Commerce and Caravan Routes

Artical about trading relations between islamic world and northeastern Europe

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Commerce and Caravan Routes

Artical about trading relations between islamic world and northeastern Europe

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Deni Tojčić

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(COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES ALONG ‘THE NORTHERN SILK ROAD (SIXTH-NINTH CENTURIES) PART I: THE WESTERN SECTOR ROMAN K. KOVALEV INTRODUCTION Much has been writen about the “Sitk Road” connecting eastem Eurasia with west- ‘em since the term was first coined by Ferdinand von Richthofen in 1877.’ Since then, scholars involved in the study of early medieval trans-A‘fo-Eurasian com- ‘merce and communications have quite properly come to refer to the many key commercial arteries passing through this vast area as the “Silk Roads.” It is now ‘abundantly clear that many important rade routes, both by land and sea, interconnected the great expanses of Eurasia and much of northern and easter Africa dur ing the Middle Ages. It is now also quite evident that there was much more to th exchange than the trade of silks. All sors of commodities, fauna and flora, and ideas were also transmitted along the Silk Roads and this trade was multilateral.” ‘One of the most important, but much less documented in the written sources and thus less studied, routes integral tothe larger network of early medieval Silk Roads ‘was its northem branch passing across the steppe zane of Eurasia fom east to west From its advent inthe late 560s, this Norther Silk Road had several major vectors leading south to north: three stems branching out north and northwest of the Urals 1 Ferdinand von Richthofen, China, Bd. (Berlin, 187), 2. See, for instance, ELH. Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand. A Study of T'ang Exoiles (Los Angeles, 1985), G. Hourani, drab Seafaring: In the Indian Orean in An cient and Early Medieval Times (Expanded Edition) (Princeton, 1995), El. Lubo- Lesnichenko, Kitai na shelkovom putt (Moscow, 1984): Xinru Liu, Silk and Religion: dn Exploration of Material Life andthe Thought of People, AD 600-1200 (Delhi, 1998); S. Hedin, The Sik Road, «. FH, Lyon (London, 1938, reprint, Columbia, MO, 1994) C. Thubren, Silk Road (New York, 1990); AL. Julisno, Monks and Merchants: Sik Road Treasures From Northwest China Gansu and Ningxia Provinces, Fourth Pers. sipané— lit “temporary”) were built in Sogd, two of which were located in the upper Zarafshan river region and owned by the Sogdian king Divastié (ca. 719- 738).* In 719/20, the Umayyad Caliph “Umar Il ordered his representative in Sogd to construct inns (kids) in the lands around Samargand-Chach “so whenever & ‘Muslim passes by” he could be harbored fora day and a night, his animals would be cared for, and he would receive provisions and hospitality.” The Arabs followed up by building rides or fortified camps/garrisons in central Asia, the earliest of which appear to have been established in 727-729 by Ashras b. ‘Abd-allahal-Sulam, the governor of Khurastn.” These ribafs could function as early caravansaries, since they offered safety to travelers and a place to stay for the night. Albeit, the classic squareectangle-type caravansaries specifically built to harbor caravans did not develop until the ninth-tenth centuries, when the level of trade expanded through central Asia and the region came under the more centralized rule of the Tahirids and later the Samanids."* Until then, caravans must have made their stops at the early raphy & Ideology of Chinese Pouery Figurines from Han o Tang & Their Relevance 10 Trade Along the Sik Routes Zurich, 1998), 44-70. 53 M'Siroux, Anciennes voles et monuments routers de la region dIopahan (Le Caie, 1971), Figs 43: Khel mitski, Mech arabam | um, 79. 54 1uF, Burtakov, Po drevnim karavannym pusiam Tashhenshog oaziva (Tashkent, 1978), S657 88 1A. Smimova, Ocherki po itor Sogda (Moscow, 1970), 138-139. 56 Aictaban, The Tisory of a Tabar? dn Annotated Tranciation, i. D.S, Powers, vol 24 [The Empire in Transition. The Caliphate of Sulayman, “Umar, and Yaztd, AD. 715- ‘Taian, 97-105} (New York, 1989), 94 (1364). Also see alBaladhusi, Kudb Fuh ak- Baldi in The Origins ofthe Islamic Stare, pt. 2,t. F.C. Murgotten, 2nd ed. (New York, 1969), 197 57 AlTabart The History of al-Tabart An Annotated Translation, . KRY. Blankinship, ‘ol 25 [The End of Expansion. The Caliphate of Hisham, A.D. 724-738/AH. 105-120] (New York, 1989), 42 (1304), 58 Khmelntsi, Mezhd arabam!«turkami, 180, 204. For the role ofthe sae in ett lishing and maintaining earavansaries, see W.C’ Brice, "Caravan Traffic Across Asi" Ang 10 (1958), 83-84. COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES 69 ‘Muslim ribais and khans and, prior to the eighth century at the numerous “feudal” castles (kitks) that were to be found along caravan routes throughout central Asia.” Perhaps, one example of a site that caravans could have used as a way-station was the castle of tekke-Parsan. It was located along the eastern bank of the Amu Darya river in Khwarazm and next to a route leading from Bukhara to Al-FI/Kath, the capital of Khwarazm in the early Middle Ages. lakke-Parsan was a residence of some 74in x S4m in area, having a wall of 3.5-4.6m thick, and a tower. Inside the tower, archaeologists discovered camel bones and a piece of yellow silk with a print dating to the early eighth century. No doubt, many of the other castles found throughout central Asia dating from the sixth through the eighth centuries could have functioned as way-stations for caravans,"' including those traveling to the middle Volga. Little can be said about the route leading from Khwarazm to the middle Volga based only on the very scant evidence for this early period. Aerial photography has shown the existence of a well-rodden road dotted by stone wells and remains of caravansaries leading from Jurjantyah/Gurganj in Khwarazm to the lower course of the Emba/Zhem river northwest of the Aral Sea." While these caravansaries did not ‘yet exist at this early stage of trade relations, itis quite possible that the caravan route itself passed through the same region centuries earlier. Writing in ca. 1050, but relying on ninth-century information, Gardtzt seems to speak of the same route in describing the road to the lands of the Petenegs which began in Jurjantyah, passed through the mountains of Khwarazm, then curved southwest around Lake Khwarazm (Aral Sea), from where it traversed the desert for nine days, “coming to a weli every day or every two days.” On the tenth day, the road came to various springs ané a river (Emba?) where various game and fowl and deer and some grass could be found. ‘When traveling along the caravan route from Jurjantyah to the middle Volga in the early third decade of the tenth century, Ibn Fadlan specifically mentions the Emba (Jam) river. Indeed, details on some aspects of how the caravan road may have functioned during earlier times can be gathered from Ibn Fadlan’s eyewitness 59 GAA. Pugachenkova, Pu razvitiaIxhrogo Turkmenistana poryrabovladenilaifeodal- {oma (Moscow, 1958), 165-166, 60 EE, Nera, “Raskop lake-Parsana,” Pole sledovanlaHhorezmskotelspedshit ¥ 1958-196) gg. 2 [Materialy Khoreamskoi arkheslogo-cnogratchestolekspedist 7] (Moscow, 1983}, pp. 3, 13-14, 16, 17 & Figs. 7-8 6 Fora very good and up to date survey ofthe sites, ste Sredniaia Asia {Dal'mi Vostok v epothu srednevekov'la. Sredniala Aslia'v rantem srednevelov®e, cd. GA. Brykina (Soscow, 1959) 62 SPTolsiow,duj den Spuren der altchoresmischen Kultur (Betis, 1953), pp. 263-268, 284-286 & Fig. 85. : ube 63 Gar in AB. Marines, “Gate's Two Chapters on the Turks." AE 2 (1982), 64 Ibn Fadlan, The Risa of Ibn Facts: An Annotated Translation with Introduction, 1.E. Mekeithen (Ann Arbor, MI, 1979), 76 a note 197,70 RK. KOVALEV account of the route, While Ibn Faglan made his journey from Khwarazm to the middle Volga in 922, he does describe a very well-developed route with a rather sophisticated infrastructure, which was unlikely to have developed only at the turn of the tenth century. On arriving to Khwarazm from Baghdad, Ibn Fadlan purchased from the locals warm clothing, food for three months (bread, millet, and jerked meat), Turk- istBactrian camels, and collapsible camel-skin boats. On March 4, 922, he joined a ‘caravan that consisted of 3,000 pack animals (including camels) and accompanied by 5,000 men (including 2 guide, guards, and merchants) While the size of the pre-Samanid-era commerce is very difficult to ascertain, it is quite likely that it was much smaller in volume than at the time of Ibn Fadlén. ‘Therefore, caravans would have been significantly smaller in the number of animals used and would not have necessarily made the voyage annually. For instance, according to the T'ang sh, in the mid-eighth century caravans of up to twenty camels carrying silks with prints traveled from the Islamic East (Dashi) (Transoxiana?) to the iands of the Quit of southwestern Siberia every three years. When the baggage proved to be too large, twenty-four camels were loaded. Like the peoples of the middle Volga, the Qurstz exchanged furs and other goods obtained in the forest zone region for the imported commodities. It would thus not be unreasonable to suggest that a similar situation existed in trade relations between the middle Volga and Khwarazm during the same period. Ibn Fadlan’s voyage began from Jurjantyah, the second capital of Khwarazm, and then passed to the ribat “Zamjan.” The next day the caravan traveled to @ wa) station called JIUGMt, which was the gateway to the land of the pastoral nomadic ‘Turkic Guzz. Due to heavy snows and the inability ofthe camels to walk through it, the caravan stayed at JiUGRt for two days.” From this station until the middle Volga region, the caravan no longer had access to caravansaries as it traversed the steppe of the southwestern Urals. Along this route, the caravan had to cross a number of large rivers using the camel-skin boats. Goods and men were transported in the boats while the animals swam across themselves. Crossing the largest of the rivers Gaykh = Ural?) was quite dangerous, as was illustrated by the capsizing of one boat and the drowning of people, horses, and camels.” 65 Ton Fadlan, Risa, 48-50, (66 Tang shu in N.la: Bichurin (Iakin), Sobrante svedenei o narodakh obitavshith v Sred- nei Azitv dveynie vremena, vol. (Moscow-Leningrad, 1950), 355, 67 Ibn Fadian, Risa, 51 {68 For caravansares in Biliar-Bulpar, sec AK, Khalikov, R-F, Sharifllin, “Karavan-sarai drevnego Biliara,”Issledovaniia Velikogo goroda (Moscow, 1976), 75-100 and S'S. Ate ddarov, “Arkhitekturoeissledovanie ruin 2aniiacaravan-sataia v Biliae,”Issledovaniia Velikogo goroda, 101-112. Also see R.K. Kovalev, “Camel Transport in Volga Bulgaria and Kievan Rus" (forthcoming), (69 Ibn Fadl, Risdla, 75-77, 18-79, (COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES, a While passing through the southern Urals, on several occasions merchants made payments/bribes tothe Guz in the form of food items, cloth and clothing (including silks), coins, and other goods in exchange for passage, temporary shelter in tents, and fresh mounts and pack animals (including camels).” In this connection, it ‘would be of interest to note the two analogous whole glass chalices of Byzan- tine/Syrian origins dating to the sixth century found in the southem Urals-middle ‘Volga region. One was deposited in a grave situated in the Belaia river basin (tributary to the Kama) sometime in the sixth century and the other in a grave situated along the lower Kama (near its confluence with the middle Volga) in the second half of the sixth century.” Both of these graves also showed features that connect them with the Imen’kovo as well as the semi-nomadic Turbaslinsk culture of the southern Ural steppe area. The latter culture, centered in the confluence of the Ufa with the middle Belaia river and dating to the seventh-eighth centuries, had very close connections, if not genesis, inthe Dzhyetyasarsk culture ofthe lower reaches ‘of the Syr Darya-Aral Sea basin.”” Another quite revealing find trom the same area is the Ufa hoard of one bronze and two silver vessels of “easter” (Iranian/central Asian?) origins dating to the sixth-seventh centuries. Not far from this hoard, archaeologists discovered a seventh-century Sasanian (”) carnelian seal from a ring at a cemetery dating to the sixth-seventh centuries.” Quite possibly, just as the pastoral nomads witnessed by Ibn Fadlan in 922, the peoples of the Turbaslinsk and other similar cultures inhabiting the southern Urals helped to maintain the caravan route passing between the middle Volga and Khwarazm during the earliest stages of ‘he west Urals Fur Road operation and charged transit fees from the passing eara- The above-mentioned commodities discovered in the southern Urals were just a few examples of the items that passed through the area, some of which landed there as part of the passage fees. As will be discussed below, during the next stage of trade relations between the middle Volga and central Asia, the route via the south- fem Urals is much better documented by way of material remains ~ many, if not 70 Ibn Fadlan, Rissa, 8-61, 64, 69-70, 71 ED. Kazakov, “Dva stekliannykh kubka Viv, ne. iz nekropolei Uralo-Povolzh"i,” Russian Histan/Mistoire Russe: 1-2 [Festschrift for Th'S. Noonan, Vol. 2, ed RK. Kovalev, H.M. Sherman] (2005) (inthe press). 72 Kazakov, “Dva stekliannykh kubka Viv, ne.” Also see E.P. Kazakoy, "K voprosu 0 {urbaslinsko-imenkovskikh pamiatnikakh,” Kul tury evropeiskithstepei foros poloviny Tiys. ne, (Samara, 1996), 40°57 73 AL Voshchinina,“O sviaziakh Priural'ia s Vostokom v VI-VIL vy. ne.” (Ufimskii klad, naidennyi v 1941 g),” Sovetskata artheologtia 1 (1953), 183-196. 74 For the survey of the major pastoral nomadic and semi-sedentary cultures ofthe south- is ofthis period (eg, Turbaslnsk, Bakhmutinsk, and Karalakopovsk), see N.A. tay! Url VL-VIl wad “ahr Url» EXnacale X's Spt RI, Evra» epotie srednevelov'a [Arkhesogia SSSR, ed. SA. Petnva, Moses, 19525-28803 eee ‘n RK. KOVALEV most, of which were deposited in the area as a result of commerce passing through ‘the region and transit fee payments made by merchants On May 12, 922, Ibn Fadlan arrived in the Volga Bulgar capital of Bulgar ~ according to him, after a three-month voyage.”* Regrettably, the author did not indi- cate when he left the middle Volga region on his return voyage nor describe his Joumey back south. But, it surely would have been made sometime in mid- to late summer, before the onset of the autumn cold rain, and potential early snows. This ‘would have given merchants about two months to trade their goods and depart on their three-month return trek to Khwarazm. In this way, camels would not have had {o winter in the cold climate ofthe middle Volga region, During the second half ofthe sixth through the first half ofthe seventh centuries, the peoples of the middle Volga could offer safe harbor to caravans atthe numerous Imen’kovo hillforts, one of which occupied a huge area of 500,000m?, but most were no larger than 5000m?. Many of these hillfrts were very well defended as they stood on high ground, were surrounded by moats, and had walls built of two layers of heavy interlinked logs filled in between with earth and rocks. There is evi ‘dence to suggest that the fortifications were well maintained and repaired. It is be lieved that these hillforts were regularly occupied by a small group of defenders, but their main functions were to afford safe harbor at times of danger tothe inhabitants living atthe unfortfied settlements in the vicinity and provide a place to store food supplies and other valuable property.”* Among the many osteological remains found at Imen’kovo sites were a great many bones of fur-bearing animals (marten, sable, ‘ermine, hate and especially many of beaver”), thereby underscoring the reasons why camels and caravans came to the middle Volga from Khwarazm. Taken alf {ogether, Imen’kovo hillforts provided security forthe visiting caravans and a place to trade furs and other northem goods in exchange for the commodities discussed above and undoubtedly others that have not been preserved. From this region, the Imen’kovo people traded some of the southern Eurasian wares brought to them fiom Khwarazm for additional furs (probably also those of higher quality coming fiom the taiga region) with their northern Finno-Uerian neighbors.” As suggested earlier, the infrastructure of the route Ibn Fadlan described shows 4 high level of sophistication by the time he made his journey in 922. The antece- dents ofthis road may well have had their roots in a much earlier caravan route that connected Khwarazm to the middle Volga. Camels and hilifors in the middle Volga and camels and castles/Aavks in Khwarazm, separated but also linked by pastoral nomadic peoples at its middle sector, and all regions interconnected by finds of 75 Ion Fadlan, Risa, 83 16 Starostin, Paniarilsimen hovskot kl tury, 11-13 77 Starostin, Pamiariks men hovskot kal try, 127 78 For the Finno-Ugrian peoples and their aceess to northem furs, see Kovalev, “The Infra- structure ofthe Northem Part ofthe «Fur Roads,” 26-56. COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES 3 various commodities traded along the Northern Silk Road — based on allthis, i seems that there are very good reasons to believe that the infrastructure ofthis route came into being sometime during the late sixth and the first half ofthe seventh century. ‘The Post Sasanian/West Tark Qaganate Era (ca. 650-ca. 90) Just as camel bones suddenly appeared in the middle Volga region during the era of the Imen’kovo culture, they just as suddenly disappeared with its end in the fist half of the seventh century. Camel bones reappeared in this region only in the tenth century when the Volga Bulgar state established intense trade relations with the Samanid amtrate in Transoxiana. This commerce carried out by way of caravan traffic will bring an estimated 125 million Sémanid silver coins or dithams and ‘many other goods to the middle Volga, mainly in exchange for furs.” But, there is no direct evidence for the presence of camels in the middle Volga basin from the second halfof the seventh through the ninth centuries, thereby suggesting a break in trade relations between this region and central Asia, With that said, itis critical to keep in mind that archaeologists invariably discover bones of camels at settlements ‘Moreover, our present state of knowledge of the middle-Volga settlements dating to the later part ofthe seventh through the ninth centuries is extremely limited, Up until very recently, it was believed that very few temporary and no permanent settlements were established in the middle Volga during the second half of the seventh through the ninth centuries. During this period, the region of the middle Volga witnessed the termination of the sedentary Imen’kovo culture in the first half Of the seventh century and the arrival of the pastoral nomadic Bulgars and Turks beginning with the second half of the same century. While this is not the place to discuss the fate of the Imen'kovo culture and its connection to the proto-Volga Bulgar, what is clear is that settlements — while still in existence — were drastically reduced in numbers in the post-Imen’kovo period until the early Volga Bulgars be- ‘gan to sedentarize and establish fortified and unfortfied settlements in the early years of the tenth century.” And it is only then that camel bones reappear in the 79 ThS, Noonan “The TenthCentury Trade of Volga Bulgaria With Simanid Cena fins Absit 1 (2000-0) NP , Fr cael od cava rue of Vola Balghari, se Kovaey, “Camel tvangpor in Volga Bulgaria and Kievan Rus” 80 For een dscstons and specultonsreguding the ead of te Ine ovo culture, its fate and “thie” entity at well a he TarkeBugarigaions tothe mae Volg, Sec Kazaoy, kul tro rome! Volhtos Bolgara (Moscow, 1992) and te resiowet this book by RK. Kovalev, “Cites P. Kasay, Kultura rane Votsokos Boar" AEAdAe 9 (1997), 313-338, GL. Mavveva, Mol mk rankhBolgar na Somers ‘ate Samara, 1857) BS. Bagntdinon, AV. Bopacher, SE Zab, Drabolgary ne Srednet Volge (Samara, 1998)A.V- Bogschey, “Pabeny look urpope vee, iia sepa Kochewnhplemen Srednegs Povleia serene felcheleta"a RK. KOVALEV middle Volga region, all found at settlements."' Since all of the camel bones have been found at Imen’kovo sites of habitation, it would sland to reason tha the appar- ‘ent disappearance of camel bones in the region may well be connected not to the termination of camel caravan traffic tothe area, but to the extreme paucity of set- Llements where their bones could have been deposited and subsequently discovered by archaeologists. In other words, camels may well have traveled to the middle Volga from central Asia in the post-Imen'kovo era but their remains simply have not been documented. Perhaps, with the discovery of new setlements dating to these two and a half centuries and a careful study of their osteological remains, camel bones will come to light. ‘The above suggestion regarding the continuation of caravan trade between the middle Volga and central Asia in the post-Imen’kovo period is concurred by other evidence, Based on the finds of a handful of eighth-century Khwarazmian coins and eastem metalware dating to the seventh through the ninth centuries in the middle Volga-Perm region, Noonan has convincingly argued that some sort of commercial relations were maintained between the middle Volga and central Asia during the course of the eighth and ninth centuries. He aptly called this phase in commercial contacts the “post-Sasanian interlude,” distinguishing the earlier Sasanian stage of trade relations from the Islamic tenth-century commerce with the Samanids.”* Indeed, in addition tothe evidence advanced by Noonan, there are other maeri- als that speak ofthis post-Sasanian commerce. Some very interesting and revealing ‘materials come from a group of burial sites situated along the central sector of the caravan route from Khwarazm to the middle Volga. Thus, silks have been discov- cred at a numberof burial sites dating to the ninth-lenth centuries in Bashkortostan, southwestern Urals: lamashi-Tausk (lower Sakmara river basin), Bekeshevsk I and Il (upper Sakmara river basin), Lagerevsk (Ufa river basin), and Sterlitamansk (middle Belaia river basin) cemeteries." Among these finds, there is specific infor- Russian History/Histoire Russe 28: 1-4 [Festschrift for Th.S. Noonan, Vol. I, ed. by R.K. Kovalev & HLM, Sherman] (2001), 105-136; Kazakov, “Novye arkheologicheskie mate- ally,” 23-38. For the tenth-century Volga Bulfar settlements, see Kazakov, Kul Yura ‘rannel Volchsko! Bolgari, 298-311. For the discovery of new sertlements dating tothe ighth-ninth centuries as well as cemeteries se lu.A. Semykin, “K voprosu o poselenii- ah raanikh Bolgar v Srednem Povelzh’e,” Kul tury evropeitith ste! viorol potoviny Ts. ne, (Samara, 1996), 66-75; Gl. Matveeva, “Poseleniia VIIL-IX vy. v Srednem Po= volch’e” Le arkhcologi! Povolzh'ia i Priural ia (Kazan, 2003), 103-113; ILA. Se- ‘mykin, E-P. Kazakoy, “Isledovanie novykh pamiatnikov rannebolgarskogo vemeni UPianovskom Povolzh'e,” fz artheologit Povolzh'ia 1 Priural ia, 114-138; Bagautdi- nov, Bogachev, Zubov, Prabolgary na Sredne! Volge; Matveeva, Mogil niki rannith Bolgar. 81 Kovalev, “Camel Transpor in Volga Bulgaria and Kievan Rus” 82. Noonan, “Khwarazmian Coins ofthe Eighth Century from Eastern Europe,” 256.258. 83. NA. Mashitov, Kurgany luzhnogo Urala VIII ws. (Moscow, 1981), 38, 56, 63, 82; RB. Akhmerob, “Stelitamanskii mogilnik i ego inuchenie,” Arkheologicheskie pa -miainiks Nichnego Prikam ia (Kazan’, 1983), 30 COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES, 15 mation about the discovery of a large piece of Sogdian silk in the Iamashi-Tausk kurgan X02 burial, while the silks of the Bekeshevsk I and Il kurgans had “very elaborate omaments.”™ But, the most interesting burial complex is the Sterlita- mansk cemetery, dating from the mid-eighth through the mid-ninth centuries. Aside from one gold Umayyad dinar dating to 705/06 and three early ‘Abbasid silver dir- ‘hams (dating to 770, 774/75, 779/80), archaeologists have also discovered atthe site Sogdian or post-Sasanian Iranian silks dating to the eighth-ninth centuries and two silver cups of Sogdian origins dating to the second half of the eighth century. Of particular interest is that the din, silks, and one of the silver cups all come from a single grave," which clearly ties the individual buried here to trade with early Is- lamic central Asia. It is quite likely that all of these coins, metalware, and silks landed in the region between Khwarazm and the middle Volga in the late eighth century (based on coin finds) as part of transit fees caravan merchants paid to the nomadic and semi-nomadie Turks and Ugrians (proto-Magyars) who controlled the central part of this route during this period, Connections between the middle Volga-Perm’ region and central Asia can also be traced around the general region of the middle Volga. For instance, atthe Vam- insk cemetery located in the Cheptsa river basin, archaeologists have discovered an ‘Umayyad dirham minted in Wasit in 705, a Bukhar-Khudat drachm of the seventh- carly eighth century, an Indian imitation of an Umayyad dirham, a coin struck by the governor of Khurasan ‘Abd al-Allah ibn Tahir (828-844) in Khwarazm alongside five late Sasanian drachms of Khusraw Il (590-628)." The origins of most of these coins point to an easter, central Asian orientation of trade connections of this region, In addition, as mentioned above, silks have been found at the Kurmank ‘cemetery (Oka river region) and a piece of Chinese silk was discovered at the De- ‘menki cemetery (upper Kama region), both dating to the seventh-ninth centuries. At the ninth-tenth century Tankeev cemetery, located in the middle Volga (just south of its confluence with the Kama), 45 graves contained thin silk cloth that was used to ritually cover the deceased’s face (apparently a common Ugrian practice). One grave also contained a silk shirt, while another a ribbon made of silk"” While a part cof these silks may have been buried at this cemetery in the tenth century when trade with Samanid central Asia was highly developed, itis quite possible that another #4 Mazhitov, Kurgony lzhnogo Urala, 38 85 Akhmerov,"Steritamanckit motel,” 30-3, 8% Via" Semenov, "Vaminskil mogl ik” Nove pamiatnikiPolomskoi kal try (lhevsk, 1980), 64 Te should be oted that Semenov's report on the coin (copper) of Abt All ibn Tait allegedly struck inthe mide ofthe eighth ceaury in Kévwarazm, is tate spec Asie fam eft ha Ab a Ah ahi We emia ‘nol @ centuy eal, I'am not aware of any coins struck (silver or copper) i Kivwaracn by ths ruler d : aed £87 Razakov, Kult rane Volzhot Bolgari, 93, 95,200.76 RK. KOVALEV part was deposited in the ninth century, thus speaking of commercial relations during the post-Sasanian interlude. To all of these material finds can be added several Islamie texts that hint at this commerce, Thus, Jahiz (d. 870) mentioned that “From the lands of Khwarazm (come): musk; ermine, marten, miniver, and fox furs."™ According (0 Tbn al- Zubayr, writing later in the ninth century, the early Samanid amt Isma't ibn ‘Ahmad (892-907) dispatched as a present sable (sammiP) hats to the ‘Abbasid caliph al-Mu'tadi in 893. It is quite likely thatthe furs mentioned in these two accounts were imported by Khwarazmian merchants by way of caravan from the middle Volga and tten distributed by other caravan routes throughout the Islamic world Perhaps this trade and, in fact, its expansion during the late eighth-arly ninth centuries ean be traced ty the boom in the building of caravansaries in Khwarazm and routes leading to it ftom other regions of Islamic central Asia, Thus, Tahir T (776-82) built a large caravansary of Riba Tahirtyah in Khwarazm sometime during his reign.” The caravansary of Meshekli, stationed on the right bank ofthe Amu Darya, north of the caravansarie of Ribat Tahiryah, Ishan-Ribat, and Jakarband, was erected sometime in the ninth century.” Both Ribat Tahirtyah and Meshekli ‘were built along the road that connected Khwarazm with Amul, Marw, and Harat in KhurdsAn. To underscore Khwarazm’s expansion of commerce with other regions ofthe Islamic world a this time, three other earavansaries ~ more generally dated to the ninth-tenth centuries ~ were erected along the road connecting Amul with Marw: Kyzylcha-kala | (medieval al-Diwad), Kyzyicha-kala 2 (medieval al-Hadtd), and Ribay Nasraq (near the caravan station of Mansaf) (see Table | bellow). While there is no question thatthe expansion of Khwarazmian trade contacts during the ninth century can also be traced to the rise of central Asian commerce with Khazaria via its capital of Iti/Aul on the lower Volga these same caravansaries could well have served caravan routes leading north to the middle Volga Overall, there is considerable evidence coming from a diverse range of sources which points to the existence of commercial contact between Islamic central As (Khwarazm in particular) and the middle Volga during the eighth and ninth centuries. The apparent absence of camels in the middle Volga region tat would defi tively point to the use of caravans to trade between this region and ceatral Asia during this period can probably be explained by the great paucity of permanent sete- ments in the middle Volga area during the post-Imen'kovo era, i.e. shes where camel bones are normally found. 8 Jahiz in R.S. Lopez, LW. Raymond, Medieval Trade in the Mediterranean World Ius- ‘rative Documens, Translations With Introductions and Notes (New York, repit 1990), doe. 4 p. 28 89 Gil, "The Radhanite Merchants and the Land of Radhan,” 312-313. 90 Khiel'itski, Mecha arabamtturkami, 132 91 Khmel nitski, Meshal arabamt{turkam, 202. COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES n ‘THE NORTH CAUCASUS SECTOR OF THE NORTHERN SILK ROAD (CA. 650-Ca. 900) With the decline of the West Turk qaganate’s power in westem Eurasia, during the second half of the seventh century the Khazar qaganate had replaced it in the Cas- pian steppe zone and the Norther Caucasus as the main politcal entity. By the 670s, the Khazars subdued the Bulgar qaganate (Magna Bulgaria) of the Pontic steppe, thereby becoming masters of the Caspian-Pontic steppes and the Northern Caucasus. Included in their possessions in the Northem Caucasus was the sector of the Norther Silk Road that passed through the mountains, along which the Khazars erected castles and settled them with a mixed population of Alans, Adyges, and Bulgars.” In this way, the Khazars were able to maintain the former commercial patters along the western sector of the Norther Silk Road in the post-West ‘Turk era. In addition, sometime during the late seventh to the early eighth centuries, the Khazars also brought into their sphere of influence the middle Volga region and ‘made its peoples tributaries." As a result, this not only meant that the Khazars ‘gained access to the middle-Volga furs but could also dispose of them via the ‘Northern Caucasus east-west caravan Silk route, and from the last decades of the eighth century to the Islamic Near East via the north-south trans-Caucasus route (ee below). Furthermore, their control over the middle Volga meant that the Khazars came into possession of the steppe route through the southem Urals to Khwarazm and the rest of central Asia, This west Urals Fur Road, as discussed above, was fully operational during the eighth and ninth centuries. The importance of this route for the Khazars cannot be overstated, especially for much of the ninth century. Sometime during the reign of ‘Abd al-Allah ibn Tahir (828-844), the Khazars lost control over the northeastern Caspian steppe that they had controlled since the 680s-690s,” thereby loosing influence over the eastern Caspian-Aral seas sector of the Norther Silk Road. An indirect route to Khwarazm via the middle ‘Volga and the southem Urals thus offered an alternative. ‘As with the caravan routes connecting the middle Volga with Khwarazm during the sixth-ninth centuries, we have little direct information regarding Khazarian ‘caravan roads for the same period. Nevertheless, as with the former, itis possible to reconstruct many aspects of the way they functioned based on numismatics, osteol- ‘ogy, pictorial evidence, and the fragmentary accounts of the written sources. Thus, according to Ibn A'tham al-Kaff, in 758 Yazid ~ the ‘Abbasid governor of 92 PLB. Golden, An Inraducton 10 the History ofthe Turkic Peoples (Wiesbaden, 1992), 253, 236-239, 244-246; S.A" Romashou, toricheskaia geografiia Khazarskogo kage nata (V-XIII vv.) [AEMAe 12] (2002-2003), 191. Gee ae 3 Romashov,,storicheskaia ‘geografiia Khazarskogo kaganata [AEMAe 12}, 178-122. ‘Aso see below 94 Romashoy, storicheskaa geografta Khazarskogo kaganata [AEMAe 12), 167-168 9 omashor, vrcheviataGeograa Racers anata (AENe 1 191-1988 RK. KOVALEV Arminiyah ~ received a dowry from the Khazar qagan which included amongst ‘many other commodities ten thousand “short-stature” Khazari camels, one thousand Turki camels (each of which had two humps, ic., Bacrian camels), one thousand ‘mules, and ten carriages covered with gold and silver plaques, sables, and silks...” Hence, itis quite clear that the Khazars had a significant number of camels (of two distinct types) and mules in their lands that could be used as gifts as well a in caravan trade. Also, of great interest is the mention of sables and silks. This is the earl est record forthe availability of these two highly prized commodities amongst the Khazars. Thus, by the middle of the eighth century northern furs were available in Khazaria and they could easily have been brought there by way of the Fur Road stretching to the middle Volga and their proto-Volga Bulgar tributaries. Silk, however, could well have come to Khazaria via the Norther Silk Road passing through the Northern Caueasus that was under their control at that time. ‘Archaeological finds confirm the use of camels in the lands of Khazaria during the early Khazar era.” The earliest bones of camels from the qaganate appear to hhave been discovered at the Andreiaul’sk hillfort in layers dating from the sixth through the late eighth centuries (when the site was destroyed by the Khazar-Arab wars). Andreiaul'sk was located on the Akhtash river, situated between the Sulak and Terek river basins, and lay along a key route between the eastern Black Sea and the western Caspian.” It is likely that this site was the early medieval town of Ba- bandar, situated 25 kilometers north of Balanjar"® and on the road leading south to the Caspian Sea coastal cities of Samander and Darband. From these towns it was possible to reach Iti/Atl at the confluence of the lower Volga with the Caspian Sea going north by water or the southern Caucasus and the Near East going south by land. At the same time, the fort had access to a route leading west towards the east- ‘em Black Sea coast via the middle Terek river to Khasaut (Where the second largest collection of silks had been discovered, including mostly Sogdian, Chinese, and Byzantine’), thence to Khumara'” and onto the upper Kuban’, then to Teberda 96 Ibn [Asam] A'tham AL-Kah, Kniga zavoevanit VIEIV wo), te. Z.M. Buniiato¥ (Baku, 1981), 62 97 Wt should be added that Movses Dasturang! preserves an indirect reference to the use of ‘camels by the Khazars when he relates hat they drank camel's milk a the time they see Captured Tifls in ca, 629. See Movsts Dassurangi, The History of the Caucasian Alba- hans, wt. C.F. Dowsett (Oxford, 1961), 99. 98 M.G. Magomedov, Obrazovanie Khazarskogo kaganata (Moscow, 1983), p. 100 & Ta- bled. 99 DM. Auey, MG. Magometov, “Andreiaul'skoe gorotishche," Drevnast! Dagestana [Meteraly po arkhcologit Dagestana 5} (Makhachkala, 1974), 132 100 Atacv, Magometov, "Andreiayl'skoe gorodishche,” 138: S.A. Remashov, Itoricheskaia ‘geografiia Khazarskogo kaganata (V-XIII vs.) [AEMAe 13] 3008), 9 101 ferusalimskaia, “O Severokavkazskom ‘Shelkovom puti,” 68-69; Nosnan, “Why Dir- hhams First Reached Russa,” 252-254. lecheniia po istort Azerbaidzhana COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES p (where Chinese silks dating from the eighth through the ninth centuries have been discovered),"® and thereafter either to the Rioni river and its Black Sea port of Pha- sis (Rion) or to the Gvandra and Kodori rivers that led to the coastal city of Dioscu- rigs (Sukhumi)." The alternative route passed from the upper Kuban’ to Nizhnii Arkhyz (Where ninth-century Sogdian and Chinese silks dating from the eighth through the ninth centuries have been discovered") on the upper Bol’shoi Zelen- chuk river, to the Sanchur Pass and the site of the Moshchevaia Balka cemetery on the Bol'shaia Laba river, onto the Bzyb’ river, and then to the port city of Pitiunt (Pitsunda)." From these ports one could reach Constantinople directly by sea or via Trapezus in Anatolia, as described by Menander (the route from Phasis to Trax ppezus) in the second half ofthe sixth century.” Iti of interest to note thatthe Sog- dian, Byzantine, and Chinese silks discovered in Moshckevaia Balka and Khasaut date largely from the eighth through the ninth centuries." Tras, it is quite possible ‘that the eamel bones discovered in Andreiaul’sk/Babandar belonged to camels trav- cling in caravans along the westem end of the Northern Silk Road - the sector between the Caspian and the Black seas. In addition to camels, mules seem to have been rather common pack animals used along the Northem Caucasus sector of the Norther Silk Road. As noted above, Ibn A’tham al-Kaft noted the availability of these animals among the Khazars in the mid-eighth century. While bones of mules are even more rare finds than those of camels in the westem Eurasian steppe and forest-steppe zone," they 102For evidence ofan carly medieval setlement atthe site, see Aleksceva,d-theologiches- ‘ie pamiatnly, 108112; KKM. Bidohiev, Khumarinstoe gorodiiche (Chetkesk, 1985) 103For evidence ofan early medieval setlement athe site, see Alekseev, Areologiches ‘he pana, 77-78. For the reference to siks, see N/A, Tikhonov, OV. Orfiskai, *Sicltanoe zal se ia Nichne-Arthyzskogo Alanskogo poerebenia epokhi rannego srednevekow'ia” Kultura Evrassihhstepet wtorol plowny 1 lacheletia me. (Vo. rosy hroologi (Samar, 1998), 388 104P.G Akitas, “Brevi torgovyi pu of Chemogo mova k Kasiskomu po goram tsen- tralnogo Kavkaza” Uchenve © zapis Rabardno-halkarsgo ~ nauchno- Esledowael'shogo Instat, vol. 1 (Nae, 1989), 202-219, Noonan, Why Dihams First Reached Ras” 256 10SV.A. Kuznetsov, Nehnitdrkiye v XK vtath (Stavropo’, 1993), 126, 213. For the early medieval finds ffom this sites, also See Alekseev drUheolopicheste pamiarni, 45-49; Tikhonoy,Orfnsaia,"Stekliannoe zrka se," 388 Jostersatimskars, “Alanskit mi pa ‘shelkovom put! 15657; Noonan, “Why Dirhams First Reached Russi” 255. Fora very recent and rater dealed reconstruction ofthe Yarious routes leading trough the area, sce Savchenko, "Moshehevata bala” 125-14 107 The History of Menander the Guardsman, pp. 126-12} & p14, pp. 266-267. Also sce VL Respopova, “Arkheolpicheskie dannye 0 Sogdiskoi torgvle”” Krathie 0b: shcheniia Instituta arkhedlogit 138 (1973), 81. ” a 108 jerusalimskala,“O Seyerokaviazskom “Shelkovom put” $8; Noonan, “Why Dithams Fist Reached Russian 235, 109 Only in cena Aa nclding Khwarazm) ae bones of mules more common tha those of eamels See 11D. Amaev, Ramesrednevekawye poslenia severnogo Tokhatsana80 RK. KOVALEV hhave been discovered at Andreiaul’sk/Babandar'" and Nizhnii Arkhyz, both, as noted above, Key junctions along the trans-Caucasus Silk Road.""' As will be seen below, mule bones and pictures of these animals drawn on various objects also oc- ‘cur in the central and northern regions of Khazaria, indicating that these uncommon for the area transport animals were also used outside of the Caucasus. Its very likely that the Khazars and the merchants trading through their territories relied on the Caucasus as the source of their mules, Indeed, the Caucasus were well known for their supply of these animals during the early Middle Ages, During, the ninth and tenth centuries, the region of Bardha’ah, in particular, reportedly produced the finest and fastest mules in the Islamic world," Mule bones have been discovered in Darband (but interestingly none of camels).'” It is quite possible that mules, like horses, were employed in significant numbers to crass the more rugged ‘mountainous regions of the Caucasus and preferable to camels in these areas. NORTHWESTERN STEMS OF THE NORTHERN SILK ROAD DURING THE PAX CHAZARICA ERA (CA. 800-CA. 900) ‘The last decades of the eighth century witness the end of Khazar-Arab wars in the Caucasus, which brought stability to the western Eurasian steppe and initiated the so-called state of Pax Chazarica lasting until the violent migration of the Petenegs to the lands of Khazaria in ca. 900, This “Khazar Peace” inaugurated a period of intense commercial contacts between the Khazar qaganate and the ‘Abbasid caliphate. In addition to the Northern Silk Road passing through the lands of Khazaria and the west Urals Fur Road that the Khazars controlled, the peaceful Khazar-Arab relations created another trans-continental commercial artery running through the qaga~ nate that intersected with the other two: the “Silver Road.”"™ This Silver Road brought millions of dirhams from the ‘Abbasid Near East via the southem Caucasus and Khzaria to the forest-steppe and forest zones of European Russia, from where (Tashkent, 1988), 49; V.L Tsalkin, Dreynee zhivotnovodstvo plemen Vastochnoi Evropy 1 Srednetdzii (Moscow, 1966), Tables 38-42, Appendix I-VI, pp. 150-157. 110 Magomedo, Obrazvanie Bzarshogo kaznat,p. 100 & fable 4 III Kuznetsov, Nizhnli drAkyz v XI vekakh, . 292, Appendix , 112 Jahiz in Lopez, Raymond, Medieval Trade, doc. 4, p. 29; Hudad al-Alam: “The Re- ‘gions of the World," Persian Geography 372 4.H.-982 AD,, tr. V. Minorsky, 2nd ed (London, 1970), §36, p. 143. Mules are also mentioned among the many riches pre- ‘sented 16 the futute "Abbasid caliph al-MansOr (754-775) by Armenian nobles, See His tory of Lewond, The Eminent Vardopet of the Armenians, i. Z. Arzoumanian (Philadel- ‘hia, 1982), 123. 113 AX Kudriavise, Feodal mpi Derbent Moscow, 1993), 188 114 For the development of trade relations between European Russia and the East, see "Noonan, “Why Dithams First Reached Russa." 152-282. COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES 81 many of them were re-exported into the Viking-age Baltic. Silks joined the flow of this silver northward by way of a new ~ the Northem Donets-Don ~ stem of the Northern Silk Road passing via Khazaria. Some silks were carried via this route as far northwest as the eastem Baltic and probably further west. Other silks, however, were dispatched northwestwards by way of the forest-steppe limes (defensive lines) of Khazaria and, arguably, sent further west to ceniral and western Europe by another new vector of the Northern Silk Road ~ the Northem Donets-middle Dnepr- ower Danube stem, These two new stems together with the Silver Road that inter~ sected them in the steppe lands of the qaganate not only brought various novel types of southem Eurasian commodities to the steppe, foreststeppe, and even the forest zones of European Russia, but also camels and mules that carried them. What is ‘more, this trade demanded the development of an elaborate commercial infrastruc ture in Khazaria: roads, way-stations, garrisoned forts to police and protect the ‘commercial traffic, and even caravansaries of southem Eurasian type in the core and peripheral lands of the qaganate. “The Northern Donets-Don Stem ‘The Northern Donets-Don stem is attested to by numerous archaeological materials, some written sources, and an array of circumstantial evidence. To begin, the route is traced by the presence of camels and mules, highly unusual for the area. Most of this evidence comes from sites located in the core steppe lands of Khazaria that date from the late eighth through the ninth centuries [Map 2]. Thus, camel bones have been discovered in the earliest layers of Sarkell"’— the Khazar stone castle situated along the lower Don, built with Byzantine assistance in 840-841." A graffito dé piction of a mule drawn on a bone trinket has also been discovered in the castle. ‘Camel and mule bones occur across the river from Sarkel at the Right-Bank Tsim liansk hillfort" (destroyed sometime in first two-three decades of the ninth century), and the Kamaukhovo settlement, just north of Sarkel."" Quite clearly, these 115 ThS. Noonan, "Ditham Exports to the Batic inthe Viking Age: Some Preliminary Ob- servations” Sighuna Papers Proceedings of the Sigtuna Symposium on Viking-dge Coinage 1-4 June, 1989, e4. K. Jonsson & B. Malmer [Commentationes De Nummis Seeculorum IX-XI in Suecia Repertis. Nova series 6] (Stockholm, 1990), 251, 256. 6 S.A. Pleweva, Sarke! | eshelkovyt» put" (Voronezh, 1996), 129-130, 17 C: Zuckerman, “Two Notes on the Early History of the thema of Cherson,” Byzantine td Modern Greek Studies 2 (1997), 214 9 IK. Mikheev, Podion ew sstave Khazarskogo kaganata (Khar’kov, 1985), 28. S.A’ Plemeva, Of kochevi k gorodam. Saltovo-Maiatkata kultura {Material | issledo- ania po abeologit SSK, M442] (Moscow, 1967. 17, idem, “Isorin odnogo Khazarskogo poseleniia” Rossishaia arkheologtia 2 (1993), Table 1, p60. 120 1. Ligpushkin, “Kamaukhovskoe poselenie," Trudy Volge-Donskoi arkheologicheskol celapedicil, vol. | [Malerialy i isSledovaniia po arkheologit SSSR, Ni62] (Moscow, 1958), 313; Pemeva, Or kochevti k gorodam, 147& RK. KOVALEV {wo animals, unusual forthe area, were rather prevalent inthis geographically com- pact region of the lower Don during the period of the Par Chazarica. Their egular presence in this locale mist be connected to the advent ofthe Northern Donets-Don Toute and the existence of two caravansaries in Sarkel and the numerous trade routes that passed through the site." The caravansaries in Sarkel were established at the time the catle was founded in 840-841, thereby they are some of the oldest known caravansaries outside ofthe ‘Near East.'”* These caravansaries had two levels: the lower floors were designated for stalling enimals and storing cargo and the upper floors Were used as living quarters for visitors. At the lower level of caravansary Nel, a long rectangular room (24.92m x 1.85m) served as a stall for animals; there were five ational square rooms of smaller size for storage and perhaps living quarters for servants (slaves that were being led to the Khazar markets?). The largest ofall spaces in the caravansaries were the eentral open-air courtyards surrounded by the walls ofthe rooms on the one hand and the wall of Sarkel on the other. With a total area of 2058 m? (42m x 49m),! caravansary Net had a spacious courtyard of 33.8m x 27.2m in area and contained various workshops (iron-working and pottery-making) as weil as residential and service buildings. Caravansary ¥i2, occupying a total area of 350m? (73m x 48m), while largely remains unexcavated, was significantly larger than Nel. The wo caravansaries were interconnected by an enclosed corridor, ‘hich served asthe only way of entrance from the citadel to caravansary N22. The fact thatthe area of the two caravansaries constituted almost @ quarter of the entire teritory of Sarkel underscores the importance of Sarkel along the caravan routes of Khazaria.'"* 121 Pletnevs, Sarket i «shelkowyi» pu’, 5S. It would be of interest to note that there is avery {good likcithood that camel bones have been or will be unearthed by archacologiss atthe Khazar castle of Semikarakory ~a site located in the delta ofthe lower Don. The castle ‘may well have acted asthe hub for trade along the lower Don-Crimea route. Fora very brief discussion of the sites, see IL. Kyzlasov, “Rabota gruppy stednevekovoi ark hheologi Evraziskikh stepei v 2002 p." Kratkie soohshchentiaInstituta arkheologli 216 (2004), 104, Quite likely, like anciest Tanais and later the Mongol-ea city of Azak (both located in the same’region and were key commercial depots) where camel bones have been discovered, this site may well also have been a very important commercial Junction from where caravans moved northwards up the Don to Sarkel, For camel bones of ancient Tanais and Azak, see V.V. Kropotkin, “Karavannye puti v Vostochnoi E¥- rope,” Kavkaz | Vostochnaia Evropa v dremost: Posvlashchiaesia pamial! El. Krup- ‘nova (Moscow, 1973), 226; lula, Kozhevnikova, “Fauna stednevekovogo Azaka,” Sev- «emnoe Prichernomor'e | Povolzh'e vo veaimootnashenilath Vostoka i Zapada v XI-XVI ‘ekath (Rostov on the Don, 1989), 78.85. 122 Pletneva, Sarkel ehelkowpi» pu’ 55. Aiso see below. 123 Estimate based on Pletneva, Sarkel | eehelkowyt» pul’ Fig, 13, p36, 124 Pletneva, Sark | ehelkovpi» pul’, 38-56, 153 COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES. 3 Tae Dre Tree ‘Carman Das Rata (edie Rb Teva abe wong the | OP cues | TDS we ‘An Daryn onrond ding om Har, Marw and Amalie Khwitzm | | ex. byTaki | = 4000 a? 7620 ‘Carranary Sarre (medial akavband, onthe ight bank ofthe Ame TO: emer | S57 ry, pst ofthe yo itrtand ~ on ond enti fom Hs Mar, = 104m snd Amal Kw ‘Cavin Thar OE stand on igh bunk ofthe Amo Dana on | TOI exares [abt od edgar, Mare, snd Aral to Khare 204! arasary Mahl, on te Hah Banko he Amu Daa rivet | Pcoay | $052 Team ia nd akan) 09 lending or Har, Mar, 2400 ‘Amal o Khaz ‘Cavan Kya 2 (ede a Hats) on tend fvoghiie | STP etnes | stom "Karak dese ewes Marw ad Aol (Sm fom sD) Sic me ooo Kwa ‘Cavasny Kyayclalaa 1 edie Dons) ond ugh ihe | Oca oops Kartu dese bawen Mar ad Amul (He oma Diva) wwatane” ‘Caranary medial Rist Nara ner he carvan aatoe Manson mae | OPcemmner 355 oad between Mar and Am ona to Kham sins ‘Cana ne Paya Bayhan,SDhe SW of Bu (onroadio Amal) | Patan | TT m= ‘S400 ‘arnasary "RR NaN stoned nthe eps lg TF cones 6s46 m Caran Kar epel Romsey) NW of aak overdoing | —WFentay | S040 abc wo Chacha) =2000 Caray Navel NW of ak, on ond oie Teeway | 030 Burs to Cac Ss) = 5000 ‘Carnanary Unum, HW of Fak on oad BAT cea [O61 comeing Buta i Chacha) Sanam ‘Granary Cava, onthe ser fhe Get Sk Rend been Fane | OOP comares [9600 m ‘a Si-Chian (eastern Turks) sito "TABLE 1 - CARAVANSARIES OF CENTRAL ASIA OF THE STH-1OTH CENTURIES To better understand the significance of Sarkel as @ key transit point for caravans, itis necessary to put its caravansaries into perspective by comparing them to the contemporary caravansaries found in central Asi. Thus, ofthe thirteen caravansaries dating to the ninth-cleventh centuries for which there is data on their total aea, nine are larger than Sarkel caravansary Nel and six lager than caravansary X22. In this way, caravansary Nel can be considered below average in size wi caravansary Ni2 slightly above average. At the same time, one has to keep in mind that the two caravansaries in Sarkel were contemporaneous and functioned side by side. For tis reason, it would be appropriate to consider their combined area, which is $558 m?. Therefore, the total area available for caravans in Sarkel makes it the third largest caravansary complex among the contemporary central Asian caravan- 125 Date derives from Khme i, Mecha arabamt i turkami, 180-20884 RK. KOVALEV saries, outdone only by Ribat Tahirlyah and the caravansary in Jakarband, which were twice and thrice larger. Thus, it is clear that Sarkel’s caravansaries could offer accommodations to some of the largest caravans traveling across central Asia during the Middle Ages. ‘Overall, Sarkel and the complex of sites in its direct vicinity where there is evidence for camel and mule transport clearly underscore the importance of the lower Don region in cross-continental trade and show that Sarkel was a major circuit in the system of trans-Eurasian commerce. Overland routes ran from Sarkel east to IivAu at the mouth of the Volga; southwest to the Crimea and the Taman’ Penin- sula (e.g, cities fike Tamatarkha); southeast to Darband via the northem Caucasus and the Sanchur Pass (the site of Moshchevaia Balka); north to the Slavic Borshevo culture region via the Khazar northern limes of the forest-steppe zone, and, as S.A. Pletneva suggests, northwest towards the middle Dnepr and Kiev." According to Constantine Porphyrogenitus, 300 men were garrisoned in Sarkel and relieved annually."”” This gartison, in addition to defending the castle from attack, could also have protected caravans and the routes of Sarkel. In this way, it functioned very ‘much like an early Arab ribdr in central Asia by protecting the borders as well as offering accommodations and security to caravan traffic Despite its apparent importance as a key link in facilitating commercial traffic through Khazaria and western Eurasian trade, in general, very few artifacts have been found in Sarkel that would tie it directly to the Northern Silk Road. Among the finds there is a very worn elephant ivory chess-piece of an elephant of Sogdian ori- ‘gin dating to the seventh century that was discovered inside one of the caravansa- ties. A piece of paper manufactured in Samarqand was also unearthed in Sarkel. It dates to the eighth-early ninth century, but was buried in the tand of an individual ‘who was apparently killed when Sarkel was stormed and taken by the Rus’ in 965." Of course, camel and mule bones and the two caravansaries situated in ‘Sarkel speak for themselves about the site’s connection to the Norther Silk Road. A hoard of silver coins found near Sarkel also ties it to the Silver Road and commerce with the Islamic Near East, which at that time was the source of these coins." This hoard of 48 Sasanian drachms and Islamic dirhams (mostly frag- 126 Pletnova, Sark eghelhowyi» pul’ p. 142-149 & Fig. $3. Unfortunatly, Pleineva does not provide any evidence to suppor er suggestion forthe existence of a northwestern Toute from Sarkel tothe middle Dnept and Kiev other tn by connecting sites of sete. mens onthe map ofthe Don-Nothem Donets region 127 Constantine Porphyrogenits, De adminitranda imperio lt. RLM. Jenkins, 2nd (Washington D.C: 1967), 182-183, 128 Pleneva, Sark! «helkovyi pu. 48, Fig. 16; pp 43, 140-141, 153 129 ThS. Noonan, “The Regional Composition of Ninth:Centuy Disha, Hoards from European Russia” The Islamic World, Russa andthe Vikings, 790-900, 183-168. COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES 85 ments) was found at the Right-Bank Tsimliansk hillfort and deposited at the time the site was destroyed, most likely in frst two-three decades ofthe ninth century." While relatively few artifacts have been found in Sarkel that would connect it directly to silks and the Norther Silk Road, this should not be surprising. Silks are almost always found not at settlements, but in cemeteries; and, he cemeteries that are located in the region of Sarkel poorly preserve organic materials such as silks. However, there are two burial complexes ofthe Verkhnesaltovo and Netailov cemeteries located along the upper Northern Donets river [Map 2] where organic materials were rather well preserved; and, there are also reports of sik finds at both sites. ‘These two cemeteries are interconnected by way of their chronology, since both are dated tothe eighth through the ninth centuries and by way of their close geographic proximity. They are also circumstantally connected to the caravan trade by virtue of their location along the northern limes of the Khazar qaanate where, as will be ‘seen below, there is evidence forthe use of camels and mules The northern limes af the middle Don-Oskol-Northern Donets rivers were particularly wel interconnected with the southern regions of Khazaria by way of the Don and an extensive network of land roads stretching down the Don to Sarkel. Numerous fortified and unfortified settlements on the western (right) bank of the river protected and controlled these routes. The forest-steppe zone of the middle Don-Oskol-Northem Donets rivers acted as the northern periphery for the qaganate and functioned as the primary circuit in the north-south route system used by Rus’ merchants, Based on the report of Ibn Khurdadhbeh (writing in ca. 850-885), thea Ras/Rus’ traveled by ship from northem Russia via the Northern Donets-Don basins with their furs, swords, and other goods tothe southern coast ofthe Caspian 130 For the hoard, see Th.S. Noonan, Dirham Hoard from Medieval Western Eurasia, 700. 1100 [Commentationes De Nummis Sacculo‘um IX-XI in Suecia Repertis. Nova Series 13] (Stockholm) (in preparation). It should be noted that there is much confusion Concerning the date of the hoard's deposit, because full account of the hoard has still hot been made available. Atleast three dates have been offered based on the alleged latest coins found in the hoard: 1) Harn al-Rashid (786-809), 2) 802, and 3) al-Amn (809- '813), Whichever one of these may be the case, itis sil likely thatthe hoard should be ‘ated 10 later time, since itis known that the coin deposit contained a Khazar imitation dirham. Since the Khazars began to strike imitation dirhams beginning with ca. 824/25, ‘he dating ofthe destruction of Righ-bank Tsimliansk fortified site tothe first two-three “decades of she ninth century makes all the sefse. See RK, Kovalev, “What Does Hiss torical Numismatics Suggea About the Monetary History of Khazaria in The Ninth Cen- tury? ~ Question Revisited" AEMAe 13 (2008), 108.86 RK. KOVALEV [MAP 2- Sires Wrrit FINDS OF CAMEL AND MULE BONES AND THE ANIMALS’ DEPICTIONS ‘Tie Don-NowTHERN DONETS Riven BASINS OF KHAZARIA Settlements I. Sael, 2-theRigh-Bank Tsimlans hilo 3. Kamaukhovo setement; 4. Maik hilfor 5, Veskhnesltovo hf; 6. Titchitha hillfort; 7. Bolshoe Borshevo hillfort 8 ‘Zhivotinskoe hllfon, Cemeteries ~ |. Podgorowsk; 2. Verkhnesltovo; 3. Netailov via Khazaria and then proceed south on camels to as far as Baghdad.'"' The existence of this Silver Road in the ninth century is confirmed by the topography of dirham hoard finds in eastern Europe. Both, Ibn Khurdadhbeh and the find-spots of the hoards trace a route that ran from the Near East via the Caucasus to the lower ‘Volga from where it passed to the lower Don via a portage and Sarkel and then went north up the Don to the Northern Donets, from where it continued further north into the Oka system and then crossed to the upper Dnepr, upper Volga, or Westen Dvina and into the Baltic via the Lovat’ ~ Volkhov ~ Lake Ladoga ~ Neva 131 O. Prtsal, “An Arabic Text on the Trade Route ofthe Corporation of the ar-Rus in the Second Half of the Ninh Century." Folia Oriental 12 (1910), 256-257; COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES 87 = Gulf of Finland water-system. Based on numismatic finds, this route began to function as early as ca. 800." As can be seen, the Silver Road passed directly through the Khazar norhem limes, which constituted an elaborate system of forts and settlements. To date, twenty-four hillfort of various types dating to the eighth-tenth centuries have been identified and studied along the riverbanks of the Northem Donets (eight sites), Volch’ia (one site), Korocha (two sites), Oskol (four sites), Tikhaia Sosna (seven sites), and the middle Don (two sites ~ including the well-known Maiaki hillfort) Al of these hillforts comprised a defensive network guarding three principal rostes: Norther Donets, Oskol, and Tikhaia Sosnariver-systems [Map 2]. All were also interconnected by way of smaller river routes and overland roads, constituting one large circuit for the Don river route linking the steppe lands of Khazaria withthe northern forest regions of central and northern Russia”™ Most of the hillforts along the Northem Donets, Oskol, and Tikhaia Sosna rivers were stone fortresses or castles, many of which (type 4) were erected sometime in the second half of the eighth-ninth centuries by the Khazars. Equestrian tranian- speaking Alans, migrants to the middle Don from the Northern Caucasus since the eighth century, staffed these forts and monitored the passing traffic. Not inconse- uentially, all of the forts were stationed 21.3-30.4 kilometers apart, or one day's travel. In this way, these hilforts not only constituted an elaborate system of defensive limes for the qaganate, but also a commercial network of fortified stations facilitating trade through the region."™ Indeed, in thir function, thse forts seem to be very much like the ribitsor Khdns of early Islamic central Asia. And itis precisely in this area ofthe northern Khazar limes and its forts where we once again encoun- ter caravan trafic. 132 ThS. Noonan, “When Did Ros/Rus’ First Visit Khazaria and Baghdad?," AEMAe 7 [1987-1991] (i991), 213-219, Prtsak, “An Arabic Text” 256-257; Th.S, Noonan, RK. Kovalew, “Neizvestryi klad nachala 1X v. iz imeniia M.A. Obolenskoge Dmitrovskog0 Uezda Moskovslei gubemii," Artheologicheskie vest 7 (2000), 211-212; idem, ““Bol'shot Kia dirkhemow nachala epokhi vikingov naidennyi v 2000 g. vg. Kozel'ske, Kaluzhstoi abl,” Ariheologicheskie weti 10 (2003), 149-163. 133 GE. Afanas'ev; Donskie dlany (The Alans of the Don) (Moscow, 1993), 124-125, 174. ‘Also see Romashow, itorichestaia geografia Khazarekogo kaganata [AEMAe 12), 143- 149, especially pp. 148-149, 134 Afanas‘ev, Donskie lany, 127, 139-140, 147-150; AZ. Vinnikov, S.A. Pletneva, Na severnphh rubezhath Khazarskogo kaganata, Maiatskoe poselenie (Voronezh, 1598),88 RK. KOVALEV FIGURE I PODGOROVSK CEMETERY Thus, the next evidence of camels traveling north ofthe Lower Don comes ina form of a graffito drawn on a bone mouthpiece of a flask that was discovered in one grave of the Podgorovsk cemetery (dating to the eighth-ninth centuries), located in the middle Oskol river basin, a tributary of the upper Northern Donets (Map 2]. The graffto shows a two-humped Bactrian camel pulling a cart while being led by an individual by a bridle (Fig. 1].""* In addition to this find, a graffito of a mule drawn ‘on a bronze amulet, discovered in a grave in the region of the Northern Donets, should be noted." Mule bones and two graffiti ~ one of a camel and another of a mule ~ have also been discovered atthe Maiaki hillfort ofthe middle Don, situated northeast of Podgorovsk cemetery [Map 2)” The picture of the camel was drawn con arock depicting, once again, a two-humped Bactrian camel being led by a bridle. [At the back of the camel, one sees what looks to be a pole ora rope, perhaps part of a hamess to a wagon that was being pulled by the animal (Fig. 2], Based on the Podgorovsk camel graffito and the graffito from Sulek, southern Siberia, ™ hamess- ing camels to wagons was common practice along major caravan routes passing through the steppe of early medieval Eurasia. 135 S.A. Pletneva, “Risunki na stenakh Maiatskogo gorodishche,” Maiaskoe gorodishche, ed. S.A. Pleineva (Moscow, 1984), p. 79, Fig. 14; S.A. Pleineva, “Podgorovskii tmogil'nik,” Soverstaia arthealogia 3 (1962), 241-251. 136 Mikheey, Podon e v sosiave Khazarskogo kaganata, 28. 137 VE. Flerova, Graff Khazarit (Moscow, 1997), p. 105, Table Ul: 33; Ia. Matotchi, “Kosti zhivoinykh s_gorodishche, selisicha i mogil'nike (1978-1979), Maiatskoe ‘gorodishche, 245-246; Mikheev, Podon’e vsostave Khazarskogo kaganata, 28, 138 LA. Evtiukhiovs, “luzhnala Sibir drevnosti”Po sledam drevnikh kul tur. Ot Vole do Tikhogo Qleana, ed. AP. Smimov, Nila. Merpert (Moscow, 1954), 221. Also. see Kovalev, "Commerce and Caravan Routes Along the Norther Silk Road (Sixth-Ninth Centuries) — Par.” COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES, 89 Fain Thus, it appears thatthe two Khazar graffiti are nearly identical, as they show that camels were used for pulling wagons loaded with goods through the region, Tt would be amiss not to note the discovery ofa silk caftan in one grave of the Maiaki unfortified setlement, situated next to the Maiaki hillfort. It contained a caftan that is analogous to one of the caftans found at Moshchevaia Balka."” In this way, the middle Don and the Northern Caucasus sector of the Northern Silk Road running via Khazaria seem to connect rather neatly. The use of camels along the middle Don is also attested to in the writen sources. Writing inthe early tenth century, Ibn Rusta and, about a century and a half later, Gardit(mid-eleventh century), note that merchants travel from the lands of the Burtas to Khazaria by boat and land and that the Burtas have many camels.” While the exact location of the Burtas is disputed, it would be safe to say that they were situated somewhere between the right bank of the middle Volga and the mid dle Don and were eastern neighbors of the Alans, southwestem neighbors of the Volga Bulgars, and southern neighbors of the Mordva tribes." Interestingly, fragments of raw sik (golden-yellow) with stitches made with a dark twisted sik thread were discovered atthe Mordva cemetery of Kriukovo-Kuzhnovsk dating from the eighth through the eleventh centuries." Perhaps, the Burts cartied silks to some of these peoples and, quite possibly, they obtained them from the Alans inhabiting the Khazar limes ofthe middle Don, who, as will be seen below, had access to silks. Other sites connected to caravan trade in the region are the Verkhnesaltovo and Netailov cemeteries noted above. Both sites are located along the upper Northem Donets river, the former on the right bank and the latter on the left (Map 2]. Based 139 A.A. lerusalimskaia, “Adygo-Alanskii kostium VIUL-XI wv. na fone obshchikh problem izuchenlia srednevekovogo kostiuma Zapada | Vostoka," Kultura stepei Evrazii toro! polaviny psiacheletiia ne. (le Istori kostiuma) (Samara, 2000), 60. 140 fbn Rusta in D.A. Khvol'son, levesia o Rhazarath, buriasakh, bolgarabh, mad rath svlavian 1 rusi, Abu ali-Athmeda ben” Omar” ibn-Dasta (St, Petersburg, 1869), 19; ‘Gardrat in Martinez, “Gardt's Two Chapters on the Turks.” 156 141 For a comprehensive recent discussion ‘on the Burits see Romashov, Istoricheskaia ‘geografiia Khasarskogo kaganata [AEMAe 12}, 168-179, 142 Etimova,“Tkani iz finno-ugorskikh mogilnikov,” 134,90 RK, KOVALEV ‘on burial types, it has been determined that Verkhnesaltovo was predominately an ‘Alan cemetery while Netailov was early BulBar, but there was quite abit of mixing. of the two at both. A well-known fortified settlement of Verkhnesaltovo and its rather expansive “suburbs” were also located on the right bank of the Northern Do- nets and the fort constituted one of the key Khazar defenses along its northwestern limes with the Slavic cultures to the north, To date, it has been estimated that some fifteen thousand graves are located at the Netailov cemetery and some sixty thousand “family” burials entered in at least five chamber-grave burial grounds at the Verkhnesaltovo cemetery - making this, by far, the largest burial ground in Khazaria. Both cemeteries are presently dated tothe eighth-ninth centuries." For our purposes, the most interesting finds from the burials excavated to date are the coins and silks. Of the 357 graves excavated by 1997 at the Netailov cemetery, a total of thirteen coins were discovered: twelve dirhams dating from the late seventh through the first half of the ninth centuries and one Byzantine gold solidus ‘of Constantine V dating to the mid-eighth century, At the more excavated Verkhne- saltovo cemetery (where ca. 1000 burials have been examined), more than 150 dit- hhams have been discovered. '* The finds of such a large collection of dirhams at the ‘cemeteries (the largest numbers found at any Khazar burial ground) clearly speaks ofthe site's connection to the Silver Road that ran from the Near East via Khazaria and up the Don-Northern Donets rivers north into northwestern Russia and the Bal- tie, ‘Aside ffom the coins, during the excavations of 1991-1997 at the Netailov cemetery, archaeologists unearthed organic remains in almost every grave uncov- cred, which included silks as well as furs ~ all ritually used for wrapping human remain. Sitks are also rather common finds at the Verkhnesaltovo cemetery."* So far, a comprehensive study of these silks — concerning their quantities, chronology, and places of manufacture ~ has not been published, However, in light ofthe great total number of burials at these two cemeteries, it would not at all be surprising if they would compete in their number of silks and even surpass Moshchevaia Balk ‘once both cemeteries are fully excavated. Quite possibly, ike Moshchevaia Balk, this burial complex along the upper Northern Donets belonged to people who were situated on a major caravan route and were responsible for the collection of tolls in the form of silks and coins from the passing traffic. The importance of toll collec- tions for the Khazars is well attested to inthe written sources.""° Therefore it would 143 AY. Kryganov, “Netailovskii mogil'nik na fone Prabolgarskikh nekropolei Top.” Kua Evacishth steer vorospoowiny I siacheletia ne. opr Kor ontog) (Samara, 1998), 358-359. be ae ” * ,* 362-363; O.V. Parkhomenko, “Pokhoval ny in- ventar Neailivs’koho mohyl'nyka VII-IX st,” Artheolohiia 43 (1983), 75-86 145 Kryganoy, “Netailovskii mogil nik,” 362-363) 146 BLN. Zakhioder, Kaypishiisvod svedenii 0 Vostochnoi Evrope 1 (Moscow. 1967), 169- 170. Aiso see Kovalev, "What Does Historical Numismatics Sugeest,” p. 108, n. 34 COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES, a not be unreasonable to suggest that the large concentration of coins and expensive silks found in this remote region of the northern limes of the qaganate may be connected to the existence of a Khazar toll station in the area." In short, while itis more than likely that the camels visiting the Sarkel caravansaries traveled to many different destinations, their most common route ~ at least based on the finds of camel and mule bones, graffiti of these two animals as well as silk and coin finds ~ seems to have been the northwestern Khazar limes of the forest-steppe region of the upper Northern Donets-middle Don basins. And itis precisely just to the north of these Khazar limes where itis possible to once again track the caravan route. ‘The next area where camels can be traced based on their bone finds are the Slavic Borshevo culture settlements of Titchikha and Bol’shoe Borshevo,'* both situated along the upper Don and dating to the eighth-tenth centuries." These two sites were located immediately to the north of the Khazar limes and the Maiaki hillfort where a graffito of a camel has been found. Evidence for the presence of cam- cls, in any form, north of Bol’shoe Borshevo has not yet come to light. It is thus possible that their road terminated at Bal’shoe Borshevo or just north of it at the site of Zhivotinskoe hillfort. Situated near the confluence of the Voronezh and the upper Don rivers, Zhivotinskoe of the Borshevo culture dates from the second half of the eighth through the first half of the eleventh century. It has been determined that 147 While it may be too premature to suggest ths, but itis quite possible that many, if not ‘mast, of the silks discovered atthe Verkinesaiovo and Netailov cemeteries will turn out tobe manufactured in Sogdia, easter Turkestn, or China. Aside from what was already suggested above concerning the easter origins ofthe silks coming into Khazaria, i appears that Byzantium was not a major supplicr of silks to Khazaria, perhaps because the Empire restncted the export of ts silks tothe non-Christian nomads ofthe Pontic steppe. ‘This is perhaps best illustrated by the absence of Byzantine silks in nomadic non Cristian (Greek) Bulgar graves atthe Sudak 2 cemetery in the Crimea (where the deceased were interned wearing their woolens), while "a large” collection of ninthtenth century Byzantine silks with gold and silver threads and prints have been unearthed at the Byzantine/Christian burials of the same cemetery and fragments of silk with prints were discovered in one Byzantine/Christian prave of the Al-lorgil cemetery. See L.A Baranov, Tavrikav epothu rannego srednevehov'a (slfovo-maiatskaia kultura) (Kiev, 1990), 80, 107. It thus appears that the Byzantines didnot sell their silks to non-Grecks in the Crimea and quite possibly elsewhere in the North Pontic steppe region. What Byzantine silks were transported through the Norther Caucasus (where they have been ound) were probably exported from the Byzantine Empire indirectly (ic. via the Chris- tian states of the Caucasus), 148 Vil. Gromova, “Ostatkimlckopitaiushehikh iz ranneslaviankikh gorodishehe biz Voronezha,” Drevnerusskie poselemia na Dont (Materialy i issledovaniia po ark- heotogit SSSR, NB) (Moscow, 1948), 121; V1. Tsalkin, Materialy dliaistort zhivotno- vodstva i obboty v drevnei Rusi {Materialyj issledovaniia po arkheologit SSSR, Ne] (Moscow, 1986), p. 181, Table 21; idem,, "Fauna iz raskopok borshchevskikh i romen= Sskikh gorodishche," Soveuskasa arkheologia 4 (1969), 92, Table I; A.M, Moskalenko, "Gorodishehe Tatchikha,” lz stort drevnerusstikh poseentl na Donu (Voronezh, 1965), 68, 285. 149 For these sites, see P.P. Efimenko, PIN. Tre'iakoy, Drevnerusskie poseleniia na Dom; Moskalenko, Gorodishche Tuchitha2 RK. KOVALEV during the tenth and eleventh centuries the site acted as a major way-station along an east-west caravan route connecting the BulRars of the middle Volga with Cher- nigov and Kiev and further west with central Europe." It is quite possible thatthe ‘camels traveling along the north-south route between the caravansaries of Sarkel via the Don-Northerm Donets used the sme route in the ninth century by continuing their journey through the forest-steppe and the southem forest zones of the north Pontic region in an east-west direction after reaching the southem Borshevo sites. This potential route will be explored in some detail below. ‘The Upper-Northern Donets-Don-Middle Dnepr-Danube Stem ‘An advent of an east-west route through the north Pontic forest-steppe zone and the forest region just north of it would have made perfect sense for the Khazars and ‘merchants operating through their territories after the late 830s. During these turbu- lent years for the Khazars, the qaBanate experienced a civil war (the Kabar revolt) as well as lost control over most of its north Pontic lands ~ from the lower Danube to the lower Don — as a result of the Magyar westward migration into the region, Sarkel, the principal castle along the lower Don, was after all built specifically to protect the remaining Khazar easter territories from the Magyars and secure trade ‘through the region." The Magyar takeover of the vast territory stretching from the lower Don to the lower Danube meant that if the Khazars wished to maintain com- ‘mercial relations with the westem coast of the Black Sea by land, the qaganate had to develop an east-west route that circumvented the steppe and the Magyars who controlled it and disrupted trade through the region.'”” The Khazars accomplished this not only by erecting Sarkel, but developing the north-south Northem Donets- Don stem of the Northern Silk Road with its elaborate network of forts and roads extending to its northem borders, Based on numismatic evidence, these defenses proved very effective since north-south trade along the Northem Donets-Don re- sumed by 841/42 and, in fact, escalated in the following decades." It must have Doe ee naa eee eee eee ean Ram hci ere Cate a dan Sas eee tae etre at tenes mn ono rend oer UTD Enemas ici sre dara ae Ra eS Feat Seer eis Dare aa Oh ats ruse frei gee cogs tert Rk 2), 13S 36 ‘Khazaria," 124, a af elect eee eee ra 1 COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES, 93 ‘been then that a connection was made between the Northern Donets-Don stem of the Silk Road and the new east-west route running along the northem borders of Khazaria, The western sector of this east-west route probably passed through the relative safety of the forest-steppe zone of Khazar-held territories, on the one hand, and the southern region ofthe forest belt inhabited by their Slavic tributaries, on the other. Thus, its most likely trek ran from the middle Don-upper Northern Donets to the middle Dnepr via the Desna, Vorskla, Psel, and Seim river basins that intercon. nected the three larger river-systems. Then, it passed to the Ros’ river from where it tured south towards Gnilaia Tikich and Siniukha rivers. From there, it continued to the Southern Bug and thence to the lower Dnestr via the Kodyma until it reached the tertories of the Bulgar kingdom in the lower Danube." Having presented this, hypothetical east-west route, let us examine the evidence that may support its operations in the ninth century. ‘The existence of an east-west trade route connecting central Europe with the East via the middle Dnepr and Kiev during the ninth century has been argued in scholarly literature for quite some time. Primary accounts relate that the route’s ‘operation can be tied to the trading activities of Jewish merchants (known in the ninth century as the Radantya/Rahdantya), who, in the High Middle Ages, played a very prominent role in trade relations between the East and central Europe via Kiev and the Rus” lands." Unfortunately, however, this argument has not always been very convincing, since it is based almost entirely on later sources, all of which are written documents. Furthermore, this argument presupposes that Kiev was already ‘an important commercial center, if not a thriving depot of international trade, during the ninth century. The available evidence, however, does not support such a concli- sion. With all that said, itis not my intent to revise the connection made by others between the Radantya mefchants and an east-west caravan route leading from Khazaria to central Europe via the middle Dnepr during the ninth century. To the contrary, T would like to introduce new and supporting evidence for its existence and show the key role the Radantya merchants played along its way. Indeed, cir- ccumstantial evidence coming from the written sources strongly suggests that such road did exist in the ninth century and there is also evidence suggesting that this route was indeed used by the Radnfya merchants and that among the items they traded was eastern silk. While chere is considerable debate concerning the time when Kiev was founded and when it came to play an important role in eross-continental commerce, it does appear to have been a Khazar outpost by the first half of the ninth century and may 154 Romashov, Istoricheskaia geograjiia Khazarskogo kaganata (AEMAe 12}, 151 135 JBrtsua, Trade With Eaten Lupe 806-1200" Eeonome Hany Review 13 (i942), 31-41; AP. Novose!'tey, VT. Pashulo, “Vneshniais torgovlia drevnei Rust (Jo ‘serediny XII V),"dstoriia SSSR’3 (1967), 814 RK. KOVALEV well have been established by the Khazars themselves. It would be amiss not 19 note the Russian Primary Chronicle's report ofa legend that a frryman established Kiev and that a ferry crossing the Dnepr lay near the city."” Although tis story is largely mythical and cannot be tied toa specific period, it is quite possible that there is a keel of historical truth to the commercial origins ofthe city and the existence ‘of a crossing point through it along a larger east-west network of a caravan road ‘operating through Khazaria by the mid-ninth century atthe latest. ‘Accounts of several Muslim authors shed greater light onthe question at hand Both Tbn Khurdadhbeh and Ibn al-Faqth (writing in ca, 904) preserve significant information regarding the Radantya's commerce and report that they traded various commodities from westem Eurasia and North Aftica (cloth, furs, swords, and slaves) for spices and other goods with China across Eurasia by land and sea.'* ‘Among their many itineraries, bn Khurdadhbeh describes one route that began in the “hinterland of Rome” (Byzantium), then passed through the lands of the Sagaliba (Slavs) to Khamitkh (commercial sector of IiVAt, from where they sailed south across the Caspian/Sea of Gurjan (most probably tothe port of Gurjan) and then traveled by land to Balkh, Transoxiana, Yurt, Toquz Owz, and then reached China." In addition to the above route, Ton Khurdachbch mentions another trek taken by the Ragamtya that passed from Khurasan to Khazaria via Armniyah.'® Ton al-Fagth also speaks of a Radantya route from Khuristn to Khazaria via the Caucasus, albeit not in any geographic order: ArmMniyah, Adharbayjan, Khurastn, land of the Khazars, and Jurtn."! However, it is clear fom Ibn al-Fagth’s account that the route began in Khazaria, then stretched south through the Caucasus and its provinces of Armtniyah and Adharbayjan, then tumed east and followed along the southern coast of the Caspian Sea through its southeastem provinces of Tabarstan and Jurn and passed to Khurastn, and then presumably went on to China via the route laid out by Tbn Khurdadhbeh, Subsequently, the two authors preserved two different Radantya routes passing via Khazaria — one by land and sea and the other only by land, Both routes are of great interest to us presently, particularly their Wester sectors 156 For a good and rather recent synopsis on the origins of Kiev, see S. Franklin, J. Shepard, The Emergence of Rus, 750-1200 (Londom-New York), 93-95, 157Povest” wremennykh ler, e8, and t. DS. Likhachev (St, Petersburg, 1996), 9-10; The Rus- ‘sian Primary Chronicle, ed. & tt, SH. Cross & OP, Sherbowiiz-Wetzor (Cambridge, Mass, reprint, 1973), 54 158 For the regions they visiied, goods traded, thei likely place of origin, and other related issues, see Gil, “The Radkanite Merchants and the Land of Radhan,” 299-328, 159 bn Khurdadhbih, Kis al-Masaik wa'l-Mamli/Liber viarum et regnorum, tt M. J. de Goeje [Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum, IV], 2nd e4. (Leiden, 1967), 116, 160 bn Khurdadhbi,Kiab al: Masalikwa T- Mami 117. 161 Gil, "The Raahanite Merchants andthe Land of Radha,” 307, COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES. 95 Ton Khurdadhbeh’s account of the west-east route (‘hinterland of Rome!” Byzantium-lands ofthe Sagaliba/Slavs-Khamltkh atthe mouth of the Volga) seems to describe the caravan road partially reconstructed above. Thus, Tbn Khurdadhbeh's description ofthe route begins with an area somewhere (othe north ‘of Byzantium, which was probably the Danube region." Indeed, operations of Jew- ish merchants involved in the sale of slaves and other goods along the Danube are attested to in the Inquisitio de Theloneis Reffelstensis dating to ca. 904-907, but reflecting the norms established under “earlier kings” of the early to mid-ninth century." There are also good reasons to believe that Jews were in a position of prominence and influence at the Bulgarian court, which had developed close contacts with them by the early 860s." ‘This detail confirms the presence of Jews in the wwestem Black Sea region ard draws a closer connection of the Radantya’s trade route between Khazaria and the lower Danube. Perhaps, commercial activities of, the Radantya in the fower Danube also brought the furs Bulgarian khan Michael Boris gave the Serbs in ca, 860." Further west, Jewish communities and traders ‘ean also be traced in the Bavarian town of Regensburg, where Jewish settlement was escalated under Louis the Pious (814-840) and the ecclesiastical authority, Jews also had a prominent position, particularly in connection with commercial activities, in the eastem lands of the Carolingian Empire under Louis the German (843- 876). ‘Of no little interest is thatthe Inguisitio de Theloneis Refflstensis mentions the Rugi (Rus') operating along the same Danube route as the Jews — also trading slaves as well as horses."” Therefore, by the middle ofthe ninth century, Jewish as well as Rus’ merchants had developed direct commercial contacts with the Danube region, which could have been maintained by way of the caravan route that began operating out of Khazaria at the time Sarkel and its caravansaries were constructed ina. 840. Perhaps, itis thanks to the operations of tis route and the Radantya and Rus’ merchants that Bavarian sources fom this period begin to record information about Khazar “towns.” Hence, the Geographus Bavarus, written before 900, but containing information dating to ca. 840, reports thatthe Caziri or Khazars had 100 162 McComick, Origin of te European Economy 92. 163 Inguistio de Thelonels Reffelsttenis(P.250-V) in Nemetsielatinoiasychnye istochniki TEXT vekov (Moscow, 1993), 59-61 & 62-67. 164 BS. Bachrach, Eary Medieval Jewish Poy in Wester Europe (Minneapais, 1977, 165 Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio, Ich. 32, . 155. 166 Bachrach, Early Medieval Jewish Policy, 123-124 167 Ingusto de TheloetsRefelsnenns i Nazario, Nemettelatolaycnye soc nuk, pp. 62-67 & map on p. 66. For other evidence’ of Rus" presence and operations in the Danube region, see Geographus Bavarus (Fol. 149) in Nazarenko, Nemetske la Inolazyehryeistocnihi, 3-18 and 52-5496 RK. KOVALEV towns (civitates) somewhere to the east of the Slavic lands in eastern Europe." It is very tempting to connect these many civitares with the numerous forts situated along the Khazar northem limes of the middle Don-Oskol-Northem Donets basins discussed above. Regrettably, the Inquistio de Theloneis Reffelsitensis only specifies slaves among the merchandise transported by the Jewish merchants across the Danube, adding only that they also carried “other goods." What these other goods may have been is impossible to determine based on the written sources, bt it can be argued with some certainty based on circumstantial evidence that among the items they traded wer silks. Ths suggestion can be supported by evidence coming from the itinerary of the Radantya routes deseribed by tbn Khurdadhbeh and Tbn al- Fagqth, other written sources that speak of these merchants’ trade of fine fabrics, and archaeological evidence. To begin, there is no reason to think tat only Sogdian and Chinese merchants were responsible for moving silks across Eurasia, especially since itis well known thatthe Radantya were active throughout this entire region. Furthermore, evidence ‘of Sogdian and Chinese merchants operating west ofthe Northem Caucasus has not yet come to light. At the same time, there are many good reasons to believe that the Radantya were quite active inthe trade of cloth, including silks, across Eurasia, and their presence in Khazaria and along the trade route ofthe Caucasus is well docu ‘mented inthe itineraries outlined by bn Khurdadhbeh and In al-Pagth. Archaeo- logical materials from the Norther Caucasus seem to confirm this connection. Thus, at Moshchevaia Balka and Khasaut, there are finds of woolen tapestries and carpets from Egypt-Syria dating from the seventh-cighth through the ninth centuries and a rather substantial collection of post-yzantine Egyptian, Syrian, and Iranian silks dating to the same period." Seeing that the Radantya trade routes also passed from Farama in Egypt to Antioch, Ramla, and Damascus and branched out to Iraq, ‘Khurdsan, and the Caucasus (via Arminiyah and Adharbayjan), it would not at all be unreasonable to believe that the Egyptian-Syrian woolen items and the post- Byzantine Near Easter and North African silks were brought to Moshchevaia ‘alka and Khasaut by these traders.'"' From there, silks would have been carried to other destination within Khazaria, suchas ft/Aul, Tamatarkha on the Taman’ Pen insula (where there was such a large Jewish population that Ibn al-Faqth called i 168 Geographus Bavarus in Nazatenko, Nemettelainolasyche istochnii, pp. 1315 & 169 Inguistio de Thelonets Reffeltensis, 64 67 170 lerusalimskaia, Kavkaz na Shelkovom putt, MoXeSS-S9, 62-63; pp. 23-24 (woolen item) 4 NONaL, 4, 11, 20-21, 327, 382,43, 45-46, 477 49-53, $49, 767,92, 93% pp. HS, 17- 18, 20-25, 36, 28 (sik), 171 For the Radahtya trade routes in North Africa and the Near East, see tn Khurdadhbih, ‘Kitab al-Masalk wa’ Mamalit, 14117 COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES 97 Samkar€ al-Yahad'”), and Sarkel. Perhaps, it is in connection to this trade that the tenth-century authors Istakhrt and Ibn Hawgal note that cloth was brought to Khazaria from Jurjan, Tabaristan, Armtniyah, Adharbayjan, and Rom (Byzantium), because, according to the authors, they do not produce cloth of their own."” The two sources do not specify the type of cloth the Khazars imported, but, based on archaeological materials, these would have included sitks and woolens. Incidentally, bn Khurdadhbeh specifically mentions that the Radantya traded ‘woolen cloth (Khazz), a statement supported by contemporary Gaonic sources, which also speak of their trade of other luxury fabrics.'™ Based on the finds of He- brew-Persian business letters in Khotan in eastern Turkestan dating toca. 718" and al-Tabart's mention of Jews in the Khurdsdnian city of Marw in the early eighth century," Radantya trade routes extending across central Asia to China may well hhave been in operation by the first decades of the eighth century. Thus, it would not be unreasonable to suggest that at least some of the Chinese, Sogdian, and eastem ‘Turkestani silks found in the Northern Caucasus could have been brought there by these merchants. Indeed, all regions the Radantya passed through on ther itinerary cast of Khazaria (Gurjan, Transoxiana, lands of the Toquz Oguz, and China) produced or had easy acces to sitks."”” But, unquestionably the most interesting find 172 Brutzhus, “Trade With Eastem Europe” 39-40. Also see O. rtsak, “The Role ofthe Bosporus Kingdom and Late Hellenism as Basie forthe bfedeval Cultures of the Ter tories Noch ofthe Black Sea" The Mutual Efecto the Islamic and Judeo-Christian Worlds: The East European Pattern, ed. BK. Karly (New York, 1979), 3-21. The pres- ccs of ews inthe ae fhe Tan Penile and Tanaka was noted in 690 ty the chronicler Theophanes, see. The Chronicle of Theophanes, tt H. Turtledove (Philadelphia, 1982), 85 n the ate eighth century the ety appears to have becn not only one ofthe main commezcia junctions slong the Radantya trade routes, bul was rapidly expanding in size and populstion along with other towns ofthe etre Taman" Peninsula Shovghott he cig cena. For the growth of biting constuction Inte Taman! Peninsuls inthe eighth centr, sec: Ia M. Paromow, "Obsledovanie atheologicheskikh Panianikov Tamanskogo polvostova ¥ 1981-1983 ge,” Kratke soobshchensia Ina Fata onkheologi 188 (1986), 72. 173Zakhoder, Kapok svod svedeni o Vestocnoi Evrope |, 168; DM. Dunlop, The His {ory ofthe Jentsh Khecars Princston, 1954), 230-251. It should be noted tht the Wo Authors aes bit misleading, since archaeological evidence shows thatthe Khazars did produced cloth (probably spun from Max or hemp). See ThS. Noonan, “The Khazar Economy." EAN 9 (1995%1997), 285. 174 Gil, "The Rachanite Merchants andthe Land of Radhar,” 311-312, and notes 48-49 & St 175 Gii “The Radhanite Merchants and the Land of Radha,” 313. 176 W4. Fischel, "The Jews of Cental Asi (Khorasan) in Medicval and Isl Historia Judaica, ol Vile. (1948). 93, 177 Saha repors that “excellent” raw silks and cloaks of sof wool were exported fiom ‘Gurjan, See Sah in Lopez, Rayinond, Medieval Trade, do. 4, p. 29. For the develop- tment of sik pradaction in Marw, Gury, andthe southeastern Caspian Sea region, See ME, Masson, “Fragment tz 1stoni esprostrneniia v drewnosi, shelkopiade Bolbox mori” "Belek ” Sbornt v chest" SE. Malova (Franz, 1946), 47-51. Siks (including, Chinese) were also widely available and worn even by the cormmon folk in he Tends OF the Toquz Oguz See Gard in Marines, “Gardn's Two Chapters onthe Turks” 135,98 RK. KOVALEV that may well link the Radantya merchants to the Northern Caucasus in the eighth- ninth centuries is the unique glass lamp discovered at Moshchevaia Baka, The lamp was preserved in several fragments, the walls of which eowained four inserip- tions “lira,” molded into the glass in Hebrew block ieters. It has been deter- ‘ined that this lamp was manufactured in Syria-Patestine in the eighth-ninth centuries and may have been used for observing Passover." It can be suggested that this glass lamp, which has no analogies, vas brought tothe site from the Holy Lands by 4 Radaniya merchant operating along the Khazar-controlled sector of the Northern Silk Road. In shor, there are good reasons to believe that the Radantya merchants hhad access to silks and brought them to Khazar Keeping the above in mind, we should now return to the large number of silk finds at the Netailov and Verkhnesaltovo cemeteries. As was already suggested, ‘these silks may well have been brought tothe region of the upper Northern Donets bby way of the caravan route that passed through this area ofthe Khazar limes where ‘merchants were taxed, and then moved further north up the Don river to Slavic Bor- shevo sites. Quite possibly, from that point onwards, merchants, like the Radantya who had access to silks and apparently brought them to Khazara from the East, continued to transport them by way ofan east-west caravan route to the Danube and thereon to western Europe via the foreststeppe and the middle Dnepr river and Kiev. Presently, the proposed east-west caravan road through the north Ponticforest- steppe zone has been much less documented by material remains than the other routes discussed inthis study. First, bones of camels and mutes or the pictorial depictions of these two animals dating to the pre-tenth century have not yet come to light west of the Northern Donets, This, of course, does not preclude the possibility that they will be found by archaeologists some time inthe futur. This is especially tue for the monuments of the western Pontic steppe zone where archaeological work has been rather sparse for sites of the eighth-ninth centuries." In addltion, it should be noted that che osteological evidence that has already been unearthed at carly East Slavic sites inthe region in question has been inadequately studied and published. It would be amiss though not to note that bones of camels have been discovered in Kiev, but regrettably their date of deposit is not clear from the put- lished reports. Thus, they may date tothe ninth century, but may also belong tothe tenth and later centuries, The existence of camels in Kiev and their use in caravan trade with the steppe, Volga Bulgaria, as well as central Europe in the Kievan Rus’ ra is quite well documented by pictorial, textual, as well as archaeological evi- 178 lerusalimskaia, Kavkas na Shethvom pul, N17, 30-31 "79 On this points easy to concur with Romashoy(istorichestoiageogrfia Khazarsho ‘kaganata |AEMAe 12}, 151). a 7 480 11" Ciapushkin, Siavidne Vestochnoi Evropy nakanune obrezovaniia Dreveerasshogo gosudarstva-(il-pervaia potovina 1X») [Mattialy 1 isledovania po. arkheslogh 55K, Net] (Leningrad, 1968), 138 COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES, 99 dence." Therefore, it would not be a large leap to suggest that they were known in the middle Dnepr region when the area was under Khazar control in the ninth cen- ‘Outside of the middle Dnepr region, to its southwest, finds of camel bones have come to light from the Byzantine-held city of Dinogetia (now Garvin, near Galati, southeastem Romania) on the lower Danube river, dating to the ate tenth-eleventh centuries." Camel bones have also been discovered in region of the Danube (mod em Hungary) dating to the Middle Ages."® Although all of these camel remains are dated to later periods, the use of camels for transport in southeastern Europe was known during the early Middle Ages. Again, it would not be unreasonable to sug- ‘est that these animals were used in caravan traffic connecting the central lands of Khazaria with the lower Danube in the ninth century. OF course, it should also be kept in mind that horses could well have been the more common animal used in the caravan traffic along the forest-steppe region. Second, thus far, silks have not been found at Slavic sites dating to the seventh- sinth centuries between the Danube and the Norther Donets-upper Don rivers. Moreover, the absence of silks at Slavic sites may well be explained not by the ‘unavailability to the Eastern Slavs, but to the fact that the primary form of Slavic ‘burial at this period was “cremation on the side” (ie., cremation ofthe body and the transfer ofits remains for interment ata remote burial site). Therefor, all traces of cloth of any kind were destroyed by fire. Because of this, up until the tenth century, when burial ritual changed to cremation in sitw and inhumation, there is no evidence of Slavic attire of any type.'™ Only Gardter sheds some revealing light on the issue by mentioning that the Slavs had access to brocade (diba) and silk (&ala."™ Whether this silk came from Byzantium or the East via the Northera Silk Road unfortunately remains unknown, Third, numismatic evidence seems to provide a mixed picture. On the one hand, ‘based on ninth-century dirham hoards, the east bank ofthe middle Dnepr came into the sphere of trade relations withthe Islamic world beginning with the early 820s." ‘The discovery of only one dirham hoard (Novaia Lazarevka — dated by pq to 181 Kovalev, “Camel Transport in Volga Bulfaria and Kievan Rus’." 182 $"Haimovici, “Studiul resturilor mamiferelor domestice descoperite tn asezari din sec. VME-XI situate n sud-estal Rominiei,” Studi si cercetari de istorie veche 1 arheotagie 435 (1988), 311-319. I should like to thank Florin Curta for kindly providing me withthe information about this find 183 Lascl6:Barosiewicz, “Camels in antiquity: the Hungarian connection,” Antigulty 70: 268 (1996), 447-53. I should ike to thank Tivadar Vida for kindly informing me ofthis stu ty. 184 V.V. Sedov, “Odezhda slavian Vostochnoi Evropy,” Vostochnye slaviane v VI-XIII cd. B.A. Rybakov [Arkheologiia SSSRJ (Moscow, 1982), 257. 185 Gardtzt in Martinez, “Gardtt's Two Chapters on the Turks.” 162-163, 186 Th'S. Noonan, “When Did Dichams Fits Reach the Ukraine?” Harvard Ulvainian Stud ies, 1978), 39100 RK. KOVALEV 893") in the lower Dnepr, from among 74 ninth-century hoards found in eastern Europe, strongly suggests thatthe flow of these coins to the middle section ofthe river occurred not by way of its lower course but via its east-central tributaries such asthe Desna, Vorskla, Pse, and Seim — the headwaters of which ly near the upper Northern Donets river. Hence, the proposed route from the Don-Northerm Donets rivers westwards to the middle Dnepr is traced rather accurately by numismaties, On the other hand, Islamic silver does not occur in any notable quantities southwest of the Dnepr. To date, there isa report of only one ninth-centry dicham hoard from all of southeastem and central Europe: the Raduednen (Iasi County) mini-hoard from Rumania, containing only 7 dirhams, with a deposit date of 805/06." In this way, it would appear that dirhams were not carried from the middle Drepr tothe Danube region during the ninth century. However, this conclusion does not preclude the existence of a trade route to the southwest of the middle Dnepr in the ninth century." Numismatic evidence shows that the Black Sea basin and especially its wester regions lay within a different monetary sphere ~ one that was largely based on gold (mostly Byzantine coins), To date, not only very few dirham hoards have been reported from the Black Sea basin but the ones that were discovered contained a mixture of silver and gold coins or were fully composed of gold. This, the Arkhava hoard ((pq 811/12) from the Russian-Turkish border at the Southeastern comer of the Black Sea was composed of ca, 250 dirhams and 10 gold coins (Byzantine solidi or Islamic dinars).'” The Balka hoard from the Crimea (spq 813/14-817/18) contained 36 dirhams and two gold solidi.'” The large Slaviank 187 Noonan, Dirham Hoards from Medieval Wester Enrasia 700.1100. Tog = trmi- ‘rus post quem othe year of fh latex coin ina hoard, nlcting the approximate dt of the hoard’ deposit the reasoning behind dating Roars based th feet coin scone nceted wth the logic thatthe hord could not have bean deposited before the youngest sin was efered into on te other hand if the Hoard was depesited ch iar than the youngest enn, would be expeced thal newer cole would have Been add 10 before ts burl 188 Noonan, Disham Hoards from Medieval Western Exrasa, . 700.1100, 1t should be ote that even in Poland miter dirk has il the st odes of Re ninth century all conerepate around the Bale Sea repon i, Warmiaand Pomerania it tras ony withthe Cazchow hoard (Labin powrat and wojewédztwamow part of Lublin, Maloptsta region) of 766 dirhams dated by rg to BBD) and the Drohicryn hoard (Sloman ma Bil msensnso,Fodan rn of 508 sa ated pg 0 89594 that dha hoards began fo appear win Poland's mainland 189 Also te Florin Cura’ remarks onthe tee Which also argue forthe existence and tensifiation of ade between Bulgaria and te Danube inthe nth century his eve af MeCormick, Origins of he European Economy in “Eas canal Europe Early e- devel Europe 12 (3) (2008), 264, 248,266.98. 190 Noonan, Bitkom Haards rom Medieval Western Eurasia, 700-1100 191 Noonan, Dirham Hoards rom Medieval Wester Eurania¢ 700-110. COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES 101 hoard ((pq 780-792) found in the Khazar-held Kuban’ region contained many more coins than the 270 reported gold solidi and dinars." Looking further to the southwest of the Black Sea to the Balkans, the Petrovichi (opat. Ruma, Croatia) hoard of :pq 788/89 held 10 dinars." Along the middle and lower Danube, stray finds of Byzantine gold and some silver coins have been reported from a number of sites." Therefore, itis clear that dirham circulation was very low in the Black Sea basin during the ninth century, especially in its westem regions. It is alzo evident that the area had a low level, but mixed Arab-Byzantine bimetallic (mostly gold), coin circulation, very much unlike the situation along the Silver Road where the silver dirham was almost exclusively the coin of choice. ‘What all of this seems to suggest quite strongly is that the flow of dirhams from the Islamic Near East via the Caucasus and Khazaria was mainly channeled to northwestern Russia and the Baltic where the balance of payment based on silver was apparently much higher. For this reason, Islamic silver was siphoned away from the lands of the Khazar qaganate almost as soon as it reached there and subsequently transported towards the silver-scarce Baltic basin by way of the Silver Road.”* Despite the above difficulties with tracing the east-west route between the upper Northern Donets-Don region and the lower Danube via the foreststeppe region and the middle Dnepr, its existence in the ninth century is supported by additional circumstantial evidence. Very recently, McCormick has examined the early medieval western European written sources that mention silks and also the remains of silks themselves and determined that this fabric was becoming widely available in westem Europe, north and south of the Alps, during the ninth century. Indeed, silks were the most commonly documented imports into the Carolingian Empire and they were available in greater quantities in the eighth and ninth centuries than in the seventh.'™ Of particular interest is McCormick's examination of the chronology of the silks found in western Europe dating to 600-900. It shows a dramatic increase in the availability of silks in the region beginning with the mid-ninth century.'”” While these results are preliminary, itis tempting to make the suggestion that this increase may well be connected to the building of Sarkel, the development of the caravan route through Khazaria which extended west, and the presence of the Radantya ‘merchants along the Danube —all ofthese developments occurring roughly around the middle ofthe ninth century. 192 ALL, Semenov, “New Evidence ofthe Slayynsk (Anastsiyevks) Hoard ofthe 8th Cen- tury AD Byzantine and Arab Gold Coins” New Archaeological Discoveries i Asiale ‘Russia and Central Asia (St.Petersburg, 1998), 83-85 193 Noonan, Dirham Hoards from Medieval Western Eurasia, c. 700-1100 194 Cura Eas coral Europes 284285, 195 Kovalev, “What Does Mistrial Numismatics Suggest About the Monetary History of Khazar." 116-126, ue ” 196 McCormick, Origin ofthe European Economy, $87, 727-728 197 McCormick, Origins ofthe European Economy. Chast 2 p. 722.102 RK. KOVALEV No doubt, sources of these west European silks were many; but it appears that the Near East, Byzantium, and regions further east were the most likely suppliers, as, ‘opposed to Spain." However, contrary to McCormick's suggestion that it was principally the Venetians and their routes that were responsible for transmitting ‘these silks from the easter Mediterranean to western Europe, it will be suggested that it was the Radantya who brought a sizable part, if not most, ofthe central Asian and T'ang silks west from Khazaria via the northem edge of the north Pontic steppe zone. In this regard, most interesting to us is that notable quantities of surviving silks in western Europe are of central Asian and Chinese origins,®® the same ones that dominate the fabric finds in the Northem Caucasus. Interestingly, one silk that was used to wrap relics at Huy on the Meuse holds a Sogdian merchant's inscription written in ink which reads “Long 61 spans, zandani/.” The inscription dates to the seventh-eighth centuries and notes Zandanah — a town just north of Bukhara where the famous zandanijf silks were produced.””" Of no little significance is that about two thirds of the silk remains (but just less than half ofthe total area of silks) found in Moshchevaia Balka and just less than a quarter (but more than half of the total area of silks) discovered at Khasaut in the Northern Caucasus were precisely these same types of zandaniji silks." Quite possibly, this piece of silk was imported to Huy on the Meuse via the same North Caucasus sector of the Northem Silk Road and then by way of its stems along the Norther Donets-Don-middle Dnepr-lower Danube route. ‘The suggestion that many, if not most, of the Sogdian and Chinese silks were transported to western Europe via a caravan route through Khazaria is made even more attractive by the finds of these silks in ninth-century graves near the Viking- age town of Birka, Sweden® and the seventh-eighth-century bronze sculpture of ‘Buddha (perhaps of Kashmiri origins) in nearby Helg® alongside ‘ Abbasid dirhams dating to the early ninth century.” Birka, like Helg®, lay directly along the Silver Road that ran from Khazaria up the Don-Northern Donets, where it intersected with the caravan route in Sarkel, and continued northwestward through Russia into the Baltic. Therefore, some of the silks and other eastern commodities, like the ones found at Birka and Helgo, apparently joined the flow of silver moving north and 198 McCormick, Origins of the European Eeonamy, 723. 199 MeCommick Origins ofthe European Econom, 728-728. 200 A. Muthesius, Byzantine Silk Weaving, AD 70H to AD 1200, ed, E. Kisinger, J. Koder (Vienna, 1997), 94-100; MeConmick, Origins ofthe European Economy, p. 689 & 1. 75, and p. 723 201 Muthesius, Byzantine Silk Weaving, 94; McCormick, Origins of the European Economy, 733-728, 202 Noonan, “Why Dirhams First Reached Russia” pp. 252-253 & Table VI 203 R. Hodges, D. Whitehouse, Mohammed, Charlemagne and the Origins of Europe (ihaca, 1983), Fig, 47; McCormick, Origins ofthe European Economy, P. 689, 0. 75. 208 V.A. Zay'ialov, “K, Yoprosu 0. proiskhozhdenil stamgetk' Buddy 12 Khel'g0,” Ark. Ieologicheskie vest 4 (1998), 138140, COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES 103 landed in Sweden alongside hundreds of thousands of dirhams deposited in hundreds of ninth-century coin hoards. In shor, written sources are few and laconic on the existence of a caravan route leading from northwestern Khazaria to the lower Danube region during the ninth century. Nonetheless, the available archaeological and circumstantial evidence strongly suggests that such a route functioned and brought silks not only to the dis- tant Northern Donets region of the Khazar norther limes, but to central and west- tem Europe. Like the tax station located near Moshchevaia Balka at the southern borders of Khazaria in the Caucasus where tariffs were imposed on the incoming, traffic, the sites of Netailov and Verkhnesaltovo probably also lay near a toll collection point where tariffs were charged from the outgoing traffic crossing Khazaria’s northwestern borders. It can be hoped that the Verkhnesaltovo and ‘Netailov cemeteries will continue to be excavated and the silks discovered at the sites studied and published. Only then will it be possible to determine with greater certainty whether the caravan route passing through the northern regions of Khazaria transported silks manufactured in Sogdia, easter Turkestan, and China via a direct caravan route to central and western Europe. Lastly, afew words need to be said about the middle Volga and its likely connection to the east-west Northern Donets-Don-middle Dnepr-lower Danube stem of the Norther Silk Road. As discussed above, there are many reasons to believe that, the middle Volga maintained commercial relations with central Asia and Khwarazm, in particular via the old west Urals Fur Road during the course of the eighth and ninth centuries. It may be recalled that among the commodities traded along this route were Sogdian and Chinese silks. It was #50 mentioned that the Khazars managed to dominate the middle Volg2 region sometime in the late seventh-early eighth centuries, thereby tapping into commerce with central Asia via the southern Ural steppe. What is more, with the Khazar loss of the northeastern Cas- pian steppe and subsequently the eastem Caspian-Aral sector of the Norther Silk Road sometime between 828-844, the middle Volga’s route and commerce with central Asia may have become even more critical forthe qaganate.. ‘Commercial relations between Khazaria and the middle Volga region is well lustrated by the finds of ditham hoards that began to appear in the latter area as carly as 821/22 (perhaps even 802/03"), Since Khazaria was the primary, if not the sole, distributor of dithams from the Near East to northern Europe during the ninth ‘century, these coins most likely came directly from the qaanate to the lands of the 205 Sometimes the Leleki (Viatks) hoard is considered to be the earliest dham deposit ftom the middle Volga. However, since only one ditham from this hoard was preserved and ‘denified (dated to 802/03)" this coin can hardly be seen as representative ofthe entire coin deposi. For this reason, the Elmed (Kazan province) hoard of 150 dirhams that Were reportedly all preserved (in realty the Hermitage has 147), with the ipg date of 820/21, has to be considered the earliest verifiable dirham hoard ffom the middle Volga ‘See Noonan, Dirham Hoards jrom Medieval Western Eurasia, ¢, 700-. 1100.104 RK. KOVALEV carly Volga Bulgars.™ For this reason, it would not be unreasonable to suggest that some, ifnot a sizable number, of the Sogdian and Chinese silks transported to central and western Europe were first carried from central Asia to the middle Volga via Khwarazm and then dispatched either south to Khazaria and then transmitted west by way of the Don-Donets-middle Dnepr-lower Danube stems. Alternatively, these silks may have been sent by way of a more direct road: from the middle Volga to the middle Dnepr via the east-west caravan road transecting the southern forest and forest-steppe zones of the north Pontic to as far as the lower Danube, This latter route would, indeed, have been more direct and, most importantly for the early Volga Bulgars, would have circumvented the Khazar middlemen. In other words, such a direct route would have been economically advantageous for a number of reasons for the inhabitants of the middle Volga. Unfortunately, as discussed earlier, traces of caravan traffic in the middle Volga region have not yet come to light, despite the significant evidence of commerce with central Eurasia. In large part, this is due to the paucity of permanent settlements where bones of camels and mules are ‘most commonly found by archaeologists. But, the suggestion that such a route could have existed as early as the ninth century is not too great a leap of faith. Above, it ‘has been mentioned on several occasions that such a caravan road was fully func: tioning by the tenth century. Therefore, itcan be argued with some certitude that the foundation of this route had its roots in the previous century. By way of conclusion to this part ofthe study, let us look towards the tum of the tenth century. After their foundation in 840-841, the caravansaries at Sarkel continued to function for the next 60-65 years, after which they were abandoned. Sarkel, hhowever, continued to function as a Khazar fortress until it was taken by the Rus” in ca. 964.” The demise of Sarkel caravansaries in ca. 900 strongly suggests a major rift in trade along the Northern Donets-Don stem of the Norther Silk Road. This breach in commercial relations was undoubtedly caused by the migration of the Petenegs west of the Volga into the north Pontic steppe in ca. 900 and causing ma- {jor destruction on their arrival in the qaanate.™ Even after the initial devastation, the Pedenegs were unable to reconstruct a working commercial infrastructure along, the old Northern Donets-Don route. Gardrat quite clearly describes the hardship merchants fad while trading through the lands of the Petenegs. He specifically ‘totes that the roads of the Peveneg lands were “desolate,” “disagreeable,” and abandoned, but that the Petenegs demanded that travelers visiting their lands had to 206 ThS. Noonan, “What Does Historical Numismatics Suggest About the History of Khazaria in the Ninth Century” AEMAe 3 (1983), 279, 207 Plemeva, Sure! ahelhowy pu 58 Aino see below 208 Roma, Iaorichestegeografia Khorarshogokagonata[AEMAe 13), 21 COMMERCE AND CARAVAN ROUTES, 105 purchase horses, not camels that would have been much more conducive for travel via such roads.” Consequently, the Northem Donets-Don north-south route be- came obsolete. However, the old east-west caravan route through the forest-steppe and southern forest zones flourished in the tenth and later centuries, as the volume of commercial traffic passing along its way expanded to unprecedented heights. On the one hand, this increase in commerce was connected with the rise of Kiev ~ situated along the western sector of this old route — as a major hub of cross-continental trade. On the other hand, the escalation and further development of this old east- west caravan road can be attributed to the huge expansion of commerce along its eastern sector ~ the boom in commerce between Volga Bulgaria and Samanid central Asia which brought millions of dirhams and other eastern goods to European Russia and further west. This topic, however, deserves a separate, detailed study. To be continued. 209 Gardtr in Martinez, “Gardiet's Two Chapters on the Turks,” 152.

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