UGtI1~ ~ mI: uGtI .. i ~ ~ .. ~ I :t1('¥tiU4 ~ mI: uGtI .. i .

~ ~ ~ II

In the happiness of his subjects lies the king's happiness; in their welfare his> welfare. He shall not consider as good only that which pleases him but treat as beneficial to him whatever pleases his subjects. {1.19.34}

,::::~

0 Capital ~ Jungle
0 Provincial Capital Forest
0 Port Town -- Trade route
~ Village iJ River, mountain, jungle or desert
fort
n Frontier post '4' Pastures
t Ferry 'l. Scrubland Fig. 1 A Hypothetical Kautilyan State

Xl

BACTRIA

ARABIAN SEA

BAY OF BENGAl..

200 '00

KilOMETRES

MILES

100 20Q 3CIO' 403

Fig. 2 The Sub-continent in Kautilyan Times

Xli

INTRODUCTION

From time immemorial, the great aims of human endeavour (the purusharthas) have been classified in India as being four:- dharma, artha, kama and moksha, roughly translated as moral behaviour, wealth, worldly pleasures and salvation. Of these, moksha has always been held, unanimously and unambiguously, to be the highest ideal to which a human being can aspire. It is not easy to define moksha; it is, basically, self-realization through liberation - the liberation from earthly bondage by realizing the divine in the human, the spiritualjn the physical and the Atman or soul inthe mind-body complex. It is 'the final beatific and timeless state of the enfranchised soul, and it is not possible to achieve it by mere mental processes or literary thought.! However, the pursuit of the three objectives - dharma, artha and kama - can contribute to the attainment of moksha.

Of the three objectives capable of being studied and practised, dharma has always occupied the premier place. Dharma not only signifies an absolute and immutable concept of righteousness but also includes the idea of duty which every human being owes to oneself, to one's ancestors, to society as a whole and to universal order. Dharma is law in its widest sense - spiritual, moral, ethical and temporal. Every individual, whether the ruler or the ruled, is governed by his or her own dharma. To the extent that society respected dharma, society protected itself; to the e~tent society offended it, society undermined itself. The literature on the-Dharmashastras, both the original scriptures and the commentaries thereon, is very extensive. The definitive modern study is, of course, the magnificent five volume 'History of the Dharmashastra' by Dr. P.V. Kane. For our present purposes, we need only observe that everything in Indian polity - the rights and duties of rulers, ministers, priests and people - is governed by the concept of dharma.

THE RANGE OF ARTHASHAS,TRAS

Artha follows dharma. As used in Arthashastras generally and by Kautilya, the last and greatest master of the science, artha has a much wider significance than merely 'wealth'. The material well-being of individuals is a part of it. As Kautilya says in the concluding section of his book: 'The source of the livelihood of men is wealth'. He then

14 The Arthashastra

-draws the corollary that the wealth of a nation is botn the territory of; state and its inhabitants who may follow a variety of occupation {15 .1.1}. The state or government has a crucial role to play in maintainingthe material well-being of the nation and its people. Therefore, an important part of Arthashastras is 'the science of economics', including starting productive enterprises, taxation, revenue collection,

budget and accounts.

The aim of pursuing successful economic policies, particularly

through productive enterprises, is also to increase the revenues of the state and appropriate the surpluses for the state treasury. Kosha (treasury) is an essential constituent of the state, 'A King with a depleted treasury eats into the very vitality of the citizens and the country' says Kautilya {2.1.16}. At the same time, a King who impoverishes his own people or angers them by unjust exactions will also lose their loyalty {7.5.27}. A balance has to be maintained between the welfare of the people and augmenting the resources of the state.

This presupposes two things - maintenance of law and order and an adequate administrative machinery. In this context, maintaining law and order involves not only the detection and punishment of criminals(as in Book 40f the text on 'The removal of thorns', i.e., anti-social elements) but also upholding the fabric of society. The state has a responsibility for ensuring the observance of laws concerning relations between husbands and wives, inheritance, the rights of women, servants and slaves, contracts and similar civil matters. Further, there have to be laws to avoid losses to the state treasury and to prevent embezzlement or misuse of power by servants of the state. Therefore an integral part of Arthashastra is dandaniti, the enforcement oflaws by a voluminous and comprehensive set of fines arid punishments.

Dandaniti, the science of law enforcement, is the name given in the Mahabharata to the mythical original work of this kind, said to have been handed down by Brahma himself at the time of creation.' Danda, meaning rod or staff, stands for the sceptre wielded by rulers; it also has many other meanings. For example, the army is called danda. It is also one of the four methods of dispute settlement and connotes the use of force. Kosadanda (the treasury and the army) is an expression which occurs often to indicate the combined economic power and military might of a state. Danda thus covers all aspects of the coercive power of a state. Where it means punishment, it has to be understood as just punishment. For: 'A king meting out unjust punishment is

Introduction 15

hated by the people he terrorises while one who is too lenient is held in contempt; whoever imposes just and deserved punishment is respected and honoured {1.4.7-1O}.

The extensive responsibilities of the state for promoting economic well-being and preserving law and order demand an equally extensive administrative machinery. Any text on Arthashastra has to contain details of the organization of the civil service as well as the duties and responsibilities of individual officials.

A ruler's duties in the internal administration of the country are three-fold: raksha or protection of the state from external aggression, palana or maintenance of law and order within the state, and yogakshema or safeguarding the welfare of the people.

The prosperity of the state and its inhabitants cannot be maintained unless new territory is acquired by settlement of virgin lands, by alliance or by conquest. In a political environment which had many kings, .any one of them resting content with his own territory was likely to fall prey to the expansionist ambitions of another. How to deal with other kings by using peaceful or warlike methods is the foreign policy aspect of Arthashastra. Since conquest is the most important method of acquisition (labha) of new territory, preparing for and waging war also becomes an integral part of the science.

Artha is an all-embracing word with a variety of meanings. In {1.7.6-7}, it is used in the sense of material well-being; in {15.1.1}, livelihood; in {1.4.3}, economically productive activity, particularly in agriculture, cattle rearing and trade; and, in general, wealth as in the 'Wealth of Nations'. Arthashastra is thus 'the science of politics' as it is used in {I. 1.1 }or {1.4.3}. It is the art of government in its widest sense. The subjects covered include: administration; law, order and justice; taxation, revenue and expenditure; foreign policy; defence and war. Its three objectives follow one from the other: promotion of the welfare of the subjects leads to 'acquisition of wealth which, in turn, makes it possible to enlarge the territory by conquest.

It is true that many areas covered by the Arthashastras are also included in the Dhannashastras. There is, however, a crucial difference between the two. The Dhannashastras address themselves to the individual, teaching him his dharma, and regard deviations from it as sins to be expiated by ritual. The Arthashastras are addressed to rulers and regard transgressions of law as crimes to be punished by the state.

16 The Arthashastra

THE ORIGIN OF ARTfiASHASTRAS

Kautilya was not the originator of the science. He himself acknowledges that his work is based on similar treatises of the past. There are in all one hundred and twelve places in the text where a number of earlier authorities and opinions held by them are mentioned. Five different schools of thought - those of Brihaspati, U shanas, Prachetasa Manu.' Parasara and Ambhi - are referred to, often because Kautilya disagrees with the advice given by them. Some individual teachers of high repute, like Vishalaksha and Bharadwaja, are also quoted. From a number of quotations and references in later works, we know that there were at least four distinct schools and thirteen individual teachers of Arthashastra before Kautilya. (See Notes on Translation No.1). Unfortunately, all the earlier works are lost and Kautilya's is the earliest text that has come down to us.

The study of economics, the art of government and foreign po~icy is

thus very old; the development of the science in India, accord 109 to some scholars, may, have started around 650 B.C. .One reason for the disappearance ?f the extensive early literature could well be that Kautilya's masterly treatise superseded them and made them redun-

dant.

KAUTILYA - THE LEGEND

Who was Kautilya, this mastermind, who could write a definitive treatise on economics and government, at a time when large parts of the world were steeped in intellectual darkness! All sources of Indian tradition _ Brahmanical,Buddhist and Jain - agree that Kautilya (also referred to as Vishnugupta in a stanza traditionally included at the end of the work) destroyed the Nanda dynasty and installed Chandragupta Maurya on the throne of Magadha." The name 'Kautilya' denotes that he is of the kutila gotra;5 'Chanakya' shows him to be the son of Chanaka and 'Vishnugupta' was his personal name.

Except for one incident, little is known about his early life. One legend has it that he was a Kerala Brahmin, impoverished, lean and unprepossessing, who somehow fou~d himsel~ in the court_of ~e Nanda king at Pataliputra. Another IS that he was a North Indian Brahmin born and educated in the famous University town of Taxila, who carne to Pataliputra to win laurels in philosophic disputation. Kautilya, says one Buddhist source, 'was known for his profi.cie~cy. in the three Vedas, in the mantras, skill in stratagem, dexterity In 10-

introduction 17

trigue and policy, but also for his physical ugliness, disgusting complexion, deformity of legs and other limbs. '6 According to Buddhist and Jain traditions, his parents noticed that Kautilya was born with a full set of teeth, a mark of a future king. They had the teeth removed (making him uglier) because either the father or the mother did not want him to become a king. He became a king-maker instead.

Dhana-Nanda (the Nanda of great wealth), the king to whose court Kautilya came, was known to be not only base-born but miserly. Curtius reports that Porus, who defeated Alexander, wrote to him that the Nanda king 'was not merely a man originally of no distinction, but even of the very meanest condition. His father was in fact a barber. '7 The father became the lover of the queen of the country, assassinated the king and, while acting as a guardian to the royal children, had them put to death. On top of his ignoble origins, Dhana-Nanda was also hated by his subjects for his avarice. This arrogant king insulted Kautilya who had come to Pataliputra to display his knowledge, ordering him to leave a feast after he had started eating. The incensed Kautilya vowed not to tie his forelock knot again until he had destroyed the Nanda dynasty root and branch. He wandered disguised as an ascetic searching for a suitable person who would help him to achieve his objective.

He came upon the boy Chandragupta, of royal line but fostered by a cowherd, playing with his companions on the village grounds. The boy was acting the role of a king, dispensing justice and giving orders to his 'ministers'. On the ascetic beseeching him for alms, the 'king' grandly gave away a herd of someone else's cows! Kautilya was so impressed with the boy's leadership qu~ties that he bought tile boy then and there for a thousand panas, took him to Taxi!a and gave him an education fit for a future king.

Together Kautilya and Chandragupta set about attacking the Nanda kingdom only to meet with failure at first. Legend has it that the right tactics for destroying a powerful kingdom came to them when they saw a woman with whom they had taken shelter scolding her son 'You are just like Chandragupta!' because he had got his fingers burnt by starting to eat from the centre of a hot dish. They changed their tactics and began the conquest from the frontiers. Chandragupta then entered into an alliance with the King of a mountain kingdom. Though the young Maurya and his supporters were inferior in armed strength,

18 The Arthashastra

they began by harassing the outlying areas. ~arrisons were stationed

in each conquered state to prevent a revolt behind them. .

One story about the conquest is that when Chand~ag~pta .failed to conquer a town he was besieging, Kautilya en~ered ~t disguised as a beggar and predicted that the siege would be lifted If the people removed the idols from a temple. The gullible population did so and the besiegers pretended to withdraw. When the citizens were celebrating their supposed liberty, the attackers returned to take them by surpnse.

Gradually Chandragupta converged towards Patal.iputra, besieged it drove out Dhana-Nanda and was installed as the KIng of Magadha. Kautilya then retired from active life and reflected on all.that he h~d learnt. Having found earlier works on statecraft unsatisfactory In

many respects, he composed his own definitive work. .'

The traditional legend is, of course, not an accurate historlcal record. Nevertheless, the stories are not without point. Kautilya's Arthashastrais a practical work which could have been written only by one who had implemented the tactics which he preached. ~ow to form alliances, how to attack a powerful king, how to deal .wlth revolts in the rear, what tricks to play on gullible people - there IS ple~ty of evidence in the text to indicate that the author was giving real-life answers to every conceivable hypothetical situation.

KAUTILYA - THE AUTHOR

Notwithstanding the weight of Indian tradition, some scholars have expressed doubts about the authorship of what we now know as Kautilya's Arthashastra and the date of its composition. Was the aU~Qr really a historical person who helped Chandragu~ta .become the KIng of Magadha? This question is important for assigning a date to the

work.

A variety of arguments have been advanced to ascribe to the wo~k a

date later than the first Maurya Emperor. These include a companson of the society as described in the work with thos~ in .the Sm~tis ?f Manu and Yagnavalkya, a comparison of the technical information In it with that in other shastras (e.g., chemistry, gemmology or the Shilpashastra, the science of architecture), the knowledge of metals or the nature of weaponry described in it, the training of horses or elephants and the rules on composition of edicts. It is not possibl~ to g.o into the details of all the arguments and counter-arguments. In th.lS brief Introduction. Prof. Kangle has analysed these exhaustively In

Introduction 19

over fifty pages in his 'Study' 8 We may refer to only two. First, is there any confirmation from non-Indian sources, particularly Greek ones, for the existence of Kautilya in Chandragupta's time? If it were available, Kautilya can be given a firm historical date. The second is whether Kautilya, the teacher, actually wrote the work or whether it is a compilation by him or his disciples. We choose this second question because a recent thesis (1968) by T.R. Trautmann." written after Kangle's Study was published, has concluded that 'Kautilya's Arthashastra, while composed by a single person, has no one creator.' Since completing this book, I have come to know that at a workshop convened by the Indian Council for Historical Research, it was concluded that the Arthashastra was a compilation made by a scholar, Kautilya, in 150 A.D. Prof. Trautmann is reported to have said that 'Chanakya did not have a name called Kautilya. '10

There is, however, no doubt that Chandragupta Maurya ascended the throne around 321 B.C. One argument for doubting the existence of Kautilya is that Megasthenes, who was Ambassador of Seleucos at the Court of Chandragupta, does not mention Kautilya by name. However, the 'Indika' of Megasthenes is not available in its entirety

, but only in a few fragments in the writings of later Greek historians; , the fact that in the few extracts that we have Kautilya is not mentioned cannot lead to the presumption that this was so in the whole work. In any case, Megasthenes is not a reliable witness; stories of mythical animals and tribal people with such large ears that they could wrap themselves in them like blankets are mixed with precise descriptions of the length of roads or width of moats. 'Indika' is a mixture of fact and fable, history and hearsay. The absence of a reference to Kautilya in the meagre information available from sources contemporaneous with Chandragupta neither proves nor disproves his existence.

Some scholars, while acknowledging that there might have been a teacher of the Arthashastra, consider the text to be a compilation by later disciples. For example, Trautmann has done what purports to be a statistical analysis of the text, to 'prove' that different books of the text were written by different people at different times. The exercise stands on the flimsy theoretical ground that authorship can be proved by analysing the frequency of 'mundane high frequency function words. Trautmann's analysis is based on counting words such as 'and', 'then', 'also', 'hence' etc. There is little credible evidence to prove this assertion is applicable to all languages, particularly to Sans-

20 The Arthashastra

krit which had not yet become set in Paninian grammar. Pro~, Ka~gl~ has tackled the point about 'composition' as opposed to creation thus: 'Even if we assume that some later members ?f the school 'composed' a text for study, this would not differ ,materially and even verbally from what was k~own to be the teachl~g ~f the, founde:. "Composition" of a text had a different connotation !O a~clent Ind~a with a persistent tradition of oral transmission, from what It means !O

d times '11 Kautilya himself has made It clear that there were

mo ern I . d .

other Arthashastras before his and that his work is a refined an I~-

proved treatise. It is, therefore, not surprising if parts of the treatise reproduce earlier versions; this is particularly true of the 380 sh!oka: or verse stanzas, mostly found at the end of chapters. But Kautilya s .treatise is not a mere compilation; there is enough evidence to prove that he brought an original mind to bear on all aspe~ts oft,he shast~a, to the extent of clearly mentioning the schools with which he disagreed and why he disagreed with them, Some of the books have no references to earlier works and some very few; for example, the long Book 2 on Administration has only two references, On t~e other ~and, Book 7 on Foreign Policy cites earlier teachers ,many tl~es.' It IS ~ot unreasonable to conclude that this is due to Kautilya modifying earlier teachings, particularly on subjects like relati?ns between states, on the

basis of his own wisdom and practical expenence. ,.'

A careful reading of the complete text will show t.hat It IS an mte-

gral whole, Definitions and special terms explained 10 one p~ace ~re picked up and used in the same sense elsewhere, !h,ere is a uniformity of style, The techniques of logical analysis are, slmd~r throughout, the

k There is a consistency in the use of arithmetical permutations

wor . di b th

and combinations. No doubt there are a few contra ictions; ~t eS,e

are surprisingly few considering the length of the work ,and ItS. anti-

it They are either the result of left-overs from earlier wones. or

qUI y. , ' flits

due to interpolations, After a comprehensi~e exa~matIon 0, a, pom

f vi Prof Kangle has concluded that there IS no convmcmg rea-

o View, ' f K '1

hy this work should not be regarded as the work 0 auti ya

son w '12 I doi

who helped Chandragupta to come to po,":er in Magadha. n oing

so, he has cited H, Jacobi: 'Without weighty ground~, we mU,st, not push aside unanimous Indian tradition; else one practises scepticism,

not criticism. '13

Those who question the ascription of the 4th century, B:C, as the

date of the work place it not later than 150 A,D, EstablIshmg a con-

Introduction 21

vincing date is, no doubt, important to scholars, However, Kautilya's greatness is in no way diminished if we choose any date between 1850 and 2300 years ago. The work is of great antiquity, Kautilya was clearly a pioneer of the art of statecraft, a brilliant intellectual and a teacher whose precepts have enduring validity.

THE TEXT, COMMENTARIES AND TRANSLATIONS

Kautilya's Arthashastra had never been forgotten in India and is often mentioned in later literature, sometimes eulogistically and sometimes derisively. But the text itself was not available in modern times until, dramatically, a full text on palm leaf in the grantha script, along with a fragment of an old commentary by Bhattasvamin, came into the hands of Dr. R. Shamasastry of Mysore in 1904, He published not only the text (1909) and an English translation (1915) but also an Index Verborum in three volumes listing the occurrence of every word in the text.J" Subsequently another original manuscript and some fragments, in a variety of scripts, were discovered as well as old commentaries of the text. In addition to Dr. Shamasastry's translation, there is an edition of the text with a complete Sanskrit commentary by T, Ganapati Sastri, a German translation with voluminous notes by J.J, Meyer, a Russian translation and translations in many Indian languages,

Dr. R. P. Kangle of the University of Bombay devoted many years of painstaking erudition and scholarship to comparing the various texts and translations, His monumental three volume edition of the Arthashastra was first published between 1960 and 1965. The set contains: (i) a definitive critically edited text with precise numbering of the sutras and verses, (ii) an English translation with detailed notes which take into account all other translations and (iii) an exhaustive study.

All students of the Arthashastra owe a great debt to Dr, Shamasastry and Dr. R,P. Kangle. That is why I have dedicated this new translation, in all humility, to these two great scholars.

The text contains fifteen adhikaranas or Books, The first chapter of Book 1 is a detailed table of contents and in one verse {1.1.18}, states that the text has 150 chapters, 180 prakaranas and six thousand verses in all. A prakarana is a section devoted to a specific topic; the number of chapters is not the same as the number of sections because sometimes a chapter deals with more than one topic and sometimes a topic

22 The Arthashastra

is spread over more than one chapter. In Shamasastry' s text, the sutras are divided by appropriate stops but are not numbered. Every sutra and shloka is clearly numbered in Kangle's text and translation and we shall follow the same system.

The Arthashastra is mainly in prose of the sutra form, with only 380 shlokas. Though sutra can be translated as 'maxim', we shall refer, for the sake of convenience, to both sutra and shloka as 'verse' ~n this translation. The actual number of verses (sutras and shlokas) In Kangle's edition is 5348. The fact that the text does not contain 6000 verses as claimed in {1.1.18} has led to the speculation that a part, about one-ninth of the present length, may have been lost over the centuries. Kangle's analysis= establishes that this is quite unlikely . In fact, it is more likely that some verses might have entered into the text due to scribal error from marginal glosses by commentators; these number 35 in all. The figure of 6000 is an approximation, not meant to be an exact count.

Barring any new discoveries, the text, as we now have. it.' can ~e taken to be as complete and as faithful a rendering of the original as IS

possible for a work of this antiquity. . .

Since, for reasons explained below, the verses are arranged In this translation in an order different from that of the original text, it may be useful to have a brief indication of the contents of the different Books. The following summary is an extract from Kangle's 'Study' .16

After a brief introduction setting the Arthashastra in the context of other sciences, Book 1 deals with the King - his training, the appointment of ministers and other officers of the state, the daily routine to be followed by the ruler and his safety and security. Book 2 describes the duties of the various executive officers of the state and gives a full picture of state activities in agriculture, mining, leisure ~c~iviti~s and so on. Book 3, which is concerned with law and the administration of justice, reproduces a complete code of law. Book 4 ~eals With. the suppression of crime and includes sections on dete.ctIOn 0: cnme, control over merchants and artisans, torture and capital punishment. Book 5 is a miscellaneous collection of topics including the salary scales of officials.

Book 6 is very short, containing only two chapters, but both are important, since they set out the theoretical basis for the whole work. The first chapter sets out the theory of the constituent elements of a state and the second the theory of foreign policy.

Introduction 23

Book? contains an exhaustive discussion on the way in which each of the six methods of foreign policy may be used in various situations that are likely to arise in the conduct of foreign policy. Book 8 is concerned with vyasanas, usually translated as calamities, which may affect adversely the efficient functioning of the various constituent elements. Book 9 deals with preparations for war and includes topics such as: the different kinds of troops that could be mobilised, . the proper conditions for starting an expedition and the dangers to be guarded against before starting. Book 10 is concerned with fighting and describes the main battle camp, types of battle arrays and different modes of fighting. Book I I has only one chapter and describes

[ how a conqueror should tackle oligarchies governed by a group of ~. chiefs instead of a single king. Book 12 shows how a weak king, when ~ threatened by a stronger king, should frustrate the latter's designs and i ultimately overcome him. Book 13 is concerned with the conquest of

p

I: the enemy's fort by subterfuge or by fighting. It also describes how

the conquered territories should be ruled.

~. Book 14 deals with secret and occult practices, and the last Book L describes the methodology and the logical techniques used in the . work. Though the placement of some books and some chapters may ~'not seem strictly logical, it can be said that, by and large, the first five tbooks deal with internal administration and the last eight on a state's ["relations with its neighbours.

I

~, .. , '

WHY A NEW TRANSLA nON?

[rYhough Shamasastry's and Kangle's translations are widely available, [ethere are a number of reasons for my venturing to make a new one.

f 1. The last (third) edition revised by Shamasastry himself was pubiiished in 1929 and is thus over sixty years old. Since then, hmanuscripts have been discovered and much work has been done by ~\scholars, both Indian and foreign, on fathoming the meaning. Though ~:Shamas.astry has cross=referenced his edition of the text with his !Jranslat!on by page number, it is difficult to establish a precise corres~.;oondence, verse by verse, between text and translation. The trans lat:ion itself is somewhat archaic; for example, he uses 'amercement' to ~ndlcate a (monetary) fine.

1 2. Dr. Kangle'stranslation, Part II of his work, i-s thorough and lakes note of every possible variation of the text and every alternative [mggested by others for the translation. However. this has resllltl"ti in

l ~.

l

voluminous footnotes, almost half of every page, making it more a ,',',.',. work for scholars than for the average reader who only wants to un- i derstand Kautilya. ~

3. All translations into English or other foreign languages have been I made by Indologists and Sanskrit scholars who were concerned with preserving literary exactness with the result that comprehensibility has been sacrificed for fidelity to the text. A few examples {2.6.23, 2.7.19, 2.14.2, 2.23.5, and 4.2.24} from Kangle's translation are shown below with the present translation for comparison:

24

The Arthashastra

Kangle's translation

Current (expenditure), that arising out of current gain (and) - this is (four-fold) expenditure.

And he should make the superintendent pay eight-fold whatever may increase the balance over the total of income (as shown) on the page inside (the account books) or whatever the (officer) may cause to decrease (from the balance) because of (the inflation of) expenditure.

They should do the work with the time and the (nature of the) work stipulated, without stipulation as to time when there is the excuse of the (nature of the work).

k

t

~, I,'

i

This translation ~, Actual expenditure shall be shown ~ under the headings (i) budgeted I: day-to-day expenditure, (ii) un-t budgeted day-to-day expenditure I and (iii) foreseen periodic expendi-] ture (fortnightly, monthly or an-~' nual). ~

Iii ,

I:;

In case audit discovers a ~ discrepancy which has the' effect t of either proving a higher actual 'c income or a lower actual expendi- : ture, the official responsible shall pay a penalty of eight times the discrepancy.

I

[Artisans and craftsmen] shall t complete the work agreed upon ] within the stipulated time; if the r work to be done is of a special] nature, no time limit need be stipu- ( lated. ~

i

r

~;,

Introduction 25

What falls in between the pur- Merchants shall not count the brochaser and the seller becomes dif- kerage paid to middle-men as part ferent from what is received. of their costs [in calculating their

profit margins].

If a (woman) after receiving the wage does not carry out the work, he should make her forfeit the tongs formed by the thumb (and the middle finger) also those who have misappropriated or stolen and then run away.

Cutting off the thumb and a finger is the punishment for women who (i) having taken their wages do not return the finished work, (ii) misappropriate or steal the material supplied or (iii) run away with the raw material supplied to them.

In some verses, a literal translation creates confusion; for instance, in Kangle's translation of {7.13.21}, given below, we do not know who is the 'enemy' in the four places where the word is employed. 'In case they have come after obtaining a gain, that attacker in the rear, whose enemy is weaker in point of gain or power, overreaches, or in case the enemy against whom (his enemy) had marched might do harm to the enemy in battle.'

Very long verses, such as those describing forty ways of embezzlement by government servants {2.8.21} or on the reasons for a king taking shelter in a fort {7.15.12} are particularly difficult to understand if written as one long unbroken sentence occupying a page.

4. It is well known that the Arthashastra is full of tedious lists such as the lists of salts, sugars and vinegars in {2.I5}; types of loss from milling different kinds of rice in {2.I5 .15}; rations for horses and elephants in {2.31.13-I5}; and types of gold from different regions {2.13.3}. Simply following the textual order leads to the breaking up of Kautilya's reasoning and inhibits the understanding of his politicoeconomic logic. He himself had, no doubt, to list all such specialized knowledge because he was writing a teaching manual which had to be learnt by rote. Not all Kautilya's lists or classifications are puerile or useless; nevertheless, the order of an orally transmitted instruction manual is not the order which we would use today.

5. It is difficult, by reading the existing translations, to get a comprehensive idea of Kautilya's teachings on any given subject. Kangle in his 'Study' has brought these together under different headings:

Economv. Administration. Defence. External Affairs etc. But the

26 The Arthashastra

'Study' presupposes a thorough knowledge of the text and one has to often refer to the actual translation in a different volume.

6. Every scholar has his own perspective, not to say prejudices. For example, there is a passage in the Arthashastra dealing extensively with the King's advisers and councillors; Radha Kumud Mookerji interprets mantri (councillor) as Prime Minister'? while R.C. Majumdar equates the mantriparishad (council of ministers) to the Privy Council of Great Britain.P On the other hand, Jayaswal sees in the text 'assemblies of the people and the country' which the King could not overrule and to which the King had to submit all proposals for raising revenue; K.P. Jayaswal sees a constitutional monarchy with a powerful Parliament.'? On the whole, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that those who wanted to see democracy as a form of government in ancient India saw it in the Arthashastra, just as those who saw oply autocratic monarchy also saw it there. Analogies with modern pol!itical systems are useful if they help to illuminate the meaning of the! text; but this should not be carried to the extent of imputing to Kautilyan times systems, institutions and organizations which did not exist then. While scholars are entitled to speculate, translators have to be more careful.

7. An interesting phenomenon common to all Indian translators is their strenuous denial that Kautilya gave any special status to Brahmins. For example, Kangle says in his Study: 'The text does not, as a rule, show such partiality to Brahmins as such. '20 Shamasastry: 'Undue partiality to Brahmins ... (is) assigned no prominence in the Arthashastra. '21 Discussing the verse about using women to entice and betray a chief of an oligarchy Kangle says: 'It is extremely doubtful if the women folk of any Brahmin community were engaged in the sort of work expected of them. '22 In the" next chapter, on the social and economic aspects of the Kautilyan state, I have given a list of all the verses where special privileges" are mentioned; these range from immunity from torture and the death sentence to free travel on the fer-

ries!

8. Similar reticence is shown for reasons of puritanism. Some translators are unwilling to face the fact that a virgin could be deflowered by a woman or could do so herself. {4.12.20,21}.

i 9. Lastly, there are a number of places where previous translators have disagreed with each other totally. There are many such instances and some of them quite maior. Examples are 7.3.23.32 and 7.4.8.

Introduction 27

To summarise, presently available translations suffer from archaic expressions, voluminous footnotes, incomprehensible literalness, muddling of the text with tedious facts, difficulty in understanding a topic scattered in different places, divergence of opinion and personal prejudices or predilections. I do not imply that the earlier translations should be condemned as useless; not at all. It is the painstaking scholarship of Kangle and Shamasastry that makes it possible for those like me to do a new translation. It is on the shoulders of these giants that I stand.

POINTS ABOUT THIS TRANS LA TION

Improving clarity has meant studying everyone of the over five thousand verses, comparing existing translations, taking note of suggested alternatives and then putting the meaning into modern English. Sometimes, a judgment has had to be made about which translation is to be preferred. In preferring one version to another, a guiding principle has been to maintain consistency; subject only to the exigencies of the context, the same word in the original has been translated the same way throughout. For example, atavi is always translated as jungle and vana as forest, though other translators have used these interchangeably. Consistency cannot, however, be slavishly followed; the word arrha itself has to be given one of its many meanings, depending on the context.

We must, however, remember that, since the Arthashastra is a specialised text, some words have meanings peculiar only to this science. For example, yoga has the meaning in Books 12 and 13 of a trick or stratagem; upanishad, in Book 14, means a magical or occult trick; vyasana, always translated as a calamity, has the special meaning of any adversity that renders one of the constituents of the state less effective; yatra and yana are often used to describe a military expedition. Abhityakta is another special term used for a condemned man sent on a nefarious errand, his own fate being irrelevant {e.g., 9.3.38; 9.6.29}. See Notes on Translation No.2.

In a few cases, I have adopted a terminology quite different from those of earlier translators. A tax, frequently mentioned in the Arthashastra, is vyaji. From the context, it seems to have been applied both as a sales tax and a purchase tax. On balance, it is better to translate it as a transaction tax, i.e., a tax automatically levied when the state bought or sold goods. This is borne out by the precise des-

28. The Arthashastra

cription of balances and measures capable of automatically levying the tax. In Book 2 on the organization of the state administration, thirtytwo officials are given the title adhyaksha. Though they are all heads of departments, they may belong te different grades just as today the seniority of a head of department may depend on the size or importance of his department. Previous translators have used different expressions for each one; indeed, there is a bewildering multiplicity of nomenclature. In order to bring' out the point that any adhyaksha was a head of department, I have added the word 'chief' as in Chief Commissioner of Customs, Chief Controller of State Trading or Chief Protector of Animals. Clearly, there were some officials (the Sarnahartr and the Samnidhatr, in particular) who were of a higher rank than the adhyakshas; they have been given special names. Other changes worth mentioning pertain to duties of the village headman; labour law and the law on slavery and assault; appropriate explanations are given in Appendix 15 'Notes on Translation'.

Clarity can also be improved by the judicious use of tables and diagrams. A long description of how towns were laid out or forts constructed is less meaningful than its pictorial representation. I have, therefore, not translated verbally such passages (which include layout of camps and details of construction of elephant and horse stables) but replaced them by diagrams. There are 43 maps, figures and diagrams. Tables have been used to show schematically the similarities in the forty ways of embezzlement by government servants or unequal treaties. All fines and punishments, of which there are a great number, are depicted in a consistent tabular form.

Other changes made for improving clarity are: (i) breaking up long verses into shorter sentences, (ii) setting them out in different lines and numbered sub-sections and (iii) putting, with rare exceptions, such as {7 .14}, direct speech into indirect speech,

In order to make the translation more readable, it is often necessary to add a few words to improve continuity or to amplify. These additions have all been put in square brackets [ ... J so that the reader may be aware of what has been added by this translator.

For the convenience of the reader, I have added a special section in Part I explaining the short-hand expressions used by Kautilya throughout for commodities and for the four methods of dispute (sarna, dana, bheda and danda). I have also included an indication the value of money (Dana) in the Arthashastra.

Introduction 29

I do not claim that I. have succeeded in translating every verse satisfactorily. Some, like {7.13.38} and {7.6.35,J6} are incomprehensible; the attempt made here to give them meaning can, at best, be only an educated guess.

Two special usages are worth mentioning. Following Prabhati Mukherjee, I have used the word varna as such because of the tendency to confuse the words varna and jati and translate them both indiscriminately as 'caste'. Varna here means strictly the four-fold division of Hindu society. I have also used the term 'Arya' to denote the four varnas because of the degradation to which the word' Aryan' has been subjected to in modern European history.23

REARRANGEMENT

The major difference between this translation and earlier ones is of

,

course, the rearrangement of verses in an order different from the original Sanskrit text. I should explain why I found it necessary to do so.

The original has an admirable logic of its own in the order of presentation of the topics. In the oral tradition, when all texts had to be memorized, it was, necessary to learn the duties of the Chief Controller of Crown Lands, along with all the details about agriculture - rainfall, soil, types of crops, use of labour etc. Nowadays, we will find it easier to understand the text if the part relating to the administrative structure of government is separated from topics concerning land tenure, revenue system or control over trade.

Another reason for rearranging the text is that Kautilya has sometimes lumped together miscellaneous topics in the same Book. For instance, there is no reason why the salaries of administrative officials should have been put in [5.3}, while the other five chapters deal with secret conduct. It is more logical, and more succinct, to indicate the salary of each official along with his duties and responsibilities and to append a table of salaries to explain the hierarchy. Likewise, it is better to add the duties of the Chief Controller of Private Trade given in Book 4 on criminal law to the section on the duties of heads of departments.

I have mentioned earlier that there are 380 shlokas in the Sanskrit text. These are usually found at the end of chapters and, most probably, have been incorporated from the Arthashastras of earlier teachers. They are usually pithy and epigrammatic, encapsulating ad-

30 The Arthashastra

mirably the thrust of a topic. Wherever appropriate, I have placed them at the beginning of each topic; some have been used on the title pages of different Parts.

Rearrangement also makes it possible to deal with the various lists and classifications. I have compressed such lists (weights and measures, rations, recipes for alcoholic beverages, weaponry etc.) and given them in the Appendices. For ease of reference, I have also added an Appendix on the commodities mentioned in the text. Some lists have, however, been retained in their proper places, because they are an integral part required for understanding what follows them. The classification of states {6.2.13-23}, those likely to become traitors {1.14.2-5}, contrivances and tricks for killing an enemy {12.4.22-28; 12.5.1-8}, and some battle formations {10.6} are examples of such useful lists.

In the process of modernizing and regrouping, I found that some verses can be omitted without affecting the meaning. For example, there are tautological definitions: 'lending at interest of goods from the treasury is lending' {2. 8. 7} or the verse which follows: 'trading in state commodities is trading.' There are superfluous statements: 'Thus ends the law governing slaves' {3.1.25}; or 'Hereafter are explained measurements of time' {2.20.36}. I have instead used topic headings and sub-headings to avoid repetition and improve readability. I must emphasize that all explanatory headings are my additions.

A major omission is Book 14, dealing with secret and occult practices. Most of it is untranslatable, since we cannot guess at the meaning of the various herbs, plants and occult material listed in it. In any case, we find it hard to believe, in this day and age, that a 'mixture of the lizard and the house-lizard causes leprosy' {l4.1.20}! We can take it for granted that society in Kautilyan times believed in magic and occult practices and need not burden this translation with incomprehensible minutiae. In any case, the genuineness of Book 14 has been questioned; some scholars, though not Dr. Kangle, think that this could be an interpolation. 24

Though punishment - danda - plays an important part in maintaining social order, the text often indicates the nature of the transgression only indirectly by specifying the punishment for it. For the sake of clarity and consistency, I have regrouped all fines and punishments at the end of each topic and mentioned the transgression separately. In-

Introduction 31

cidentally, this helps to separate the law on what should not be done from the penalty for breaking it.

The work involved in regrouping has enabled me to add a new section. So far as I am aware, there is no article or study which gives a complete picture of how the Kautilyan state obtained its revenue; in section ii of Part V I have collated all relevant information under 'Sources of Revenue'.

I am not listing here all such rearrangements; sometimes only individual verses are affected by transposition and sometimes long passages and even chapters. At the beginning of each section, I have indicated the nature of the regrouping and the reasons for it.

I do not claim that the rearrangement made in this translation is the perfect way of doing it, or even the only way. There has been one other attempt by a compiler, selecting from existing translations, to rearrange the part of the text relati ng to law, justice and jurisprudence.F' Any suggestions for improvement will be gratefully received.

This translation is meant to be read as a continuous narrative. The few footnotes are meant mainly for cross-reference and, sometimes, for clarification. To help those readers who may want to refer to the original text, verse numbers are shown throughout the translation, wherever the order departs from the original, within double braces {Book.Chapter.Verse number}. The reference is always to Kangle, Parts I and II. In addition, there is a verse index which shows by textual order where a given verse may be found in the translation.

ON UNDERSTANDING KAUTILYA

There are two ways, both valid, of looking at Kautilya's Arthashastra. The historian sees it as a valuable document which throws light on the state and society in India at that time, whether it be 300 B.C. or 150 A.D. The second way, which this translation emphasizes, is to regard Kautilya as a great preceptor of statecraft, whose teachings have a universal validity.

The historical aspect is the one that has till now been accorded prominence by scholars. The twelve page bibliography in Aradhana Parmar's book26 is an indication of the number of Indian and foreign scholars who have drawn conclusions relevant to Indian history. Radha Kumud Mookerjee's 'Chandragupta Maurya and His Times' has a valuable comparison of the information in the Arthashastra with the accounts given by ancient Greek historians.

32 The Arthashastra

We must not, however, assume that the picture of India given in the Arthashastra is true for all periods of ancient Indian history. Though Kautilya wrote long after the time of Buddha, who died in 486 B.C., the state of society portrayed in the Arthashastra is, in the main, preBuddhistic. On the other hand, the norms under which Hindu society has functioned for the last two millenia are those of the Smritis; the earliest and most important of these, the Manusmriti,27 was codified sometime in the first two centuries A.D. The Smritis depict the ideal Hindu society as reconstructed and reformed after the influence of Buddhism had begun to decline in India. Owing partly to the influence of the highly moral and compassionate teachings of the Buddha and partly to the precepts of the Vedanta of reformed Brahmanism, a number of practices and customs which existed in Kautilya's time had

disappeared by the time of the Smritis.

The social customs that existed in Kautilya's times but went out of

practice a few centuries later are quite significant. In Kautilyan times, a husband and wife could divorce each other on grounds of mutual incompatibility. Widows could remarry; so could women whose husbands had been abroad for a long time. Eating meat or drinking or taking up arms were not prohibited for Brahmins. More reliance was

placed on occult and secret practices.

It is not merely the norms of Indian society which changed and

evolved over the millenia. The knowledge of gems and jewellery, the state of the art of metallurgy, the weapons and armour used, the way horses and elephants were trained - all these were different at different periods. In fact, it is the comparison of the data in the Arthashastra with that in other works and the question of who borrowed from whom that prompts scholars to ascribe different dates to the

Arthashastra itself.

The caution about not extrapolating is particularly important on

matters relating to the economy. The Arthashastra, naturally, has a lot of detailed information on the economy of a state, methods of raising revenue and budgeting. These details, which are logically interconnected, have to be read in the context of the aims of the King and the

state as described by Kautilya.

I have, therefore, added a special section, following this Introduc-

tion, giving an outline of the Kautilyan state, the society and the economy, so that the translation can be placed in the appropriate context.

Introduction 33

KAUTILYA, THE TEACHER

I. would not have embarked on this new translation were I not convinced that Kautilya's precepts are of universal applicability. His counsels on the relationship between the ruler and the ruled, on the role of the state for maintaining the wealth of the nation and the welfa~e of the people, on the relations between neighbouringstates, on alhances and on the conduct of foreign policy based on the relative

, strengths of the participants are as applicable today as they were in his day. T? the extent our society is significantly different from his to that extent some of the Kautilyan precepts have become irrelevant to us. Hence, these aspects also have to be understood in the context of

~.' .•. ,.. the state and society described in the next chapter.

~ .• ,'l If ~e. a.re to comprehend clearly Kautilya's teachings and apply ~ •• them J.udlclously to the modern world, we also have to be aware of the

,':, ... ' ••. "." essential characteristics of the work. The treatise is about an ideal

• s~te - not th~t "such a state actually ever existed or is even likely to exist now or in the future. To the extent any of the six constituent elei ments ~f a state - the ruler, the ministers, the urban and the rural ! pop~latlOn, the. economic power and the military might - differ from t the Ideals Kautilya has set out, to that extent the advice given by him I has to be modified.

f T~e Arthashastra. is esse.ntially a treatise on the art of government ! and IS, by nature, instructional. It seeks to instruct all kings and is ! me~nt to be useful. a~ a~1 times wherever dharma is held to be pre! ermnent. Becaus~ It IS mstru.cti?nal, its basis is the practice of gor vernment. We will not find in It a theoretical discussion about why I there .should be a state at all or, if there is to be one, what kind of t state I~ the best. For ~autil~a, the existence of the state and the king

a~e axioms. In fact, the King and his rule encapsulate all the constltuent.s of the s~te' {8.2.1}. Kautilya's special contributions to the theore~lcal analysis of ~he functioning of a state are two. These are: (i)

la~alysls of aspects of internal administration in terms of the six con! stltue~t elements of the state and (ii) analysis of the relations between states in terms of the theory of the circle of states. The two chapters of Book 6 are used to set out these theoretical concepts and define the terms used in their development. The rest of the treatise is a Manual

I of Instruction for kings and officers of the state.

I

34 The Arthashasira

There are three distinct parts in this manual. The Manual of Administration describes the organization of the apparatus of the state and prescribes the duties and responsibilities of every key official, either for I,' maintaining order or for collecting revenue. There are, naturally, parts f devoted to budgetary control, enforcement of ci vii service discipline and f,: the public's civic resonsibility. The Code of Law and Justice covers both f civil and criminal law and is, basically, a Penal Code; the extensive and I graded penalties and fines prescribed in it have the twin aims of deterring r transgressions and collecting revenue fo~ the state. The third part is a t Manual of Foreign Policy, the primary aim of which is acquisition of I territory by conquest. The three manuals correspond to the three objec- • tives of the state-wealth, justice and expansion. A stable and prosperous, state, which only a just administration can secure, is a prerequisite for t accumulation of wealth which is then used to augment the territory. I

A fourth topic which runs throughout the treatise, in both the internal I and foreign policy sections, is the use of an elaborate secret service ~

mechanism.. . . . r

As a textbook intended for practitioners of statecraft, Kautilya does!

not simply lay down a rule but modifies it every time to suit the action to i the conditions. prevailing. This comprehensive treatment sometimes becomes complex and tiresome, as in {12.4} and {12.5}, describing every possible method of killing an aggressor. In being so comprehensive Kautilya only follows his own advice that every situation ought to be analysed thoroughly before an action plan is formulated; good counsel and good judgment are more important than power and might.

The analyses are pursued with impeccable logic. For instance, Book 12 is devoted to examining the situation of the weak king. Kautilya does not assume that the conqueror will always be stronger than his enemy or that he will always win. Since setbacks were bound to occur, there is advice on how to overcome them.

One example of laying down a general principle and the prescribing modifications to it depending on the actual situation is in {7.7} on bargaining power. The general rule is that the payment to be made by one king for the use of the troops of another shall depend on the relative equation between the two; this 'payment according to power' formula is then modified to suit every contingency.

Introduction 35

Similar comprehensive logic is used to analyse all possible variations of when to attack an enemy in the rear {7.13} or provoking dissension among members of an oligarchy {II. 1.34-39}. Often, the order of preference is clearly laid down (do A, if A is not possible then B, and so on). An example is the choice of kings whose protection a

king may seek {7.15.1-8}. We only have to read Book 9 on mobilisation for a military campaign, particularly {9.1.26-33} on the interrelationship between power, place and time, to see the power of deductive logic in Kautilya 's thinking.

There are many examples of Kautilya's ability to provide for every contingency. He recommends that the forces for the defence of the city should be placed under a number of chiefs, to avoid the possibility of a single chief usurping power in the king's absence {2.4.29,30}. A secret treasury shall be built in a remote area, using prisoners condemned to death {2.5.4}. The sentence was presumably carried out after the work was done, so that none but the king knew where the secret treasury to be used in times of emergency was ,located. Kautilya's attention to .detail is shown by his instructions to install rain gauges {2.5.7}, what to do with the gleanings from Crown lands after the harvest {2.24.30} or the tricks which goldsmiths use to steal their customer's gold {2.14}. It is not necessary to multiply examples, the reader will discover many more in the text.

In spite of its patently didactic character and its declared twin aims of practical utility and analytical comprehensiveness, many com mentators have chosen to read different things into the Arthashastra, I have given earlier some examples of the tendency to read modern forms of go~ernment into it. Noting the extensive control over the economy exercised by the state, B. Breloer28 has drawn the conclusion that the ~rthashastra presupposes economic planning by the state, almost givmg the impression that Kautily.a had thought of a modern planned economy. There is no need to impute this degree of clairvoyance to Kautilya. Russian commentators like V.1. Kalyanov see the Arthashastra in the light of the division, based on Marxist principle, of the periods of Indian history. They place the text in the period of transition between 'the decay of a slave owning society' and 'the rise of early feudalism.I?

Amo~g scholars, there .are two extreme points of view and many shades In between. One extreme is to deny that Kautilya said anything useful at all. An example is A.B. Keith's observation: 'It is a very

36 The Arthashastra

misplaced patriotism which asks us to admire the Arthashastr~ as representing the fine flower of Indian political thought. It ~ould, indeed ~e melancholy if this were the best that India could show against the Republzc

I· . f Ari tl ,30 of Plato or the Po itics 0 nsto e.

The other extreme is to hold that Kautilya was a lone genius and other

thinkers were worthless. For example, Parmar says: '(Kautilya iS~ n~t t', .

merely a preserver of old political ideas but a creator of ne",: ones. e. IS •

impatient with the existing unsystematic and chaotic th.eo~e~ ?f poh~y and removes the cobweb in political thinking through hIS incisive lOgIC t and firm grasp of the realities of statecraft.P! since the texts of Ar- I thashatras by teachers before Kautilya are all lost and all.we have are a , few bits quoted by Kautilya only to contradict them, there IS no reason .to t jump to the conclusion that the previous teaching were all unsystemanc.

chaotic and full of cobwebs.

Comparisons of Kautilya with people who lived much later are

also quite common, the most ridiculous one with Bismarc~. A mo~e usual comparison is with Machiavelli, the author of T~e P~znce. ThIS annoys many Indians who believe that, because Kautilya lived many centuries before Machiavelli, it is the latter who should be compared with the former. We need not see anything sinister in such a comparison. People can only compared the ~nkno~n with the.know~; most foreigners know something of Machiavelli and precious little of Kautilya. A more important point is that the sob:i~uet of 'Indian Machiavelli' given to Kautilya is unfair to both. ThIS I~ not the pl~ce to go into the details of the lamentable misapprehension of the ~Ignificance of Machiavelli's work even in the Western world. IfKauulya and Machiavelli thoughts have similarities, it only shows th.at t~e nature of people and princes has changed little over the two mill em a

which separates them. .

I will now explain why the condemnation of Kautilya as an unethical

teacher is based on ignorance of his work. His is always a sane, moderate and balanced view. He placed great emphasis on the welfare of the peo?le. His practical advice is rooted in dharma. But, as a teacher of pra~ucal statecraft, he advocated unethical methods in the furtherance of national

interest. .

Whenever Kautilya quotes the advice of an earlier and then offers ~IS

own, his is the saner and more moderate view. All teachers before him seem to have considered a prince a danger to the king tr:0m the mo~ent of his birth. Only Kautilya emphasizes the need for bringing up th~ prince properly and to train him to be a successor. One teacher, 10 fact,

Introduction 37

recommends that the prince should be tempted by secret agents to revolt against his father but Kautilya says that there is no greater sin than poisoning an innocent mind by temptation {1.17 .30-37}. Likewise, the king should not make himself or his queen the target in testing the probity of ministers. 'He shall not corrupt the uncorrupted; that would be like adding poison to water.' {1.1O.17 -22} .

Kautilya always qualifies his suggestions or advice with the injunction to modify it according to circumstances. Phrases like 'according to conditions' occur often whether in connection with the location of the divisional headquarters {2.3.3}, the number of advisers {1.15A1} or the number of ministers {1.15.50}. The punishment prescribed for passing urine or faeces in public places is mitigated if the person did so did so due to illness, medication or fear {2.36.29}. The rules about sanitation in private dwellings in the city were relaxed during child birth {3.8.6} J. Reduced punishments could be awarded for some offences if there were mitigating circumstances such as mistake, intoxication or temporary insanity {3.18.5; 3.19.4}.

Kautilya does not trust traders, believing that they are always ready to make money at the cost of the consumer. But even they are entitled to state assistance when they lost their goods through no fault of their own { 4.2.32}. In the administration of justice, Kautilya warns not to take a mere confession, without corroborative proof, of having committed a therft or burglary as proof of guilt; such confessions may be due to fear of being tortured {4.8.11}.

Kautilya does not advocate that all those who stand in the conqueror's way should be attacked indiscriminately. 'The king who attacks a righteous ruler will be hated by his own people and others. Conversely, one who attacks an unrighteous ruler will be liked by all.' {7.3.12} When there was a choice between attacking a strong but unjust king and a weak and just one, Kautilya advises that the unjust king should be attacked even though he would be a stronger adversary; for, 'the subjects of the just king will not only come 10 his help ... but follow him till death.' {7 .5.16-18} Chiefs of oligarchies are advised to endear themselves to their subjects by just behaviour {11.1.56}. Just behaviour by the rulers towards the ruled was, thus, of universal application.

38 The Arthashastra

The best example of Kautilya's concern for fairness is his advice on how to treat conquered territory. 'The conqueror shall substitute his virtues for the defeated enemy's vices and where the enemy was good, he shall be twice as good ... He shall follow policies which are pleasing and beneficial to the constituents by acting according to his dharma and by granting favours and tax exemptions, giving gifts and bestowing honours .... He shall adopt the way of life, dress, language and customs of the people and show the same devotion to the gods of terri-

tory and participate in the people's festivals and amusements He

shall please the chiefs of the towns, country, castes and guilds The

ill, the helpless and the distressed shall be helped ... The slaughter of animals shall be prohibited on specified days ... ' Verses {13.5.3-15} are in themselves a charter of just administration.

While saying that disloyal subject kings should be put to death, Kautilya also says: 'The conqueror shall not covet the slai~ king:s land, wealth, sons or wives but give the members of the family their

appropriate positions.' {7 .16.26,27} . i

The notoriety which Kautilya has acquired as an advocate of im- i. moral and unethical is unjust because he always adds qualifications ~ when he recommends such policies. These were either required be- ~ cause the interests of the state demanded it or because the persons I. against whom these were directed were enemies of the state {5.2.~9}. e These methods were not to be used against those who were neither t. evil nor treacherous. Kautilya only made explicit, without hypocrisy, f what nation states, anc~ent and moder~, have alwa~s practise? l

Verse {1.19.34}, given as the epigraph to this translation, sum-~ marises Kautilya's concept of welfare of the subjects. The number of] verses dealing with not only people's welfare but also ani mat welfare ! are many. A section in the next chapter is devoted to showi~g where! to find all the verses on welfare. Suffice it to say that Kautilya pre-! cisely identifies those who need the protection of th~ state and pr.es-! cribes remedies ranging from free transport on femes to protectIOn!

during battles. !

The Arthashastra is a mixture of both what we applaud today andi

what we consider to be reprehensible. Kautilya has a great deal to say~ about civic responsibility; the obligation of every householder to take" precautions against fire is mentioned; so is a pr~h~bition on. cuttingl trees in public parks. Consumer protection and vigilance against eX-f ploitation of the people by government servants are aspects which wei

Introduction 39

consider good. Equally, some of Kautilya's suggestions will be seen by us as unethical. For example, he suggests the idea of two kinds of touchstones - one which overestimates the quality of the gold sold to the public and the other which underestimates the quality when bought {2.l3.22-24}. The extensive use of the secret service is, in principle, unethical. In this translation, all material relevant to the constitution .and operation of the secret services have been brought together in Part IX. The innumerable unsavoury methods are there for all to see.

Kautilya did take a cynical view of humanity and his teachings are based on the principle that no one can be trusted. For example, a wife who shows' excessive grief at the violent death of her husband should be suspected of having murdered him {4.7.l4}. This cynicism also prompts Kautilya to give practical advice. When a prince is too young to ascend the throne on the death of his father and is being trained to be king, a Regent rules on his behalf. 'A.poor but handsome man of the same family should be kept near the mother lest her mind wavers and she takes on a lover who may become a danger to the state and the young prince' {5.6.41}.

While Kautilya has no compunction about exploiting the gullibility of the people, he himself had no belief in magic or the occult. Most of his phenomena are tricks which he tells us how to perform; poisons and stupefying chemicals are frequently mentioned. Kautilya did not even believe in astrology. 'Wealth will slip away from that childish man who constantly consults the stars. The only guiding star of wealth is itself; what can the stars of the sky do?' {9.4.26}

THE RELEVANCE OF KAUTlLYA

Is Kautilya relevant to the twentieth century? I would not have attempted this new translation for the general reader were I not convinced that he is. In so far as the nature of human beings remains the same and states behave as they always have done, he is relevant. In its detail, whether on the Code of Penalties or on battle formations, the Arthashastra may only be of historical interest. But, when he discusses the economy, just administration or relations between states, we can learn from his wisdom. I shall cite a few examples.

When Kautilya talks of kulasamghas - clan oligarchies - we can see similarities to the rule, by a collection of Princes, of modern Saudi Arabia {II. I}. When he suggests that the death of a king should be kept secret until a series of measures had been taken to protect the

40 The Arthashastra

kingdom, we note that it was practiced until recently in the Soviet Union {5.6.1-22}. Kautilya gives a list of methods of imposing an unwelcome additional tax burden on people in times of adversity; one suggestion is that secret agents should start the fund-raising by putting a high figure against their own names. These days Presidents and Prime Ministers start off public collections with large personal subscriptions. Kautilya accords the purohita a very high place; though his official functions were restricted to religion and ritual, he exercised great personal influence over the king as the sacrificer and magician. Many present day Indian politicians are reported to be influenced by such personal 'sacrificers and magicians'. Kautilya describes many secret methods by which a foreign ruler may be killed; he would not have been surprised about the attempts of the United States to kill Fidel Castro with an exploding cigar or about the arguments whether a CIA supported coup could end in the 'accidental' death of the foreign ruler. The Arthashastra recommends apparently immoral means against traitors and enemies of the state and distinctly adds that such means are not to be used against law abiding subjects. What are the limits to the methods that a state may use against terrorists who kill innocents is a matter of continuing debate in all civilized countries.

Finally, I can do no better than to quote the following from Dr.

Kangle's 'Study' to show the relevance of Kautilya to the twentieth century.V

'We have still the same distrust of one nation by another, the same pursuit of its own interest by every nation tempered only by considerations of expediency, the same effort to secure alliances with the same disregard of them in self-interest, the same kind of inteiligence service maintained by one nation in the territory of another which we find referred to in the Arthashastra .... It is difficult to see how rivalry and the struggle for supremacy between the nations can be avoided and the teaching of this shastra which is based on these basic facts rendered altogether superfluous until some sort of a one-world government or an effective supra-national authority is established .... But until that happens, the teachings of this sastra would in actual practice be followed by nations, though it may be unknown to them and though it may be openly condemned by those that know it.'

To conclude, the purpose of this Introduction has been to justify my contention that the popular image of Kautilya is not only simplistic but due to ignorance of what he actually wrote. The purpose is not to

Introduction 41

whitewash him. We need not try to explain away his cynical view of humanity, the special status given by him to Brahmins, his preference for a noble royal line, his inclusion of torture as a method of criminal investigation or his use of the secret service. But we need to balance these with his moderation, his insistence on a just administration, his knowledge of economics, his comprehensive attention to detail, his impeccable powers of logic and analysis and, most of all, his emphasis on people's welfare. Kautilya is so great that he does not need us to extol or exculpate him. He can speak for himself. This translation, therefore,gives the readers an opportunity to listen to Kautilya as he spoke.