Sant-Sipahi, Scholar-'Shahid " MANI SINGH Paradigm of Virtue and Valour

··.Sant -Sipahi, Scholar - 'Shahid' MANI SINGH ~~tadigm of Virtue and Valour

".~:.:'" ',"

Prof. N. D. AHUJA

Guru Nanak Dev Mission Series-'-422 Published by Guru Nanak Dev Mission, Patiala

Price ; Rs, 4MOO

First Edition: 1100 Copies January, 1993

Printed at : Lok Awaz Printers, Sunami Gate, Near Modi College, Patiala

PREFACE

Guru NanakDev Mission has decided to publish some of the research papers as tracts, out of the research papers received by Dr. Ganda Singh Memorial Trust. Three of them were awarded I, II & III prize and the same have been published as tracts No. 417. 418 419;' whereas some research papers were awarded consolation prize. The mission has decided to publish these papers also as tracts. This paper written by Prof. N.D. Ahuja on the life of Sant-Sipahi, Scbolar-Bhahid' Mani Singh is being published as tract No. 422. Prof. N.D. Ahuja is well known. for his writings on number of subjects and this was considered as a very good research paper and. as such it is being published.

S. Narain Singh is now with his son in Bihar for some time, as such the correspondence address of the Mission now is as under ,:

S. Rajdev Singh Advocate Bahera Road, Patiala

President

Guru Nanak Dev Mission Patiala

SANT..;SIPAHI, SCHOLAR-'SHAHID' MANI SINGH

PARADIGM OF VIRTUE AND VALOUR

; '. ·or':

History is witness that at typically critical and chaotic times, some unique leader or martyr did come up 1;0 save a community or area from a total canker and collapse. Some. martyrs made bold to dam the damning flood of a threatening crisis with their. own blood-kneaded bodies. One such example is that of Mani Siugb=-a real paradigm of spiritualism, intellectualism and heroism. Like a true Yogi, he suffered his own body to be cut into pieces to save his people from a dishonourable annihilation.

There is a basic difference between a valiant martyr and a hapless or mauled victim of tyranny. Martyrdom is a symbolic evidence (shahadatl that the martyr (shahid) himself voluntarily preferred to die than to forsake his honour, cherished principle or mission ellen when he had the option. A martyr's dripping blood is. hence, venerated as a sacred life-giver and cementer for the droopingeommunity or the baffled nation. His death is, often. not mourned but is commemorated and even celebrated by the indebted revitaminised posterity."

A martyr dies for others and not just for a narrow persona! purpose or individual interest. Mani Singh could save himself from the clutches of his tormentors but he became a self-willed flag-bearer for his people so that they may li ... ·e with honour after his gracefully and rnspiringly kissing DEATH.

It is a sad commentary that no specific and serious attempts were made to commemorate Mani Singh's martyrdom. No. com-

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mendable research has hen done to J ublicis e his ccntnbutic ns although he is acknowledged as a unifier of the Sikhs at a critical time, their needed timely guide and an authentic projector of the' holy Dasam Granth' and the cannonical Rehat Nama as well as the first Jathedar or Bead Priest of the'Akal Takht',2. .:

It is quite intrigueing that J.D. Cunningham, the notable writer and critic. did not even mentioutlike several other historiographers} the name of Mani Singh in his History of the Sikhs (may be for some expedient compulsions). An impressed Rabrndra Nath Tagore did write a poem on martyred Taru Singh PoDIa an old companion of Guru Gobind Singh and Mani Singh (executed at Lahore in 1743 A.D.) but nothingabout Mani Singh." Numerous sccounts and memorials are available and fairs are also held to commemorate another contemporary martyr, Haqiqat Rai (b. 1724; executed, 1742 A.D.)4. Goku! Chand Narang, in his Transformation of Sikhism. simply presented Mani Singh as just an old pious person witbom highlighting his historic role in the factual and effective transformation of Sikhism into a reckoriable political force or in re-organising the shattered, scattered and punctured Sikhs. Some small, sub-standard and u n researched monographs, generally in Gurmukhi script, did appear, from time to time, 88 untenable and limited hagiologies for classified folks only.sa The present context particularly warrants an imperative peep into ManiSingh's life and rote.

Mani Ram (later Mani Singhj's father Kala Ram alias Kala Shah is said to be a petty peasant" at village Kebowal or Kobewal in the Ma1wa (Patiala region)". His Whole family was devoted to the "Sikh Panth" and the Gurus. Kala Ram's father, Balu Ram, is believed to have sacrificed his life at the battle of Kartarpur (1634 A.D.) while fighting for the 6th GYm Hargobind (b. 1606; d. 1645 ?),7

Tender Mani Ram accompanied his father, in 1657 A.D .• on a pilgrimage to Kiratpur" to pay obeisance before the 7th Guru Har Rai (b. 1645; d, 1661 };9 There he stayed on,' for some time for more enlightenment and sewa (selfless servicej.!?

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The 9th Guru, Tegh Bahadur , returned in March, 1672, 11 to his self-founded Headquarter at Anandper.P after his tou~ of iJihar, Bengal, Assam, etc, He had visited many places including Pat ria (where Guru Gobind was born in October, 1666 A.D.)111 Dhakka, Chittago ng, etc. In 1673,14 his wife, Mata Gujri, also reached' alongwith their 6 years old ·SOD.

Like many other zealous devotees, Kala Ram also visited Anandpur alongwith his 7 years {?)15 old kid,I\hn: Ram, at the eve Baisakhi, to be able to have a darshan of the Guru and his magnetic son. Gobind Rai and Mani Ram. t hen happened to be almost of the same age-group."

During his short stay at Anandpur, Mani Ram was. prehaps, emotionally mesmerised by alchemising Gobind Rai, Both. be.e mates. The co-relation lasted for life. For the next 33 pregnant years of a concentrated historic era, both sustained an unbreakable bond.

Temperamentally, Man i Singhtendedextraordinarily towards spiritualism and educational pursuits right from his early age. He is said to have, soon, .mastered various branches: of knowledge.

Suddenly, a historic 'blast' occurr-ed in November. 1675 A D. in the form of the martyrdom of Guru Tegh Bahadur alongwith his saintly compatriots+Dayal Das, Sati Das, Mati Das, etc. What followed is too well-known to need a repetition here. The 9 years old successor Guru, Gobind Rai, and his impassioned followers reshaped their strategies for a dynamic action." In this vortex Mani Singh is believed to have steadfastly stood by h13 Master and Mentor.

A rangretta, Jaita, successfully brought the revered head of Guru Tegh Bahadurto Anandpur for obsequies." The remaining corpse Was cremated by Lakhi Rai at the site of present 'Gnrdwara Rakab Ganj.1' This fearless Lakhi Rai is said to have already betrothed his OWn daughter, Seeto, to to year (7) old Mani Ram.20 The co-martyred Dayal Das, Mati Das and Sad Das are

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believed. by many. to be elder brothers of Mani." Later, Mani Singh's younger brothers, Matbi. Lehna and Sohan, are said to have given their lives at Bhangani, Guler and Nadaun respectively while fighting far Guru Gobind Singh." His six more brothers, seven sons and several grandsons are said to have sacrificed their lives in various battles fought by the dauntless Sikhs_lls It is said that at the eve of his own execution, in June, 1738 (?),24 at the age of 69 {Of 9i ?),U he was accompanied by his two more captive sons who too were cut alongwith him.2ti If these stirring traditional accounts are true, it would be well high impossible to locate a family of such magnitudinous, steadfast, self-less and unique sacrifices."

Mani Singh remained, for long, a constant cornpinion of his Gfitru He was also a conspicious writer included in the galaxy of 52 picked-up litterateurs who stayed at Paonta (Nahan) with the 19·20 years old Guru (from 1685 to 1688).28

Bhai Mani Singh philosophically scribed some laudable parts of Indian history_l!9 He also dexterously edited, for general grasp and . benefit, the preachings, tales and scripts of and about the Gurus alongwith his own judicious or explanatory connotation where appropriately needed."

Bhai Mani Singh was a captivating Katha-Vachik (narrator) aI50_31 His style- was arresting. He was adept in stirring emotions and inje-cting a new spirit amongst his audience bulk of which comprised of martial Punjabi Jots.

It is believed that Guru Gobind Singh specially yoked Bhai Mani Singh's calibre and services while re-preparing his 3rd and final edition of the Adi Granth.s~ Prehaps, during his stay at Paonta and for subsequently, Bhai Mani Singh himself scribed even some copies of the Adi Granth.33 He also wrote some explicit annotations of selected compositions of Bhai Gurdas apart from those on the Jup-ji, Asa di Var and Sidh Gosht, etc, 34 His various projective works have been serving, for long. as "Towers of Light" and authenticguidelines in various complicated and knotty situations.v

Bhai Mani Singh was a man of sword as well. He participated

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with his Guru, in the battles of Bhangani, Naduun and Anandpur." He' represented an amalgam of Bhakti (devotion) and Shakti l powers), His sharp sagacity, muscled body, unsbakable faith and determmationkneaded with piety and spiritualism were his 'assets. Forbe~rance, fortitude, d iscipline, physical, ~eDtaland:rnoral strength, sense oidiscernment, profound concern for unity aswell as concerted, coordinated and measured action pushed him shoulders above others as a leader of men after' the demise of Guru Gobind Singh and Banda Bahadur. He is said to have even resorted to sword to to-re down or el iminate the recalcitrants in the interest of the much-needed coordination between the divided' and warring Bcndal Sikhs and the followers of the Tat~Khalsa.37 Panthie unity became uncornpromisable creed with him even thoughlie had to give his own life in this. effort.:13

In or': about 1698 A.D. i.e. just some months before the creation of the KJUllsa, 32-33 years old Guru Gobind Singh significantly appointed hiS. co-aged constant companion and confederate Man! Ram, as his personal Advisor-in-Chief and Diwan in view of his credibility and for his recognised qualities of head and heart.89 The youthful and innovative Guru had known him well for the last 24~25 years, in all respects, through close observation and personal experience.

It may be a. million-dollar question as to why Mani Ram was not amongst the first Panj-Pyaras who had offered their lives at the call of the Guru. With deeper and, searching peep into the whole drama of the Transformation of the Sikhs into 'Singhs' en the Ist of Baisakh, 1756 B S. i.e. April 13. 16?9 (or. :Oth March ?)40 it might transpire as if Mani Ram was busy in playing some special confidential and meaningful role behind the scenes as the Guru's most reliable asaistant.s! Anyway, he too got baptised, on that very day, alongwith the Guru, his own five sons and a group of another 19 Sikhs, by the first honoured POJlj-Pyaras.42 He was christianed as "Mani Singh' with almost whole '~f his family having become earliest Amrit-dharis.

After the last and the fiercest hattie of Anand pur (1704 A D~)

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Guru Gobind Singh, under the prevailing situations, left Anandpur alon gwith his family and a number of unfailing fo Iiowers. Mani Singh too accompanied him, After a deceitful surprise raid by the enemies" the party was torn as under into three groups, The Guru plunged his horse into the flooded Sarsa rivulet; soon he reached Charnkaur alongwith his two elder SOI1S, Ajit Singh (10t years) and Zorawar Singh (9il years), and just a few daredevil companions, The second group, comprising his two younger kids, Jujhar Singh (Si- years ) and Fateh Singh (7 years), was led, alongwith the Guru's mother, Gujri Devi, by their 'Brahmin cook and' guard, Gangu, to his own ancestral village, Kheri (Near Morinda), for a safe 'refuge' or retreat. Mani Singh took charge of the 3rd group mainly comprising of Mala Sahib Kaur and Mara Sundari (wives of Guru Gobind Singh) and some other members of the Guru's bousehold.P Mani Singh's task was, of course, ticklish: He was supposed to protect at any cost, the accompanying young women-folk of a 'rebel' against the government fi om any possible attempt of arrest or molestation from the furious marau~ers, It was, evidentally, with great tact and care that he somehow, managed to reach Delhi safe with the group under his charge.44 as a true bodyguard and, guide.

The incident raises some important, and so far unanswered, questions of historic significance. Why and how did Mani Singh reach Delhi-the Imperial' Headquarter of Aurangzeb which is alleged to be dead-set against the so called 'recel' and 'animostic' or 'revengeful' 'trouble-shooter' Guru? It could be either in remarkable disguise, as a clever ruse or by and for some possible negotiated settlement."

Mani Singh established some contact with his Guru in his

, secret resort in the dense Lakhi forest of Machhiwara jungles and restored his unharmed wives to him.~5 How did it materialise? This is yet another meaningful and moot point to be meticulously studied specially in the light of guru'S Epistle (Zafarnama) to the Emperor in the D~ccan.<16 Anyway, Man; Singh's meticulous operation, in that context, speaks volumes ~ bout, his sagacity, skill,

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sense of commitment and standing as well a'S self-less devotion, courage and capacity. The incident also 'certifies the Guru's profound faith in him.

Prehaps, Man! Singh accompanied (or followed) the Guru to the Deccan also during his negoti ational tcur47 with the new and reconcileds- Mughal Emperorv Bahadur shah 4a From there the Guru is said to have sent his wives, Sahib 'Kaur and Sundari, to Delhi again under the most dependable care and caution of Mani Singh'lu Perhaps Mani Singh could never meet his master physically after that,50

The sudden death, in October, 1708, of Guru Gobind Singh at Nander was bounc, under the circumstances to create a: creak in the Sikh Monolith even though he had already authoritatively despatched Banda Bahadur, alongwith some testifying symbols, guide lines and trusted follower s.F' to North-West India. It was verily, the most critical period for the SIkh Pant]; and is a stirring story by itself. 51

With the excruciating martyrdom of Banda Bahadur, in ] 715-16 A D., the Sikhs, by and large, felt themselves in terrible straits and rudderless.P The new Mughal Emperor, Farrukhsiyar, ordered to annihilate, them, Punjab's new governor at .Lahore, Abdul Samad, swore to teach them a deterrent Jesson.s- He let loose a reign of terror and tyranny. Unfortunately, the Sikhs, themselves, had since fallen in the dismal ditch of dtsunirytoo.P They had broken loose into several self-confronting groups." The most potent and vocal rivals Were the 'Tat Khalsa' and the 'Bmuiei's'5' Administratively, a virtual black out of the unbending 'Singhs' had ensued from 1716 to 1720 A.D.o8

After a due appraisal, the Delhi based'" widow, Mata Sundati decided to assert and intervene to bridge the swallowing gap and.to cement the cankering 'Panth', As her best and hopeful choice, she picked up Mani Singh to work out and effect the much needed unity.6G

Mani Singh was an uncontroversial father-figure. He had

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been close to Guru Gobind Singhand his family for about half a century. For about 35 years, he had enjoyed close proximity. intimacy and confidence of tile 10th Guru whose mind and aim he knew fully well. 'Himself, he was without a blemish, 'His own family had already 'rendered unparalleled services and sacrifices .. He was also recognised as a scholar and authority on Sikh tenets, a (rue sant and a vali,ailt soldier. As a guide, organiser and leader as wet! as a rational, sane an~ sobre or saintly person, he could be the most acceptable and neutral mediator at this hour of crisi::;,1H Mala Sundari had personal experience about his integrity and skill. The commons felt swayed when he narrated' Kathas' .62

Bhai Mani Singh reached Amritsar, He converted it into the new effective Sikh Headquarter, 'Akal Taknt' became his centre of activities. Through his rejuvenating < Kathas', and untiring tours he exposed the self-seeker's and projected the mission, or goal of the late Guru, &2 He also undertook t.he re~editing63 of the 'Dasam Granth' into a shapely form.s~ He laboured to break its sentences and punctuated some parts to make it more intelligible to a11.115 Some fundamentalists are believed to have disapproved any interference with the originally composed. holy Granth. They declared it as blasphemous and objectionable. His aim was to preaca positively. to bring about unity and to raise no detrimental controversies." He hence, preferred to forsake his academic exercise on the Granth and left. it as intact as it was.67.

Bhai Mani Singh realised the significance of constructive literature End cultural traits in maintaining, protecting, preserving and proje::ting a nation. Inspite of odds and heavy schedules • he busied himself also in collecting various works, sayings and scripts 'of Guru Gobind Singh so that this treasure may not get lost.

After a treacherous raid at Sarsa67a and during the disturbing days, much of the Guru's literary output had been damaged, lost or had gone astray. For' creating unity in Guru's name, for authentication of his measures and for benefit of posterity, it was very much required, He as an old and constant companion of the 10th Guru. was the right scholar for the job. He sent a treasure load of his

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labouredcollection to Mata Sundri.G8 Apart from this sent-up load he himself.arranged, in p~~ope~ focus, a lot of the Guru's scripts andsayings while performinghis other duties as the Head-priest and Jathedar "t th~ ; AkaIT~k'ht'. 69 For all this the 'Sikh Panth' bas to f~el,.ind~p~~d to Bhai Mani ~ingh-a multifaceted personality. Much more-m;i,ghtha~e, been lost fOT ever but for his far-sightedness and untiringlabour.tv

Bhai Mani Singh was an honest hardworker as well as a hard ,t,asJc~m'lster. IN,hile at.Amritsar, he wrote a number of epistles" and some creative works71q too. 'His available wrinting's throw ample light OD, his. personal faculties as well as on the prevalent

political and ~,~~pliti~.a! fact'o~'s, 7:'- . . ,

Amritsar .was a holy pilgrimage as well as the new Headquarter of the. .Sikhs Topographically, geographically, culturally and commercially also, it was a-well-situated and. densely populated central place in North India, It afforded an intentive and intensive observant, like Mani Singh, to have a meaningful peep into the political window. Prehaps, he kept Delhi-based Mala Sundari regularly apprised and well-informed about all events and matters. ,2a With a profound insight, he played his role well and to his best capacity in the prevailing context.?"

To faster t~e needed sense' of unity, co-operation and coordination in the 'Sikh Panth', M~ni Singh arranged, in 1721 A.D., a purposeful meeting, at Amritsar, between the representstives ofthe 'Tat-Klialsflan,d the 'Bande'is':H A number of ticklish problems needed to he' thrashed out including that of the <Guru-Gqddi' :";s ~~~1I '·~s '~comm()nly acceptable 'Rehat' ..... and MissiOn' '9~ Goal'~ in the light of Guru Gobind Singh's injunction;s,77:'

Guru Gobiud Singh had died inestate and suddenly in a fur-'fiung }t~rri_t91;¥.in,SQuf~ India, Guruship, could be only hereditary after a commonly believed prophetic blessing to BiM Bhano by her own father and 3rd Guru. Amar Das, Some baffled Sikhs saw a vaccum, Some over-ambitious leaders established their own Gurudoms on tb e basis. of their hereditary connections with one

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Guru or the other. The Sikh organisation faceda quiz which had the potency to shake it if not solved satisfactor ily and urgently. It was in this trying and vexing contextthat Bhai Mani Singhsurfaced upas a mature statesman and a naive guide. He ro-e to the occasion with a clear-cut motive to 'do the necessary pruning and to delineate or project unambiguously the mission of-Guru Gobind Singh and thrust unity in the 'Sikh Panth' by all means i.c. even by resorting to force as and when the need be,77

Bhai Mani Singh's single-mindedness, self-less pursuit and unshakable determination showed significant results after some initial obstacle" and disputations which cost Mehnat Singh, the' chief representative of the 'Bande'is", his life.1S 'Tat-Khalsa' was ultimately accepted as representative of the Sikh Community. Many 'Bandeis joined its band-wagon. The Union-Ceremony was pointedly performed in a "befitting' form," under the leadership of Bhai Mani Singh as Jathedar of the 'Akal Takht'.

Themuch-needed UNTTY enabled tbe_~Khalsa Panthto present almost a commonly accepted sketch of its own with regard to various controversial and baffling issues faced by it. It also asserted the supremacy of the 'Aka! Takht' which wa sgetting eroded or ignored at the hands of some. It was a historic achievement. It re-activised the brave Sikhs to fight zealously for the mission left by the. Guru for them to complete to a logical endY It re-created self-confidence amongst the fugitives, the over-cautious and the baffied. The weakening vaccllm was done away to a great extent. Many -of the hiding 'Singhs ' re-started their SWGOps. There was a positive psychic metamorphis, In the years to follow,

even terrible foreign invaders. like Nadir ShahDurrani and Ahmed Shah Abdali , had to confess the reckonable force and perceptible feel of the Sikhs. The Sikh hedgemony of the Misldars and the sovereign 'Lahore Darbar ' of Ranjit Singh can, perhaps, be justifiably called as the fruit of Bhai Mani Singh's purposeful endeavours. He became a primary stabilizer of the'Panth' - and a pioneer of the 'Sikh Raj'. His elaborations on the 'Rehat' and 'Maryada' proved historic trend-setters. His 'Prem Sumc.rg·82 became a pro-

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rninent mile-stone:

Bhai Mani Singh vehementally pleaded that the "Granth: was the repository of the Guru's sacred WORD and was DIVINE and, for a trUe Sikh; only 'gurbani' was his/her, Guru and God. His adament stante seved.rhetStkh Panth' from possible divisions and vivisect1(jTiS:- -

. :ah~i'MaTti Singh had no personal axe to grind. He worked honestly a,nd dliigently atMata Sundari's bidding and behest but never detrimentally to the' Pamh, When, under SOme impulse or' motherly emdtid1i~ she wanted to adopt, as son, a small boy, Ajit (wh~ 'also 'looke-d likehetmartyred eldest son), Mani Singh, empheticallyand argumentatively, advised against this move as a dutiful and conscientious Sikh and a deeply insighted and farsighted statesrnan.82a

Appropriate arrangement and management of finances was a 'must' for a sound and standable reorganisation of theanified Sikhs and to instil credibility, accountability and .coafideaee amongst them. - Bhai Mani Singh paid special and meticulous personal attention inthisregard. 'Guru's Golak' was a sacred 'Community fund'.' He saw to it that the expenses are incurred judiciously and that noirregularity, embezzlement or wastage occurs. The accountants: and -the 'granrhis' were strictly ordained by him, as Iathedar of 'Akal Takht', to submit proper accounts to him. He efficiently administered the "community jagirs", From time to time, be also apprised Mata Sundari for moral and political reason or as a measure of ca:ution and expediency and to ensure or discharge his personal integrity ~nd responsibility." He preferred to be clean, firm and straight forward in all fiscal matters as welL84

As a factual and clean pride and as 'Head Granthi', Bhai Mani Singh enjoyed an 'enviable reputation and respect amongst the Sikhs. For his personal traits, calibre, statesmanship. discipline and decades-long proximity to the IOth GurlJ,1!5 his words were so Weighty that the, Sikh Sangats took him as a iaw-giver.tll He was also a member of the then Presidium of 'Panj-pyaras''i'>? who were

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supposed to represent and declare 'Gum's' verdict when required in any typical situation. He was in perfect confidence of Mata Sundari tooY' As an eloquent, effective and. inspiring 'KathaVachik:', he had also the knack to move mobs into action With his unique standing and superb public relationship. he remarkably succeeded in converting holy Amritsar into the much-neededmew Sikh Headquarter for due mutual consultations and coordination as the Ioss of Anandpur in 1704 kD. had left the §ikhs bewildered or rootless and without a rallying centr e.s" Amritsar now became a potent proselytization centre, a fecal .PQi~tf(,r "Amrit Parchar" or baptisation and a congregational seat ~'itb the' presence of magnetic Bhai Ma,ni Singh at the 'Aka] Takht'.Hi~ dynamic leadership and untiring zeal infused a new life ip the "KhabaPanthis.~'~1j

Apart from his energetic activities at the 'Aka] Takht', Bhai Mani Singh even toured the neighbouring areas to preach amongst the commons and to be accessible to a large-number."! His stress at the observance of 'Rehat" and "Maryada"; touching references and reminders about 'Guru Gobind Singh's Missionand the task ahead rejuvenated the 'Singhs' and raised' noticeable 'crops' of nee-sikhs 1I;! On the concrete base of his own clean life and family record of unique sacrifices and steadfast devotion, he became the needed embodiment for the re-organised 'Khaba' and a symbol of the 'Panth,e3

Bhai Mani Singh's acceptable leadership; at a crucial 'stage, again made the 'Singhs' fearless and formidable challengers to tYIanny.94 They re-adopted 'gorilla' (guerrilla) tactics toteach a lesson to the autocratic aggressors and their tormentors. He is believed to have even prophesised and advocated an independent or quasi-independent set-up as a remedial measure against the prevailing obigarchy and consequential anarchy. 95 Dreams of sovereignty of sikhs got due fillip.953,

Bhai Mani Singh is said to have composed, at 'Aka! Takhthis classics, Bhagat Ratnavli and Gyan Ratnavli, and some other inspiring pieces as well during this very period. He, thus, dispensed

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an amalgam of Gyan (knowledge), Karam (action and Ehagti (devotion) as the needed anti-hi die to the social. cultural and political malaise and to integrate the Sikhs into fearless freedomfighters, righteous crusaders, spiritual saints-c-soldiers and knowledgeable humanists as per guidelines and demarcations set forth by the preceding heroes and the great Gurus.

It is historically meaningful to note that Bhai Mani Singh was doing hi'S open < par char , through his congregational Kathas. touring lectures and writings without serious restraints and bans in the region 50 close to Lahore, the provincial headquarter and administrative centre of the Imper ial Gcvernrnent which was declare dly anti-Sikh and deterrently punitive. He was also carrying on an uncensored communication with Mara Sundari {who. herself, was stationed at the Imperial Headquarter).

It appears that Bhai Mani Singh was. looked upon mainly as a harmless saint and a peaceful preacher. He appears to have a good nurr.ber of admirers amongst the non-Sikhs too96 and, prehaps, enjoyed a reasonable shelter and patronage as a learned reformer. In the face of stringent administrative orders against the troublesome Sikhs and announced rewards on their heads, free movements and preachings by Bhai Mani Singh become intrigueing and quizzical.Pb Several theorems can be advanced in this respect.

Bhai Mani Singh was, perhaps, quite thoughtful and calculating.

He appears to have played safe in wider interest. He was quite astute, strategic and expedient to maintain a good rapport with the government to murk his time.

A perusal of Bhai Mani Singh's available work indicates. that he aimed to re-organise and unify the sikhs on one platform without openly and antagonistically stirring or provoking the administratiou/" Asa spiritual man, he raised his voice. in general, against tyranny of all type without specifically naming: any tyrant individual or territorial regime. He was ultra cautious as not to raise his voice vociferously and openly against the Imperial or Regional Government or against any religion. sect, group or

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officer. If he were to speak a weird against the Mughal Empire or against the muslirns or the officials, he could not have survived Of preached in Amritsar and roundabout even for a day.

An objective re-appraisal of Mani Singh", span of activities conforra that, inspire of punitive measures aga.nst the incalcitrant Sikhs, ~he administration looked upon Bhai Mani Singh (regardless (:If his family record and biodata) as esser.tiallv a harmless, inazres-

~-: . ~ ~

sive, unprovoking and popular saint and a father-figure involved in'

academic and philosophic exercises." As such it, initially felt n I need to arrest him or to stop his acti vities.99

Bhai Mani Singh's prior strategy was to tactfully reawaken and revitaminise the baffled Sikhs by raising their drooping spirits and hopes, boosting their morale, cementing their faith and self-confidence and fostering a sense of brotherhood, unity and fearlessness so that the devouring vaccum, created with the death of Guru Gobind Singh (1708 A.D.) as well as due to infightings and aweful execution of Banda Bahadur (l71~ A.D.), sh culd become less telling. Setting own house in order was. the necessary pre-requisite in his eyes. Sagaciously.the himself, did not challenge the Imperial, Provincial or Local Administrators nor did he defy them or flout or object to any State Order or Ordinance.

Tin 1734 A.D. (?), Bhai Mani Singh busied himself in positive dynamism or activism in his own typical style and with a specific camoflagued purpose and methodology. His mode had been showing some encouraging sprouts from time to time It did serve as an acid test on occasions. Some re-insti.Ied and determined Sikhs cid successfully swoop upon the mughal patrol parties again in a seek-hit-hide strategy. In 1724 A.D_, a powerful punitive expedition, led by Islam Khan, was badly mauled and humiliatingly repulsed by them with perceptible losses to it.

In 1726. Zakaria Khan, the new Governor of Punjab (Lahore}, administratively fel t forced to crush the troublesome Sikh swoopers by all possible means and torture~.IOO He announced luring rewards for their arrests and heads.101

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Persecution,' stimulates that which it intends to crush. The Sikhs violently reacted and retaliated befiittingly as and when possible They became relentless. To keep themselves safe from their inteativecaptorsand tormenters, they had to forgo their' participation at the religious congregations and Gur-purabs, They' felt deprived of any reasonable civic liberty lOla since it was,now, a' game of hit or die,

Zakaria's unending aweful measures prompt~d some grave.' posers before Bhai Mani Singh as Chief Priest at the 'Akal Takht', The undiminishing thrust by the resourceful governor and the limitations of the Sikhs subjected to acute privations and perils could naturally result in their rapid depletion and annihilation. The stoppage ofrhe flow of Sikh followers to attend even the significant Gut- pure bs also told heavily on the income through offerings when fLnds and provisions or victuals v.~ere badly needed

. to keep up the show as well as the Sikh Organisation. The resultant Situation could again prove, sooner or later, as puncturing and demoralising.

Bhai Mani Singh felt deeply concerned. Zakaria too thought of some effective ruse to rout the Sikhs who, by their 'gorilla' raids, had already lengthened the campaigns against them resulting in a rapid loss of his personal prestige and image as wellas of administrative material, resou~ces and revenues.v" Time was nowripe for some other game on the chess-board of politics in this troubled region.loa

Delay in substantial results could expose Zakaria Khan.

It could work in his recall or fall or some political tumble. He, somehow, won over Subeg Singh and Surat Singh-two astute Sikhs. By some "solernnlassurances or allurements to them, he succeeded in striking a 'gentleman's agreement' with a very powerful recalcitrant Sikh leader, Kapur Singh, who was honoured, by him with the high sounding title of 'Nawab', a Khilat (robe) and a jagir worth one lacrupees per year.104

Zakaria Khan; perhaps, felt that his treatment wit,h Kapur Si~gh would either rope in many more Sikh leaders or would

16

engineer an acute disunity and internal strife amongst them. That would, he thought, facilitate his job, help him to re-establish and ensure peace in the disturbed region or to break down the unrelenting ones with some Sikh support and 'guidance' or 'insight' procured as such. He appears to have con.ectured that, with his ruse, he would either render the valiant Sikh peasantry and soldiery impotent or enable a bulk of tired Sikhs revert to a peaceful existence as subservients or would feel capable enough to cut {hem to 5ize.105

Zakaria's calculations were falsified to his chagrin. Even after getting 'honoured' or 'recognised', Kapur Singh did not sell himself. Rather the Sikhs felt psychologically lifted and strengthened. The agreement was taken as their 'victory" or reward fat their valiance as well as a sign of administrative weakness, inefficiency, failure and doon.111t1 A new hope and spirit kindled thein. They felt coaxed to assert a bit more 1'0 snatch full liberty.s?? They smarted to give a more hitting blow to get more ground and gains. The tussle continued with rather greater momentum. Action and reaction played a sea-saw game. Both sides had to bear huge sacrifices and sacriliges. Blood flowed in streams,

Zakr ia ultimately, sent in 1735 A.D. a powerful army to cow down or to flatten the Sikhs. Kapur Singh's newly bestowed upon jagir was forcibly snatched back. The Sikhs, in general, bothered little about a jagir Or "nawabi'. For them, time had come for a 'do or die' stage. They reorganised and re-trimmed their 'Budha Dal' and "Tarun Dal'

In 1736 A.D., Kapur Singh and his followers dexterously and with remarkable unison made a surprise eaglelike swoop upon Samad Khan's powerful contingent at. Hujra Shah. They mauled and. routed it badly and decamped causing colossal losses to it.1;)8

Inspire of their dare-devil swoops, effective raids, unmatchable gr It a.id skill, fearlessness and fortitude, the Sikhs-in-hiding feit acutely ha tdicapped and hard-pressed. Blockades, paucity of rations, lack of mutual liasons, communications and consultations,

17

prying eyes of the fretting. revengeful and, now, more vigilant administration hampered the scattered Sikhs, A congregational meet for consultation and coordination or to work out a common 'declared' goal and strategy became imperative. A commonly accepted and judicious leadership was immediately needed for planning; and for a unified action and. for that, an urgent but safe congregation became a "must",

As an intense observer and Jathedar of < Aka1 Takht', Bhai Mani SJOgh feIt urged to bring, somehow, the scattered and uncorded Sikhs in tune or on one platform for demarcating their goal and action-plan as well as to keep them motivated. boosted and unified or in due cohesion for the Common Cause.

After some pondering, Bhai Mani Singh worked out a scheme in 1736 A.D. As "Singh Saheb" of <Aka] Takht', he decide-d to arrange a huge congregation of tile. Sikhs at Amritsar to serve as a 'Sarbat Khalsa' for a common <.:lfata' (Resolution). Without prior permission or approval from the administrative authorities. such a congration was impossible, unthinkable and inadvisable under the circumstances.

Bhai Mani Singh himself was not a persona-non-grata. He enjoyed a good personal standing, as Head-priest, amongst the Sikhs on one side and as a harmless saint-academician 10 the eyes of the administration.

Using his good offices, Bhai Mani Singh, somehow, managed to procure the needed "ijasat-nama" {Administrative permission) to hold a massive Sikh Congregation at Arnritsar by assuring to pay as fee, Rs. W,OOO/- to the Government, from the expected offerings at the planned 'Samagam'.

Zakaria, perhaps. tried to be cunning. He thought of grabbing the offered money or even the cumulative collection and to out-smart Bhai Mani Singh as well as to hit hard th-e troublesome Sikhs, as a god-sent lot, by a deceitful swoop OD the proposed unsuspecting gathering, He. however, misfired.

18

The gathered Sikhs 'were on caution and quite alert, . Some had smelled a rat: An utter confusion prevailed wl.en Znkaria's men suddes.lv raided the yet-gathering 'Sangar': Zakaria's scheme f"iled. A number of his raiding men lost their lives at the hands of the desperately escaping Sikhs.

Bhai Man! Singh refused to payoff the agreed sum 0]] the plea that expected offerings could not pour in due to the melee caused by Zakaria's hasty and fraud uler.t action,

With his own net-work of intelligence and fer through some well-meaning Muslim friends and admirers, Mani Singh had, Vre1,RyS, come to know in time about Zakaria's ruse. Possibly, a timely W~F'1"g 10 tile "Sangat ' had enabled the Sikhs to flee off before the swoop.

Zak-r ia lost mucn-need~dl"Ra money as well as men. He made a mockery of himself before his superiors, rivals and the commo ns. He frowned and fretted.

The frothful and raging Zakaria procured a fatawa (decree) from a Qazi (as per prevalent criminal law) and got Bhai Mani Singh and his companion, Dewan Singh, arrested. As punishment, they were to either accept ISlam and to denounce Sikhism or were to be pincer ed into pieces.

Bhai Mall! Singh had been charged of breach of faith and of being a behind-the-scene part)' in the turmoil created by the Sikhsl<lS_ As per some accounls, he was hauled up also for an alleged blasphemy or for mischievously and unauthorisedly rearranging ,he "Adi Granth' or the 'Guru Granth' which tentamountcd to a grave religious crime and a punishable attempt at sacrilege and to mislead 110

Zakaria hoped to puncture and punish the Sikhs by eliciting helpful information from a tortured Bhai ManiSingh about their hideouts, resources and plans.P! Perhaps, he also presumed that the convers-ion to Imlam of the Jathedar of 'Akal Takht' would demoralise the whole 'Panth' or his death would Serve as a useful deterrant.P"

Heroically. Bhai Mani Singh belied Zakarla's hopes. He was all smiles when he was finally cut piece-meal on June 24, 1737 (or 1738?) A.D. He h ad steadfastly refused to get converted under force or to divulge anything. Till his last breath, he is said to 'have conversed, with full calm, with his mystified eXecutior.ers and finally gave up with 'Wah-Guru, Wah-Guru' on his lips.lIS

It is traditionally believed that Bhai Mani Singh (aged 9l ?)114. was presented in chains, alongwith his two ~Ol1S ana some-other captured companions, in Zakaria's Court. Defying court-ettiquetres, they raised incessantja.ikcrcs (slogans) of'\Vob-Guru Ji Ka Khalsa, Wah-Guru'ji ki Fateh'.

Inspire of an option, Bhai Mani Singh chose to get his physical body cut into pieces. He-saved. his own soul and also saved [he 'Khalsa' from being turn. to pieces. by the foul Administration. His multi-hued contributions and stirring sacrifices became bistoricatty signi:ficant in many ways.n~

Bhai :r .. rani Singh's Iife-aocount , if scanned in right context and: perspective, would undoubtedly show that be was a fare PARAD!GIH of greatness, goodness and godline-ss. of spirirual, socialism and heroism, of self-surrender and self-sacrifice. {If sainthocd, scholarship and swords-men-ship, of hereditary traditions and laudable traits of culture-in-totality.

Bhai Mani Singh was an authentic and authorised law-pronouncer in the pulpit, a virtuous househoider, a valorous champion, a scholar-in-depth, a mesmerising narrator and reciter. gil adept leader and expert organiser, an astute guide and calculating statesman, a "SANT-SJPAHI" in the "Khalsa Brotherhood", a unique and the' first Jatheda» for his eo-believers, anmlmatchable martyr with distinguished fortitude, a true "YOGi" in life and a colourfulpersonality with a fund of history in hiscredit-sheet,

NOTES

1) Also see Ibn Taus, Article: "The martyr" (in serial).

Tehran Times, 28-29th July, 1982, p. 3.

2) Dr. Trilochan Singh published an un-reseached Article:

"Bhai Mani Singh-e-The Saint Martyr" in the English Quarterly:

The Missionary {Delhi, 06), JuJy-Sept., 1961. N.D. Ahuja also published an Article • Sant Sipahi Bhai Mani Singh" in Passbc n, June, i 966, pp. 17-20. He subsequently wrote a research work, Scholar Shahid- Bhai Mani Singh, too.

3, 4} Tagore published, about the Sikhs, 5 poems (June, 18SS·0ct., 1899) i e. 3 on Guru Gobind Singh, 2 on BandaBahadur's and Taru Singh's martyrdom ("Prarthana tita D'm"-a balled) apart from Beer GllfU (! 885) and h is first 3 serialised short Articles iBalok of July-Aug .. and Oct.-Dec., 1885; Manashi, June, 1888) and two devotional songs.

For these and some other martyrs of the period, See Bhagat Lakshman Singh, Sikh Martyrs,

4a) These works, prevalent tradition and auxiliary sources have been used with due caution to scribe this paper.

5} Several Mohiyals claim martyr Mani Singh, Mati Das, Sati Das, Dayal Das (of some family lineage) as chibbers (Mohiyal Brahmins). They link them dynastically with Rishi Bherigo, Bhagwan Parshu Ram, Rishi Bhardwaj, Guru Daronacharya, Ashothama, "Hussaini Brahmins", "Rahibi Dattas", Raja Dahir, Praga ji Karyala, Satya Sen, etc. as well as with Bhai Gurbaksh Singh of 'Hari Mandie' fame, Bhai Bal Mukund.. Bhai Parmanand, BhaiSunder Singh and a number of Awards winning high generals and officers of the. Army.

For details, see N,D. Ahuja, Gp. Cit. Also see Note 20 below.

21.

6) Trilochan Singh, Op. cit, p- 15.

As per other prevalent (traditional) belief, Bhai Mani Singh was not from Kebowal but from Longowal (Sangrur Distr ict) where a commemorative Gur dwara, In his name, still stands. It used to be under the charge of late Sant Harcharan Singh Longowal (the erstwhile assassinated President of Akali Dal, Punjab and co-author of Rajiv-Longowal Accord of 1986). May be, Longowal became a subsequent abode or centre of activities and associated with Mani Singh. No authentic evidence is, however, forthcoming, Also see Gurtej Singh's Article. "What Bnindrawale Stands For," Illustrared Weekly (Bombay), April 10, 1983 (Special Baisakhi Number) p.13_

i) As per Bbat Valli Tulada (referred Sewa Singh, shaheed Biles. p. 5-Edt., Giani Girja Singh, Ludhiana], Balu Ram lost his tife while fighting heroically against famous Mughal Faujdar, Murtaza Khan. Ev.dentally, there is some historical confusion, about the said Mughal Faujdar since the famous "Murtaza Khan' (Farid Bukhari+-a Mujaddldi )~vanquisher of rebel prince, Khusrou, and captor of Guru Arjun Dev and, later, Governor of Lahore had already died in 1617 A D. in Jehangir''s time and was not alive in 1634 (when Shah Jehan was ruling). No other "Murtazu Khan." as a famous Faujdar, is listed in available records and annals. Either the name/title have been confused and misquoted or some non-conspicuous soldier named Murtaza was involved. For further logical reasoning or details. see Ahuja. 0 p. cit.

"8) Trilochar, Singh, Ibid.

Kiratpur had become the Sikh Headquarter since 1634-5. cf Gyani Bhai Gyan Singh, Panth Prakash, p, 119 and also MaX Arthur Macauliffe, Sikh Religion, IV, p. 213.

9-W) Cf. Sewa Singh, Gp. cit., p. 55.

According to some weighty but variant traditions, Bhai Mani Singh was born in 1665 A.D. i e. after the deaths of Gurus Hal' Rai (d. 1.661} and Har Kishan (d. 1664). Also see Notes 15-16 infra,

22

11) Kesar Singh Chhiber ~Bcm3"wli Ncma}, Santokh Singh (Suraj Prakashi, Gyani Bhai Gyan Singh iOp: ciI). etc., have quoted variant dates. about the Guru's re-arrival at Anandpur,

Triloehan Singh (Guru Tegh Bahadur'; quotes 167l as correct and Sewa Singh (Op. cit.) cites 1672 .

. 12) __ Cf~ Archer, The Sikhs, pp H?2-83.

13) There is controversy about Guru Go bind Singh's date

of birtn too. Also see Tr ilochan Singh's Article, 0 p, cit,

p.15.

14) Variant dates are cited about the arrival at Anandpnr of the left-over family of the 9th Guru.

15-16} According to so-me tradi tions, Bhai M ani Singh was, then, of 13 years (Cr. Sewa Singh, Op, cit, p. 5~). As such, he was born in 1644 and 110t jn 1665 A.D. Perhaps, innaccurate calendri cal conversions have caused these confusions, Also sec Notes 9,. 10 supra,

l7-19) For detailed discussion, See N.D. Ahuja, Anand purBliss, Blast and The Breeze, and Creation of The Khalsa.

20) . Cf. Sewa Singh. Op. cit., p. 23.

Lakhi Rai is generally believed to be a Mazhabi Sikh and a rcngade. Mohiyal Brahmin Mani's said engagement (if really so) might have been, possibly, arranged at the. behest of the Guru and is worth a significantnotice or is just a concocted tale (since the casteless Khalsa had not been born as yet even though Nanakism or Sikhism was averse to caste considerations)

Some Moh iyals do not accept Mani Singh as a Mohiyal or as related, in any way, with the notable martyred Mohiyal brothers etc. (See Note 5 supra).

2~-23) cr. Sewa Singh, Op. cit., AppendixS, pp. 105-06 and Kates 5, 20 supra.

24) Variant dates have been quoted (without authority).

Sewa Singh (0 p, cit ,pp. 40-42, 92), Bhat Vahi Multani Sindhi, Koer Singh, etc. support 17054 A.D. Rattan Singh Bhangu (Prachin

23

Pantti Prakash) quotes 1738 A.D. O.S. Chhabra {Advanced History 'Of the Punjab, I, p. 363, l lnd Edi. i%8) states i 737 (without advancir g any authority}.

25) See Notes L:i, 16 above,

26) Sewa Singh, Op, cit., p. 41. Also see BhatVahi, 019. 'Cit. and Ahuja Op. cit. (Mani Singh).

27) See N.D. Ahuja, Tyag Se Talwar Tak (Vir Banda Bahadur] and also 0 p. cit (Men! Singh).

28.31) Cf Sewa Singh, Op. cit, p. 61; Gyan Singh,Op. cit , p. 581.

32) C.R. Payne (A Short History of The Sikhs, Appendix E, p. 237) conjectures that this 3rd edition of the Adi Gratuh got lovt during the fr llowing days of anarchy or was, later Oil, taken. ",way. as a part of booty by Ahmed Shah Abdali,

33) cr. Sewa Singh, Op. cit , PI'. 60, '6\, '69,71,81; Gyan S .ngh, Op cit, pp, 285-8"6

34-35) Cf. Trilochan Singh, Article, Opc ctt , p. 17

3u) Cf, Sewa Singh, 0 p, cit., pp. 25, f 5,66 (and also Dcsu

Bhat Vahi).

37) Ibid, pp. 'IS~77; Bhangu, Op. cit., p. 169.

38) For more details, see Ahuja, Up. cit. (Mani Singh)

39) Khem Chand. Pcnda VaM (Hardwarj-quoted Sewn Singh, 0 p, cit, p. 2"6

40) The exact date and day of that Baisakhi are debatable.

For discussion, see Ahuja, Anand pur And Creation of The Khclsa (Op. cit.]

4 l ) Ahuja, Op. cit. (MaRi Singh)

41.) cr. TrilOlGhan Singh, Article, o». cit., r- 17; Sewa Singh, 0 p. cit., p .. 67; Bhangu, 0 p. cit., p. 45

43) Ahuja, Anandpur .... ,(Op. cit.}

44) Gym: Singh, Op. cit., p. 281; Ujjagar Singh, Khalsa ]i de PUl1j Heere (Pbi., Amritsar, 1%2), pp. 17£·79; Trilcchan Singh,

24

Article: "History of the Compilation of the Dasam Granth," The Sikh Review (Calcutta), April, 1955, p .. 56 .

. 45) Trilochan Singh, Article. Op, cit. (The Missionary,

Delhi). p. 17., ,

46·48) For further discussion on the po.nt, on the Guru's blessings or help, at Jaiju, to Muazim (New Emperor) and his nego-

tiations with hi rn, etc., see N. D. Ahuja, (i) Anandpur and

Mani Singh fOp. cit.); iii) Qadir-ul-Kalam - Munshi Ncnd Lal Goya and also Hukamnama (Dhol, Patiala) of October, 1707 A.D.

49·50) Cf. Trilochan Singh, Art., Op. cit , pp. 17-18. 21-60) For details, 5ee Ahuja, Tyag Se Talwar Tak (Op, cit.]; Khafi Khan, Muntakhal-u'l-Lubab, Ed., Elliot Dowson, VIII, pp. 457; Forster. I, pp 312-13;. Ghularn Hussain styar-uJ Mutakhrin, p. 119; Mohd. Qasim, Ibrat Nama; MoM Latif, History of the Punjab; Hari Ram Gupta, A History of The Sikhs; etc., etc,

61) It is worth notice that a powerful section of [he Sodhi Masands; in occupation of Sri Hari Mandir at Amritsar, had net permitted Guru Tegh Bahadur to even enter into the complex and had also threatened his life. In 1699, Guru Gobind Singh had forcibly evicted them. He had. then, deputed Mani Singh to take over tl:.e charge there. The pleased Guru bestowed upon him a Commendation Certificate in Samvat 1760 B. cr. Sewa Singh, Op. cit., pp, 7l~77.

62) For Mani Singh's activities, also see his own Gur Bilas Patshahi (Pbi, Lahore), pp. 6, 76. 128~ 280. 28S and Pothi Janam Sakhi, pp .. 40, 185, 275. Cf. Bhangu, 0.0. eit., pp. 416,.17 also.

62a) Cf. Gyan Singh, Op, cit., pp, Z&5-86 and Sewa Singh, Op. cit. pp. 60-$1, etc.

63-69) Cf. Sewa Singh, Op. cit., Preface (Mukh·band), p. 11; Gyan Singh, Op. cit., p. 286; Randhir Singh, .Shabad Murat (Pbi , Amritsar, ! ?62), p. 43; Triloohan Singh. Art., Op. cit. (Sikh Review; April, 1955), p. 58.

.Aceording to some Sikh tradi1:ions~thi5 'workWasfii'st star- .' ted hy'Mani:Singllhimself (as explanatory .:and:nbr.as,~ri~dited) .

. Cf~· .~Chhiber, Op. cit. ",' '", .... " .

,-",';.' ',10) - Also see Ahtij~, Op.'dt. (M"antS(tighY_ :, "~ , ;;:'

71-,73) See Appendix for a specimen letter o/;Baisakh' 22 (:1V15 A;D.), to Mata Sundari, written with'cimti~h ift~i>Banda's - escape or arrest (1) For a safe or secret i:i:"rlm~~ic~it'iohtperh~ps1/he suggested, in the nbte, its reply be sent in a bamboopiece. Some . "Sikh-'$chorars ha've challenged its authenticityand genuineness, Cf.

.' ._' .', . -" .) "~

Rattan Sin'.gh'Jeggi, Dasam Granth Da Karitartoo: (N. Delhi; 1966),

Anyway, Manic' Singh's regular communication,' from Amrit~a:r, with Delhi-based Mata Sundari is, generally, an accepted theorem

amongst th~ SjJms(by and' large}. - , '. - ,. "

74) Cf. Ahuja, TYag se Talwar:,Tak (Qp. tit:); NJ.l.ram Singh, Banda Bahadur, Ganda Singh, Life oflJ(l,1Jdq. Sfnglp Bahadur (J\rndt-S':+r.."I?~5)~ Bhagat Lakshman ,Singh, Dp..cit", etq'., _-" . .,' . .' ,

.n.,.:. .'~

·1541 ) Of. Sainapat,' Guru Sobh4(Iib-L Patirih:i 1961),pp.

33, 1'29; Jagtar Singh Grewal, :A::rticle':' An E'arIY Thlleipretati&'ri:::6f Gum-Gobind Singh"sM issiori": in The Tenth Mniter' (Cha:n~igirrft), pp.l t5-17;-Bhangu, Op, cit" pp. ] 6'9~222:Mani'Singh> GitFBilas Patsha'lii;-'p~.'6, 77,83, 95, 120, 125, 128; '134', '139, 149,2Stf,-:2Sg, .. etc,, Sikhi:llriJ,i Bhagtavli (Pbi. Amritsar,: 19S5), p,' 9, .. Pothf Janain ~'''::, Sakhi, p 591; Sewa Singh, o». cii., pp. 75~77; Teja Singh, o;G~rlda

,$jngl,,;Op. cit, pp, 11 1-1 16;!lukam Nama (Dhol), Op. ;;it.', Ahuja, ,An_aJ1,ql'ur.c:""(Op. cit.), Mani.Singl; (Gp., cit,)"f;tr;: .• etc, i .

. 82)- Regarding Prem .·'Sumarg's nature,,; scope and signifi~can.cei also- see AhUJa., Op. cit. ~ (41Utridjiur-.,.; _,;, •. - .• ,;Creati"on,af die

, Khalsa.). r

'82a) It is said that inspire of a.dye;se;-opi~lbD.i dt'-BhaiMi~i Singh and some other well-wish-ers, Mara Sundari, 'bn,t"or'wonia'rily emotion- or. some other, consideration; ·ddopted·;o1:le;;:;bllild;:Alito·i:" Singh.iwho ver'y much resembled, in looks, herma'j1'yti&el~esol;<gb.lii '

.and even finalised his marriage-Later, disgusted ,With 'fus'J.inprd~~r conduct; shepublically disowned him. Had this" spoiled C.bild "'Or

20

any other individual claimed, and succeeded to, ,'Guru Gaddi" in

. pi~~e, of theuni versally accepted holy '~GurU' Gl"anrh. Saheb", i:-tlie Sikhs might have lost a sanctified rallying focai a.,fu!.-,their'·'whOle subsequent history of heroism and the posi~ion,of.t,~~ Ppnth would have been 'adversely affected.

8390t Cf.Rapdhir Singh, Op. cit., p.·43; qa.n,d~ ;Si.ngh, Hukam Name. 206; Sewa Singh, .o.p .. cit., pp.. 65-99;:~h,i;lJ1g~ pp .. cit, pp '145, 177, 187-88, 222,. 416-17; ManL Singh 9:W·:;Bj,lps 'PMshahi, 6,76,95,128, 280, 288,525-3~?Sj!ch~~DiBhagt{1vli, p.:9. Pothi 1.aJl4,m Sakhi, PP., 40, 185.275.591;. "rilo.cha,n Singh.A:r~" Op cit, ,(Sikh Review) p. 56; Gyan Singl1,:Qp.,. :.cit ,pp .. , 460,

579. L,".:'ec • ,! .;. ;~ , .'

9'I-92~ Cf. Mani Singh, Gut Eilas PatsndFd;p>535;::Sewa Singh, Op. cit , p, 73; Trilochan Singh, Ibid.

Some people strongly feel' that the' "'Dairraami:,Tak,hii;' ~1l .

Chowk Mehta: (Near ArnritsarywasaJso!frrsi·sefup. by M~tii;Sirtgh. The place become specially · .. vell-known 'Yb~1\ Sant .Kar'tar Singh ahin,4;anwaIe q~d his successor, Sant Jarnail ~!ngh, pre.~~lIe:d: friJjn there: Presently, its acting chief, Baba Thakur' Si:rJ.g.h:"is,Yf:ny;m~:9-h in news wlth regard to the ':!Kar Sewa" atthe '~\~al;Jal¢llt~- ;:and"in various unity moves. It has been the centre of-the AM~41~irt~lli

. <."_.. . " .. _~ ; N .,._ ....

Jat~(J too. Also see Gurtej _ Singh; Art." Op .. cit; (1Ilu~!,r:a.tf.4 ,rye~-

kly); p. 1.3:

9:3) Also see Ahuja; Op. Cit .. '(Mani:SinghY:a1id N.6te-:s'upia. 94-95) The subsequent convulsive political'~'vet1f:s' ··in P\!rsia (Iran), Afghanistan, North~West·'lndia«s:peciany.'_invasions by Nadir Shahand Ahmed Shah, estabUshment:ofMis/s,'ans'j'ole of the Sikhs, Ranjit Singh's Sovereign "Raj Khalsa Je<>'" or "Lahqreparba(, andthe inroads by the Britlshers, etc.j-are expli-

cit'nj.~t9rical certificates in this respect, , , .

. 95a). Chaotic administratlveandpelitical <situation Pt~tnPted .a.number.of Sikhs to .Cherish .dreams of, theit'01w'ft Sove~eign . fiefs. Their plannings and activities consequentiaHy:inviteo:an " aweful wrath of the Government, See LepelGriffie, Raja's (Jfthe

27

Punjab (Lahore. 1870), p. 18; Panth Prakash, p .. 506; Bhangu, Op. cit., p. 203; Had Ram, 0 p. cit., I, pp, 7.8, 12; and various other authorities quoted in Notes 102-10~ below.

96) Ever since Guru Nanak and Bhai Mardana till at least 1947 A.D., a number of Muslim mirasis, rababis and bhats were active participants in the Sikh Sankirtans and Sammelans (Congregations), As such •. it can be safely asserted that a good number of Muslinis must have attended Mani Singh's Congregations as w¢ll.

97)Pr~sen~ of several Muslim employees and soldiers under the Guru's (from time to time), Guru Gobind Singh's tilt to Muazzim (Babadur Shah-I),s struggle for succession (Jaiju Battle, October, 1707), Gu_ro's open confederate and devotee. Nand 1..:"11 "Goya", being a ver,! high official with the Mughal Administration point out that the Gurus were only against tyranny but not against Islam, the Muslims or even the Mugha.I Rule (blessed by Guru Nanak, as per Sikh traditiQn)on the basis of.any label.

98-99) It is worth note that even during the stringent measures against Banda Bahadur or the recalcitrant and troublesome Sikhs or fr.equeBt frictions and encounters, the Administranon neither hauled up Mani Singh nor ban1'ledhis proselytising activities and congregations. During this very period, a number of Gurudwarascame up in Dhakka and its neighbourhood or at other places. It appears that the Administration was zealous to nip the political ambitions of brave Sikhs and to maintain law and order but was not vt(ry particular to curb peaceful religious preachings, etc.

1(0) To understand perspectively, the strict measures against the Sikhs in Punjab, one must; also study objectively the over- all political and administrative conditions with special reference to the dangers from Afghanist~ rise of the Marahattas. prevalent centrifugalism, appearance of European and other foreign powers and the incessant poHtic-al sea-saw game and warfare, etc.

28

w:) The prison-well, outside 'Delhi Gate' of Lahore in whi6h the severed head, and corpses ofthe captured-anddecapitared :S,khs Vi/ere thrown and stuffed came to be known as "Shaheed Ganj," For details" see GandaSingh, History o.J the Gurdwara

;

Sha~lid Ganj (Lahore)

lOla) See Bh<tngu,Op. cit., 1':178.

102· 104) Regarding Kapur Sillgh-;:;Zaka~ifl Khan J.1e!a~i,o~s etc., see also; Pr emSingh Hoti, Nawab Kapur Singh; H.T. Princep OriKin oj the Sikh Power: Col. Pollier, A Report on the Sikhs: J.D. Cml'ninghain, Cpcit, WLM.(jtegOr-,'fIistofy of t'hi! Sikhs, N.K. 'Sln~a., Ris~ of si;i Po~rer; Chhabra, OJ;: cit., pp, 356-59;·Ahuja,

Or? l~it: r~faf!i Singh); , etc,', " , "

" ,

, ,

! . ,.105-10';) Tais Jagir andhrle,dirl create..« crevice or rift am~ngst the Sikhs; Many.favoured snatch,iI.lg bravely th<:Po.W~I. Th-~~' disappcoved bestowed stfategicall.uremt:'nts'1Nhichl~ntatAA~~ted, lin colour and odour, tv CQwardly 'SU.bjugfltion .and slavery,

i '" .. , ,.--',',:"

S;OJ~e took these.favours as, a helpful booster or ladder to the lll-ti~ate g~.)i'.!. See Bhangu, Op cit, p, 213. '

.. ':' .. ,-. - ., ,

'1, ' JOS) Cf. Gyani. GyanSingh.Sha11?~hf~ Khalsa (913),,11, p>2j!8; Panth Prakash" Op-cit p, 576;Ook1'\\ ~h<ind, Op. cit ... pp. 186}2t17; etc,

'108a) cr. Hari Ratti Gupta, 0F- /:it ,'1, p. '16, oW:}) , Cf, Bhangu, Op: cit" p, ,~2~._

I 10) (X '(~hhiher, 0 p c cit., 'Sewa·ihrign; Op~ cit., p'; '11; Bhangu, Op. cit, p. 223; Gokal Chand, Op cit., p. 54.

11 i~113) Sewa Singh,Op.cit,.rP: 41;91 and'Bhal Vahi MurtGni Sindhi

i> H4) See Note 24 above.

115) There were also a goo'dnunibrr of Hindus and Nanak rn~his (Sikhs) in employment und~r Zakariil-Khan.He Was said to be, generally, believer of religious freedom or tolerance and was

29

popular even though he had to effect deterrant measures under his administrative and political compulsions. See Panth Prakash, p. 4: 8; Hari R am Gupta, Studies in Later Mughal History oj the Punjab (Lahore, 1944), pp. 54-55 and also A History of the Sikhs (1952). p. 17; B N, Goswami and 1.S. Grewal, The Mughals and the Jagis of Jakhbar (Simla, 1967), pp. 175-76.

I. Sri Guru SmghSahh~, Patllila.

2. SUfi Guru Sillgh Sanna Piru Manocr Cochin.

3. Gurbani Parchar Kender, Hoshiarpur.

Shri Guru Kalangiiihar Sewak Jatha, Bikaner,

Baba TejaSingh Trust, West Patel Nagar, New Delhi.

4. 5.

I

S. Guecharn Singh, Jagraon,

S. Baldev Singh and Sons, Jagraon,

Giani Avtar Singh Nurani Jyoti Art Press, Jagraon.

9. S. SurjitSingh, Surjit Kaur, New Basti, Jagraon. S. Man Singh, Jyoti Nagar, New Delhi.

.. S. Inder Singh, New Prem Nagar. Ludhiana,

BihiKashmrr Kaur w/o S. Bachan Singh Vinipeg Canada. S. Narinderpal Singh, Nirmal Vihar, New Delhi.

S. DaiRI Singh Niarnatpur, Distt, Burdwan, W.B.

!5. S. Gurcharan Singh, Indian Automobiles, Kurnul, A. P. 16 .. Capt. Hargobind Singh, Gobind ~agar, Dehradun,

S. Inderjit Singh, Sarabha Nagar, Ludhiaua.

S. Joginder Singh, Boota Singh Wala, Patiala,

10. 11.

12. 13.

14.

17; L8.

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