Audition
Audition
Blair
before
The Senate Select Committee on Intelligence
United States Senate
January 22, 2009
Madam Chairman, Mr. Vice Chairman, Members of the Committee: It is a distinct honor
and privilege to appear before you today. I am also honored that President Obama has
placed his trust and confidence in me, deciding to nominate me to the position of Director
of National Intelligence.
I want to express deep appreciation and thanks to Chairman Feinstein, and to Vice
Chairman Bond, for holding today’s hearing, and I look forward to your questions. In
addition, let me say from the outset, if confirmed, I look forward very much to working
with you on the many important issues before the Intelligence Community, and before the
Nation. This Committee has a wealth of experience and wisdom. If confirmed, I will
seek your counsel and advice – and seek it frequently – in addressing the many
challenges ahead.
Importance of Intelligence
Nothing is more important to national security and the making and conduct of good
policy than timely, accurate, and relevant intelligence.
Nothing is more critical to accurate and relevant intelligence than independent analysis.
The President has made clear to me, and to the American people, that he wants to hear
the facts, he expects independent analysis, and he wants to hear all points of view.
As John Adams famously said, "Facts are stubborn things." The best national security
decisions take account of the facts on the ground. Sometimes those facts are unpleasant;
sometimes they are inconvenient; often they are ambiguous. Whatever they are, they
must be presented accurately and fully. Beyond the facts on the ground, interpretations
of their significance differ. There is an obligation to bring those differing views forward.
There is an obligation to speak truth to power. If confirmed, I will fulfill that obligation
personally, and I will instill respect for that obligation in those who work for me.
Let me describe some of the key challenges the intelligence services face in supporting
policymakers as well as troops, diplomats, and law enforcement officials in the field.
The Intelligence Community is charged with the task of assessing threats and providing
timely warning. This Committee holds an annual worldwide threat assessment hearing.
If I am confirmed, it will be my privilege to appear before you on that topic.
The United States is engaged in three campaigns in which there are immediate threats to
American lives, properties and interests. First is the campaign against anti-American
terrorists with global reach who seek to harm us or our allies, partners and friends. These
groups include al-Qaeda and other extremist organizations as well as the groups they
inspire but do not control. The second campaign is in Iraq and the third in Afghanistan,
where the United States has deployed troops, diplomats, and nation builders. Providing
intelligence support for these three campaigns consumes the largest share of Intelligence
Community resources.
The day-to-day demands for tactical intelligence for these missions, geographically
concentrated in Southwest Asia, cannot be allowed to crowd out the mission of building a
deeper understanding of the complicated interlocking dynamics of the entire region, from
Kashmir to Istanbul. We will need that understanding as we forge a strategy for the
region.
Additional near-term issues of concern are many. They include North Korea’s nuclear
weapons and missile programs; Iran’s nuclear capabilities and intentions, as well as its
missile program; the security of Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal; and peace and stability in
South Asia. They include Israeli-Palestinian violence, with its possibilities for escalation
and implications for regional stability.
Many important threats to American national security go well beyond the traditional
nation-state-based threats of the past. The intelligence services need to have open minds,
change traditional ways of thinking and be bold and creative in identifying possible
threats to the nation. It is the responsibility of the intelligence services to penetrate and
understand these new transnational threats just as thoroughly as we did the Soviet Union
in the days of the Cold War.
They include those using the global communications system to learn our secrets and
proprietary information to compete with us or attack us.
There are additional trends that affect American security, and may pose grave dangers –
global warming, energy supplies, food prices, and pandemic diseases, among others.
Today's threats to American interests are more diffuse, more fast-paced, and seem more
urgent than ever because of the trends of globalization – worldwide transportation,
worldwide information systems, the spread of scientific and technical knowledge, an
interlocking global economy, and the ubiquitous and incessant news cycle. The
intelligence agencies must look beneath the breathless headlines to understand the facts
and their significance for American interests.
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The Intelligence Community also needs to address the longer-term geopolitical
challenges. How the United States adjusts to and manages the growing power and
influence of China, India, and key countries in the developing world is a major long-term
challenge for policymakers. The Industrial Revolution caused a centuries-long shift in
power to the West; globalization is now shifting the balance again. The Global Trends
2025 report is one example of the Intelligence Community’s contribution to this
discussion.
Failing states pose another set of challenges. Countries without effective governments,
with internal economic disparities, and with domestic religious, ethnic, or tribal tensions
can slip into anarchy, with tragic consequences for their own citizens, and with potential
dangers to other countries. Somalia is one example, among many.
-- While the United States must hunt down those terrorists who are seeking
to do us harm, the Intelligence Community also needs to support
policymakers who are looking for opportunities to engage and work with
Arab and Muslim leaders who are striving for a progressive and peaceful
future for their religion and their countries;
-- While the United States must understand China's military buildup – its
extent, its technological sophistication and its vulnerabilities – in order to
offset it, the Intelligence Community also needs to support policymakers
who are looking for opportunities to work with Chinese leaders who
believe that Asia is big enough for both of us and can be an Asia in which
both countries can benefit as well as contribute to the common good;
-- While the United States needs to understand Russia's military plans and
ambitions in what it calls its "near abroad,” the Intelligence Community
also needs to help policymakers understand the dynamics of European
security issues including the actions of our allies and friends, in order to
craft policies that will support American objectives.
-- While the United States must identify weak places in worldwide medical
surveillance systems and prepare for pandemics, the Intelligence
Community can also find opportunities to work with governments and
other organizations on behalf of our common interest in strengthening the
world's early-warning, defensive and recovery systems;
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-- While policymakers need to understand anti-American leaders, policies
and actions in Iran, the Intelligence Community can also help
policymakers identify and understand other leaders and political forces, so
that it is possible to work toward a future in both our interests;
There is a final cluster of subjects on which intelligence agencies must provide good
advice to policymakers and officials taking action:
-- Economics and finance – how is power being redistributed, and what are
the developments that will make a difference to the United States?
For these areas, and also for many of the others outlined here, the analysts and
information in our intelligence agencies are not the sole, and often not the best, resources.
Private organizations – businesses as well as consultants – think tanks, NGOs,
universities, national labs, federally funded research and development centers, other
government analysts, and similar international and foreign centers have a great deal to
offer.
The office of the DNI is not yet four years old. Ambassador Negroponte and Admiral
McConnell have made important progress during that period of time. A wider range of
analysis, and more points of view, are now brought to the attention of policymakers.
Information sharing on terrorism-related information has improved. Joint Duty in the
Intelligence Community, essential for building a unified workforce, is starting to take
hold. Security clearances take less time. These are important contributions, and they
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should be recognized. At the same time, the Committee knows that much work lies
ahead. For my part, I want to acknowledge the contributions that those who lead the
Intelligence Community already have made.
The 2004 Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act spells out the role and
responsibilities of the DNI. The Act specifies many important improvements in the
organization and functioning of the country's intelligence services. My approach is a
straightforward one. If confirmed, I will work to fulfill the intent of this legislation.
The DNI is the principal adviser to the President, to the National Security Council, and
the Homeland Security Council for intelligence matters related to the national security.
His responsibility is to provide timely, accurate and relevant intelligence.
Leading the Intelligence Community, the DNI needs to satisfy the strategic intelligence
requirements of policymakers as well as the tactical requirements of military units,
diplomats, and front-line officers of the Department of Homeland Security and state and
local law officials. The DNI needs to lead the integration of intelligence sources –
human, signals, geospatial, measurement and signature, and open source. Such
integration mutually empowers, and maximizes, the contribution of each intelligence
source. The DNI needs to ensure that the whole of the national intelligence enterprise is
always more than the sum of its parts. I believe the hardworking, smart, and dedicated
officials of the intelligence agencies, along with the resources the Congress has provided,
are adequate to provide the right kind and amount of intelligence support to all who need
it from the President down to the soldier in the field.
The DNI should place the emphasis on managing others, not doing their work himself.
The DNI should hold agencies accountable for doing their jobs, but should not replicate
activities that individual agencies perform well. The DNI should concentrate on
activities that no single agency can perform by itself, and use his authority to encourage
and enforce combined action that brings together the strengths of all the intelligence
services to accomplish the common missions.
The DNI must keep the Intelligence Community at the cutting edge of innovation. The
business of intelligence has been radically transformed, and continues to be driven, by the
information revolution. In a generation’s time, the Intelligence Community has gone
from an organization hunting secrets, to an organization interpreting the vast ocean of
information available every day – even as it still hunts secrets. How the Community
collects, analyzes and provides added value to policymakers and operators is profoundly
affected by this changing and dynamic information environment.
Developing a high-quality workforce for the future is the DNI's responsibility. Any
organization is only as good as its people. I have been deeply impressed over many years
with the many smart, dedicated and brave professionals in the Intelligence Community
workforce. It is the DNI's responsibility to give them the right missions, to clear away
obstacles in their path, and then it is the DNI's privilege and pleasure to watch them
produce amazing results. It has been an honor to work with them, and, if I am confirmed,
it will be an honor to lead them.
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The Role of Intelligence in a Democracy
All officers of the Intelligence Community, and especially its most senior officer, must
conduct themselves in a manner that earns and retains the public trust. The American
people are uncomfortable with government activities that do not take place in the open,
subject to public scrutiny and review.
Unlike many other parts of the government, the activities of intelligence officers must
often be secret to be effective. Therefore, there is a special obligation for the leadership
of the Intelligence Community to communicate frequently and candidly with the
oversight committees, and as much as possible with the American people. There is a
need for transparency and accountability in a mission where most work necessarily
remains hidden from public view.
The first part of building trust is building relationships. I want to establish a relationship
of candor and trust with each Member of this Committee and, if confirmed, work to
sustain and enhance that trust. Equally important, I will work to rebuild a relationship of
trust with the American people.
The second part of building trust is to carry out the mission of the Intelligence
Community in a manner consistent with our Nation’s values, consistent with our
Constitution and consistent with the rule of law. The intelligence agencies of the United
States must respect the privacy and civil liberties of the American people, and they must
adhere to the rule of law.
I do not and will not support any surveillance activities that circumvent established
processes for their lawful authorization. I believe in the importance of review and
regulation of the use of those surveillance authorities. I believe in the importance of
independent monitoring, including by the Congress, to prevent abuses and protect civil
liberties.
I believe strongly that torture is not moral, legal, or effective. Any program of detention
and interrogation must comply with the Geneva Conventions, the Conventions on
Torture, and the Constitution. There must be clear standards for humane treatment that
apply to all agencies of U.S. Government, including the Intelligence Community.
I believe the U.S. Government must have clear and consistent standards for treatment of
detainees. Those standards must comply with the Detainee Treatment Act, the
Convention Against Torture, and Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions. All
who are responsible for treatment of detainees must receive training on those standards,
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and training must be reinforced regularly. It is not enough to set a standard and announce
it. Regular reinforcement and oversight is necessary to make sure the standards are being
applied correctly.
I agree with the President that the detention center at Guantanamo has become a
damaging symbol to the world and that it must be closed. It is a rallying cry for terrorist
recruitment and harmful to our national security, so closing it is important for our
national security. The guiding principles for closing the center should be protecting our
national security, respecting the Geneva Conventions and the rule of law, and respecting
the existing institutions of justice in this country. I also believe we should revitalize
efforts to transfer detainees to their countries of origin or other countries whenever that
would be consistent with these principles. Closing this center and satisfying these
principles will take time, and is the work of many departments and agencies.
Conclusion
Madam Chairman, Vice Chairman, and Members of the Committee: If confirmed, I will
work closely with this Committee and with the Congress. The leadership of the
Intelligence Community must earn and sustain the confidence and support of this
Committee if it is to win the confidence and support of the American people. A close
dialogue and relationship with the Congress is what our Constitution and laws require,
and what is practical and necessary. Your wisdom, sustained interest, and sustained
engagement enhance our Nation’s intelligence capabilities.