The Deep Rig: (or what to send friends who ask, "Why do you doubt the integrity of Election 2020?")

The Deep Rig: How Election Fraud Cost Donald J. Trump the White House, By a Man Who did not Vote for Him

(or what to send friends who ask, Why do you doubt the integrity of Election 2020?)

Patrick Byrne

Deep Capture, LLC

The Deep Rig: How Election Fraud Cost Donald J. Trump the White House, By a Man Who did not Vote for Him

Copyright © 2021 by Deep Capture, LLC

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews.

First Printing, 2021

Dedicated to the cyber-ninjas and otherwise-warriors who comprised the Bad News Bears, and to citizens who remember that, Just government derives its powers from the consent of the governed, our consent being determined in elections that are free, fair and transparent.

Contents

Dedication

Introduction

1 Why I Got Involved Before November 3 & What I Learned Because I did

2 Election 2020 (November 3 - 9)

3 Was there Foreign Interference in Election 2020?

4 How the Crisis Could Have Been Ended Fairly & Quickly

5 All the President's Teams (November 9 – December 17)

6 Crashing the White House (December 18-22)

7 The Christmas Doldrums (December 23 – January 6 noon)

8 Agitation & Chaos (January 6 noon – January 20)

9 The Aftermath

Link Appendix

About The Author

Political language is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind.

- Politics & The English Language,

George Orwell (1946)

… the participants want the secret history of the 2020 election told, even though it sounds like a paranoid fever dream–a well-funded cabal of powerful people, ranging across industries and ideologies, working together behind the scenes to influence perceptions, change rules and laws, steer media coverage and control the flow of information. They were not rigging the election; they were fortifying it. And they believe the public needs to understand the system’s fragility in order to ensure that democracy in America endures.

– "The Secret History of the Shadow Campaign That Saved the 2020 Election"

(Time, February 4, 2021)

Great minds discuss ideas. Average minds discuss events. Small minds discuss people.

- Eleanor Roosevelt

Introduction

I had a ringside seat to events from November 3, 2020 to January 20, 2021, and feel a duty to tell the world what happened. I will not be regurgitating the headline events everyone will have read, but will aim to explain what was going on behind the scenes, and give my best account of why things played out as they did. My only interest is honestly conveying the truth for historical purpose.

Unfortunately, between January 9 and January 21, 2021, I had Covid-19. When I recovered, out of an interest in not letting the public suffer in curiosity any longer, from January 23 to February 9, 2021 I drafted and published parts of this story in installments on DeepCapture.com, my anti-corruption website. Thus you might think of the exercise as having been an odd one, wherein I drafted this book publicly, that the public need not wait to begin having its curiosity addressed. I then took those installments as a starting point to write this book, but I have substantially reorganized, rewritten, and augmented that original material.

It would be natural for the reader to question my motives, to wonder if I have an ax to grind or wish to accomplish something in writing this other than what I claim (that I feel a duty to my country to give honest account of what I saw over those nine weeks, and to do so with dispatch).  So I close this introduction with four statements to clarify my philosophical orientation:

I have always voted Libertarian for President, and have never voted for a Republican or Democrat for President. Thus voting for Donald Trump was never a consideration for me, one way or the other.

I agree with ≈ 75% of Trump’s policy positions. Our nation should embody consent of the governed, yet I do not remember the governed signing up for forever-wars;  or agreeing to outsource our middle class to China; or agreeing (with no evidence or discussion) to disband our borders and do away with the Westphalian nation-state system that has served the world for three and a half centuries.  I remember our elites doing that, but not the governed. So I agree with Trump’s policy direction. I fault Trump for one thing: he should have made ethnic relations more central to his presidency, and on occasion, he tickled sentiments that shouldn’t be tickled (e.g., discussing how Mexico sends us their rapists brought up a discussion-worthy issue, but it could have been done in a more respectful way).

While I was once Left-curious, and try to maintain a position of being Left-friendly, at this point I find activist Democrats to be intellectually dishonest and lacking fundamental understanding of what made our republic work and how to fix it. Moreover, I am disgusted by the Goon-ism they embraced as a political creed far before it began making appearance on the Right.

Having been inside this election fraud issue for months, having gotten to know some big brains in it, professors and technologists and computer scientists, the estimate I trust the most comes from one of them, an esteemed government scientist (think rocket science but I may be being metaphorical to some degree). For a couple decades, this scientist and colleagues from a well-known government laboratory have been making a hobby of the study of election fraud. The final estimate of this scientist is that Donald Trump probably got around 79 million votes and Joe Biden got 68 million votes. Through chicanery, Trump ended up with 74 million, Biden with 80 million. The professor's numbers convey my rough sense of the magnitude of this election steal.

This steal, the Deep Rig, should have been child’s play to reveal and reverse. On December 18, President Trump and I spent 4.5 hours together: I let him know that I believed his team was trying to sink a 40-foot shot from a sand trap, but if he would just listen to Flynn and Sidney, there was a 3-foot putt he was not seeing (I’ve never golfed a hole in my life, but I hoped the metaphor might speak to him). In the course of that meeting there came a moment I felt something much different for Donald Trump than I had expected to feel, something that made me want to put an arm around the man and give him a long squeeze of reassurance. What was it I felt? I’m still not sure: Commiseration for a tired man? A kind of love? Or just deep sympathy, that I could see he understood he was failing on the most colossal of scales, he was losing, but he could not put the pieces together? Yet it was child’s play to defeat. I wanted to scold him and weep for him at the same time. Yet I hadn't even voted for him. 

How do I feel about Trump? The explanation starts with my family’s history as a Horatio Alger dream.  

My folks were of Irish working-class roots from New Jersey (Bridgeport, Paterson, Wildwood, and Cape May). My Pop was Rutgers ’52 (Air Force ROTC), and my folks were living poor as church-mice at the U of Michigan, my Pop studying actuarial math, when their three sons began popping into existence. I was born last, in 1962 in Ft. Wayne, Indiana.  We grew up bouncing around New England as my father changed life insurance jobs nearly every year. Passed over in 1976 in Hartford for a promotion at Travelers Insurance that he thought he deserved, my Pop took a job at a broken and insolvent auto insurer in the South: a month later an odd fellow from Omaha showed up on our doorstep, met my dad, and began investing heavily in his new employer. That same day, my Pop cancelled his order for our family’s first new car (a station wagon) and sunk it into stock in his new friend’s firm. My dad’s new employer, GEICO, went on to big things, and my dad’s investment in the stock of his new Omaha friend, Warren Buffett, also worked out well for our family. Most importantly, Buffett became my tutor in life.

In the following years my family grew wealthy (by the time I was 16 my parents were millionaires, and by the time I finished college they were millionaires many times over), and Buffett grew into a billionaire and then into the mythical figure he became. All along the way, the most frequent topic of conversation among Buffett, myself, and my parents, was the role of the affluent in society, their proper behavior, their duties to other citizens and to the country (unlike lots of other rich guys, both Buffett and my Pop were always intensely patriotic men).

In the 1980's Donald Trump burst onto the scene with a braggadocio, gaudy display of wealth, and loudnessin manner and taste, that was the embodiment of everything I was raised to think was wrong about rich people in America.  After JFK, my parents never voted anything but Republican, but my mother did not vote for Trump in 2016, voted Libertarian (!) in 2020, and by January 6, 2021 though Trump was a madman who should be dragged from the White House. My father died in 2013, but I don’t know if he would have voted for Trump in 2016, or in 2020 either. So if you wish honest account of the intellectual milieu from which I hail, that is it. 

As for myself, frankly, that version of Trump that emerged in the 1980's left me so cold that I never much tuned in to him again. For example, I never once saw his TV show. Only when he ran for President did I tune in again on Donald J. Trump (see my 2019 essay, "Reflections on Donald J. Trump"). Since then, and especially in recent months, my feelings about him became decidedly more complex, as will be revealed in this book. 

So that is my orientation.  Enjoy the tale. I didn’t enjoy writing it, but I owed it to you.

Your humble servant,

Patrick M. Byrne

1

Why I Got Involved Before November 3 & What I Learned Because I did

In late July, 2020 a friend from Montana, a stolid, part Native American fellow several years my junior, visited me at home in Utah to see if I could walk again. Over the first months of the pandemic one of my legs had gone paralyzed, and in early July I had surgery on my spinal cord. When my friend saw I could walk again, he told me of a group of people, some ex-federal some not, some cyber-experts and some of other expertise, who were organizing on the subject of election fraud. He was adamant I get involved to help them. My friend was a squared-away individual, and I took his advice and requests seriously.

The next day, August 1, my friend died in a plane crash. As the coincidence was troubling, I looked into it (I am a multi-engine instrument land and seaplane pilot). It does seem to me to have been the error of his instructor, who flew the plane into a Montana box canyon without enough power to climb out. 

At my friend’s funeral I met some of the people he had described. A sober, quiet man with a FEMA background and a deep knowledge of bio-warfare; a retired Army Colonel with a background in Military Intelligence (including psyops); other men and women with backgrounds in everything from law enforcement to cyber operations in military contexts and in support of law enforcement (such as, most recently, operating against human trafficking rings in the Southwest), to the study of reverse-engineering mass election fraud.  

Why were they studying the subject of mass election fraud? Because there were irregularities in the Dallas 2018 election, and those events had spawned a network of cyber-enthusiasts working on election fraud. They were convinced that industrial scale election fraud was possible, and on its way. Soon, key players were dropping through and seeing me in Utah, and I, still recovering from surgery, was driving around to meet them in other cities.  

I write now of, white hat hackers. I should make clear that I am referring to people who not only follow the law, they generally operate under contract to and at the direction of law enforcement at state and federal levels. There is a certification for working in the field of cyber-forensics, a certification that means one can crack open and image hard drives, perform forensics on them, swear out affidavits, and produce work that is admissible in court. Sometimes law enforcement uses white hat hackers in offensive cyber-missions (e.g., smashing a child trafficking/porn ring). The white hat hackers of whom I write are people with such skill sets, and who operate under contract to law enforcement doing things law enforcement needs done but which may sometimes be beyond the in-house capabilities of law enforcement.

White hat hackers also answer to other terms of endearment: cyber-ninjas, geeks, and dolphin-speakers (the last one, in honor of their tendency to congregate and squeak to each other in acronyms no one else can understand: TCP/IP on NSF mount…)

Over September and October I was introduced by these white hat hackers to security vulnerabilities of the technology used in election equipment. Obvious vulnerabilities existed, such as the existence of RS-232 ports so that any technician who can plug-in a cord can get root-level access to the machine without a password (thus compromising the machine forever). Or an IC socket in motherboards that should be soldered shut, but which are open (so that anyone who can slip a chip into that socket for a few seconds can compromise the machine forever). 

See this CNET video, "Hackers target 30 voting machines at