Pakistan Foreign Policy

The quest for security has been at the heart of Pakistan’s foreign policy since
independence. Pakistan’s security environment derives its origins from the
circumstances in which Pakistan was created. The violence accompanying the portion
leading to the emergence of the two independent states of Pakistan and India
generated hostility, which continues to afflict relations between the two countries
mainly because of the unresolved issue of Jammu and Kashmir. The issue is the
source of continuing tensions and conflict, and shaped the unstable and tense security
environment in the region.
The historical perspective of Pakistan’s foreign policy falls in five broad phases. The
first period covers the time from the UN enforced cease-fire of 1949 to the 1965 war
over Kashmir. During this period Pakistan allied itself with the West by joining the
Baghdad Pact and its successor, CENTO, and SEATO. The primary motivation
underlying our membership of these alliances had been the need to redress our
defence vulnerability and achieve a reasonable military equilibrium with India.
The second phase runs from 1965 to the 1971 crisis in East Pakistan. The 1965 war,
which was sparked by the Jammu and Kashmir issue, had led to a drastic reduction in
economic and military assistance to Pakistan. The increase in defence expenditure
together with the decline in foreign assistance compounded economic difficulties and
aggravated political problems led by a sense of alienations in East Pakistan. India
played on this crisis and eventually imposed war on Pakistan.
During the third phase from 1971 to 1989 Pakistan remained engaged in rebuilding
itself and facing the challenge of the Soviet military intervention in neighboring
Afghanistan, which lasted for over a decade since 1979, and has spawned a conflict
that continues to ravage Afghanistan.
The fourth phase covers the period from 1990 to the nuclear tests of May 1998. Two
important events from the security perspective took place in 1990. USA clamped
economic and military sanctions on Pakistan under the prissier Amendment (which
widened the conventional gap between India and Pakistan). That same year the
intensification of the freedom movement in occupied Kashmir.
The last two years, the current phase, have witnessed important developments in
Pakistan’s foreign policy. These includes prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif’s initiative to
resume bilateral dialogue with India soon after taking office, the nuclear tests that
radically altered the security environment of South Asia last year, the security
dialogue with the united States and the crisis in Kargil. These developments, together
with the continuing conflict in Afghanistan, represent the major preoccupations of our
policy makers. Meanwhile, trade and economy have acquired increasing importance
in our foreign relations.
The Nuclear Challenge
The India nuclear test in early May 1998 posed one of the gravest security challenges
to Pakistan since its independence. The Indian nuclear tests drastically altered the
strategic balance. The hostile statements made by important Indian leaders following
thee tests verged on nuclear blackmail and underscored dangers to Pakistan in India’s
latest bid to establish its hegemony in the region. The Indian media also started
questioning the credibility of Pakistan?s nuclear capability. The Indian political
analysts commented that by testing India had called Pakistan?s ?bluff?. This was a
dangerous assertion, which could lead to miscalculation and misadventure against
Pakistan.
In the wake of the Indian tests, Pakistan undertook consultations especially with
major powers. It was evident that in the absence Of a nuclear umbrella, Pakistan was
alone to face a nuclear India. It became imperative to discard the policy of nuclear
ambiguity. Demonstrate our nuclear capability and therefore restore the strategic
balance in the interest of peace and security in South Asia.
Pakistan consequently conducted nuclear test explosions on 38 and 30 May 1998.
Thus establishing nuclear deterrence in the interest of its security and self-defence.
It is important to distinguish between the motivations of Pakistan and India in
conducting nuclear tests. Since independence and until the first nuclear tests by India
in 1974, Pakistan did not seek the nuclear options for the non-nuclear weapons states.
India, however, challenged the nuclear paradigm of the day, betraying its own nuclear
ambitions, which became evident in 1974. Pakistan could no longer ignore the threat
to its security. Therefore, it started developing a nuclear programme. At the same time,
however, Pakistan took initiatives to keep South Asia free of nuclear weapons. These
initiatives were pursued for a quarter of a century at multilateral and bilateral levels
with India. The 1998 test by India however destroyed the prospects of keeping our
region free of nuclear weapons.
Following its tests Pakistan declared a unilateral moratorium on testing and its desire
to prevent a nuclear arms race in South Asia. During the Foreign Secretaries? level
talks in October 1998, under the agenda item for Peace and Security, Pakistan offered
a Strategic Restraint Regime with India. This was base on the concept of preventing a
nuclear arms race by maintaining nuclear deterrence at the minimum levels and
desisting from introducing new and more destabilizing systems in the region.
Pakistan?s offer for nuclear restraint has yet to evoke a positive response from India.
Indeed the portents are discouraging as India shows every inclination to pursue an
ambitious nuclear weapons and missile programme.
Clearly India?s tests and its nuclear ambitions are status driven and impelled by its
hegemonic ambitions. Our tests were a response to our security needs. Pakistan does
not pursue a policy of territorial aggrandizement, nor is it prepared to accept the
dominance and dictates of any power. We desire stability and avoidance of conflict in
our region.
It is for that reasons that Pakistan considers the sanctions imposed by the United
States and other G-8 countries following the test as unjust and unwarranted. The
sanctions damaged Pakistan’s economic and security interests when they were
imposed in 1990 under the Pressler amendment. They were unjust then, as they are
now, nor do they serve to promote the cause of either peace or non-proliferation in our
region. Our point of view has gradually come to be appreciated and there has been an
easing of sanctions. The international financial institutions have resumed tending to
Pakistan. However, Pakistan continues to maintain that all sanctions must be removed.

Kashmir, Kargil and Normalization with India

The nuclear dimension has added to the dangers that the long-standing Jammu and
Kashmir dispute poses to peace and stability in South Asia. Kashmir has been the root
cause of conflict and tension in the region, now it has become a nuclear flash point.
The world recognizes the dangerous nature of the Kashmir dispute. The UN Security
Council deliberating on the nuclear tests in South Asia, acknowledged, in its
resolution 1172, Kashmir as the root cause of tension in South Asia.
Conscious of its centrality to peace and security in South Asia, soon after assuming
office, the former Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif offered a dialogue to India to address
the Kashmir issue. India first agreed on a mechanism for an integrated dialogue in
June 1997, but later it reneged on its commitment. Pakistan?s perseverance in search
of a serious dialogue with India led to the visit of Prime Minister Vajpayee to Lahore
where the two sides agreed to intensify their efforts to resolve their outstanding
differences including Kashmir remained stalled.
Meanwhile, the struggle of the Kashmiri freedom fighters which has been continuing
for over a decade assumed a new intensity as they moved their operation to the Kargil
sector, capturing Kargil heights and threatening the Srinager-Leh road. India reacted
violently and made large-scale military deployment to lodge the freedom fighters.
India also mobilized its Air Force and heated up the entire Line of Control. Two
Indian Mig aircraft were shot down on the Pakistan side of LoC in late May escalating
matters further. The Indian leadership, with its eyes on the forthcoming Indian
elections, whipped up war hysteria among the Indian population against Pakistan.
This led to a highly dangerous situation in a nuclear environment.
While Pakistan pursued peace initiatives, India persisted in its intransigence and ware
mongering. The Kargil crisis also focused international attention on Kashmir. At the
same time there was considerable international anxiety over the prospect of a wider
conflict between the two nuclear capable states.
The Kargil crisis ended following hectic diplomatic activity, which culminated in a
meeting between the then Prime Minister, and President Clinton on 4 July 1999. The
Prime Minister appealed to the freedom fighters to vacate the Kargil heights to give
negotiations and the peace process a chance. As part of the Washington agreement
President Clinton gave an assurance of his personal interest in the resumption and
intensification of efforts for resolving all issues including Kashmir. Thus Pakistan
succeeded in engaging the US President in an unprecedented commitment aimed at
facilitating a settlement of the Kashmir issue.
The long standing Kashmir issue represents a challenge to the international
community both in its political and human rights dimensions. Politically, it is a
nuclear flash point. Also, unless Kashmir is resolved, Kargil, like situations will
reoccur and the security climate will continue to deteriorate. It is also a major obstacle
in the path of the two countries devoting all their energies to socio economic
development and well being of their people.
Kashmir is witness to the gravest human rights violation at the hands of over 700,000
security forces stationed in Indian occupied Kashmir. This is the largest military
concentration anywhere in the world. The Kashmiri people are facing brutal
repression on a daily basis. In the last ten years, more than 65,000 Kashmiris have
been martyred and over 90,000 are missing. Hundreds of villages and thousands of
houses have been destroyed and burned down. International Amnesty and Human
Rights Watch and other reputable international humanitarian organizations have
documented these human rights violations. The international community has to take a
strong notice of this situation specially now that we are living in the world where
individual human rights are also a matter of international concern.
Pakistan believes that the international community, in particular the United Nations
and the major powers, have an important role to play in persuading India to stop its
repression against the Kashmiris and respect human rights, and to engage in a
meaningful and productive dialogue with Pakistan to resolve this dispute. Pakistan has
proposed several confidence-building measures to address the human rights situation
in Kashmir. First and foremost, the international community should ask India to thin
out its military presence observers and human rights and media representatives to the
Kashmir valley. At the political level, Pakistan is agreeable to international mediation
and engagement for a result-oriented dialogue with India. Pakistan has also requested
the UN Secretary General to appoint his representative to address the issue.
Kashmir is an obstacle both to peace in South Asia and normalization of relations
with India. Progress towards the resolution of the Kashmir issue will have its
dividends in improvement of relations between the two countries in a variety of areas
including trade. In June 1997, Pakistan and India had agreed to identify all the
outstanding issues in a structured and focused dialogue. They agreed to set up a
mechanism of eight separate, working groups at the Secretaries level to address;

ƒ Peace and security including confidence building measures,

ƒ Jammu and Kashmir,
ƒ Siachen,
ƒ Wuller Barage project/Tulbul navigation project,
ƒ Sir Creek,
ƒ Terrorism and drug trafficking,
ƒ Economic and commercial cooperation, and
ƒ Promotion of friendly exchanges in various fields.

The subsequent Lahore Declaration generated hope for progress. However, the
dialogue has since remained stalled. Apart from commitment by both sides to
intensify their efforts to resolve all issues, including the core issue of Jammu and
Kashmir, the Lahore Declaration and accompanying Memorandum of Understanding
addressed the issues of peace and security in a nuclearized South Asia. This included
CBMs for early warning in respect of missile tests, notification in case of accidental,
unauthorized or unexplained incidents that could minimize unclear risks. These
measures are necessary to avoid the risk of a conflict between the two nuclear capable
neighbors. Pakistan is also ready to reach understanding for nuclear and missile
restraints. It has already proposed a strategic restraint regime to prevent nuclear arms
in the region. However, past experience demonstrates that normalization of relations
between the two countries will append on progress towards the resolution of the
Jammu and Kashmir dispute.
The shooting down by Indian military aircraft of an unarmed Pakistan Navy aircraft,
inside Pakistani airspace on 10 August 1999, killing 16 naval personnel, further
complicated the situation in the region. Pakistan lodged a strong protest with the
Government of India, over the violation of its airspace as well as of the bilateral
agreement on the Prevention of Airspace Violations of 6 April 1991. Pakistan also
claimed compensation for the loss of life and aircraft.
Afghanistan Conflict and Opening with Central Asia
The conflict in Afghanistan has also been a continuing source of concern to us.
Pakistan has suffered more than any other country from the continuation of the
conflict there. For us, vital security interests are linked to stability on our western and
northern borders. We therefore seek peace, stability and national reconciliation in
Afghanistan. This will open new opportunities in our economic and commercial
relations with the Central Asian States. At present the conflict in Afghanistan stands
in the way of developing these ties. So far, however, all efforts for a peaceful
settlement have been thwarted by factional and ethnic rivalries, and outside interests
exploiting intra-Afghan differences.
In pursuit of the peace process in Afghanistan, Pakistan has employed a
multi-pronged strategy including the active use of shuttle diplomacy, joint missions
and close liaison with the Central Asian States, the UN and the OIC. We would like to
see the installation of a multi-ethnic government in accordance with the wishes of the
Afghan people, and have accordingly maintained contact with parties on both sides of
the political divide in Afghanistan. When natural disaster struck in Afghanistan in
areas held by the Northern Alliance, we were the first to provide humanitarian
assistance.
It was due to Pakistan’s efforts that the Afghan parties met in a steering committee in
April-May 1998 in Islamabad work out the modalities of convening an Ulema
Commission to devise a solution to Afghanistan?s problems in accordance with
Sharia. A near breakthrough was achieved, when the process was derailed by the
Hizb-e-Wahdat of the Northern Alliance. Pakistan?s diplomatic efforts intensified in
the later half of 1998 (after the fall of Mazar-I-Sharif to the Taliban) when the former
Minister of State and senior officials paid two rounds of visits to the Central Asian
States. Between then and now the Foreign Ministers of all the Central Asian States
have visited Islamabad in connection with Afghanistan.
During this period, Pakistan also coordinated closely with neighboring Iran with
which it launched a joint mission to promote an Afghan peace process in June ? July
1998. The killing of diplomatic and other personnel at Iran?s Mission in
Mazar-I-Sharif precipitated a grave crisis late last summer with the amassing of
critical role in defusing the situation through the dispatch of special envoys, including
the former Foreign Minister and the former Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, to
Tehran, and a fruitful meeting between the then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and
President Khatami at the United Nations last September. The two leaders decided that
regular contacts between senior officials would promote understanding and improve
relations further. The Foreign Secretary accordingly visited Tehran in the first week
of January 1999 for bilateral consultations with his Iranian counterpart, during his
visit he was also received by the Foreign Minster and the President.
The first regional meeting of the six plus two (Pakistan, Iran, China, Uzbekistan,
Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, the United States and Russia) was held in Tashkent on 19-
20 July, 1998 providing an opportunity for the representatives of Taliban and the
United Front to sit together at the negotiating table. The Tashkent talks were
important for brining the two sides together on the same platform, and for keeping the
6 + 2 process alive. Pakistan remains committed to working with the UN, the OIC,
Afghanistan’s neighbors, and the Afghan parties to restore and promote peace in the
war-tom country.
Pakistan aims to revive historical and cultural ties with the people of the newly
independent Republics in Central Asia, (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan,
Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan) and to develop mutually beneficial trade
and economic cooperation with them. We have been collaborating with them in the
areas of transit routes, credit facilities, establishment of gas and oil pipelines,
technical assistance programmes, and banking. The restoration of peace in
Afghanistan will allow the potential for such collaboration to take off.
Relations with Islamic Countries
Pakistan attaches a special value to its relations with Islamic countries and is
committed unreservedly to all Muslim causes and the strengthening of cooperation
among Islamic countries. This has been an unshakeable pillar of our foreign policy.
Pakistan has earned the esteem of the Islamic world for its consistent and effective
advocacy of Muslim causes, specially at the United Nations. This year, Pakistan was
the driving force behind the meeting in Geneva of OIC Foreign Ministers, on Kosovo.
The then Prime Minister paid a visit to a Kosovar refugee camp in Albania as an
expression of solidarity. The Islamic world stretches from the Far East Morocco in the
West and provides Pakistan with special bonds that stretch half way across the globe
and across cultures. The support of the Ummah has contributed to our success in
having our resolutions adopted at the UN, and in elections to various UN bodies.
To celebrate the fiftieth year of its independence, Pakistan hosted an Extraordinary
Session of the OIC Summit on 23 March 1997. The meeting was attended by all
Member States of the OIC. Twenty-eight Presidents, Crown Princes, Vice Presidents,
Prime Ministers and Deputy Prime Ministers, as well as the Special Envoys of
monarchs were present. Twenty-one countries were represented by their Foreign
Ministers. For the first time, a member of the delegation representing the Kashmiri
people was given an opportunity to address the plenary session. The Summit marked
the solidarity of the Ummah with the people and Government of Pakistan.
The Islamic countries have extended consistent support to us on Kashmir. Pakistan is
satisfied with the outcome of the OIC Conference of Foreign Ministers (ICFM) held
in Burkina Faso in Jue 1999. Our position emphasizing recourse to dialogue and
negotiations was forcefully endorsed by the ICFM. The Conference reaffirmed the
right to self determination of the people of Kashmir and decided to appoint a special
envoy on Kashmir. The support that we received from the Islamic countries during the
Kargil crisis was a further source of satisfaction to us.
The special relations that Pakistan maintains with the countries of the Middle East
have a historical, cultural, religious, strategic and economic basis. The relations are
numbered by mutual trust and confidence that have stood the test of time. Over the
years Pakistan and the Gulf states have shown marked awareness of each other
security concerns. This has been a continuing process, unaffected by changes of
government or other factors in the international environment. Pakistan?s support for
Arab causes, beginning with the decolonization process in the Middle east and North
Africa and our continuing commitment to Palestinian self determination, rooted in our
national ethos, and dates back to Pakistan’s own creation. Similarly the Arab states
have shown understanding and support for our position on Kashmir.
The reaction of Arab Governments to the nuclearization of South Asia and the recent
crisis along the Line of Control in Kashmir reinforced the shared perceptions and
commonality of interests that we have with them. Soon after the Indian tests in May
1998 several Arab states sent their special envoys to Pakistan as an expression of
solidarity. When Pakistan faced sanctions after its own tests, many Islamic countries
extended economic support to Pakistan. During the Kargil crisis, the GCC states
renewed their call for the UN to take up its role to solve the dispute in accordance
with the wishes of the Kashimiri people. Pakistan?s principled stand on the Gulf crisis
has won it respect and credibility. Pakistan has consistently declared its opposition to
the use of force in the Gulf as this has a negative impact on the region?s stability,
Pakistan instead advocates a diplomatic solution, and retains the hope that the
international community will take steps to alleviate the sufferings of the Iraqi people.
High level bilateral exchanges during the period under review have been plentiful, the
emphasis has been on trade and economic issues. Crown Prince and First Deputy
Prime Minister Abdullah Bin Adbdul Aziz of Saudi Arabia visited Pakistan last
October as part of a tour of eight important countries, the highest-level visit from
Saudi Arabia in fourteen years. Prince Sultan, Second Deputy Prime Minister and
Defence Minister of Saudi Arabia visited Pakistan this year, as did the Amir of Qatar
and the Vice President of Yemen. Yasser Arafat, President of Palestine has visited
Pakistan twice in the last two years.
Pakistan also has an active programe of educational, cultural and technical assistance
for students from Palestine and the Gulf region.
The historic, cultural and religious ties Pakistan has with Iran and Turkey have been
reinforced by their partnership first in the Regional Cooperation for Development
(RCD) and now in the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO). Iran is an
important strategic neighbour of Pakistan and a partner in regional peace and security,
maintaining close ties with Iran is a major element of our foreign policy.
Bilateral relations between Pakistan and Turkey remain close and fratemal. The
President of Turkey visited Pakistan for the inauguration of the construction by a
Turkish company of the Islamabad-Peshawar Motorway, while the President of
Pakistan visited Turkey in October 1998 to attend the celebrations in honor of the
75th Anniversary of the founding of the Turkish Republic.
Relations with Major Powers and Regional Blocs
Pakistan is committed to the continuous development of beneficial and strong ties
with all major powers. Our friendly cooperation with China is exemplary. Our ties
with the United States have a long history of cooperation, which need to be reinforced
in the new post cold war situation. The transformed global environment must also
define and strengthen our relations with Russia. The European union and Far East and
South East Asia are emerging as new economic power centers and major partners of
Pakistan in trade, economic and technological cooperation. Our foreign policy is
designed to integrate Pakistan into the new global dispensation where trade, economic
and technological development and the information revolution have assumed primacy.
Relations with China continue to be one of the pillars of our foreign policy. The
breadth of this ?all weather? relationship is exemplified by the numerous contacts at
all levels and in all spheres. Pakistan and China have traditionally extended support to
each other on matters of concern to them whether it is Kashmir, Taiwan or human
rights.
From the security perspective our foreign policy is aimed at further promoting and
strengthening our traditional, close and cooperative relations with China. The
countries share perceptions on the international situation and our common reading of
global strategic trends reinforces co-ordination and cooperation between Pakistan and
China. China is the only major power that shares our concerns regarding India?s
regional ambitions. China adopted a principled position on the South Asian nuclear
tests expressing grae concern over India?s tests, and understanding for Pakistan?s, in
the circumstances, Pakistan is fully supportive of China?s advocacy of a multi-polar
world. We share China?s belief in the need for a just and equitable international
economic order and reform of the international financial system.
Pakistan lays considerable premium on its relations with the countries in East and
South East Asia. Japan has been the largest bilateral donor to Pakistan and a major
trade partner. Japan reacted negatively to our nuclear tests and also imposed economic
sanctions. Pakistan and Japan are engaged in a dialogue on security matters and
export control regimes, which has considerably allayed Japanese concerns. The
former Foreign Minister?s visit to Japan late in 1998 created a better understanding of
our security concerns and compulsions.
Although the economic melt down in South East Asia and difficulties faced by
Pakistan in the aftermath of the nuclearization of South Asia, did have a negative
impact, we continue to make consistent efforts to strengthen our political and
economic links with the ASEAN countries. Our ?Look East? policy remains an
important aspect of our foreign policy. Pakistan enjoys sectoral dialogue partnership
with ASEAN in several key areas and is looking forward to becoming a full dialogue
partner. The ASEAN-Pakistan joint Sectoral Cooperation Committee was established
in the recent past to institutionalize interaction with ASEAN.
Pakistan’s relations with United States suffered a setback following our nuclear tests
but improved after the former Prime Minster?s meeting with President Clinton in
Washington in December 1998. As a consequence of this visit, the economic
sanctions imposed by the US after the nuclear tests were eased, and the international
financial institutions resumed their lending programmes for Pakistan. The visit also
led to a better appreciation of our legitimate security concerns. A notable achievement
was the amicable resolution of the f-16?s issue. From the perspective of regional
peace in South Asia, President Clinton acknowledged the need for the resolution of
the Kashmir dispute and expressed his willingness to play a role in reducing tensions
between India and Pakistan.
After our nuclear tests, the US and Pakistan (and the US and India) embarked on a
dialogue focused on nuclear related and security issues. Specifically it pertains to
nuclear and non-proliferation benchmarks namely CTBT, the fissile material
convention, nuclear and missile restraint and export controls. The fifth Benchmark is
security related and refers to dialogue between Pakistan and India and the resolution
of all disputes including Kashmir. The dialogue on the nuclear-elated issues is a
continuing process. On CTBT Pakistan’s position was authoritatively stated by the
Prime Minister in his address to the 53rd Session of the UN General Assembly in
September 1998. Pakistan has no objection in principle to the treaty, for which it
voted at the UN General Assembly in 1996. However, it is necessary to remove the
coercive atmosphere caused by the sanctions before Pakistan can adere to the treaty.
On FMC Pakistan is participating in the negotiations for a convention at the
Conference on Disarmament in Geneva. The negotiations on the question of existing
stock piles are a special concern for Pakistan. On nuclear and missile restraints
Pakistan has already processed to India a strategic regime with a view to maintaining
nuclear deterrence at the minimum level. Pakistan is clear that any restraints will have
to be mutual with India. Our assurances to the world on the export of sensitive
technologies have always been categorical.
Pakistan attaches great importance to its cooperation with the members of the G-8 and
the European Union, with which it enjoys close and cordial relations. Mindful of the
inherent strength of Europe and to take advantage of its new strategy towards Asia,
Pakistan has endeavored to intensify relations with major European countries and
increase our interaction with the European Union.
Participation in International and Regional Organizations
Pakistan has always played an active and constructive role in accordance with its
commitment to the principles and purposes of the United Nations. The stature that
Pakistan enjoys as a champion of the developing countries and the Islamic world is
manifested by its consistent success in elections to various UN bodies. During 1998
Pakistan was elected to the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination,
the Non governmental Organizations Committee. The commission on Human Rights,
the UNICEF Executive Board, the Commission on Human Settlements, the
Inter-governmental Working Groups on International Standards of Accounting and
Reporting, and the Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Questions.
During the period under review Pakistan ratified the international Convention on
Nuclear Safety on 30th September 1997, and the Chemical Weapons Convention a
month later. This year Pakistan ratified Amended Protocol 11 of the Certain
Conventional Weapons Convention, which regulates the use of landmines. Pakistan
has been elected to two consecutive terms from 1998 to 2002, on the Executive
Council of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. It was elected
to the Board of Governors of the International Atomic Energy Agency in September
1997, for a two years term.
The issue of reform and the expansion of UN Security Council have far reaching
implications for the global political order. Pakistan and a group of like-minded
countries were successful in moving a resolution adopted by consensus in the General
Assembly at is 53rd session, which calls for the support of two thirds of the UN
membership for any decision relating to the expansion and reform of the Security
Council. Pakistan remains committed to evolving a credible formula on this matter,
which enjoys the general agreement of the UN membership.
Pakistan is an active member of the Non-aligned Movement, which represents the
voice and political and economic interest, of the developing world. At this NAM
forum, Pakistan has helped the evolution of consensus on important disarmament and
arms control issues ands the United Nations reform process.
Pakistan is member of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation
(SAARC) and the Economic cooperation Organization (ECO), SAARC provides
useful framework to its seven member states (Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, India, Sri
Lanka, Maldives and Bhutan) collectively to promote peace, stability, Cooperation,
and progress in South Asia. At all SAARAC gathering, Pakistan has advocated its
conviction that a peaceful and secure environment in the region is indispensable for
the promotion of economic development, progress and Prosperity. Pakistan believes
that SAARC would receive a tremendous boost were the underlying causes of tension
removed. At the 10th SAARC Summit in Colombo in July 1998, Pakistan launched a
Peace, Security and Development Initiative, which essentially underscore the need for
promoting a regional process on security and cooperation. The concepts underlying
the proposals are reflected in the Summit deceleration.
Pakistan, Iran and Turkey are the founding members of the Economic Cooperation
Organization (ECO), the successor organization of the Regional Cooperation for
Development (RCD). ECO has played an important role in the strengthening and
promotion of multi-dimensional cooperation and sustained socioeconomic growth
among the member states. The other members are Afghanistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyza
Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan. Besides
strengthening the centuries old ties that exist between the people of these countries
ECO is intended to build infrastructural links, and promote business exchanges and
economic development. In terms of infrastructure the ECO is focusing on the
development of a modern transport and communications system, a network of gas and
oil pipeline and interconnection of power grids within the region.
Pakistan?s interest in ECO reflects its belief in regional cooperative arrangements,
which foster regional development and economic progress and prosperity through
collective endeavors. We aspire to make ECO an effective instrument of regional
cooperation serving the needs of 340 million people in the ten member states spread
over an area of over 7 million square kilometers.
Globalization and Economic Development
The end of the cold war signified the beginning of a new ear in international relations
in which the political and economic ideologies of the market economy gained
ascendancy. Liberalization, privatization and monetary-fiscal discipline were
promoted as a panacea for developing and developed countries alike. For a time
globalization promised the spread of global prosperity. However, in some cases
globalization prejudiced the economic growth of the countries. The East Asian crisis
raised questions about the wisdom of rapid financial and trade liberalization and the
social implications of globalization, particularly in the absence of sound
macro-economic policies and regulatory mechanism.
The social and economic impact of globalization calls for a coherent approach to be
adopted by the world community. An impetus must be given to economic growth in
all parts of the world, and this growth must then be sustained. Conditionalities of the
international financial instructions must not ignore the ground realities. Protectionism
is incompatible with free trade policies and the global markets, particularly of the
developed economies, must be kept open and new protectionism disguised as
environmental concerns or labor standards, must be resisted. The debt burden which
hinders the growth and development of a large number of countries must be
addressed.
These are the objectives that Pakistan has been promoting in the international forums,
particularly the World Trade Organization, and in our negotiations with regional
organizations such as European Union. The driving force behind the economic and
commercial policies devised by the government is to bring in foreign direct
investment and diversify and enhance our export base. We are working to integrate
ourselves in the regional and multi-lateral economic forums. So as to benefit from
being part of larger economic zones.
With a view to realizing our broader economic objectives through greater equity in
the international economic system. Pakistan has been actively co-coordinating with
the developing countries to present untied front in negotiations at the World Trade
Organization. The developing countries need to take the initiative to place their own
proposals on the WTO agenda, and suggest improvements in WTO procedures and
mechanisms. What is required today is the realization that there is unity in the efforts
of the South And the North for economic and social development. Globalization must
also be given a human face to ensure that its opportunities and benefits can be shared
by all under a new concept of global community where all human beings entitled
to ?life of dignity? and to the right? to development.?
Security ? military and economic ? are the fundamental concerns of today’s Pakistan
recognizes that a strong economy is indispensable for the promotion of its national
objectives. This consideration dominates the new priorities of our foreign policy in
today’s world. Pakistan’s missions abroad are Adjusting to this new reality, and
developing a fresh orientation towards the promotion of the nation’s interests in the
economic, commercial and Technological fields. Over the recent past concerted
efforts have been made by the foreign Ministry to facilitate this objective through the
exchange of information by Electronic means. As a first step the Foreign Ministry
established direct contact with the Chambers of Commerce, the Privatization
Commission, the Export Promotion Bureau and other organizations dealing with
financial and economic matters. Secondly, the Missions abroad have been brought
just one step below he e-commerce level. Today almost sixty missions are equipped
with e-mail. Some have set up web sites, and the others have been advised to set up
home pages.
Another important responsibility of Pakistanis Missions abroad is the welfare of
overseas Pakistanis. Overseas Pakistanis constitute an important instrument for
achieving our economic and other objectives, they can play an important role in
projecting Pakistan’s image abroad, encouraging foreign investment through their
own investment in Pakistan, and in lobbying on behalf of their country, particularly in
the Western democracies. Promoting a better understanding and knowledge abroad of
Pakistan, and promoting progress and prosperity of its people through trade and
development continues to be a major preoccupation of Pakistan’s foreign policy.
Source: http://www.pakistan.gov.pk/ 12/26/2003