequent wars would be short.
Russia’s next war was with the coming power in Asia – Japan. By this time, 1904, the new rifle and artillery piece had been issued in large numbers, as had several dozen machine guns of different types. During this conflict the war revolved around two points. First, a significant part of the Japanese army in Manchuria was tied down besieging the Russian naval base at Port Arthur. Secondly, the majority of the Japanese troops were attempting to bring the Russians to battle. The war of movement ended with a series of engagements known collectively as the Battle of Mukden which was fought between 20 February and 10 March 1905. The Japanese plan was to outflank the Russians from the west, hold in the centre and to the east, then trap them in a double encirclement. As this plan unfolded the Russian commander and Minister of War, General A.N. Kuropatkin, responded indecisively and ineffectively. Attempting to control over 300,000 men spread along a front of 120km proved almost impossible. The field telephone system often broke down or their diaphragms froze and communications officers fell back on mounted couriers and runners. As a result of this problem and the lack of any roads not churned to mud by the thaw, it proved difficult to move reserves with any speed. Furthermore, the fall of Port Arthur, at the cost of 60,000 Japanese casualties over the four months of the siege, had released Japanese reinforcements and Kuropatkin ordered his men to withdraw before they were encircled.
The destruction of Russia’s Baltic Sea Fleet at the Battle of Tsushima in May 1905 and increasing domestic problems left Tsar Nicholas II no alternative but to accept the terms of the Treaty of Portsmouth (USA) in September 1905 and end the war.
Internal upheavals led to the military being deployed in an internal security role across the length and breadth of the empire. Nor were the armed forces themselves immune to disorder, a Guards regiment mutinied briefly and there were several instances of troops refusing to fire on demonstrators. But these events were small beer when compared with the activities of the crew of the Potemkin, a battleship of the Black Sea Fleet. Having mutinied but failing to gain much support from the fleet, the Potemkin’s crew sailed from Sevastopol, in late June 1905, to Odessa, cruising the Black Sea until scuttling their ship in Constanza harbour and surrendering to the Romanian authorities some ten days later.
By 1907 the revolutionaries were either in prison, in exile or in hiding and Tsar Nicholas II had restored order by a mixture of repression and reform. Although a parliament – the Duma – had been created, the Tsar still retained much of his autocratic, decision-making power, including the right to dissolve the Duma. Russia’s return to tranquillity was paralleled by an upsurge in economic activity, increased government revenue and the consequent expansion of the military budget. The latter was overseen by General V.A. Sukhomlinov who was appointed Minister of War in 1909. Sukhomlinov set about lobbying for an expansion of the armed forces which began in 1910 and continued with a series of small projects that culminated in the acceptance by the Tsar of the Great Programme in late 1913. Under the terms of the Great Programme the army would grow by over 500,000 infantry, the artillery to more than 8,000 guns and the Military Air Fleet would expand significantly. The timeline for this project ended, ominously with hindsight, in 1917. The Duma gave its approval on 22 June 1914 less than one week before the assassination of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand would generate the crisis that plunged Europe into the First World War. Nevertheless, Russia’s leaders were not pessimistic: they felt they were as prepared for a short war as any other belligerent.
The popular Western image of Russia’s army before the war was one of large numbers of men prepared to fight and die unquestioningly for the Tsar against external or internal enemies. By 1914 the Russians were readying themselves to field a more professional, modern army than many expected.
Tsar Nicholas II, seen here reviewing the Konvoi (Personal bodyguard) during 1916, believed in a mystical bond linking the royal family and the armed forces. His own military career was limited to service in the Guard Hussars before his accession to the throne in November 1894 at the age of 26. His 12-year-old son and heir the Tsarevich Alexei is seen by his side.
Part of the Great Programme was the upgrading of the artillery. Here a group of officer cadets undergo training with a Schneider 122mm howitzer. This French import was later built under licence in Russia. It fired a 23kg shell up to almost 8,000m.
As in every conflict it was the poor bloody infantry that would shoulder the worst of things in the front line. However, no amount of training could prepare the men for what was to come. Here a Russian infantry unit supports artillery. The gun is a 76mm M1902 piece. Domestically designed and built by the Putilov Company, it was the standard field gun throughout the period and could fire up to twelve rounds per minute.
These three Don Cossack cavalrymen were part of the vast cavalry arm that the Russians maintained. The Don Host provided some fifty-four regiments on notification of mobilisation. Each of the hosts was identifiable by the colour of the stripe down their breeches, in this case it was red.
News of Germany’s declaration of war was greeted, certainly in the urban areas, with patriotic demonstrations. However, as one politician commented in the countryside, ‘eternal silence reigned’. It was the peasantry who would bear the lion’s share of conscription and casualities. St Petersburg, where these troops march to their muster point, was renamed the less Germanic Petrograd in late August 1914.
Chapter One
Where Shall We Fight?
At 1800hr on 31 July 1914 Tsar Nicholas II