History of Conservative Parties in Europe

Chapter 1: The Birth of Conservatism in Europe

The birth of conservatism as a distinct political and intellectual tradition was not an isolated event but rather the culmination of a series of profound disruptions and transformations that swept across Europe in the late 18th century. At its core, conservatism emerged as a response to the seismic social, political, and cultural changes wrought by the Enlightenment and, most notably, the French Revolution. These upheavals challenged the traditional foundations of European society, prompting thinkers, statesmen, and institutions to articulate a defense of order, tradition, and continuity. To understand the origins of conservatism, one must delve into the intellectual debates of the period, the key figures who shaped its early principles, and the historical contexts that gave rise to this enduring political philosophy.

The Enlightenment, with its emphasis on reason, individualism, and universal rights, provided the intellectual backdrop against which conservatism first took shape. Philosophers such as Voltaire, Rousseau, and Diderot championed ideas that sought to dismantle the old order, advocating for the replacement of monarchy and aristocracy with systems based on meritocracy, equality, and democracy. While these ideas inspired revolutionary movements, they also provoked profound anxieties among those who saw them as a direct threat to the stability of society. The revolutionary fervor unleashed by the French Revolution, beginning in 1789, made these fears a stark reality. The overthrow of the monarchy, the execution of King Louis XVI, the secularization of institutions, and the rise of radical republicanism led to widespread disillusionment among conservatives, who perceived these events as evidence of the dangers inherent in unchecked rationalism and revolutionary zeal.

Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) is perhaps the most influential work to emerge in this context, serving as both a critique of the Revolution and a foundational text for conservative thought. Burke, a British statesman and philosopher, lamented the Revolution’s rejection of inherited tradition and its attempt to construct society anew from abstract principles. He argued that society is an organic entity, bound by a contract not only between the living but also with the dead and the yet-to-be-born. This intergenerational pact, Burke believed, demanded respect for established customs, institutions, and practices. He famously warned against the hubris of revolutionary ideologues, writing, The science of constructing a commonwealth, or renovating it, or reforming it, is not to be taught a priori. Nor is it a short experience that can instruct us in that practical science; because the real effects of moral causes are not always immediate. Burke’s emphasis on gradualism, prudence, and reverence for the past became cornerstones of conservative philosophy.

Across the Channel, similar critiques were being formulated by conservative thinkers on the Continent. Joseph de Maistre, a Savoyard philosopher and diplomat, articulated a more explicitly theocratic and reactionary vision of conservatism. In works such as Considerations on France (1797) and The Saint Petersburg Dialogues (1821), de Maistre argued that human reason was inherently flawed and incapable of governing society effectively without divine guidance. He extolled the monarchy, the Catholic Church, and the principle of hierarchical authority as the only bulwarks against the chaos unleashed by revolutionary ideologies. De Maistre’s assertion that Man cannot govern himself reflected his belief in the necessity of strong, divinely ordained institutions to maintain social order. His thought, while more rigidly reactionary than Burke’s, resonated with conservative movements in France, Spain, and Italy, where the Catholic Church remained a powerful force in shaping political life.

In Germany, the conservative response to revolutionary ideas took a distinct form, shaped by the intellectual traditions of Romanticism and the specific historical conditions of the German states. Friedrich von Gentz, a Prussian political theorist and translator of Burke, played a key role in disseminating conservative ideas in the German-speaking world. Von Gentz argued that the French Revolution represented a dangerous attempt to impose abstract ideals on the complex realities of human society. His critiques of revolutionary universalism emphasized the importance of national identity, local customs, and historical continuity. Meanwhile, the Romantic movement, with figures such as Johann Gottfried Herder and Novalis, celebrated the unique cultural heritage of individual nations, aligning closely with conservative ideals of rootedness and community.

The socio-political realities of Europe further shaped the nascent conservative movement. The French Revolution’s spread across Europe, particularly through the Napoleonic Wars (1803–1815), prompted widespread resistance among traditional elites. The revolutionary and Napoleonic armies dismantled old regimes, abolished feudal privileges, and imposed legal and administrative reforms that upended centuries-old hierarchies. In response, conservative leaders sought to restore the pre-revolutionary order while adapting to new circumstances. The Congress of Vienna (1815), led by figures such as Klemens von Metternich of Austria and Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh of Britain, embodied this conservative vision of restoration and stability. The congress aimed to establish a balance of power that would prevent future revolutionary upheavals, reasserting the primacy of monarchies and traditional alliances.

Primary sources from this period provide a vivid window into the conservative mindset. Metternich’s correspondence, for example, reveals his deep skepticism of popular sovereignty and his conviction that the masses are more disposed to destroy than to construct. Similarly, the writings of François-René de Chateaubriand, a French diplomat and writer, illustrate the emotional and cultural dimensions of conservatism. In The Genius of Christianity (1802), Chateaubriand defended the Catholic faith as a cornerstone of European civilization, blending Romantic sentimentality with a reverence for tradition.

By the early 19th century, conservatism had established itself as a coherent ideological force, though it remained diverse in its expressions and priorities. In Britain, the Tory Party evolved into a vehicle for conservative governance, emphasizing the preservation of the monarchy, the Anglican Church, and the rights of landed elites. In France, the Bourbon Restoration (1814–1830) marked a period of conservative ascendancy, with figures like Charles X attempting to revive the pre-revolutionary social order. In Central and Eastern Europe, conservative movements often aligned with autocratic regimes, as in the case of Tsarist Russia, where Nicholas I’s doctrine of Orthodoxy, Autocracy, and Nationality encapsulated the conservative ethos.

The birth of conservatism in Europe, therefore, was not merely a reaction to revolution but a complex and multifaceted response to the broader challenges of modernity. It sought to balance the preservation of tradition with the realities of change, articulating a vision of society rooted in history, culture, and moral order. As the 19th century unfolded, conservatism would continue to evolve, adapting to new challenges while remaining anchored in its foundational principles. This chapter marks the beginning of that enduring journey, a testament to the resilience of an ideology forged in the crucible of upheaval.

Chapter 2: Early Thinkers and Philosophies

The intellectual foundations of conservatism were not only shaped by the immediate reaction to the French Revolution but also deeply rooted in a series of philosophical traditions that had developed over centuries. These traditions sought to preserve and reinforce societal structures, particularly in a time of growing uncertainty and rapid change. The early thinkers of conservatism, working in the wake of the Enlightenment and the Revolutionary Wars, built on the long-standing debates about human nature, authority, and order, drawing heavily from classical philosophy, Christian doctrine, and emerging ideas of national identity. Their works were not just reactions to the present crises, but reflections on the deeper philosophical questions about the role of tradition, the state, and the individual in a complex society.

One of the earliest intellectual precursors to conservatism was Thomas Hobbes, whose treatise Leviathan (1651) laid the groundwork for later conservative thought. Hobbes argued for the necessity of a powerful, centralized authority to maintain order and prevent chaos, a belief grounded in his view of human nature as inherently self-interested and prone to violence in the absence of a sovereign power. While Hobbes’s political theory was not explicitly conservative in the way later thinkers would develop it, his emphasis on the necessity of a strong, unchallengeable government resonated deeply with conservative theorists, particularly in their responses to the instability of the French Revolution. Hobbes's assertion that life in the state of nature was solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short reinforced the conservative view that without a stabilizing authority, society would descend into anarchy.

The impact of Hobbes on conservatism is evident in the works of later thinkers like Joseph de Maistre and Edmund Burke, who took the notion of a powerful state and institutional authority and adapted it to the context of the 18th and 19th centuries. While Burke’s views were less focused on the necessity of absolute monarchy than Hobbes, they shared a belief in the importance of institutions and traditions in preserving social order. For Burke, the fabric of society was not simply a collection of individuals, but a complex web of relationships and customs that had developed over centuries. In his Reflections on the Revolution in France, Burke famously warned that