Soldiering For Freedom: How the Union Army Recruited, Trained, and Deployed the U.S. Colored Troops

Soldiering for Freedom

HOW THINGS WORKED

Robin Einhorn and Richard R. John, Series Editors

ALSO IN THE SERIES:

Sean Patrick Adams, Home Fires: How Americans Kept Warm in the Nineteenth Century

Ronald H. Bayor, Encountering Ellis Island: How European Immigrants Entered America

Soldiering for Freedom

How the Union Army Recruited, Trained, and Deployed the U.S. Colored Troops

BOB LUKE & JOHN DAVID SMITH

© 2014 Bob Luke and John David Smith

All rights reserved. Published 2014

Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper

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Johns Hopkins University Press

2715 North Charles Street

Baltimore, Maryland 21218-4363

www.press.jhu.edu

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Luke, Robert A., 1941–

Soldiering for freedom : how the Union army recruited, trained, and deployed the U.S. Colored Troops / Bob Luke and John David Smith.

     pages    cm. — (How things worked)

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 978-1-4214-1359-4 (hardcover : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-1-4214-1360-0 (pbk. : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-1-4214-1374-7 (electronic) — ISBN 1-4214-1359-0 (hardcover : alk. paper) — ISBN 1-4214-1360-4 (pbk. : alk. paper) — ISBN 1-4214-1374-4 (electronic) 1. United States—History—Civil War, 1861–1865—Participation, African American. 2. United States. Colored Troops. 3. United States. Army—African American troops—History—19th century. 4. African American soldiers—History—19th century. I. Smith, John David, 1949–. II. Title. III. Title: How the Union army recruited, trained, and deployed the U.S. Colored Troops.

E540.N3L85 2014

973.7'415—dc23           2013040920

A catalog record for this book is available from the British Library.

Special discounts are available for bulk purchases of this book. For more information, please contact Special Sales at 410-516-6936 or [email protected].

Johns Hopkins University Press uses environmentally friendly book materials, including recycled text paper that is composed of at least 30 percent post-consumer waste, whenever possible.

In memory of my parents, Robert and Sally Luke—B.L.

For my dear friends, Nancy Mitchell and Stephen M. Wrinn—J.D.S.

CONTENTS

Preface

Prologue

1   How Racism Impeded the Recruitment of Black Soldiers

2   How Slaves and Freedmen Earned Their Brass Buttons

3   How White Officers Learned to Command Black Troops

4   How Blacks Became Soldiers

5   How Black Troops Gained the Glory and Paid the Price

Epilogue

Notes

Selected Further Reading

Index

PREFACE

African Americans—slaves as well as freedmen—joined the Union army during the Civil War by the thousands. By war’s end, two hundred thousand blacks had worn Union blue. About one-third of them died, several thousand in combat and the rest from wounds and disease. This volume describes how African Americans joined the army, how they made the transition from slave or civilian to soldier, and how they fought.

Many volunteered for service. Others were enlisted against their will. Few had held a gun, fired a shot, or knew how to read and write. They had to learn how. All served under the command of white officers, often a source of tension for both officer and soldier. Eager to prove themselves in battle, many found frustration in being assigned fatigue duties, the grubby, boring chores that kept the army operating but offered no chance for glory. All encountered discrimination from white civilians—many of whom thought blacks would run from a fight at the first chance—as well as from white soldiers and officers.

We hope this book will help the reader understand how a variety of recruitment tactics, training methods, and battlefield events resulted in the rawest of recruits becoming professional soldiers who contributed significantly to the North’s victory while winning the acclaim of many whites. African American soldiers faced more challenges than did white soldiers. This book tells you how they met them.

We wish to thank our editor, Robert J. Brugger, for asking us to write this book for the How Things Worked Series. Bob and his assistant, Melissa B. Solarz, provided valued assistance at every turn. We also thank J. Matthew Gallman for his insightful commentary on and critique of our manuscript and Gwendolyn L. Gill for her research assistance. Bob Luke thanks the staff at the Library of Congress, especially Thomas Mann, Anthony Mullan, and Sibyl Moses, for their help in finding sources; John Cuthberg at West Virginia University for his research on the career of Major J. W. M. Appleton; Frank Smith and Hari Jones at the African American Civil War Museum for their guidance and support; and Judith E. Wentworth for her encouragement and forbearance. John David Smith thanks Leigh Robbins for her secretarial support and Sylvia A. Smith and Max for their patience and seemingly endless good cheer.

Soldiering for Freedom

Prologue

TWENTY-FIVE-YEAR-OLD colonel Robert Gould Shaw called to attention the six hundred black soldiers of the Union’s 54th Massachusetts Volunteer Regiment at dusk on July 18, 1863. The troops included a son of the popular black leader Frederick Douglass, Sergeant Major Lewis Douglass. Shaw descended from elite Boston abolitionists. His soldiers made ready to lead the northern army’s assault on Fort Wagner, a Confederate stronghold on Morris Island, south of Charleston, South Carolina. If Fort Wagner fell, Union troops would then be positioned to lob shells into the venerable city, whose church spires one could see in the distance.

Shaw could understandably have declined Brigadier General George Crockett’s invitation to lead the attack on Wagner. His men had just marched all day and all night under a blistering sun and a torrential rain. They had been without rations for two days and had not eaten since breakfast. Shaw knew, however, that if he accepted the invitation to lead the assault, the men of the 54th could demonstrate their valor to the vast majority of whites who, for various reasons, adamantly opposed the arming of blacks. Shaw sought to prove that African American soldiers possessed the same courage, fortitude, and fighting ability as white troops. He probably was unaware, however, that another Union commander, Brigadier General Truman Seymour, had boasted to his commander, Major General Quincy Adams Gillmore, that he could run right over it [Fort Wagner]. In answer to Gillmore’s question, How? Seymour replied, Well, I guess we’ll let Strong lead and put those damned niggers from Massachusetts in the advance; we might as well get rid of them one time as another.¹

In spearheading the assault on Fort Wagner, the men of the 54th faced a daunting challenge. The Confederate bastion stretched across the entire neck of Morris Island, ruling out anything but a frontal attack. To prevent just such an assault, the Rebels had planted land mines in the sand over which an attack force would charge. Entrenched behind the walls of the fortress, the defenders possessed a clear view of the attackers.

The defenders had beaten back a previous Union attack. On July 10 Gillmore’s white troops had successfully taken control of the southern end of Morris Island, leaving only the fort at the island’s northern tip to be dealt with. On July 11 Gillmore sent three white regiments to take the fort. Of the 185 soldiers in the lead unit, only 88 made it back. The Confederates had held. Gillmore then ordered an artillery barrage on the fort that he thought would weaken its defenses enough for the next ground assault to take the fort with ease.

To ensure success, Gillmore positioned two white regiments, the 6th Connecticut and the 48th New York, directly behind the 54th to attack the fort’s ocean side while the 54th hit its center. He ordered four other white regiments to stand ready. At 7:45 p.m., after calling his men to attention, Shaw ordered his troops to start the assault in quick time and then to move at double quick when they came within one hundred yards of the fort. The men triggered deadly land mines as they approached the enemy. At two hundred yards, Fort Wagner’s three hundred defenders unleashed blistering fire on the men of the 54th Massachusetts with cannons and muskets. Shaw’s men, now fewer in number but with no stop or pause, continued at the double quick. Many fell while crossing a water-filled trench directly in front of the fort. Reaching the top of the rampart that surrounded it, Shaw yelled, Forward, Fifty-fourth!² Soon after, a bullet pierced his heart.

As the regiment’s surviving officers fired pistols at the Rebels, the men of the 54th Massachusetts broke into the fort and engaged the Confederates in hand-to-hand combat with musket butts and bayonets. The gray coats fought back in kind and with handspikes, gun-rammers, and swords. The larger-than-expected Rebel force and lack of promised support forced the black troops to back off the rampart, recross the ditch, and retreat back to the sand hills, all the while taking causalities from rifle fire, grenades, and lighted shells. The 6th Connecticut and the 48th New York, having no more success than the 54th, joined in the retreat. Gillmore’s remaining four regiments made a belated appearance and managed to breach the fort and engage in hand-to-hand combat with its defenders, but they also had to retreat and took heavy casualties. The three hours of combat that evening constituted a costly Union setback but established forever the indisputable fact that African Americans could fight with fortitude, valor, and courage.

The celebrated attack of the 54th Massachusetts Volunteer Regiment on Fort Wagner, July 18, 1863. Fort Wagner protected the Atlantic approaches to Charleston, South Carolina, the seat of secession and site of the first shots of the war. Kurz and Allison Art Publishers of Chicago released this somewhat fanciful print and considered it suitable for framing and a place of respect in patriotic Union homes. Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress.

The brief fight cost the 54th Massachusetts 3 officers killed and 9 wounded, 147 enlisted men known dead or wounded, and 100 missing—presumed dead or taken prisoner. In an act of blatant disrespect, Fort Wagner’s Confederate defenders threw Shaw’s body into a mass grave along with his fallen black comrades. Sergeant William Carney, wounded four times while keeping aloft the 54th’s colors (the original color bearer had been killed), proudly carried the flag as he limped back into camp. For his actions, Carney received the Medal of Honor, first awarded by the U.S. government in July 1862.

Despite the failure of the attack to capture the Confederate fortress, the 54th’s performance demonstrated the willingness, ability, and courage of African American troops to fight and to fight with valor. Many whites had predicted that the black man would cower in fear once engaged in combat and run scared if forced into battle. The year before, during a heated debate in the House of Representatives over arming former slaves, proslavery Kentucky congressman Charles A. Wickliffe declared that a negro is afraid, by instinct or by nature, of a gun. One shot of a cannon, Robert Mallory, another Kentucky legislator predicted, would disperse thirty thousand of them.³

Though Shaw’s troops had put the lie to those fallacious assertions, the hard fighting of the men of the 54th Massachusetts at Fort Wagner had little effect on the prevailing culture of segregation in the U.S. Army. Since passage of the Militia Act of 1792, custom dictated that only whites could serve as armed soldiers in federal forces. President Abraham Lincoln’s final Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, 1863, authorized the use of African Americans as fighting troops, and the government organized them in segregated regiments.

Though segregated, the men of the United States Colored Troops (USCT) fought courageously alongside white units, effectively demonstrating the worth of African Americans as soldiers and men. Their presence in arms made clear that after 1863 Lincoln had transformed the war from a constitutional struggle over states’ rights to a war of black liberation. By the end of the war, black troops comprised 133 infantry regiments, 4 independent companies, 7 cavalry regiments, 12 batteries of heavy artillery, and 10 batteries of light artillery. About 19 percent came from the eighteen northern states, 24 percent from the border states, and 57 percent from the eleven Rebel states. Black soldiers provided roughly ten percent of all Union troops. Though most whites had opposed the military mobilization of African Americans in 1861, circumstances changed so dramatically that in March 1865 four companies of the 45th USCT stood as part of the honor guard as Lincoln delivered his second inaugural address. A month later men from the 22nd USCT led the funeral procession that escorted Lincoln’s dead body from the White House to the Capitol.

This book introduces readers to how Lincoln’s administration came to recruit, train, and deploy about 180,000 black soldiers and 20,000 black sailors. Though the president promised blacks who wore the Union blue freedom and equal treatment, in practice they served a nation and military and naval forces rife with deep-seated racial prejudice. The book focuses on how the government mobilized and utilized blacks in battle and how white racism circumscribed and shaped their efforts. Ultimately blacks proved their mettle in battle, earned the gratitude of their country, and laid the foundation for African Americans’ quest for true citizenship and freedom.

1 How Racism Impeded the Recruitment of Black Soldiers

THE CIVIL WAR offered northern free blacks and southern slaves profound opportunities to overcome proscription and segregation and to break free from the shackles of slavery, trading service in the Union army for respectability, equal treatment, and freedom. Though from the start of the war blacks eagerly sought to fight for President Lincoln’s government, whites spurned their offers to serve. For the first two years of the internecine struggle most northerners—politicians, military officers, enlisted men, and the citizenry at large—opposed blacks serving on a par with whites in Union armies. Military service was a citizen’s right. And the notorious Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857) case had determined that people of color were not citizens.

No Colored Need Apply

After Confederate forces fired on Fort Sumter in Charleston Harbor on April 12, 1861, to start the war, President Lincoln called for seventy-five thousand Union volunteers to suppress the southern rebellion. Lincoln intended that only whites could volunteer, however. The Militia Act of 1792 prohibited blacks from joining the army. The military was to be the province of whites, not blacks.

This is not to say, however, that blacks had not served under arms in previous wars. African Americans fought with the Continental army in the battles of the American Revolution even though General George Washington, upon taking command of the