Expressing an Architectural Identity

Bohra Houses of Gujarat

j~~ .,!,,-

u~!fflt

- 0"" - -

~]:?-~~-.:::~-:,-~.:...:-=...:.7:::~~~~:-:.

~l!HOIIA."'_--- - :~~~

AHME o .. eA O

O MORYI

OIlAPADVAN J

O MJKO!

OOHD RA JI

OJUHAGAOI1

Article by

Balikrishna Doshi
based on research by
the Vastu-Silpa Foundation.
Photographs and drawings
courtesy of the author.

'

he Bohra settlements and

houses ofGujarat, in western India, present an
architectural response of
an exposure to another
culture and a desire to
maintain one's own identity. Traditionally, the Bohras are primarily
engaged in trade, conducting business
with Burma, the Zanzibar Islands and the
Arab world. They first settled in the port
town of Khambat in Gujarat and spread
to other towns in Gujarat such as Surat,
Kapadvanj, Dohad, Godhra, Vadodra,
Siddhpur, Dholka, Patan, etc. As the
Bohras grew in number, they began to
form in each settlement their own distinct
neighbourhood called a Bohravad. Today
Bohras number more than a million and
have settled both in India and abroad.
Essentially, Bohravads fall into two
different categories based on their physical layout: One, an organic development characteristic of the traditional city
pattern of this region and two, a gridiron layout. However, both these developments still maintain a closed-system
of streets, sub-streets and small open
spaces accessible only through a gate
linking to the city streets and the overall urban fabric.
Almost all the Bohravads which are
more than 100 years old, have evolved
organically within the confmes of the
available land in the fortified city . The
newer Bohravads which generally occur
adjacent to an old one or on the fringe of
the settlements have evolved due to the
Bhoras' contacts with the Europeans and

34

Above, left: Map cif Gujarat locating Bohra

settlements.
Above: Entrance gateway to one of the Bohravads.

travel abroad. These are laid out in gridiron pattern and are not constrained by
the shape and size of the land.
Like the neighbourhoods of other
communities, buildings for the various
religious and cultural activities of the
Bohra community also occur within the
domain of the Bohravad. These buildings
include a mosque, the assembly hall for
religious discourse, the local priest's
house, a travellers' lodge and a community hall for ceremonial occasions,
especially the commensal dinners.
In order to understand the architectural forms of the Bohravad and its
houses, it is essential to understand the
contextual frame and religious plurality
in which they live in Gujarat. In practice,
the Bohras do not refer to themselves as
Muslims. They refer to themselves as
"Bohras". This characteristic reflects the
way they maintain their identity separate
from the Muslims and Hindus.
The house of a Bohra is a shelter for
security, collective living and human
hierarchy. There are three kinds of
architectural forms in which the identity
of the Bohras is manifested: commercial
buildings, religious buildings, and residential buildings. In commercial areas,
the architectural forms more or less symbolise the common regional characteristics of the trading communities of
Gujarat with rows of shops on the
ground floor on either side of the street.

Neighbourhood plan and a typical street facade,

Ahmedabad.

In the bazaar, it would be difficult to

identify a Bohra shop from any other
shop except for the physical appearance
of a Bohra, who stands out because of his
dress, or the signboard.
The religious places include a mosque,
a hall, a priest's house, a tomb and a
cemetery. These distinctly reflect the
Bohra identity by the way of strong
geometrical forms are woven with the
local designs making the whole facade
very ornamental and decorative. It is
strongly reflected in their mosque and
tomb. The use of a community hall for
collective fasting, feasting ,' marriage and
meetings makes it an active place for
continuous collective interaction.
The Bohra houses reflect three
interesting features.
The hierarchy maintained in the
Bohra's life is found in their houses by
way of vertical and horizontal
hierarchy of its spaces, going from the
most public to the most private
enclosures.
The enclosed spaces within the house
also reflect their efforts to maintain a
distinct identity from other religious
groups and a sense of seclusion and
privacy from outsiders.
As many of their houses are built above
their shops or in separate Bohravads,
this provides a degree of security against
outsiders. At the same time, these
houses do not open directly on the front
street, and thereby preclude the
possibility of quick access into the
houses. Even after the entry, the
principle of hierarchy is maintained by
way of a vertical hierarchy in the house.
It is for this reason that the close relatives
are entertained in the first floor ordo
(family room).
House
A typical Bohra house is distinguished
by its facade decor, the treatment of

the openings and rich materials of

construction. Apart from a typical space
use pattern identifying the private and
semi-public domain, the basic plan of a
Bohra house is found to be very similar to
that of a Hindu house which conforms to
the general pattern of a medieval row
house. In a Bohra dwelling the typical
space organisation is as described below.
At the ground level one enters the
house through a portico raised about 75
centimetres above the street level.
Through the main door, one steps into an
anteroom, known as dehli separated by a
light screen from the inner court to
ensure privacy inside the house. This
space usually houses a stair which directly
leads to the upper floors. From here
visitors are directly led up to the formal
sitting room on the first floor. Next the
court, open to the sky, houses all the
services on its side walls.
The space immediately after the court
is fully open on the courtside and referred
to as baharni parsal (external portico). This
is followed by a room known as andarni
parsal (internal portico). Such seemingly
incongruous designation of these spaces is
with reference to the last room of the
house, the ordo (family room), which is
the sanctum of a Bohra family 's life. For
all practical purposes, on the ground
floor, the Bohra family uses the spaces
beyond the inner court and the space
immediately following the court becomes an external portico, followed by an
inner portico and then the family room.
The upper floors are normally
organised as independent rooms on either
sides of the court around which the
services are located. In the case of a house
with more than one upper floor, the stair
is also located in the area around the
court. This space is known as ravas. On
the top floor, the ravas becomes a terrace
separating the rooms in the front and at
the back. A double lean-to roof over both

35

these rooms allows an attic

underneath known as daglo .

space

Use of spaces
Contrary to the other communities, the
Bohras rarely use the raised, street side
portico, which is used extensively by
other communities for various activities
such as sitting space for elders and play
area for children. This could be attributed
to the greater confmement of women in
the social set up of the Bohras.
Once inside, the anteroom serves as
the second buffer between the inner and
external domain.
Generally, light
wooden screens are placed to avoid a
clear view into the house from the street.
This also serves as a brief meeting point
between the menfolk and casual visitors.
The staircase to the first floor is located
here and directly leads the guests to the
first floor sitting room. On the ground
floor, beyond the anteroom, is the family
domain into which only the close
relatives and family friends are invited.
The open to sky court helps ventilate
the whole house besides letting in light on
all floors . The kitchen and other services
are located around the court. The court as
well as the baharni parsal are used for
dining and lounging and all domestic
activities are also carried out here. Bethak
- a large wooden platform with storage
underneath and a soft cushion on the top
- is the dominant piece of furniture in
this space. These spaces actually are the
hub of the family world and used
throughout the day. Next, the andarni
parsal, being covered, extends the use in
monsoon when the court is unusable.
Andarni parsal often has a swing which
is popular in hot climates to keep cool.
This space is used predominantly as a
family lounging space during the hot
afternoons. Beyond it the house ends in
the family's living room ordo, which is
richly decorated with seating ill

traditional style placed on the floor. The

cupboard on the extreme rear wall of this
room is always designed in Islamic
traditions representing the concept of
nine squares known as navkhand. Such a
cupboard with intricate carvings is an
inseparable component of a Dawoodi's
house. This space is used to entertain
relatives, and family friends and for
sleeping.
Generally a service lane separates the
next parallel row houses. This barely
ensures ventilation and natural illumination is extremely low in this room on the
grouQd floor.
The first floor is reached by a stair
from the anteroom at the ground floor.
From the first floor upwards, the stair is
often provided near the court, allowing
for an independent use of the rooms on
either side. A large room at the back on
this level is generally used as a formal
living area and guests are entertained
here. The windows mostly have double
shutters, one of wood and the other of
stained glass. The room in the front is
used as a multi-purpose space and
sometimes has a covered balcony.
Construction and building
Inaterials
Comprised of bays in a row house
system, the structure of a typical Bohra
house is simple. Each bay is about 5
metres wide bordered on the longer sides
by walls shared by the adjoining units.
The construction up to plinth is in
stone which protects the house from the
damp rising from the ground and also
provides a base for the facade. The
superstructure in most cases is executed as
a system of frame structures in wood
with brick masonry infill walls. The
floors are supported on wooden beams
spanning across the bay and, where the
load is heavier, supported by additional
wooden posts. All the wooden posts sit
on stone bases to avoid decay from
dampness. Wooden posts in the line of
the bay walls are encased in the brick
masonry infill wall.
Upper floors are constructed by
resting closely, smaller sections of
wooden members on the beams spanning
the bay walls, which support either a
stone or bamboo mat surface on which
the bed mortar is laid. This is finished
with the desired flooring material. The
roofmg is of galvanized iron sheets

resting on beams directly spanning the

width of the bay.
Decor
As noted earlier, the basic space structure
of a Bohra house is quite similar to that of
the other communities in the region. It is
to a large extent the decor that sets them
apart from these other houses.
The Hindu houses are by and large
found to be quite plain in their treatment
of facades as well as elements like
columns, elaborately patterned false
ceilings, wooden furniture with floral
scrolls, painted and etched window
glasses, etc. Elaborate carpets and rugs are
a common feature of Bohra houses and
occur rarely in a Hindu house. Bohras
being a quite successful trading
community, could afford such elaborate
decor and, it was natural for the houses to
reflect it. It is also no surprise that the
Bohras should adopt a style and the
elements of decor which were used by the
British in the design of their buildings.
The Bohras did business with them and
must have looked upon the British decor
as the thing to identify with and aspire to.
A study of the decorative motifs,
especially in false ceilings and window
panes, reveals that these are not strictly
geometric patterns but also contain
representational motifs such as the floral
patterns. In the facades, a great variety
was observed from among the various
European styles in the treatment of
components such as doors, windows,
columns, and balustrades. Arched
openings such as the flat, the semicircular,
the segmental, and the pointed are

View of a mosque in Siddhpur, revealing a

decorative facade influenced by the British .

36

observed. Columns are found to vary

from simple regional designs to
variations of the Greek classical order.
Even when executed in a more
regional style, the fayades are generally
picturesque and show an approach to
total design which is not found in other
houses of the same period.
SOIne preliIninary observations
Bohra houses have naturally evolved in
the context of the region and its
traditional habitat pattern. Being Hindu
converts, this evolution appears to have
been a slow process of modifying
organisation of space and objects, and
elements of daily use, within the social
values and beliefs of their new religion.
This process of evolution has been
more additive in nature, particularly in
the basic plan of the house and the
arrangement of the groups. The changes
occured in the decor and elements of
interior spaces and furniture which
acquired sophistication in design and
detailing. This is easily noticeable in the
latter-day house facades, furniture and
fixtures, treatment of openings, internal
partitions and false ceilings. This
superimposition of external and internal
changes on the basic plan can be
attributed to the British influence on the
Bohra community due to their trade
relationships and an exposure to the
British lifestyle in Europe.
The form and structure of a Bohra
house is similar to the Hindu house, all
rooms occur along a single axis of
movement, leaving only the last room
free of the general movement which can

~""'-.==II ::;J
Irt"........--..L=_IL

--- - -e::~::::::

Above: Plan, Vohrawads, Kapadvang.

Right: Plan, Religious Complex, Siddhpur.

be used without disturbance. This

indicates' the low priority given to degree
of privacy within the family unlike the
colonial house. Privacy vis-a-vis outsiders
is of greater concern to Bohras than
Hindus. And this is indicated by a screen
between the internal court and anteroom,
from where the visitors are directly led
upstairs to the formal sitting room. Apart
from these minor, localised additions, the
basic plan organisation remains the same
as its Hindu. origin.
Even when opportunities were
available, as in the case of the house of
Taherbhai Madraswala at Siddhpur (see
drawing), there is no effort at evolving a
more sophisticated plan in spite of its
larger width and location facilitating
three open sides. As a result even such a
large house becomes 'twice' the
traditional house. It appears that the
strong colonial influence IS only
manifested in the decor of the interiors
and the furniture for identity purpose

JImJ] I

37

Above: Street facade.

Above, right: Richly decorated entrance to a house.

only to express their contact with the

external world which dealt in business
and economic status. Yet, basically the
inner requirements of the Bohras
remained the same.
Facades
It is in facades that the Bohra houses, built
early this century, differ from the Hindu
houses as well as that of the initial converts. It is in these facades that the variations of European styles become dominant.
In Siddhpur, the most interesting and
conspicuously significant features are the
houses with their ecclectic fa~ades.
Though derived from simple modules
and bays of a plan, the houses present a
complex exterior. European in appearance, they far from reflect the lifestyles of
those who live within. These facades are a
mixture of many styles, from many
places and periods. Fanciful forms of
Renaissance and Baroque styles are freely
used to decorate the sculpturesque
elements, particularly columns, pilasters
and entabulatures. An effect of great
richness ' is produced by integrating the
mouldings with the capitals, decorated
panels, deep cornices, iron grills, and
wooden doorworks. The combining of
many styles reveals the ecclectic effect
more as rhetoric than as a genuine
concern for giving expression to a style of
architecture. Surprisingly, the facades do
not display any Islamic characteristics
except for a sense of privacy that pervades

the interior and the lack of figurative use

of an y living beings - man or animal as part of the decorations.
The houses stand out for their style of
grafting all sorts of details on a rather
functional and simple plan. There is a
total disregard for regional, local or
traditional forms as far as appearance is
concerned. However, there IS an
inexplicable Indian-ness about the
pseudo-European
Renaissance
and
Baroque facades due to the environment
and the builders. The house fronts are
profusely ornamented and even when
relatively plain, they have a sculpturesque
quality and exhibit, to a greater or lesser
degree, an irrational and unsanctified use
of the classical elements. The style leans
towards being 'manneristic which at
times is disturbing, restless and confused.
The force behind the facade decoration
seems to be of contrived effects, which
are at once dramatic and rich. Expressions
which are often associated with
ecclesiastical buildings are used on secular
buildings.
The decorations extend over the
entire facade, differing from house to
house in form as well as colour.
However, a very defmite control is
achieved by the interrelation of key
elements such as floor heights, plinths,
and the roof line; other smaller elements
are used to harmonise and bind the entire
facade. The colour renderings are in
pastel shades with light green, light
yellow and pink as favourites . The
materials used are a combination of stone,
wood and plaster. The entire facade is

38

busy. Between the pilasters are placed the

doorway, the windows and the
decorated panels. The wood and iron
grillwork is used for the door and
windows, their shutters consisting of
smaller parts and operating separately and
helping to retain privacy . On areas such
as the wall below the sill of a window there are no openings plastered
decorative panels are placed. The
decorations are in the nature of European
shields or plaques with flowers and
ribbons and the names of the owners; the
date of construction is written in darker
shades below.
In conclusion, it can be said that over
the centuries, Bohras have defmitely
evolved a house characteristic which is
largely distinct from that of other houses
in the region. The space use pattern, the
treatment of the fa~ades and the decor are
characteristically different from Hindu
houses. The Bohras, in their search for a
separate identity, judiciously utilised
elements of European architecture via the
British influence. However, the influences have only been skin deep. No
radical changes took place in the Bohra's
social values and religious beliefs. This
being reflected in their habitat, which
basically remains the same as the Hindu
one of their origin, illustrates the strong
adherence to their traditional way of life
and thought. Bohra settlements and
houses are a unique phenomenon and
demonstrate a balance between harmony
and variety, and between something
private and public. It provides us with an
instructive lesson in urban design.

Far left: Andarni Parsal,

with a swing in the
foreground.
Left: An elaborate drinkingwater storage area.
Far left, below: Detail of a
wooden column with its
richly carved decoration.
Left, below: View of an
internal court and staircase.
Left, bottom: The family
room, ordo, of an 4fluent
Bohra.

Balikrishna Doshi, one of

India's foremost architects,
wrote this article based on
research carried out by the
Vastu-Silpa Foundation in
Ahmedabad, under a grant
from the Aga Khan
Program at Harvard and
MIT. The article has been
edited for publication by
Akhtar Badshah.

40

Section

Thirdfloor

Second floor

I \

First floor

.
SI10 P

SHO P

S:i OP

SHOP

i
"'''

SHOP

SKO P

.1-

Ground floor

Ground floor
House of Hatimbhai Raja, Siddhpur.

House of Taherbhai Madraswala, Siddhpur.

39