EQUAL JUSTICE

POLICY OF THE YEAR NOMINEE

Preventing
Bankruptcy from
Limiting Water
Access

Student Editor-In-Chief

Danielle Brown
Roosevelt @ Mt Holyoke 18

Alumni Editors

Alex Garlick
Roosevelt @ Middlebury 08
Jay Hobbs
Roosevelt @ Colorado College 11
Derek Pugh
Roosevelt @ American University 12
Aaron Sayama
Roosevelt @ University of Georgia 10

Roosevelt Staff

Joelle Gamble
National Director, Roosevelt Network
Aman Banerji
Amy Chen
Brenna Conway
Rene Fidz
Taylor Jo Isenberg
Katie Kirchner
Chris Linsmayer
Joe McManus
Marcus Mrowka
Tim Price
Liz Sisson
Alan Smith

Who We Are
The Roosevelt Institute, working to redefine the rules that guide our
social and economic realities, is home to the nations largest network
of emerging doers and thinkers committed to reimagining and rewriting the rules in their communities to create lasting change. Our
members, organizing in 130 chapters in 40 states nationwide, partner
with policy makers and communicators to provide them with clear,
principled ideas and visionary, actionable plans. Our members are
actively influencing policy on the local, state and national level from
introducing legislation on protections for LGBTQ youth to consulting
with local governments on natural disaster flood prevention.

What Youre Holding

Now in its eighth year, the 10 Ideas series promotes the most
promising student-generated ideas from across our network. This
journal, which includes submissions from schools located from
California to Georgia to New York, stands as a testament to the depth
and breadth of our network of innovators.
Our 10 Ideas memos are selected for publication because they are
smart, rigorously researched, and, most importantly, feasible. We
want to see these ideas become a reality.

How You Can Join

As you explore these ideas, we encourage you to take special note
of the Next Steps sections. Here, our authors have outlined how
their ideas can move from the pages of this journal to implementation.
We invite you to join our authors in the process. Contact us on our
website or by tweeting with us @VivaRoosevelt using the hashtag
#RooImpact.
Thank you for reading and supporting student generated ideas.
Together we will design the future of our communities, from
towns to countries and all that lies in-between.

Dear Readers,
Young people are incredibly important to the American political process.
Millennials and Generation Z now make up the same portion of eligible
voters as the Baby Boomer generation. This emerging generation is also the
most diverse in our nations history: Half of all eligible Latino voters in 2016
are between the ages of 18 and 35. Were told we can make the difference
every election, and candidates and elected officials ask for our votes, time,
and moneybut they dont ask for our ideas.
Young Americans continue to transform our economy and culture.
Now its time for us to disrupt our political system.
The 10 Ideas journals, one of our oldest and most competitive publications,
elevate the top student-generated policy ideas from across the country. In
this years journals, you will find solutions to problems in places ranging from
South Dakota to North Carolina to Oregon to New York. Whether seeking to
make Pittsburgh an immigrant-friendly city or to reduce recidivism in the
state of Massachusetts, the following proposals take a creative and locally
focused approach to building opportunity for all.
Roosevelters are also committed to turning their ideas into action. Whether
that means meeting with decision-makers, writing opinion pieces in their
local papers, or organizing actions in their communities, we intend to see the
solutions we propose become reality.
Why? As the generation that will inherit the world shaped by todays
decisions, we have the most to lose or gain. Involving the emerging
generation in the policy process will lead to outcomes that benefit everyone.
We believe it matters who rewrites the rules, and we have ideas for how to
change them.
I hope you enjoy reading the proposals in this journal as much as we did.
Onward,

Joelle Gamble
National Director, Network, Roosevelt Institute

Table of Contents
Preventing Bankruptcy from Limiting Water Access

Building Public Trust with Transparent Campaigns

Low-Income Single Mothers and Their Children:

A Co-Housing/Co-Operative Hybrid Solution

12

Eliminating the TANF Asset Limit in the District of Columbia

15

Expanding Absentee Voting: Removing Unfair

Restrictions on College Voters

17

Get to Work: An EmployerTransit Partnership to

Connect the Boroughs of New York City

19

To Protect and Serve: Enhanced Transparency and

Training for Volunteer Law Enforcement

22

Rescuing Surplus Food from Landfills:

Addressing Food Insecurity in Chicago

25

Decreasing D.C. Gun Violence: Attaching

Breathalyzers to New Guns

28

Drug-Related Restrictions in Public Housing:

Decreasing Recidivism by Reuniting Families

31

Preventing Bankruptcy from Limiting

Water Access
By Maggie DeHart and Kathryn Wissman,
Michigan State University
Thesis

Access to water should not be dependent on the wealth of a city or of an

individual. The Michigan Legislature should vote to categorize water as an
essential human right for all citizens and guarantee unhindered access to
it. Measures should then be taken to unify Michigans water infrastructure
while cutting costs for low-income households.

Background & Context

Michigans Local Financial Stability and Choice Act permits the governor
to appoint emergency managers in times of critical financial need and
allows those emergency managers to take almost uninhibited action to
cut spending. In the past five years, the law has been applied in two major
Michigan cities, Detroit and Flint. Flints emergency manager cut costs by
using Flint River water rather than remaining on Detroits water system. As
a result, Flint is suffering from dangerously low water quality. These cuts
affect the poorest citizens, who cannot afford filtered water or even pay their
current water bills, forcing them to drink water with lethal levels of lead.
According to the EPA, the level of lead that warrants concern is 5 parts per
billion and the average Flint citizens water was measured at 27 parts per
billion.1 The quality of the citys water had been compromised for nearly 18
months before health officials advised citizens not to drink it.2 Despite these
problems, residents are being threatened with shutoffs if they do not pay
their bills.3 This is a serious humanitarian issue that requires an immediate
resolution.

Talking Points

uu In an attempt to cut costs, Flints emergency manager has created

irreparable health problems for the citys residents, especially children.
uu Both Detroit and Flint have shut off water to their residents,
disproportionately affecting lower-income citizens.
uu President Obama recently declared a state of emergency in Flint,
bringing this issue into the national spotlight and demonstrating the
urgent need for action.4
uu Our policy would attempt to address the inequality of water access in
Michigan and its initial causes.

10 IDEAS FOR EQUAL JUSTICE

Policy Idea

Michigan legislators need to pass a bill

declaring water as a human right for all
citizens, including discounted rates for
low-income citizens and bill forgiveness.
A referendum to Public Act 436 of 2012
(Legislative Council, State of Michigan
2013) should be passed that prevents
Emergency Managers from adjusting
water infrastructure, raising water
bills, or shutting off water to residents.
The state of Michigan should work to
standardize water infrastructure and
source the safest water, not the cheapest.
This includes replacing old pipes and
connecting cities to the cleanest available
water nearest them.

Policy Analysis

KEY FACTS
u United Nations
Resolution 64/292,
enacted in 2010,
declares that water is an
essential human right.9
u In 2014 and 2015, more
than 120,000 accounts
were shut off by the
Detroit Department of
Water and Sewage
roughly 40 percent of
the citys residential
consumers.10
u From fiscal years 2006
to 2014, the City of
Detroits allotted budget
for its water and sewage
systems has been
reduced by about $1.57
billion.11
u The mass shutoffs in
2014 and 2015 cost
the City $5.2 million in
the form of a two-year
contract with demolition
contractor Homrich, Inc.12

This policy would combat several of

the main factors that contribute to
Michigans growing water problem,
including the power of emergency
managers to make adjustments to water
infrastructure and policy that can have
severe consequences for a majority of
citizens. If the proposed solution is not
enacted soon, the cost to both the state
and the cities involved will be staggering.
For example, in 2014, the city of Detroit
hired a private contractor to carry out the
task of physically shutting off residents
water. Homrich, Inc., charged the city and its taxpayers $5.2 million.5 In
Detroit, around 40 percent of residents had their water shut off by the citys
emergency manager in 2014.6 This plan would guarantee the rights of all
citizens to fresh and clean water while also preventing water shutoffs for
those who cannot afford water. In Flint, attempts to cut the cost of water
have effectively made it non-potable.7

COPYRIGHT 2016 BY THE ROOSEVELT INSTITUTE. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

NEXT STEPS
The proposal would require support from the Michigan Legislature
as well as the citizens of the cities that it would affect. Jim Ananich,
whose state senate district includes the city of Flint, could be a
valuable ally. Senator Ananich is currently the senate minority
leader and has formally requested hearings to examine the Flint
water crisis.8 He could be convinced to support an effort to resolve
the issues as pressure from his district mounts. There are already
citizen organizations in Flint and Detroit that would, through
grassroots movements, support actions to guarantee safe and
accessible water. These groups include the Detroit Water Brigade,
the Peoples Water Board, and the Coalition for Clean Water.

10 IDEAS FOR EQUAL JUSTICE

Building Public Trust with

Transparent Campaigns
By Joshua Ferrer and Maria D. Rodriguez, Amherst, Whittier
Thesis

Increasing transparency encourages participation in elections and

enhances political accountability, both of which are sorely needed in Illinois.
Establishing a contribution reporting schedule tied to Illinoiss election
dates would strengthen the states currently weak campaign disclosure laws,
addressing the crisis of public trust in state government.

Background & Context

The American public consistently expresses concern over the influence of

money in politics.1 In order to build the publics trust, legislators should
enact policies that promote transparency. As the public trains its attention
on political donations, campaign finance disclosure has proven to be a viable
method of doing this.2 Modern communication technology allows reporting
to happen up to Election Day.3
This policy could have a particularly strong impact in Illinois, where public
trust in government is the lowest in the nation by far.4 In a 2014 Gallup Poll,
only 28 percent of residents reported trusting their state government a
great deal or a fair amount.5 Low voter turnout rates in state and local
elections, and it has created a toxic climate for politics and policy-making in
Illinois.6 7
Despite strengthening its election laws in recent years, Illinois maintains
an egregious reporting loophole that undermines the logic of its disclosure
regulations.8 Current reporting dates do not align with the dates of
consolidated state and local elections.9 This loophole consistently allows
over 20 percent of last-quarter political contributions to go unreported on
Election Day.10 In the 2015 election, donations under $1,000 made between
January 1 and March 31 did not have to be reported until a week after the
election took place.11 In 2016, this loophole will leave the public unaware
until the following year of many donations made to candidates between
October 1 and Election Day.12 This loophole will allow unprecedented
amounts of money to influence local elections without the publics
knowledge, further eroding trust.

Talking Points

uu Strong campaign disclosure laws correlate with increased public trust.13

COPYRIGHT 2016 BY THE ROOSEVELT INSTITUTE. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

uu Implementing time-sensitive
reporting dates could eliminate
unreported last-quarter
contributions.14
uu A deficit of trust in Illinois has led
to record-low election turnout
throughout the state.15
uu Mandating reporting dates tied
to elections would put Illinois on
par with other states with strong
campaign finance laws.16 17 18

The Policy Idea

One way to ensure transparency and gain

the publics trust is simple: provide full
election reports aligned with election
dates. We propose two election-sensitive
reports in addition to the four quarterly
reports required each year. One would be
due a month before an election and would
cover contributions received since the
last quarterly report up to 72 hours prior
to publication. The other would be due
one week before an election and would
cover all contributions received since the
previous report up to 72 hours prior to
publication.

KEY FACTS
u Only 28 percent of
Illinois residents trust
their state government,
the lowest of any state.26
u On Election Day 2015,
voters didnt know
about 22.4 percent of all
donations made in the
final reporting quarter.27
u In Cook County, the
City of Chicago, and
Springfield alone,
unreported donations
on Election Day 2015
amounted to $4,224,676
out of $18,824,606 spent
in the final quarter.28
u In the 2016 general
election, smaller
contributions made
between October 1 and
November 8 will go
unreported until the next
year, January 7, 2017.29

Policy Analysis

Several states have similar disclosure

policies that have informed the public without overburdening candidates. In
Massachusetts, all contributions over $500 made in the two weeks leading
up to Election Day must be reported within 72 hours of deposit.19 In Oregon,
all contributions over $100 received in the final 30 days before an election
must be reported within seven days of receipt.20 Alabama requires disclosure
of contributions over $100 every week in the month before an election.21 In
case legislators worry this would create an undue burden, Illinois election
law only applies to campaigns that meet a minimum monetary threshold of
$5,000, meaning only relatively large campaign organizations would have to
follow this reporting protocol. 22

10 IDEAS FOR EQUAL JUSTICE

The emergence of instant online journalism has increased the possibilities

and stakes of reporting.23 Just as donors can contribute more quickly than
ever before, journalists can instantaneously report those donationsif
strong disclosure policies are in place. Establishing election-sensitive
reports would allow journalists to inform the voters about virtually all
political contributions made to campaigns.24 This would be an important
step forward, not only to increase transparency in elections, but also to
regain sorely needed trust in Illinoiss government.

NEXT STEPS
In order to pursue policy implementation, we will connect with
relevant stakeholders and legislators who can move our policy
forward through the Illinois legislature. We have already reached
out to Representative Will Guzzardi, a progressive leader, along
with the Illinois branch of the Roosevelt Institute network and
Illinois PIRG. All were very receptive to our policy idea. We have
also received political advice from the Illinois Campaign for Political
Reform. We will seek support from Illinois Senators Julie Morrison
and Matt Murphy and House Majority Leader Barbara Flynn
Currie, who recently sponsored legislation reforming expenditure
disclosures.25 We will reach out to other groups active in Illinois
election reform, including the Citizen Advocacy Center and the
League of Women Voters of Illinois, and will continue to work with
our existing partners to move this policy forward. The first step
toward implementation will be gaining endorsements from relevant
organizations and getting a legislative sponsor for our policy.

COPYRIGHT 2016 BY THE ROOSEVELT INSTITUTE. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

11

Low-Income Single Mothers and Their

Children: A Co-Housing/Co-Operative
Hybrid Solution
By Samantha R. Galina, University of North Carolina Chapel Hill
Thesis

There is a profound scarcity of low-income housing for single mothers

and their children living in North Carolina. A co-housing/co-operative
hybrid would provide a cost-effective environment in which women would
function as family units while emphasizing the importance of saving and
homeownership.

Background

In 1937, the U.S. Housing Authority established the first public housing
program. The original intent was to provide housing for those temporarily
affected by the Great Depression. Currently, affordable housing serves the
poor. The number of extremely low-income renters increased due to the
Great Recession. From 2007 to 2011, their numbers grew from 9.6 million to
12.1 million, but only 6.8 million housing units were available.1 Additionally,
the minimum wage adjusted for inflation has decreased by 30 percent since
1968.2 A combination of lower real wages and less affordable housing has
created a housing crisis for low-income families. This is readily apparent in
North Carolina, where, in 2013, 45.6 percent of the 1.7 million people living
in poverty were single mothers with children.3
A viable solution to break the cycle of poverty is the development of a cooperative/co-housing hybrid in Durham County, NC. Co-housing is an
intentional community in which private living quarters surround shared
spaces; there are more than 160 co-housing communities across 37 states in
the U.S.4 Co-operatives are government-subsidized and residents do not have
any equity in their units. In comparison, the hybrid model integrates the
evidence-based results of each housing solution, removes the pitfalls, and
generates long-term wealth accumulation strategies and habits by providing
residents with government subsidies and limited equity while emphasizing
communal living, shared responsibilities, and the pride associated with
homeownership.

Policy Idea

The policy idea is a limited equity co-operative/co-housing hybrid

specifically designed for low-income mothers in Durham County, North

10 IDEAS FOR EQUAL JUSTICE

Carolina. Prior to becoming residents,

the mothers would need to agree to the
terms of the hybrid. The families would
live in single-family residences with
bedrooms and bathrooms and share
a communal kitchen, laundry room,
and living room. The mothers would
be divided into three groups, with each
group assigned different responsibilities;
these would include (1) cooking,
cleaning, and chores; (2) childcare;
and (3) outside employment. Income
earned would be distributed equally
among the families. The women would
collectively save money to repay loans,
emphasizing the importance of saving
and homeownership. This model would
also give mothers more quality time with
their children rather than forcing them to
invest time in all three sectors.

Policy Analysis

KEY FACTS
u In Durham Country,
18.5 percent of the
population lives in
poverty.10
u Statewide, 43 percent
of children live in lowincome families; 25
percent live in poverty.11
u In 2013, 43.1 percent
of single women with
children in the U.S.
made income below the
poverty line.
u In 2013, single mothers
headed 45.5 percent
of households in North
Carolina.12
u North Carolinas
minimum wage is
currently $7.25. $13.33
is the hourly wage
necessary to afford a
two-bedroom apartment
at Fair Market Rent in
North Carolina, which is
more than 180 percent
of minimum wage.13

Homeownership and self-sufficiency

are integral to ending the cycle of
poverty. The children of homeowners
are 33 percent less likely to give birth
as unmarried teens, 35 percent less
likely to receive welfare, and 62 percent
more likely to complete postsecondary
education.5 The HUD-sponsored
program Family Self Sufficiency (FSS)
targets low-income families and helps
them work toward self-sufficiency by
increasing their earnings. Job training can be accessed through the U.S.
Department of Labor. Government grants can pay for short-term training or
vocational school.6
The hybrid is a more effective housing model than federally subsidized
limited dividend and nonprofit housing. Co-operatives are economically
sound; average operation costs were 15 percent lower than nonprofit
housing and 35 percent less than the costs of limited dividend housing.7
Single mothers cannot supervise children while working; therefore, child

COPYRIGHT 2016 BY THE ROOSEVELT INSTITUTE. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

13

care is imperative. Annual child care costs for an infant as a share of full-time
minimum-wage earnings in North Carolina are 61 percent.8 Children left
unsupervised are 27 percent more likely in the future to get drunk/high, 28
percent more likely to steal something, and 24 percent more likely to hurt
someone.9

NEXT STEPS
The institution responsible for the change would be a nonprofit real
estate developer focused on creating affordable housing for hardworking, low-income families. The nonprofit would borrow funds
through HUDs Mortgage Insurance for Rental and Cooperative
HousingSection 221(d)(4). This program insures mortgage loans
made by private lending institutions to facilitate cooperative housing
projects. The U.S. Department of Labor would provide vital job and
child care training in conjunction with local businesses. Key allies
include the proposed community of Durham County, UNC Law
Schools NC Poverty Research Fund, Durham Housing Authority, and
Durhams Homeless Shelter for Women and Mothers with Children.
Such organizations are natural allies because they will benefit from
a decrease in poverty, truancy, crime, substance abuse, and welfare
recipients. Additionally, families receiving such services will benefit
most directly from this policy through safer, more affordable places
to live and access to child care while they work. Most importantly,
this policy would strengthen community ties and encourage selfsufficiency.

10 IDEAS FOR EQUAL JUSTICE

Eliminating the TANF Asset Limit in

the District of Columbia
By Stephanie Gill, George Washington University
Thesis

Government assistance should not only provide temporary financial relief

but also encourage behaviors that will lift program recipients out of poverty.
To reach these goals, the District of Columbia should eliminate the asset
limit as part of eligibility for Temporary Assistance for Needy Families
(TANF) and implement a financial services information program designed to
encourage low-income families to save money and accumulate wealth.

Background and Context

Created in 1996 under the Clinton Administration, TANF is temporary

cash assistance for families living in poverty.1 Starting in October 2016,
recipients of TANF will lose their benefits completely once they reach a
60-month lifetime limit.2 TANF eligibility varies by state; D.C. currently
relies on factors such as income and participation in a GED or job training
program, in addition to an asset limit of $2,000 excluding household cars.3
While the purpose of TANF was to end welfare as we know it, D.C.s asset
limit creates paradoxical consequences.4 The asset limit can actually be a
disincentive for families to save and accumulate wealth, as it threatens their
eligibility.5 However, asset accumulation is greatly beneficial for families
in poverty both in the short and long term, as it provides financial stability
during emergency situations and fosters individual economic development.6
Encouraging families to save money while also receiving TANF benefits will
help lift families out of poverty permanently, which is imperative given the
new TANF time limits.

Talking Points

uu Eliminating the TANF asset limit will not necessarily lead to an increase
in the number of families receiving TANF.7
uu Eliminating the TANF asset limit will also simplify the application
process and reduce administrative costs.8
uu Encouraging families to accumulate wealth and increase self-sufficiency
will fulfill TANFs goal of [reducing] dependency on the government
for public assistance.9

Policy Idea

The D.C. Department of Human Services (DHS) should eliminate asset

limits for TANF eligibility and should actively encourage families to save
and accumulate wealth by promoting financial literacy. The DHS should
work with private banks to help families receiving TANF establish savings

COPYRIGHT 2016 BY THE ROOSEVELT INSTITUTE. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

15

accounts and collaborate with nonprofit

organizations to provide resources
such as financial education classes and
financial coaching sessions.10

Policy Analysis

KEY FACTS
u Low-income families can
and do save, albeit at
slow rates, enough to
gradually improve their
social status.20
u This policy would impact
approximately 5,600
families in the District of
Columbia.21
u 12 percent of families in
D.C. do not have savings
accounts, while 25
percent of families are
underbanked.22

As of July 2014, eight states (Alabama,

Colorado, Hawaii, Illinois, Louisiana,
Maryland, Ohio, and Virginia) have
eliminated TANF asset limits.11 D.C.
should join them because it is not only
equitable but also efficient to do so. States
have found that eliminating the asset test
actually reduced administrative costs,
because time and money are not spent
on verifying assets.12 Resources spent
on verifying assets were wasted, as few
cases were denied due to excess assets.13
Furthermore, eliminating the asset test
does not lead to a significant increase in
the TANF caseload.14 In fact, the savings
in administrative costs far [outweigh] the cost of any additional caseload.15
For example, while Virginia spent an additional $127,200 on TANF benefits
after eliminating the asset limit test, it also saved $323,050 in administrative
costs.16 States that eliminated the asset limit also streamlined the application
process for applicants by reducing the amount of paperwork needed.17
Alternatives, such as raising the limit, are not as efficient because resources
would still be spent on verifying assets.18 Ultimately, eliminating the asset
limit could prove to be a cost-saving measure for D.C.

NEXT STEPS
Ultimately, the D.C. City Council would have to pass legislation to implement
this policy change. Throughout the process, working with the DHS and
anti-poverty organizations would be imperative. Additionally, lobbying and
gaining support from councilmembers would increase traction. Possible
councilmembers to support or draft legislation include Yvette Alexander,
chair of the Committee on Health and Human Services, and David Grosso,
who is on the same committee and co-authored a progressive paid leave
bill.19 Support from the private sector and their cooperation with financial
literacy programs would ease the burden on the D.C. government.
The public image benefits of participating in such programs would be
an incentive for socially responsible banks. Advisory Neighborhood
Commissions would also serve as valuable allies to host town halls and raise
awareness and support for this policy change.

10 IDEAS FOR EQUAL JUSTICE

Expanding Absentee Voting: Removing

Unfair Restrictions on College Voters
By Walter Hanley and Mario Gruszczynski,
Michigan State University
Thesis

To encourage student voter participation and expand democratic access in

Michigan, the State should allow all registered student voters to obtain absentee
ballots.

Background/Context

Democracy works best when all citizens have a say in the policies that govern us.
Young people, however, are underrepresented in our politicsespecially those
students who have substantial commitments outside of the classroom. In local
elections for the East Lansing City Council in November 2015, the five precincts
on Michigan State Universitys campus averaged a voter turnout rate of 1.15
percent.1 While those on campus represented 12.9 percent of registered voters,
they accounted for only 0.7 percent of actual voters. This underrepresentation
stems from the transient nature of college students, who float between their
hometowns and universities. For example, the 2016 presidential primary
occurred during Michigan States spring break, leaving students unsure of where
they would be on Election Day. Rather than discouraging voting, Michigan
should encourage students to have a larger role in our elections.2 Some states,
such as Oregon, have taken steps to encourage their residents to participate in
the democratic process by expanding absentee voting.3 Michigan should follow
their lead in treating voting as a fundamental right and not a privilege.

Talking Points

uu Students represent a disproportionately small share of our voting

population.
uu Given the unpredictable conditions under which college students vote, the
government should undertake policies that encourage college students to
engage in politics.
uu Universal absentee voting for college students would provide much-needed
flexibility in the voting process.

Policy Idea

The state of Michigan allows certain groups of voters to vote absentee without
fault, such as senior citizens.4 The right to request an absentee ballot should
be extended to all college students registered to vote in Michigan, even if they
currently reside where they are registered. This would allow college students to
have a more proportional role in state and local politics.

Policy Analysis

Easing the restrictions on absentee voting in Michigan would be a potent tool

COPYRIGHT 2016 BY THE ROOSEVELT INSTITUTE. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

17

to address a key barrier to student election

participation: access to the polls. Students
registered to vote at school must find a way
to get to the polls during a thirteen hour
voting window, creating an unreasonable
obstacle for college voters, especially those
with work commitments. College students
often have uniquely hectic schedules that
keep them tied up for the entire voting
window, such as those students who
work at the while they carry a full credit
load. These issues would be rectified by
an absentee voting system that explicitly
allowed student voters to vote by mail.
Absentee status would give students
certainty in their ability to vote, regardless
of schedule or location on Election Day.
Currently, Michigan state law only affords
college students an absentee ballot if they
plan on being out of town on Election Day.
Instead, election law should encourage all
college voters, especially those who plan on
voting in the local elections.

KEY FACTS
u On Michigan State
Universitys campus,
only about one in
100 registered voters
actually casts a ballot.7
u While students on
MSUs campus make up
nearly 12.9 percent of
registered voters in the
most recent election,
they represent only 0.7
percent of voters.8
u States that expand
access to no-fault
absentee voting
experience a longterm increase in voter
participation.9

A common argument against expanding

absentee voting is an appeal to an increased
risk of voter fraud. Increasing absentee voting, it is argued, increases the risk
that votes will be coerced or fraudulently obtained. However, this argument
ignores the astonishingly low rate of absentee voter fraud in the U.S. From
20002012, there were only about 491 cases of absentee voter fraud nationwide.5
6
In addition, the rate of absentee voter fraud varies independently of absentee
voting access, casting further doubt on the correlation between absentee voting
and rates of fraud.

NEXT STEPS

Because election law is largely decided at the state level, this policy must
be enacted through the Michigan legislature. A coalition must be formed
among like-minded actors, such as college students and university groups
focused on voter turnout. This coalition will be key in mobilizing allies and
lobbying for this change. These allies understand that college students
face unique difficulties in the voting process, and that action must be taken
to ease those difficulties. Students should present their experiences to
members of the state legislature. State representatives and senators who
represent districts that include college campuses will be key targets in this
effort. Their support will be instrumental in passing legislation and swaying
public debate.

10 IDEAS FOR EQUAL JUSTICE

Get to Work: An EmployerTransit

Partnership to Connect the Boroughs
of New York City
By Robert Godfried, Sarah Esteban, Saba Mundlay,
and Sarah Manney, Columbia, Hofstra, Wheaton, and Stanford
Thesis

In order to address the long commute times of low- and moderate-income

(LMI) workers in New York Citys outer boroughs, the Metropolitan
Transportation Authority (MTA) should work with anchor institutions and
innovative startups to analyze employee commute data and create better bus
routes.

Background/ Context

Between 1990 and 2008, residential, commercial, and industrial growth in

the outer boroughsQueens, the Bronx, Staten Island, and Brooklynhas
surpassed that in Manhattan by more than 30 percent.1 Unfortunately,
transportation systems have not caught up, leaving dozens of burgeoning
LMI neighborhoods disconnected from new centers of job growth.2
Within boroughs, transit times are often over an hour and can be highly
unpredictable. These underserviced areas, termed transportation deserts,
pose a distinct challenge for LMI workers who tend to face more rigid
schedules and less job security. To empower these individuals economically
and support job growth, the MTA must address the significant deficiency in
inter- and intra-borough transportation.
Think tanks focused on publicprivate partnership, such as the Center for an
Urban Future and the Pratt Institute, have called on the MTA to expand bus
service in order to address this problem. Unfortunately, because of budget
restraints and political stagnancy (not to mention a debt surpassing $34
billion), these well-researched proposals have been met with little action.
Meanwhile, the MTA continues to pursue expansions in Manhattan while
ignoring the needs of outer-borough residents. 3 4 An explanation for this
disinterest is that employers have minimal input in MTA bus route planning.
A lack of employer involvement in route design wastes valuable knowledge
about the demographics, schedule, location, and commutes of workers.
Employer involvement in transportation planning can enhance route
efficiency and job access.

COPYRIGHT 2016 BY THE ROOSEVELT INSTITUTE. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

19

Talking Points

uu This plan will enable LMI commuters

to get to work more efficiently.
uu The MTA transportation network
should be expanded in the outer
boroughs.
uu A competitive bidding system leads to
the most effective routes.
uu Employers, LMI workers, and the
MTA have overlapping incentives to
work together.

The Policy Idea

Through a publicprivate partnership

between the MTA and anchor institutions
(large institutions that drive local
economies) in outer boroughs, we can
harness employer data to design routes
that best serve LMI workers. Then, in
a partnership termed a Transit Service
Contract (TSC), the MTA would allow
employers to bid for prospective routes
servicing their area.8 This partnership
would be fueled by overlapping mutual
incentives: Employers benefit from an
expanded job pool and increased worker
retention while the MTA achieves
increased fare revenues and LMI ridership.9

KEY FACTS
u The Urban Mass
Transportation
Administration
concluded that
competitive contracting
resulted in large
reductions in operation
cost, between 10 and
50 percent per unit of
output.15
u The average commute
time is 52 minutes
in Brooklyn and 69
minutes in Staten
Island.16
u In Staten Island, 29
percent of workers are
low-wage earners; in
Queens, 37 percent; in
Brooklyn, 41 percent; in
the Bronx, 52 percent.

Policy Analysis

Employers possess detailed data about LMI commuters, including their

residency demographics and route times, which the MTA currently doesnt
utilize when developing routes. The EmployerTransit Partnership would
bridge this gap by connecting the MTA with valuable employer knowledge,
allowing the MTA to learn how to best serve LMI workers and reduce their
commute times. In return, employers would receive a host of benefits. As one
major employer in northern Queens explains, Improved mass transit would
allow our expanding business to draw from a larger labor pool, improve our
ability to attract and retain new workers and make us a more competitive
manufacturer.10

10 IDEAS FOR EQUAL JUSTICE

The MTAs incentives are also numerous. By setting targets for service
provision for LMI workers in transportation deserts, the MTA can achieve
a more expansive outer-borough transportation network. In addition, data
shows that such routes could be highly profitable for the MTA: Ridership
within the outer boroughs totals 1,671,815 riders per weekday compared to
only 447,585 per weekday in Manhattan.11
The current political climate is favorable toward such a proposal. Our policy
connects the publicprivate partnerships endorsed by Governor Andrew
Cuomo with Mayor Bill de Blasios call for transportation expansion in the
outer boroughs.12 13 Specifically, our proposal would help to achieve Mayor de
Blasios OneNYC goal that in 2040, 90% of New Yorkers can access at least
200,000 jobs within 45 minutes by transit. 14 It would also satisfy Governor
Cuomos focus on reducing costs through competitive application and use of
specific employer knowledge.

NEXT STEPS
The New York City Council as well as the NYC Department
of Transportation (DOT) are the institutions responsible for
implementing this policy proposal. Additional partners include
agencies such as TransitCenter, which could gather more information
and prove the feasibility of this project. Lastly, a grassroots operation
could improve public relations and recruit LMI workers for the
purposes of lobbying and winning City Council support for the bill.

COPYRIGHT 2016 BY THE ROOSEVELT INSTITUTE. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

21

To Protect and Serve: Enhanced

Transparency and Training for
Volunteer Law Enforcement
By Nathan Leys and Michelle Bennett, George Mason University
Thesis

Volunteer reserve police officers commonly operate with little accountability or

preparation. Police departments should require equivalent training for armed
reserves and regular police, and should improve transparency in their selection and
oversight.

Background & Context

More than half of police departments nationwide rely on reserve officers, or unpaid
and often unprepared volunteers who serve the same functions as regular police.1
When budgets tightened after the Great Recession, departments turned to reserve
officers, who almost never draw salaries.2 As a result, reserve officers have moved
beyond their original functions, such as directing traffic or completing paperwork,
and begun conducting drug busts and armed patrols, exacerbating the risk of violent
confrontation and mishandled justice for officers and citizens alike.3 Additionally,
the prevalence among reserve officers of wealthy donors to police departments has
raised questions of buy-a-badge or pay-to-play schemes.4 In fact, 69 percent of
reserve officers are permitted to carry their weapons while off duty.5 Additionally,
reserve officers are permitted to carry guns into weapons-free zones like schools
where ordinary concealed carry licenses do not apply, and are sometimes exempted
from other measures like bans on high-capacity magazines.6 7 One Michigan attorney
noted of his town, Essentially, there are no prohibited areas whatsoever with this
permit.8 Occasionally, individuals have become reserves in towns they have never
visited. The lack of restrictions on firearms for reserve officers, and the potential
for pay-to-play arrangements, calls into question the charitable nature of at least
some reservists donations. There are currently no national standards for how
police forces use reserve officers, and the Department of Justice has not conducted
a nationwide study since 2006, when it counted 400,000 reserve officers.9 10 For
comparison, the most recent Department of Justice Census of State and Local Law
Enforcement counted approximately 765,000 sworn personnel.11 With little public
awareness, state and local departments have created a system in which at least a
third of officers are not professionals. While the Black Lives Matter movement and
related protests have raised much-needed awareness over systemic police brutality
and created a political climate conducive to law enforcement agency reform, state
and local communities cannot afford to ignore the dangers posed by opaque and
unaccountable reserve officer programs.

Policy Idea

In order to ensure transparency and accountability from police forces,

departments should take the lead on three main levels. First, the Los Angeles Police
Department has an ideal model, creating a tiered system of reserve officers in which

10 IDEAS FOR EQUAL JUSTICE

only the top tier is allowed to carry weapons.

This level of officers is composed solely of
reserve officers who were previously fulltime police officers or active-duty military.
Further, any reserve officer with arrest
powers or who is armed should receive the
same training as full police officers. Finally,
to prevent buy-a-badge schemes like those
in Oakley, Michigan, and Tulsa, Oklahoma,
donors to police departments should be
ineligible to become armed reserve officers.
Working in Fairfax County, VA, which has
extremely lax requirements for reserve officer
training, we hope to raise awareness of this
issue and demonstrate the potential for
reform in the home county of many national
policymakers.

Policy Analysis

KEY FACTS
u 69 percent of reserve
officers can carry
weapons while off-duty.19
u When the last national
count was taken in
2006, more than
400,000 reserve officers
were serving.20
u Oakley, Michigan,
requires reserve
applicants to donate
$1,200 in exchange for
a badge and gun but
doesnt require reserves
to do any actual work.21
u The average police
officer completes 760
hours of training before
being sworn in, but in
some states, reserves
spend as little as 120
hours in training.22

Following the events in Ferguson, much

investigation and reform has occurred on a
national scale. Unfortunately, reserve officers
remain untouched by federal reform largely
because the 10th Amendment devolves
police powers to states and localities.
Reform must occur on the local level, where
departments not only have authority over
their reserve officers, but also familiarity
with the communities they protect. Policy
alternatives focusing on police reform more
generally do not address the specific issues
regarding reserve officers. With police use
of force under intensified scrutiny, many have called for enhanced police training.
Research suggests more training would reduce police use of force overalla widelycited 2013 meta-analysis found a number of studies in which different professional
development programs for police reduced violent interactions with civilians.12 But
reserves may not benefit from improved training because they will not receive it in
many places. For example, in Fairfax County, VA, where George Mason University
is located, reserves receive just 120 hours of training compared to the 760 hours
completed by the average regular police officer.13 14 As local departments reexamine
traditional police training and introduce new methods like implicit bias training,
reserve officers should be included in professional development.15

Police training incurs small upfront costs but could save money down the road.
Fairfax Countys Internal Affairs Bureau investigated 112 citizen complaint cases
in 2014 alone. Given how expensive lawsuits and settlements can be for cities and
police departments, including armed reserve officers in training programs would
reduce the potential for costly litigation resulting from confrontations involving
reserves.16

COPYRIGHT 2016 BY THE ROOSEVELT INSTITUTE. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

23

Another potential alternative would be to simply strip weapons from reserve

officers. However, this would be counterproductive and potentially dangerous;
increases in the number of mass shootings and attacks on police make the presence
of well-trained, responsible, and armed reserves beneficial for public safety in cases
where full-fledged officers may not be immediately available.17 18 A more effective
policy would be a department-level mandate that all reserve officers empowered to
carry weapons and make arrests receive the same training as professional officers.
Additionally, as more departments begin requiring armed officers to wear body
cameras, reserve officers carrying weapons should be issued the same equipment
and accompanying guidelines.

Talking Points

uu Jurisdictions that accept contributions from and issue reserve officer badges to
the same people create the potential for buy-a-badge schemes.
uu Armed reserve officers are often not required to receive adequate training
before being placed in communities.
uu Local communities must ensure their own safety by demanding transparency
and accountability from police department leadership.

NEXT STEPS

Next steps require contact with stakeholders on all levels. Each jurisdictions
policies on reserve officers will be slightly different, but each state has
branches of the ACLU and police unions. Although nongovernmental,
these organizations are committed to defending the rights of civilians and
police and should push local departments and government to protect both.
Additional pressure needs to be placed on those with tangible authority
within municipalities. For example, local candidates for sheriffs offices
like Fairfax Countys sheriff, Stacey Kincaidusually hold public forums
or town halls where those interested in reform can ask questions about a
candidates stance on reserve policing reform. Pressing this issue during
election seasons forces local government officials and sheriffs to go on
record during races. If adopted, Fairfax County police could potentially
apply for an Edward Byrne grant, a federal justice assistance program. If
necessary, the incoming money could enable the department to effectively
improve its training.
Additionally, as this issue has remained quantitatively unexplored for too
long, departments should be provided with best practices for the effective
and appropriate use of reserves. To obtain this information, the Department
of Justice must be petitioned to conduct a new nationwide survey of
reserve officers. To increase momentum for federal fact-finding, reformers
should consider pushing state representatives or municipal leaders
for smaller-scale studies. At a campus level, university students should
consider contacting their criminology departments about the possibility of
speaking to students interested in a law enforcement career.

10 IDEAS FOR EQUAL JUSTICE

Rescuing Surplus Food from Landfills:

Addressing Food Insecurity in Chicago
By Douglas Ortiz, Rahul Shah, and Jennifer Kim,
DePaul, University of Georgia, and Cornell
Thesis Statement

In order to increase the capacity of food programs serving food insecure

individuals in Cook County, the Chicago Department of Procurement
Services (DPS) should require all city food contracts to be awarded to
businesses that participate in the Food Rescue Programs of the Greater
Chicago Food Depository (GCFD).

Background

The United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) defines food

insecurity as a household-level economic and social condition of limited or
uncertain access to adequate food.1 Food insecurity is caused by low wages,
poverty, unemployment, and high housing costs.2 For households with
incomes near or below the federal poverty line, households with children
headed by single parents, and Black- and Hispanic-headed households, rates
of food insecurity are substantially higher than the national average.3 In
Cook County, Illinois, more than 812,000 individuals, or 232,110 households,
are currently food insecure.4 Chicago, in particular, makes up approximately
54 percent of the population of Cook County.5 Many of these individuals
receive food assistance from the GCFD network of 650 pantries, soup
kitchens, shelters, mobile programs, childrens programs, and older adult
programs.6
The rate of food insecurity in Cook County is alarming and has been growing
in recent years. In a 2014 study, 68 percent of GCFD programs reported
an increase in the volume of clients seeking food assistance over the prior
12 months.7 As a result, 29 percent of the GCFDs food pantries reported
having to turn away clients, citing many reasons including the lack of food
resources.8 Seventy-three percent of GCFD clients have reported having to
choose between paying for food and paying for utility bills, and, with food
pantries reporting shortages, a policy intervention is needed to tackle food
insecurity in the county.9

Talking Points

uu 812,000 individuals in Cook County suffer from food insecurity and

depend on the emergency food services and programs of the Greater

COPYRIGHT 2016 BY THE ROOSEVELT INSTITUTE. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

25

Chicago Food Depository, such as

food pantries and soup kitchens.
uu Over the last year, in the face of
increasing demand for emergency
food assistance, many of these food
programs have had to turn away
clients due to food shortages.
uu In the United States, vast amounts
of wholesome food are thrown away
by various food outlets, including
restaurants, caterers, and retail
grocers.
uu To increase food donations to
emergency food assistance programs,
the city of Chicago should leverage its
purchasing power to require that food
vendors participate in the GCFDs
Food Rescue Program in order to be
awarded a city contract.

The Policy Idea

The DPS, which is responsible for the

procurement of all goods and services
for the City of Chicago, should leverage
its purchasing power to require that
all food contracts that it awards go to
businesses that participate in the GCFDs
Food Rescue Program. This will allow the
GCFD to rescue wholesome, edible food
from many food outlets when it would
otherwise have been thrown out.

KEY FACTS
u In Cook County, Illinois,
more than 812,000
individuals, or 232,110
households, are
currently food insecure.
u Chicago awards
contracts for more than
$2 billion of goods
and services annually
through an open bid
and solicitation process,
and much of this amount
is awarded to food
businesses.19
u The Greater Chicago
Food Depositorys Food
Rescue Program rescues
excess food from more
than 240 retail groceries
in Cook County. As a
result of this program,
more than 12 million
pounds of food was
rescued last year.20

Policy Analysis

Food rescue is the process of recovering wholesome, still-edible food by

diverting it from landfills. Businesses throw away food for a variety of
reasons unrelated to edibility, including labeling errors, aesthetic concerns,
and inadequate storage.10 Chicago throws out 55 million pounds of food
each month; much of this waste is generated by food businesses such as
wholesalers, restaurants, and grocery retailers.11
By diverting food to pantries, more food assistance can be provided to foodinsecure communities. Benefits include increased worker productivity,
better child development and performance in school, and better physical

10 IDEAS FOR EQUAL JUSTICE

and mental health as a result of mitigating food insecurity.12 Participating

in food rescue programs can also benefit the vendors through existing
tax deductions and reduced trash disposal. Food rescue also benefits the
environment by reducing landfill waste and vehicle miles needed for food
disposal.13
Other solutions to fight food insecurity are politically difficult or costly to
implement. For example, the House Budget Committees plan would slash
SNAP benefits (federal food assistance for the poor) by $125 billion between
2021 and 2025, suggesting that increased federal spending of food assistance
is unlikely.14 SNAP currently provides about $200 per household, but
greater participation in food rescue can provide food more cost-effectively.15
Rescued food is donated, so there is no direct cost incurred to GCFD in terms
of purchasing food. And GCFD picks up the rescued food directly from food
businesses, so there is no cost to vendors to transport the food.16

NEXT STEPS
The city council will need to pass legislation in order for the DPS to adopt
this policy. Key supporters are the GCFD, which would benefit most from
this policy, and the Illinois Public Health Institute (IPHI). The IPHI will
be a useful partner because of its history of working on implementing
policy changes of this nature and because it maintains a number of key
partnerships with other health- and food-based institutions that can
provide more support for the policy. The IPHI has also already reviewed
this policy and expressed enthusiasm about bringing it to action.17 Key
organizations include those currently involved in helping the foodinsecure and the DPS itself, which can put pressure on the city council.
Most importantly, constituents of the mayor and the aldermen will have
to be organized for their political support. Many of the constituents who
rely on emergency food assistance are located in areas with a high
concentration of need, which include neighborhoods to the south and
west of downtown Chicago.18 These constituents have a direct stake in
ensuring that leaders who support the innovative food rescue initiatives of
the Greater Chicago Food Depository are elected.

COPYRIGHT 2016 BY THE ROOSEVELT INSTITUTE. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

27

Decreasing D.C. Gun Violence:

Attaching Breathalyzers to New Guns
By Anna Primosch, Georgetown University
Thesis Statement

The District of Columbia can reduce alcohol-induced gun violence by

funding the research and development of breathalyzer-equipped gun
technology, with the eventual goal of taxing guns without breathalyzers to
fund gun safety programs.

Background and Context

The U.S. ranks highest in worldwide firearm ownership. The Washington

Post estimates that in 2013, Americas 357 million privately owned guns
outnumbered its 310 million citizens.1 As gun ownership has swelled, so has
gun violence, particularly in the nations capital. Homicide in D.C. claimed
162 victims in 2015, increasing 54 percent from 2014.2
Despite widespread public exasperation with persistent gun violence,
Congress has struggled to pass comprehensive gun legislation. Well-funded
lobbying groups such as the National Rifle Association have defeated
proposed legislation that would have banned the sale of assault weapons
or required more stringent background checks on would-be gun owners
and have already dismissed President Barack Obamas recently proposed
executive action against gun violence.3
Local ordinances have been more effective than national policy in deterring
gun violence. In August 2015, the Seattle City Council levied a $25 tax per
firearm sold in Seattle, which local officials estimate will raise hundreds of
thousands of dollars for gun violence prevention.4
Identifying the small, local factors behind gun deaths would help generate
more tailored solutions that chip away at larger patterns of gun violence.
One of those factors is substance abuse. Alcohol consumption increases
impulsive behavior and inhibits ones memory, judgment, and other
executive functioning abilities.5 The British Medical Journal estimates that
one-third of gun deaths are alcohol-induced, as firearm owners are far more
likely to consume alcohol than non-owners.6

The Policy Idea

D.C. should selectively award research grants to nonprofits or government

10 IDEAS FOR EQUAL JUSTICE

agencies to develop a prototype

breathalyzer-equipped gun. If nonequipped firearms were taxed at a
higher rate than equipped firearms,
the latter would appeal more to priceconscious consumers. This incentivizes
manufacturers to attract new customers
by adding breathalyzer-equipped guns
to their brand. A strategically placed
breathalyzer would prevent the trigger
from firing until the person pulling it has
demonstrated a blood alcohol content
(BAC) under 0.08 percent, the same
BAC at which an individual is legally
considered too intoxicated to drive.7

Policy Analysis

KEY FACTS
u Between 1997 and
2009, there were
395,366 victims of gun
violence in the US,
averaging about 30,000
gun deaths per year.13
u Someone under the
influence of alcohol or
drugs is seven times
more inclined to commit
a violent crime than a
sober individual.14
u 51 percent of D.C.
residents favor the
reinstatement of the D.C.
ban on gun ownership
overturned by the
U.S. Supreme Court in
2008.15
u In July 2014, a federal
judge overturned
the Districts ban on
concealed carry weapon
permits, starting a new
series of court battles
over gun rights in D.C.16

Breathalyzers have been effectively used

to reduce automobile accidents. All 50
states and the District of Columbia have
some type of law requiring individuals
convicted of driving under the influence
or while intoxicated to install an ignition
interlock devicebetter known as a
breathalyzerin their cars.8 The ignition
will not operate until the driver blows
into the device, which then determines
whether the drivers BAC is low enough
to operate the vehicle. To ensure that
the driver does not start drinking
while behind the wheel, the car stops
periodically to require additional tests.9
Although breathalyzers have not yet been manufactured specifically for
guns, the technology of the device is simple enough to be applied to firearms.
Small enough to be marketed as a smartphone accessory, breathalyzers are
also inexpensive to produce; they are available for purchase for as low as $20
apiece online.10 The device takes between 30 seconds and a minute total to
warm up, measure ones BAC, and produce results.
Gun rights activists might counter that a breathalyzer would hinder
someone in dire circumstances from using a gun in self-defense. Their
argument rests on the incorrect assumption that guns are primarily used for

COPYRIGHT 2016 BY THE ROOSEVELT INSTITUTE. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

29

self-defense purposes; in a survey of 4,348 Americans, the British Medical

Journal found that less than 1 percent of respondents have used a gun in
self-defense, either by posturing with the weapon or firing it.11 Furthermore,
a breathalyzer would not hinder D.C. recreational hunters, as the District
already lacks viable hunting space.

Talking Points

uu Gun violence plagues the U.S., particularly in urban areas like the District
of Columbia.
uu Encouraging the sale of breathalyzer-equipped guns in D.C. is less
controversial than sweeping gun regulations that have been proposed at
the national level but ultimately fail.
uu D.C. needs to generate micro-solutions to combat different forms of gun
violence before concealed carry permits become commonplace.

NEXT STEPS

The Council of the District of Columbia should launch a positive

marketing campaign to generate public support for the tax. It
should hold public forums and send surveys to registered gun
owners homes to determine the tax threshold at which they would
rather buy a breathalyzer-equipped firearm. The council should
then temporarily place said tax on all firearms currently sold in the
District to fund long-term research on a breathalyzer-equipped
gun prototype. If manufacturers are interested in developing the
prototype for sale, the tax will continue to apply to guns that are sold
without breathalyzers but will not apply to breathalyzer-equipped
guns. Whether or not breathalyzer-equipped guns make it to market,
once the prototype is complete, the council should redirect the tax
to help fund Project ChildSafe, a national gun safety awareness
program that distributes free gun locks to registered D.C. gun
owners through the Districts Metropolitan Police Department.12

10 IDEAS FOR EQUAL JUSTICE

Drug-Related Restrictions in Public

Housing: Decreasing Recidivism by
Reuniting Families
By Michael Vitelli, City College of New York
Thesis

New York City should discontinue eviction proceedings for low-level

offenses, remove outdated zero-tolerance policies, and expand the reach
of the New York City Housing Authoritys (NYCHA) Family Re-entry Pilot
Program for its public housing tenants. These changes will unite families,
combat homelessness, and reduce recidivism.

Background and Context

NYCHA is responsible for providing housing to the citys low-income

residents through Section 8the federal housing programand other
housing subsidy programs. In 1988, Congress passed its first attempt to
oust violent, drug-related criminals living in federally subsidized Section
8 housing. In response to the crack epidemic, the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of
1988 required each public housing administration (PHA)a local or state
public housing administratorto include a lease provision allowing the
PHA to terminate a whole familys tenancy if a tenant, or even a guest of a
tenant, is ever engaged in any drug-related criminal activity.1 The Clinton
administrations 1996 One Strike and Youre Out policy only served to
reiterate those strict drug restrictions.2 The one-strike policy explicitly
encouraged PHAs to evict any tenant who engaged in drug-related activity,
meaning any person convicted or even charged with manufacturing, selling,
distributing, or possessing illegal drugs. Regardless of circumstance, the
federal government gave local PHAs authority to evict tenants for drugrelated activity. Those policies were enforced with zero tolerance and
opened the window to excessively punitive eviction proceedings. Zerotolerance eviction policies adversely affect the lives of many low-income
families reliant on Section 8 and other forms of subsidized housing
programs, leading to increased rates of recidivism and homelessness among
ex-offenders.3 While the city should be committed to ensuring the safety
of its public housing residents, the drug-related policies implemented to
protect NYCHA tenants are unnecessary and harmful.4 In certain instances,
excluding drug-related offenders might be necessary to protect NYCHAs
tenants, but the termination of tenancies often disrupts the lives of families
without any corresponding net benefit. However, the city, among other
organizations, has made strides to address these issues; the NYCHA Family
Re-entry Pilot Program (FRPP) is designed for individuals who are leaving
prison or jail to reunite with their families who live in NYCHA housing,
and the program also provides re-entry services. Furthermore, to help the

COPYRIGHT 2016 BY THE ROOSEVELT INSTITUTE. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

31

participants get back on their feet after

being incarcerated, the FRPP provides
case managers to ease their entry back
into society.

Talking Points

uu Outdated zero-tolerance policies are

detrimental and counterproductive
to the current NYCHA population
and sever important community and
family ties and relationships. These
family ties and relationships help
combat homelessness and recidivism.
uu People recently released from prison
are less likely to return to crime or
live on the street if they are able to
live with their families.
uu Policies modeled after the Family
Re-Entry Pilot Program can be
introduced in other states PHAs
to achieve the same effects: uniting
families, combating homelessness,
and reducing recidivism.

KEY FACTS
u People with criminal
records are banned from
NYCHA premises, even
for petty crimes like
minor possession.10
u Mayor Bill de Blasio
has persistently tried to
make it easier for PHAs
to evict tenants with
criminal records.11
u Exclusions of nontenants in NYCHA
units have risen by 20
percent, from 344 to 415
in the past year.12

Policy

NYCHA should remove the pre-existing zero-tolerance administrative

policies, such as the one-strike rule, which prevent people from reuniting
with their families, and adopt a less punitive strategy. In order to stop
punitive eviction proceedings for low-level offenses, NYCHA should not
accept the New York City Police Departments nor the District Attorneys
recommendations to pursue evictions of low-level offenses that target
underrepresented tenants. Finally, NYCHA should expand the Family Reentry Pilot Program to unite families, combat homelessness, and reduce
recidivism rates.

Policy Analysis

The issues of housing, homelessness, and incarceration are deeply

intertwined. The expansion of the FRPP will alleviate some of the major
burdens on former prisoners by giving them access to public housing,
and allowing them to live with family.5 If provided with adequate re-entry
assistance and the ability to legally reside with their families, the likelihood
of ex-convicts returning to crime should diminish significantly. Since the
creation of the FRPP in 2013, the program reportedly has not received
the influx of referrals and applications that the programs administration
originally expected; however, it is not an issue of effectiveness, but an issue
of NYCHAs lack of advertising.6

10 IDEAS FOR EQUAL JUSTICE

Bringing more people into this program would decongest the courts
landlordtenant cases and open space in homeless shelters. The money
spent on expanding the reach of the program would be nominal compared to
the money spent on shelters and prisons. In 2012, the city spent an average
of $167,731 per inmate.7 In addition, the city also spent an average of $37,603
to house a family in a homeless shelter in 2013, a 2 percent rise from 2012.8
NYCHAs current policies are needlessly broad, and, in response to the crack
epidemic, adversely affect a larger population than originally intended. The
expansion of the FRPP can serve as a close vetting process to determine
which people deserve and are ready to re-enter public housing, and to
separate those who are potentially true dangers to residents. The FRPP, by
providing case managers, can also assist participants diagnosed with mental
illnesses so that they can be integrated back into society and live with their
families in public housing. Coupled with ending administrative evictions
proceedings for low-level offenses, harmless circumstances will no longer
put many families in danger of eviction.

NEXT STEPS

Tenants in public housing should be allowed to enjoy housing stability and

security. Within the first few months, the expansion of the FRPP should
be discussed between NYCHA, the Vera Institute for Justice (the partner
organization for the FRPP), the New York City Council, and other grassroots
organizations dedicated to re-entry platforms. These bodies would be
responsible for the expansion of the FRPP and the creation of an advisory
board made up of representatives from different nonprofit and governmental
bodies, can also be implemented to ensure proper leadership for future
action. Additionally, certain city council members are sympathetic to re-entry
and decriminalization positions.9
Initially, the aim of the collaboration should be to increase awareness of
the FRPP and find suitable candidates among the pool of recently released
convicts who are NYCHA and Section 8 tenants. These changes will benefit
local governments by decreasing demands on homeless shelters and
reducing recidivism and prison costs. In addition, more tenants will be able
to work, improving the financial position of public housing agencies through
more stable incomes. Many current and formerly incarcerated people with
family ties to NYCHA housing would benefit from the policy changes and
can be organized to contact their local representatives to advocate for these
issues through phone calls and through the work of already established
housing and re-entry non-profits. Organizations like The Center for Urban
and Community Services (CUCS), The Supportive Housing Network of
New York, and the Fortune Society are dedicated to supporting people
and families with re-entry and housing information mirroring the goals of
NYCHAs FRPP.

COPYRIGHT 2016 BY THE ROOSEVELT INSTITUTE. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

33

Endnotes
Preventing Bankruptcy from Limiting Water Access
1 Ingraham, Christopher. 2016. This Is How Toxic Flints Water Really Is. The Washington Post, January 15. Retrieved
January 19, 2016 (https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2016/01/15/this-is-how-toxic-flints-water-really-is/).
2 Genesee Board of Commissioners. 2015. Public Health Emergency Declaration For People Using the Flint Water Supply
with the Flint River as the Source. Flint, MI.
3 Covert, Bryce. 2016. Residents Of Flint Are Being Billed For Poisoned Water And Threatened With Shutoffs If They
Dont Pay. ThinkProgress. Retrieved January 19, 2016 (http://thinkprogress.org/economy/2016/01/14/3739622/flint-watercrisis-bills/).
4 VICE News. 2016. Obama Declares State Of Emergency in Flint, Michigan Amid Ongoing Water Crisis. VICE News.
Retrieved January 19, 2016 (https://news.vice.com/article/obama-declares-state-of-emergency-in-flint-michigan-amidongoing-water-crisis).
5 Wedes, Justin. Water Affordability Plan. May 2015, 2015.
6 Detroit Water Brigade. 2014. Detroit Water - A Movement Grows. YouTube. Retrieved January 19, 2016 (https://www.
youtube.com/watch?v=2vzwk2k7mci).
7 Egan, Paul. 2015. Is Emergency Manager Law to Blame for Flint Water Crisis? Detroit Free Press. Retrieved January 19,
2016 (http://www.freep.com/story/news/politics/2015/10/24/emergency-manager-law-blame-flint-water-crisis/74048854/).
8 Ananich Calls on Senate to Hold Hearing on Flint Water Crisis. November 5, 2015. Legislative Council, State of
Michigan.
9 General Assembly resolution 64/292,The human right to water and sanitation, A/RES/64/292 (28 July 2010), available
from http://www.un.org/es/comun/docs/?symbol=A/RES/64/292&lang=E.
10 Detroit Water Brigade.
11 Ibid.
12 Wedes, Justin. Water Affordability Plan. May 2015, 2015.

Building Public Trust with Transparent Campaigns

1 Abby Blass, Brian Roberts, and Daron Shaw. Election Law Journal: Rules, Politics, and Policy. December 2012, 11(4): 380398. doi:10.1089/elj.2011.0120.
2 Primo, David M., and Jeffrey Milyo. Campaign Finance Laws and Political Efficacy: Evidence from the States. Election
Law Journal: 23-39.
3 Briffault, Richard. Campaign Finance Disclosure 2.0. Election Law Journal 9, no. 4 (2010): 273-303.
4 Jones, Jeffrey. Illinois Residents Least Trusting of Their State Government. Gallup.com. Accessed November 28, 2015.
http://www.gallup.com/poll/168251/illinois-residents-least-trusting-state-government.aspx.
5 Number two on the list, Rhode Island and Maine, are at 40% trust.
6 Long, Jim. Low Local Turnout Defines April Elections. Illinois Policy.org. April 13, 2015. Accessed July 8, 2015. https://
www.illinoispolicy.org/low-local-turnout-defines-april-elections/.
7 Robert R. McCormick Foundation, and National Conference on Citizenship. 2009 Illinois Civic Health Index. Americas
Civic Health Index, 2009. Accessed November 28, 2015. http://www.ncoc.net/2gp183.
8 An Act Concerning Elections. Pub. L. 096-0832. Illinois General Assembly, 1 Jan 2011. Accessed July 10, 2015. http://
www.ilga.gov/legislation/publicacts/96/096-0832.htm.
9 Illinois has consolidated election laws. All state and local elections are held on the same date, and campaigns report
donations to the same place at the same time.
10 See Appendix A and B; data from Followthemoney.org. Note final reporting quarter refers to the reporting quarter
before the election (January 1 to March 31), not the calendar year.
11 Illinois State Board of Elections. A GUIDE TO CAMPAIGN DISCLOSURE. Elections.il.gov. 2015. Accessed November
28, 2015. http://www.elections.il.gov/downloads/campaigndisclosure/pdf/campdiscguide.pdf.
12 The Illinois State Board of Elections. STATE OF ILLINOIS ELECTION AND CAMPAIGN FINANCE CALENDAR
2016. Elections.il.gov. September 2, 2015. Accessed November 28, 2015. https://www.elections.il.gov/Downloads/
ElectionInformation/PDF/2016ElectionCalendar.pdf.
13 Primo, David M., and Jeffrey Milyo. Campaign Finance Laws and Political Efficacy: Evidence from the States. Election
Law Journal: 23-39.
14 See Appendix A and B; data from Followthemoney.org.
15 Robert R. McCormick Foundation, and National Conference on Citizenship. 2009 Illinois Civic Health Index.
Americas Civic Health Index, 2009. Accessed November 28, 2015. http://www.ncoc.net/2gp183.
16 MA Gen. L. 55.2
17 OR Code 260.044
18 AL Code 17.17.5
19 MA Gen. L. 55.2
20 OR Code 260.044
21 AL Code 17.17.5
22 IL Code 10.5.9-1.8
23 See: Eksterowicz, Anthony J. Public Journalism and Political Knowledge. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield
Publishers, 2000.
24 See Appendix A and B; data from Followthemoney.org.
25 See IL SB 248 (99th General Assembly)
26 Jones, Jeffrey. Illinois Residents Least Trusting of Their State Government. Gallup.com. April 4, 2014. Accessed July
10, 2015.
27 See Appendix A; data from Followthemoney.org. Note final reporting quarter refers to the reporting quarter before
the election (January 1 to March 31), not the calendar year.
28 See Appendix A; data from Followthemoney.org.
29 The Illinois State Board of Elections. STATE OF ILLINOIS ELECTION AND CAMPAIGN FINANCE CALENDAR

10 IDEAS FOR EQUAL JUSTICE

2016. Elections.il.gov. September 2, 2015. Accessed November 28, 2015. https://www.elections.il.gov/Downloads/

ElectionInformation/PDF/2016ElectionCalendar.pdf

Low-Income Single Mothers and Their Children: A Co-Housing/CoOperative Hybrid Solution

1 Key Facts. The State of the Nations Housing (2013). Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University.
2 Inflation Calculator: Bureau of Labor Statistics. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.
3 Mitchell, Tazra. INFOGRAPHIC: Poverty and People in North Carolina. North Carolina Justice Center.
4 The Cohousing Association. The Cohousing Directory. The Cohousing Association of the United States
5 Harkness, Joseph, and Sandra Newman. Differential Effects of Homeownership on Children from Higher- and LowerIncome Families.
6 CareerOneStop. Careers and Career Information. U.S. Department of Labor
7 Sazama, Gerald, and Roger Willcox. An Evaluation of Limited Equity Housing Cooperatives in the United States.
8 Gould, Elise, and Tanyell Cooke. High Quality Child Care Is out of Reach for Working Families. Rep. no. Issue Brief #404.
Economic Policy Institute
9 Aizer, Anna. Home Alone: Supervision After School and Child Behavior. Journal of Public Economics.
10 North Carolina Poverty Research Fund. N.C. Quick Facts. Poverty by the Numbers.
11 Center on Poverty, Work and Opportunity. Documenting Poverty, Economic Distress and Challenge in North Carolina.
12 Poverty and Opportunity - Women in the States. Status of Women in the States. http://statusofwomendata.org
13 North Carolina Housing Coalition Critical Information on the Issue of Affordable Housing

Eliminating the TANF Asset Limit in the District of Columbia

1. Policy Basics, an Introduction to TANF, last modified June 15, 2015, http://www.cbpp.org/research/policy-basics-an-introduction-to-tanf.
2. Important Information for TANF Recipients, last modified October 2015, http://dhs.dc.gov/sites/default/files/dc/sites/
dhs/service_content/attachments/TANF_Fact_Sheet-Nov2015.pdf
3. Erika Huber, Elissa Cohen, Amanda Briggs, and David Kassabian, Welfare Rules Databook: State TANF Policies as
of July 2014, The Urban Institute (2014): 72, accessed December 1, 2015, http://www.acf.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/
opre/2014_welfare_rules_databook_final_508_v11.pdf.
4. Ibid.
5. Henry Chen and Robert I. Lerman, Do Asset Limits in Social Programs Affect the Accumulation of Wealth? The
Urban Institute (2004): 5, accessed January 18, 2016, http://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/alfresco/publication-pdfs/311223-Do-Asset-Limits-in-Social-Programs-Affect-the-Accumulation-of-Wealth-.PDF.
6. Signe-Mary McKernan, Caroline Ratcliffe, Trina Williams Shanks, Is Poverty Incompatible with Asset Accumulation?
The Urban Institute (2011): 1, accessed December 1, 2015, http://www.urban.org/research/publication/poverty-incompatible-asset-accumulation.
7. Department of Human Services, Requesting a Study on Asset Limits to Qualify for Public Assistance, last modified
January 2013, 3, http://humanservices.hawaii.gov/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/2012-HR-124-Asset-Limit-Study.pdf.
8. Ibid, 4.
9. Office of Family Assistance, About TANF, last modified October 29, 2015, http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/ofa/programs/tanf/about.
10. Capital Area Asset Builders, Matched Savings, last modified October 2015, http://www.caab.org/en/programs/
matched-savings-programs/matched-savings-programs.
11. Erika Huber, et al., State TANF Policies, 28.
12. Ibid, 4.
13. Department of Human Services, Study on Asset Limits, 4.
14. Ibid, 3.
15. Ibid, 14.
16. Ibid, 14.
17. Ibid, 9, 14.
18. Ibid, 11.
19. Darby Hickey, Grosso Introduces Paid Leave Legislation, David Grosso DC City Council-at-Large, October 6,
2015, accessed January 18, 2016, http://www.davidgrosso.org/grosso-analysis/2015/10/5/grosso-introduces-universal-paid-leave-legislation.
20. Signe-Mary McKernan, Caroline Ratcliffe, Trina Williams Shanks, Can the Poor Accumulate Assets? The
Urban Institute (2012): 2, accessed January 18, 2016, http://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/alfresco/publication-pdfs/412624-Can-the-Poor-Accumulate-Assets-.PDF.
21. Office of Family Assistance, TANF Caseload Data 2015.
22. Capital Area Asset Builders, Who is Unbanked and Underbanked in Washington, DC? We Need to Know, accessed
December 1, 2015, http://www.caab.org/en/who-is-unbanked-and-underbanked-in-washington-dc-we-need-to-know.
23. Brett Kakesako and Aulii K. George, How Hawaii Eliminated Their TANF Asset Limit, (online presentation, Shriver
Center, October 22, 2013): 20, http://povertylaw.org/sites/default/files/files/webinars/asset-limits/Hawaii-TANF-asset-limits.
pdf.

Expanding Absentee Voting: Removing Unfair Restrictions on

College Voters
1 Statement of Vote. Ingham County Clerk. November 3rd, 2015. Accessed November 5th, 2015.
2 Voter Identification Requirement and Voter ID Laws. National Conference of State Legislatures. Accessed October
12th, 2015.

COPYRIGHT 2016 BY THE ROOSEVELT INSTITUTE. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

35

3 Absentee and Early Voting. National Conference of State Legislatures. Accessed October 12th, 2015.
4 Michigan Election Law. Act 116 of 1954. Absent Voters. Michigan Legislature. 1954.
5 Election Fraud in America. News 21. Published August 12th, 2012.
6 Levitt, Justin. The Truth About Voter Fraud. Brennan Center For Justice. November 9th, 2007.
7 Statement of Vote. Ingham County Clerk.
8 Ibid.
9 Leighley, Jan E., and Jonathan Nagler. The Effects of Non-Precinct Voting Reforms on Turnout, 1972-2008. Pew
Charitable Trusts Make Voting Work. Pew. (2009): 29.

Get to Work: An EmployerTransit Partnership to Connect the

Boroughs of New York City
1 Center for Urban Future. Behind the Curb. Center for Urban Future. Last modified February 2011. Accessed July 18,
2015. https://nycfuture.org/pdf/Behind_the_Curb.pdf.
2 Parrott, James A., Ph.D. Low-Wage Workers and the High Cost of Living in New York City. Fiscal Policy Institute. Last
modified February 27, 2014. Accessed July 22, 2015. http://fiscalpolicy.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/FPI-Parrotttestimony-Low-Wage-workers-and-Cost-of-iving-Feb-27-2014.pdf
3 Harshbarger, Rebecca. Capital spending leaves MTA $34.1 billion in debt. New York Post. Last modified February 11,
2015. Accessed July 21, 2015. http://nypost.com/2015/02/11/subway-costs-leave-mta-34-1-billion-in-debt/.
4 Metropolitan Transportation Authority. MTA Twenty-Year Capital Needs Assessment 2015-2034. MTA. Last modified
October 2013. Accessed July 27, 2015. http://web.mta.info/mta/capital/pdf/TYN2015-2034.pdf.
5 Transportation Reinvention Commission. MTA. Accessed July 27, 2015. http://web.mta.info/mta/news/hearings/indexreinvention.html.
6 Best Workplaces for Commuters. National Center for Transit Research and University of South Florida. 2013 Commuter
Benefits. Best Workplaces for Commuters. Last modified 2013. Accessed July 27, 2015. http://www.bestworkplaces.org/
wp-content/uploads/2013/05/2013-BWC-Commuter-Benefits.pdf.
7 Allen, Heather. Bus reform in Seoul, Republic of Korea. UN Habitat. Last modified 2013. Accessed July 27, 2015. http://
unhabitat.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/06/GRHS.2013.Case_.Study_.Seoul_.Korea_.pdf.
8 Smith, Gwen Chisholm. Contractual Means of Achieving High-Level Performance. Transit Cooperative Research
Program. Last modified June 2013. Accessed July 27, 2015. http://www.tcrponline.org/PDFDocuments/tcrp_lrd_43.pdf.
9 Roosevelt Institute Campus Network. Rethinking Communities. Roosevelt Institute Campus Network. Accessed July
27, 2015. http://www.rethinkingcommunities.com.
10 Center for Urban Future. Behind the Curb. Center for Urban Future.
11 MTA Bus Company (MTABUS). NTD Program. Accessed July 23, 2015.http://www.ntdprogram.gov/ntdprogram/pubs/
profiles/2013/agency_profiles/2188.pdf.
12 New York State. Governor Cuomo Announces Second Round of Public-Private Partnership to Prepare Students for
High-Skill Jobs. New York State. Last modified August 7, 2014. Accessed July 27, 2015. http://www.governor.ny.gov/
newsgovernor-cuomo-announces-second-round-public-private-partnership-prepare-students-high-skill..
13 The City of New York. GOAL 6 New York Citys transportation network will be reliable, safe, sustainable, and
accessible, meeting the needs of all New Yorkers and supporting the citys growing economy. #OneNYC. Accessed July
22, 2015. http://www1.nyc.gov/html/onenyc/visions/thriving/goal-6.html.
14 City of New York. Mayor de Blasio Releases One New York: The Plan for a Strong and Just City. NYC. Last modified
April 22, 2015. Accessed July 22, 2015. http://www1.nyc.gov/office-of-the-mayor/news/257-15/mayor-de-blasio-releasesone-new-york-plan-strong-just-city#/0.
15 Center for Urban Future. Behind the Curb. Center for Urban Future.
16 Ibid.
17 Parrott, James A., Ph.D. Low-Wage Workers and the High Cost of Living in New York City. Fiscal Policy Institute.

To Protect and Serve: Enhanced Transparency and Training for

Volunteer Law Enforcement
1 Ana Ley, How Las Vegas Volunteer Police Programs Work, Las Vegas Sun, April 24, 2015, accessed January 19, 2016,
http://lasvegassun.com/news/2015/apr/24/las-vegas-volunteer-police-reserve/.
2 Ryan Gorman, The Problem with Police Volunteers Who Arent Actually Cops, Business Insider, April 14, 2015,
accessed November 30, 2015, http://www.businessinsider.com/playing-cop-fatal-shooting-by-reserve-sheriffs-deputysparks-debate-about-use-of-such-volunteers-2015-4.
3 Samantha Vicent, Former Tulsa County Sheriffs Office Spokesman Accepts Job at WCSO, Tulsa World, January 13,
2016, accessed January 19, 2016, http://www.tulsaworld.com/communities/coweta/news/former-tulsa-county-sheriff-s-office-spokesman-accepts-job-at/article_d1a865f5-3801-5fdf-b420-803a64955bbf.html.
4 Ryan Kiesel and Brady Henderson, Buy-a-Badge Programs Are a Recipe for Disaster, and Eric Harris Paid the Price,
American Civil Liberties Union, April 15, 2015, accessed November 30, 2015, https://www.aclu.org/blog/speak-freely/buybadge-programs-are-recipe-disaster-and-eric-harris-paid-price.
5 Ross Wolf, Stephen T. Holmes, and Carol Jones, Utilization and Satisfaction of Volunteer Law Enforcement Officers
in the Office of the American Sheriff: An Exploratory Nationwide Study, Police Practice and Research: An International
Journal (2015): 7, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15614263.2015.1031750.
6 Daniel Rivero, When a Cop Isnt a Cop: The Troubling Rise of Reserve Officers, Fusion.net, April 15, 2015, accessed
November 30, 2015, http://fusion.net/story/120260/when-a-cop-isnt-a-cop-the-troubling-rise-of-reserve-officers/.
7 Casey Kovarik, Exemption on High-Capacity Ammunition Magazine Ban Poses Safety Risk, Daily Bruin, October 28,
2015, accessed November 30, 2015, http://dailybruin.com/2015/10/28/casey-kovarik-exemption-on-high-capacity-ammunition-magazine-ban-poses-safety-risk/.
8 Tom Dart, 150 Cops, Population 300: Pay-to-Play Policing, from Tulsa to Kid Rocks Town, The Guardian, April 17, 2015,
accessed November 30, 2015, http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/apr/17/oakley-michigan-pay-to-play-police.
9 Ibid.

10 IDEAS FOR EQUAL JUSTICE

10 David Crary, Oklahoma Shooting Puts Spotlight on Volunteer Cops, Associated Press, April 14, 2015, accessed November 30, 2015, http://www.csmonitor.com/USA/2015/0414/Oklahoma-shooting-puts-spotlight-on-volunteer-cops-video.
11 Brian A. Reaves, Census of State and Local Law Enforcement Agencies, U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice
Statistics (2008), accessed January 19, 2016.
12 Tim Prenzler, Louise Porter, and Geoffrey P. Aplert, Reducing Police Use of Force: Case Studies and Prospects,
Aggression and Violent Behavior (2013); 343-356, doi:10.1016/j.avb.2012.12.004.
13 Reserve Deputy Sheriff, Fairfax County Virginia, n.d. Accessed January 19, 2016, http://www.fairfaxcounty.gov/sheriff/
jobs/reserve-deputy-sheriff.htm.
14 Brian A. Reaves, State and Local Law Enforcement Training Academies, 2006, U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of
Justice Statistics (2009), accessed January 19, 2016.
15 Matt Zapotosky, In Push to Reform Police Work, Officers Examine Their Own Biases, Washington Post, January 6,
2016, accessed January 19, 2016, https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/public-safety/in-push-to-reform-police-work-officers-examine-their-own-biases/2016/01/06/b196ab66-a361-11e5-9c4e-be37f66848bb_story.html.
16 Jill Disis, Couple Settles $370,000 IMPD Excessive Force Claim With City, Indianapolis Star, September 9, 2015,
accessed January 19, 2016, http://www.indystar.com/story/news/crime/2015/09/08/couple-settles-impd-excessive-forceclaim-city/71906966/
17 William J. Krouse and Daniel J. Richardson, Mass Murder with Firearms: Incidents and Victims, 1999-2013, Congressional Research Service, July 30, 2015.
18 George Fachner and Zo Thorkildsen, Ambushes of Police: Environment, Incident Dynamics, and the Aftermath of
Surprise Attacks Against Law Enforcement, 2015. Washington, DC: Office of Community Oriented Policing Services.
19 Ross Wolf, Stephen T. Holmes, and Carol Jones
20 Karey Hedlund and Tod W. Burke, Reserve Officers: A Valuable Resource, FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin (Dec. 2006),
11-14.
21 Joanna Rothkopf, A Tiny Town in Michigan Will Sell You a Police Badge and Gun Permit, salon.com, October 24,
2014, accessed November 30, 2015, http://www.salon.com/2014/10/24/a_tiny_town_in_michigan_will_sell_you_a_police_badge_and_gun_permit/.
22 David Crary, Oklahoma Shooting Puts Spotlight on Volunteer Cops, Associated Press, April 14, 2015.
i Edwin C. Roessler, Jr. Fairfax County Police Department Annual Report 2014.Fairfax, VA: Fairfax County Police
Department, 2014. Accessed January 18, 2016. http://www.fairfaxcounty.gov/police/inside-fcpd/pdf/2014annualreport2.
pdf

Rescuing Surplus Food from Landfills: Addressing Food Insecurity

in Chicago
1 United States Department of Agriculture. Overview. United States Department of Agriculture, Accessed July 1, 2015.
Retrieved from http://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/food-nutrition-assistance/food-security-in-the-us.aspx.
2 United States Conference of Mayors. Hunger and Homelessness Survey. United States Conference of Mayors. 2014.
Retrieved from http://www.usmayors.org/pressreleases/uploads/2014/1211-report-hh.pdf, 1.
3 ibid, 9.
4 Greater Chicago Food Depository. Hunger in America 2014: Cook County Profile. Greater Chicago
Food Depository. Accessed July 4, 2015. Retrieved from http://www.chicagosfoodbank.org/site/
PageServer?pagename=HungerinAmerica2014.
5 Wikipedia. Cook County, IL. Wikipedia. Accessed February 8, 2016. Retrieved from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
Cook_County,_Illinois.
6 Greater Chicago Food Depository. About Us. Great Chicago Food Depository. Accessed January 18, 2016. Retrieved
from http://www.chicagosfoodbank.org/site/PageServer?pagename=lb_about.
7 Hunger in America 2014: Cook County Profile.
8 Greater Chicago Food Depository. HUNGER IN AMERICA 2010 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: A Report on Emergency Food
Distribution in Cook County. Greater Chicago Food Depository. Accessed January 18, 2016. Retrieved from http://www.
chicagosfoodbank.org/site/DocServer/HIA10_ExecSum_fv.pdf?docID=5601.
9 Hunger in America 2014: Cook County Profile.
10 Bloom, Jonathan. Food Rescue. Wasted Food (blog). Accessed July 15, 2015. Retrieved from http://www.
wastedfood.com/food-rescue/.
11 Dana Gunders. How America is Losing Up to 49 Percent of Its Food from Farm to Fork to Landfill. National Resource
Defense Council. 2012. Retrieved from http://www.nrdc.org/food/wasted-food.asp, 4.
12 Chilton, Mariana & Rose, Donald. A Rights-Based Approach To Food Insecurity in the United States. American Journal
of Public Health. 99, no. 7 (2009). Retrieved from http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2696644/pdf/1203.pdf.
13 Finn, Steven M., Tom ODonnell, and Matthew Walls. The Time Is Ripe for Food Recovery. Biocycle. The JG Press Inc./
BioCycle, 19 Sept. 2014. Web. 11 July 2015.
14 Rosenbaum, Dorothy & Keith-Jennings, Brynne. Low-Income Households in All States Would Feel Sharp Effects Under
Proposed Block Grant. Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. 2015. Retrieved from http://www.cbpp.org/research/foodassistance/house-budget-would-slash-snap-by-125-billion-over-ten-years.
15 Valentine, Vikki. Q & A: The Causes Behind Hunger in America. NPR. 2012. Retrieved from http://www.npr.
org/2005/11/22/5021812/q-a-the-causes-behind-hunger-in-america.
16 Greater Chicago Food Depository. Food Recuse. Greater Chicago Food Depository. Accessed January 18, 2016.
Retrieved from http://www.chicagosfoodbank.org/site/PageServer?pagename=lb_help_food_rescue.
17 Ortiz, Douglas, Rahul Shah, Jennifer Kim, and Janet Salcedo. Rescuing Surplus Food from Landfills: Addressing Food
Insecurity in Chicago. Presentation to the Illinois Public Health Institute, Chicago, June 27, 2015.
18 Greater Chicago Food Depository. Research and Studies. Greater Chicago Food Depository. Accessed February 9,
2016. Retrieved from http://www.chicagosfoodbank.org/site/PageServer?pagename=hunger_research.
19 Chicago Department of Procurement Services. Procurement Process Improvements. City of Chicago. Accessed July
9, 2015. Retrieved from http://www.cityofchicago.org/city/en/depts/dps/supp_info/process_improvements.html.
20 Greater Chicago Food Depository. Food Rescue. Greater Chicago Food Depository. Accessed June 30,
2015. Retrieved from http://www.chicagosfoodbank.org/site/PageServer?pagename=lb_help_food_rescue.

COPYRIGHT 2016 BY THE ROOSEVELT INSTITUTE. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

37

Decreasing D.C. Gun Violence: Attaching Breathalyzers to New

Guns
1 Christopher Ingraham, There are now more guns than people in the United States, The Washington Post, last modified
October 5, 2015, accessed November 24, 2015, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2015/10/05/guns-inthe- united-states-one-for-every-man-woman-and-child-and-then-some/.
2 Emily Miller, DC ends 2015 with 54 percent homicide spike, Fox 5 News, last modified December 31, 2015, accessed
January, 16 2016, http://www.fox5dc.com/news/local-news/67290744-story.
3 Sarah Fisher, Concealed Carry on Campuses Considered, The Hoya, last modified February 27, 2015, accessed
November 23, 2015, http://www.thehoya.com/concealed-carry-campuses-considered/.
4 Daniel Beekman, Tax on gun, ammo sales passes but there could be a battle ahead, Seattle Times, last modified
August 10, 2015, accessed November 23, 2015, http://www.seattletimes.com/seattle-news/politics/seattle-to-add-tax-ongun- ammunition-sales/.
5 Meg Brunner and Nancy Sutherland, eds., Alcohol, Drugs, and Firearms (ADAI Info Brief), Alcohol & Drug Abuse Institute, last modified February 2013, accessed November 23, 2015, http://adai.uw.edu/pubs/infobriefs/ADAI-IB-2013-01.pdf.
6 Garen J. Wintemute, Association between firearm ownership, firearm-related risk and risk reduction behaviours and alcohol-related risk behaviours.Injury Prevention, June 13, 2011. Accessed November 23, 2015. doi:10.1136/ip.2010.031443.
7 Bart Jansen, Make DUI limit 0.05% blood-alcohol level, NTSB says. USA Today, Last modified May 14, 2013, accessed
January 17, 2016, http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2013/05/14/ national-transportation- safety-board-drunken-driving/2158107.
8 National Conference of State Legislature, State Ignition Interlock Laws, NCSL, last modified 2015, accessed November
23, 2015, http://www.ncsl.org/research/transportation/state-ignition-interlock-laws.aspx.
9 Car Breathalyzer Help, How Car Breathalyzers Work, Car Breathalyzer Help, last modified 2015, accessed November
23, 2015, http://carbreathalyzerhelp.com/how-do-breath-alcohol-devices-work/.
10 Amazon.com, BACTrack Keychain Breathalyzer, Amazon.com, last modified 2015, accessed November 23, 2015,
http://www.amazon.com/BACtrack-Keychain- Breathalyzer-Portable-Keyring/dp/B006536ZXC.
11 D. Hemenway, D. Azrael, and M. Miller, Gun use in the United States: results from two national surveys, Injury
Prevention 6, no. 4 (2000): 263-67, accessed November 23, 2015, doi:10.1136/ip.6.4.263.
12 Metropolitan Police Department, Gun Safety, DC.gov, last modified 2015, accessed November 23, 2015, http://mpdc.
dc.gov/page/gun-safety.
13 Brunner and Sutherland, Alcohol, Drugs, and Firearms (ADAI Info Brief), 2015.
14 Jonathan M. Metzl and Kenneth T. MacLeish, Mental Illness, Mass Shootings, and the Politics of American Firearms,
American Journal of Public Health 105, no. 2 (February 2015): 240-49, accessed November 23, 2015. doi:10.2105/
AJPH.2014.302242.
15 Ann E. Marimow, In D.C. gun-law case, appeals court debate focuses on judges authority, Washington Post, last
modified November 20, 2015, accessed November 23, 2015, https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/public- safety/
appeals-court-weighs-dc-gun-law-that-requires-good-reason-for-carry- permit/2015/11/18/fdee0d7e-8e03-11e5-baf4bdf37355da0c_story.html.
16 Andrea Noble, Judges ruling allows concealed-carry for D.C. gun owners, shoots down police objections,
Washington City Paper, last modified May 28, 2015, accessed November 23, 2015, http://www.washingtontimes.com/
news/2015/may/28/judges-ruling-allows- concealed-carry-for-dc-gun-ow/?page=all.

Drug-Related Restrictions in Public Housing: Decreasing

Recidivism by Reuniting Families
1 Kelly, Sarah N. Separating the Criminals from the Community: Procedural Remedies for Innocent Owners in
Public Housing Authorities. New York Law Review 51:381. http://www.nylslawreview.com/wp-content/uploads/
sites/16/2013/11/51-2.Kelly-Note.pdf (accessed November 19, 2015)
2 Ibid.
3 Blinder, Rachelle. Associated Press: Public Housing Safety Policy Can Hit Whole Family. Bronx Defenders, September
15 2014 http://www.bronxdefenders.org/associated-press-public-housing-safety-policy-can-hit-whole-family/ (accessed
December 1, 2015)
4 New York City Housing Authority. Trespass Policy for Felony Drug Arrests, New York City Housing Authority, n.d.
http://www1.nyc.gov/html/nycha/downloads/pdf/trespass_policy.pdf (accessed December 1, 2015)
5 Moraff, Christopher. Can Data Officially Link Housing for Ex-Prisoners and Public Safety, NextCity.org, November 6,
2014 https://nextcity.org/daily/enrty/data-ex-convicts-public-housing-public-safety (accessed November 19, 2015)
6 Ibid.
7 Independent Budget Office of the City of New York, NYCs Jail Population: Whos There and Why? http://www.ibo.nyc.
ny.us/iboreports/printnycbtn20.pdf (accessed January 17, 2016)
8 The Coalition for the Homeless, State of the Homeless 2014. http://www.coalitionforthehomeless.org/state-of-thehomeless-2014/ (accessed January 17, 2016)
9 The Drug Policy Alliance, New York City Council Issues Formal Call for Decriminalizing and Legalizing Marijuana
March 3 2015 http://www.drugpolicy.org/news/2015/03/new-york-city-council-issues-formal-call-decriminalizing-andlegalizing-marijuana (accessed December 1 2015)
10 Bronx Defenders. Know Your Rights: Housing and Arrests or Criminal Convictions, Bronx Defenders, October 2, 2010
http://www.bronxdefenders.org/housing-and-arrests-or-criminal-convictions/#sthash.5QfYxNff.dpuf (accessed December
1, 2015)
11 Smith, Greg B. Mayor de Blasio wants to make it easier to evict and exclude criminals who terrorize residents from
NYCHA apartments. New York Daily News, http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/exclusive-de-blasio-nycha-criminalevictions-quicker-article-1.2427019 (accessed December 1, 2015)
12 Ibid.

10 IDEAS FOR EQUAL JUSTICE

Congratulations to

Maggie DeHart and

Kathryn Wissman
Author of

Preventing Bankruptcy from

Limiting Water Access
Nominee for

Policy Of The Year

A jury of Roosevelt Institute members, staff and alumni select
one piece from each journal to nominate for the honor of Policy of
the Year. We base our nominees off of the quality of idea, rigor of
research and potential for implementation. The cover design of this
journal portrays this years nominee in visual form.

ROOSEVELT INSTITUTE 570 Lexington Avenue, 5th Floor. New York, NY 10022
Copyright (c) 2015 by the Roosevelt Institute. All rights reserved. The views and opinions expressed
herein are those of the authors. They do not express the views or the opinions of the student
or alumni editors, the Roosevelt Institute, its officers, or its directors.

#ROOIMPACT

/ROOSEVELTNETWORK

@VIVAROOSEVELT

ROOSEVELTINSTITUTE.ORG/10IDEAS