~ .

"Manufacturing Religion" in the Hellenistic

Age: The Case of Isis-Demeter Cult*
Panayotis Pachis
Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece
The use of the term globalization, which comprises the sub-
ject of this round table, within the historical context which points
to the Hellenistic era must be seen as incompatible and deceiving,
as it is lacking any sign of historical evidence. This point is con-
firmed if we take into account the fact that globalization is a con-
temporary phenomenon that is - still - being formulated by the
influence of a complex set of political and economic developments
that occur within modern historical reality. First of all, it is domi-
napt in contemporary thought since the early 90ies and is originally
identified with the notion of modernity, later with the development
of industrial economy, and finally with the information society. It is
a phenomenon strongly connected to the political system, a product
of a transitional period that brings radical changes in people's over-
all worldview (petrou forthcoming: 1-3).
This fact forces us to draw a clear line between a pre-modern
and a post-modern society. Besides, the use of the term "modern"
for a period of a pre-industrial society seems, always according to
the modern sociological approaches, inappropriate. This claim
could perhaps partly yield, if we base any comparison between the
two eras on the view of G. Benavides, who states that "[t]hinking in
terms of multiple modernities may lead to diluting the usefulness of
the concept; on the other hand, thinking in terms of multiple mod-
ernities forces us to consider the differences between a modernity
I would like to thank Giulia Sfameni Gasparro and Einar Thomassen for their
comments on the first version of this essay.
Panayotis Pachis
such as the one we find in the West since at least the seventeenth
century, which combines heightened reflectivity and technological
development and one that is understood mainly in cultural terms -
that is, as an attempt to free oneselfin a mannerfram the tyran'!}
ofplace, of community, of tradition" (emphasis mine) (Benavides 1998:
188-189; 2004). These considerations allow us to advance onto a
mutatis mutandis reevaluation of the Hellenistic period as a "modern
era," where phenomena similar to those of opr own time appear.
Of course, to avoid any misunderstandings, throughout this com-
parison we should always have a clear understanding of the differ-
ences that characterize the past in relation to the present.
The Hellenistic era is a period of transition, constant trans-
formation, increasing knowledge of the natural environment and
cosmological redefinition. Conservation coexists inextricably with
the tendency for renewal that is observed mostly in the realm of the
Hellenistic kingdoms, where the new and innovative reality is
formed, in accordance to the spirit and the ideals of that time. In
this context, we can observe a constant transformation in the way
people think, characterized by the legitimization of new forms of
power and the development of ecumenism and cosmopolitanism.
The latter is a multidimensional civil system, related to specific
changes in the socio-political structure of the ancient Greek city-
state and characterizing the entire Hellenistic period (Tarn 31961:
103. Green 1990: 389). As a political system, it is a product of Stoic
and Cynic philosophy that succeeds the politics of racial isolation
(Baldry 1959: 14. Nilsson 31974: 293; 725. Green 1990: 57; 64; 312;
388; 407. Bilde 1996: 332. Humphrey 1978: 238). The overall
framework contributes to the creation of a new world, an oecu-
mene composed of various aspects that clearly distinguish it from
other historical periods. .
The above characteristics contribute to the development of
new religious movements in Greece, as well as in other parts of the
oecumene, parallel to the traditional religion. Dominant among
them are the oriental deities, that are particularly attractive and im-
posing compared to the traditional religion of the ancient Greek
world, as they offer special experiences through their lavish rites,
their ascetic ordeals and their complex expiatory rituals CVerma-
- 164-
'Manufacturing Religion" in the Hellenistic Age
seren 1981. Burkert 1987. Turcan 1996).
Most of these new cults are influenced by the Greek way'
thinking, thus taking a new form, which is the product of syncr
tism (Grant 1953: xiii. Ringgreen 1968. Smith 1971. Leveque 197
Nilsson 31974: 581-701. Nouaihait 1975. Bergman, 1982. Samu
1983: 75. Martin 1983. Colpe 1987. Motte-Pirenne Delforge 199
Motte 1999. Stewart - Shaw 1994. Boechinger 1994. Pakkan<
1996: 85; 100. Martin 1996. Martin - Leopold, forthcoming. Smi
1996. Cassidy 2001. Thomassen 2004). As L. H. Martin writ<
"syncretism suggests the possibility of understanding religion in tl
Hellenistic age as a coherent system rather than as the fortuita'
byproJuct of political internationalism" (Martin 1987: 11). Tl-
phenomenon appears whenever a culture is going through a "p
riod of crisis," due to the circumstances and constant changes.
the process of the configuration of the new forms, the domina
factors, naturally, are the elements of the local tradition with
which this interaction takes place. When aspects of different Cl
tures and traditions into communication, then new religious ph
nomena arise. Any kind of comparison between deities of differe
cultural traditions should always be made on the basis of analogi
CArepr., Metaph. 1018a 12-19. Bianchi, 1975: 5-8, 1979: 16; 18; 2
27-28; 33; 38; 57-58; 73; 76; 80-93; 104; 111-112; 116; 146, 198
145-175,1994. Sfameni Gasparro 1994. Smith 1990. Mihelic 200
189-194. Sanzi 2004.
The syncretistic spirit of this time has correspondences to tl
Ptolemaic worldview, dominant since the 4th century B.C. (Cumo
1912: 68. Sambursky 1956: 133. Nilsson 31974: 486-597; 702-71
Martin 1987: 3; 6; 8; 156. Beck 1988: 4-11. Culianu 1983: 28. Gw
1990: 453-466. Dodds 1995: 19-68. Pachis 2003b: 36). Among tl
cults, mainly of Eastern origin, that flourish within the environme
of the Hellenistic oecumene, are those of Isis and Sarapis. Isis is tl
first foreign deity to demonstrate a particular adaptability to tl
new environment where her cult spreads (Malaise 1972. Burke:
1987. Merkelbach, 1995; .Turcan 1996: 75-129. Takics 1995). TI
basic principals of this cult introduce us to the religiosity of this e
and most clearly show the personal relations that are developed b
tween the goddess and humans. The last book of the Metamopho.
- 165-
Panayotis Pacilis
is the best example of syncretism in late antiquity. Isis' identifica-
tion with other deities should be understood as a compilation of
differing concepts in the face of a unique deity (Isis) , that is pre-
sented to rule even over Fortune (Apul., Met., XI 15. Griffiths 1975:
241-244. Herzog - Hauser 1943. Tarn 31961: 79; 193. Kajanto,
1972. Nilsson 31974: 200-210. Frazer 1972: I, 241-243. Sabine -
Thorsen 21973: 125-132. Martin 1987: 21-23. Sfameni Gasparro,
1997. Mikalson 1983: 2-28. Mikalson 1998: 62-63). This allows us to
conclude that the notion of "syncretism" is defined as a concrete
relational system, which is defined by similarities and organised
based on a relation of sympathy (similarities) and non-sympathy
(differences) (Martin 1983: 136-137. Lloyd, 1966. Foucault 1973).
Within this framework, Isis is identified with Demeter. Their
conjunction is not an automatic process, but a result of long duree
fermentations, related to the developments (political-economic-
religious) that take place in the ancient world. It begins during the
fifth century B.C., and is completed during the imperial ages. To be
able to understand the place of Isis' cult as well as its final form af-
ter its propagation throughout the Greco-roman world, we should
examine all of the factors that have contributed to this configura-
tion of her divine form. These factors are basically related to the
ecumenical spirit of the times. Ritual is also influenced by the
Greek deities that are propagated in Egypt during the Hellenistic
period, resulting to a gradual transformation of Isis' form. The gen-
eral ideology of this time has a drastic effect once again, and Isis ex-
its the narrow local environment of Egypt and spreads throughout
the broader ecumene. She becomes a means of propaganda for po-
litical power, through her priests who wander around the entire
oecumene, following the general trend of the time (Dunand 1983:
77-79. Solmsen 1979. Gasparro 1985/1986. Pakkanen, 1996. Pachis
2002).
The political and economical behavior of this era coexists
with religion and creates, especially in such complex times as the
Hellenistic period, all these syncretistic expressions that facilitate
communication, coexistence and mutual understanding among
groups belonging to different cultural environments (Rostovtzeff
1941. Green 1990: 362-382. Martin 2003a. Pachis 2003b: 73-311).
- 166 -
'Manufacturing Religion" in tile Hellenistic Age
Thls situation, however, does not lead to the extinction of the tradi
tional way of expression, but coexists with it, always depending or
the general conditions that prevail in the daily life of the areas ir
whlch it spreads (Stewart 1977. Nilsson 31974: 1-10. Graf 1995. Mi
kalson 1998: 315). Thls latter factor is combined with the ecumeni
cal spirit of this era, as well as with the continuous wanderings 0
the people, who distribute on their way all kinds of doctrines an<
religious ideas within the constandy expanding Hellenistic wor!<
(Martin 1987: 23-25,1994: 125-131. Pachls 2002).
*
The political and economical changes that occur in Egyp
from the first moment of the Ptolemaic rule also effect religiou
life. Since its establishment, Alexandria is a constant pole of attrac
tion for the wandering people of this era. The Greek and the Egyp
tian way of thought meet withln this context, creating a sophlsti
cated culture, already established from the beginning of the Helle
nistic period (Wycherley 21962: 35. Schneider 1967: I, 529-556; 569
573. Fraser 1972: I, 7; 20-21. Ferguson 1973: 29. Heinen 1981: 3
12. Green 1990: 80-91; 153; 157-158; 160; 313-315. Pachls 20031:
45-46). The Greek metics that inhabit Egypt, already from the tim
of the reign of Ptolemy I the Soter, transfuse to the new environ
ment where they inhabit not only their traditional way of though1
but also their paternal gods. The political rulers were more in fa
vour of Greek, rather than local elements in every sector of publi,
and private life (praser 1972: I, 7; 2-21. Koch 1993: 488-490). Th.
representatives of the new dynasty feel much more Greek thal
Egyptian, and for this reason they support Greek deities, and espe
cially those of Macedonia (Adriani 1961: p. 34, no 34. Hatzopoulm
1994: 20-40. Thompson, 1998: 704-705.)
Among the deities that appear in the Egyptian environmen
during that time, the cult, ofDemeter has a distinguished place. Th.
Zenon Papyn' as as Callimachus' Iljmn to Demeter, art
the main evidence for her cult (Callim., Hymn. 6 1-6. Clem. At
Protr. Il 18P. Fraser - Rumpf 1952. Schneider 1969: Il, 316; 318
Fraser 1972: I, 198-199; 556, Il, 335; 338-342; 371. Nilsson 31974
- 167 -
Panayotis Pachis
94-95. Skowronek - "tkaczow, 1979: 131-134. Hopkinson 1984: 41-
42. Orrieux 1983. Thompson 1998: 491-493; 553-553; 700; 703 and
n.19. Quegebeur 1981.). During the 3rd century, Demeter's sanctu-
ary is established in Alexandria and evolves into an important cultic
centre of it's religious life (polyb. 15, 27, 1-3. Fraser 1972: I, 200-
201, Il, 17; 119; 334. Pantos 1987: 346-347). Many contemporary
scholars identify this specific cultic centre with the city's Thesmo-
phorion, where they held the homonymous festival of Demeter.
This is the most possible place, if we take into account the connec-
tion of the cult of the Thesmophoros goddess to that of the Egyp-
tian queens (Athen., Deipn. 13,37,31. Strab. 17, 1, 16. PCair.Zm !
59028 [258 B.C.?]; Il 59350, 5 [244 B.C.]. P. Teb III 1079, 2 [3th-2nd
B.C], Ill, 880 Fr 1, 12; 15. 895 rpr, 375.903,4.998,22. Skowronek
- Tkaczow 1979: 132; 137,44; 142, 96)
The cult of Demeter is particularly popular, not only within
the environment of the Egyptian capital, but also in many parts of
the country (chora), and mainly around the Nile Valley (GGlS 83. SB
2674. P.Petr. III 95, 5. Callim., Hymn. 6. Polyb., XV 29, 8, 33). Be-
sides, this place is ideal for the development of a cult of a par excel-
lance agrarian character, with the form of the "J[avrooompa goddess
(Quaebebeur 1981). Among the cultic centers that flourish around
this area, particularly famous are those of the Al Fayyiim area. Re-
ports on the presence of this cult in this area can be found in papyri
from the 3rd century B.C. (Callim., Ifymn 6. Polyb., XV 29, 8, 33.
GGlS 83. SB, 2674. PPetr. III 95, 6; 97, 1, 5. PCair.Zm III 59350.
Doxiadi 1995: 126-133. Dunand 2000: 42-44)
In these specific areas, the goddess is highly respected by the
Greek cleruchs, as well as by the native rural population, that often
honour her jointly with local deities of similar character. Among
them are the Greek metics and the veteran soldiers that settle in
various areas. A Graeco-Egyptian community was formed, as in-
termarriage was very common, and the interaction between the two
cultures was significant. The female members of these groups play a
leading role in the rituals of the goddess, contributing to the propa-
gation and popularity of her cult. The inhabitants of these areas
consider Demeter as analogous to their patrimonial deity, Isis, and
this fact leads to the approach and understanding of foreign cults
- 168-
~ ~ ~
'Manufacturing Religion" in the Hellenistic Age
on behalf o\f the natives (perpilou-Thomas 1993: 81. Herrmann, Jr.,
1999 [2000]). .
Alongside the new deities, the traditional cult of the local pan-
theon continues to play a primary role. The members of the tradi-
tional triad of the Egyptian pantheon (namely Osiris, Isis, and their
son, Horns) continue, even under the specific circumstances of the
new age, to comprise the invariable models for the royal ideology of
the Ptolemies (Dunand 1991: 233-237. Dunand 2000: 33-34). Isis is
a particularly popular deity, an element that remains unchanged in
Egypt during the following Roman era, or even later, after her
propagation in the entire Greco-Roman world. The new political
leaders of Egypt, already since the time of Ptolemy I the Soter (305-
283 B.C.), show a particular interest for her cult (Arr., Anav. Ill, 1,
4-5. Brady 1935: 13-16. Schneider 1967: I, 483-486; 564-569. Du-
nand 1973: I, 23-69, 1991: 203, 233-237. Dunand 2000: 45-49.
Koch 1993: 500-505). The goddess continues to maintain her char-
acteristics in depictions in various temples in Egypt during the late
pharaonic age. The same applies, of course, to the ritual of her cult,
that is conducted daily at the big cultic centers of Egypt (Dunand
1991: 223-230). This fact can be considered as a'result of the con-
tinuous and powerful influence of the clergy, that remains faithful
to the traditions of the ancestral religion. Their tactics is perhaps a
sort of reaction to the insertion and prevalence of any innovative
idea within the overall political environment of their country in
general, and religious authorities in particular (preux 1936, 1978: I,
389-398. Rostovtzeff 1941: Il, 719-722; 736; 887; 902, Ill,. 1496.
Peremans 1978. Lloyd 1982. Green 1990: 323. Dunand 1991: 202-
203. Dunand 2000: 43-44; 45. Gehrke 2000: 257-258).
As an outcome of the overall innovative trends, various in-
digenous deities are identified with other, outsider deities, thus re-
sulting to the creation of syncretistic forms within the traditional
pantheon. Isis is identified with Demeter, Osiris with Dionysus,
and Horns with Apollo (Hdt Il 41; 42; 47; 48; 59; 121-122; 143;
156. Kolta 1968: 31-41; 42-51; 58-70. Dunand 1973: I, 9-71; 85-86.
Dunand 1991: 238-240. Griffiths 1980: 123; 172. Sfameni Gasparro
1985/86: 130-150. Mora 1986: 84-86; 96; 100; 107; 212-219. Her-
rman 1999 [2000],71,7; 73. Lloyd 1976: p. 218; 220-221; 269,1988:
-169- ,
Panayotis Pachis
57; 59; 110-112; 146. Pachis forthcoming). Another yet fact of ma-
jor importance that signifies this specific tactics of the rulers is
Osiris' displacement, mainly during the administration of the
Ptolemies, by Sarapis, who is the most characteristic sample of the
ecumenical dimension. This god will from now on be Isis' perma-
nent consort during their propagation throughout the Greek and
Roman world (Fraser 1960, 1967. Vidman 1969, 1970. Malaise
1971. Dunand 1973. Dunand 1983. Dunand 1991: 214-221. Bianchi
1980: 35-36. Takaks 1995. Merkelbach 1995. Pakkanen 1996. Bor-
geaud - Volokhine 2000).
The "spirit of the times," but mostly the rulers' theocratic in-
tentions, act particularly in favour of the syncretistic tendencies
formed between the two deities in Egypt. Isis' identification with
Demeter is possibly the personal fabrication of the country's rulers,
as well as certain members of the priesthood who are in favour of
the ecumenical reformatory agendas of the archons. Their endmost
aim is to create ideal conditions of balance between the indigenous
and the new inhabitants of the country. Being a vested order that
has no connection to the traditional aspects of this area, it is very
natural that they favour the trends that are in accordance to the
spirit of the new age. In this way, better conditions for the govern-
ing of the state are created, as a new way of expression appears for
the state administration. This particular tactics also contributes to
the formation of the overall worldview of this time, not only within
the environment of Egypt, but throughout the Graeco-Roman
oecumene. Of course, this is an artificial system, that most often
does not correspond to the real facts. Besides, the above tactics is
nothing but an expression of the rulers, and especially of their ecu-
menical ideals, but not those of most of the local inhabitants, that
remain, even during the Hellenistic period, secluded within the
borders of their traditional world (Koch 1993. Dunand 2000: 43-44.
Thompson 1998. OGlS, 83. SB V 8867).
The attempted transformation of the goddess' form thrusts
particularly between the 3rd and 2nd century B.C., starting during
the reign of Ptolemy II Philadelfus (283-246 B.C.). During the same
period, another significant novelty occurs, marking the already Hel-
lenised form of Isis and related to her identification with her coun-
- 170-
I
'Manufacturing Religion" in the Hel1enistic Age
terpart Demeter, thus reinforcing the ecumenical trends, that com-
prise a common way of expression, in the political as well as reli-
gious life of the Hellenistic, and later of the Roman era (Dunand
1973: I, 34-35. Dunand 1979: 112-113. Dunand 1983: 87-88.)
The above are confirmed if we take into consideration the
tactics as well as the influence of the country's queens on the cult of
the goddess. This particular tactics is part of their religious politics
and is related to the increase of their power. Arsinoe H, the wife of
Ptolemy H, the so-called Philadelphus, right after her establishment
to the throne, at first seeks the appropriation - in many ways -
of the cult of the Greek deity, and later seeks to introduce the cult
of the indigenous deity to the Greek metics of her country. This is
when the relevant iconography is developed, according to which
the specific queen is identified with Demeter (P. Tebt Ill, 879, 5-16;
880,1,11-16. SB III 7239 r 17-18. Marscha11907: no 367. WaIters
1926: no 1185, pI. 17. Richter 1968: no 633. Kyrieleis 1975: 80 and
n. 319. Turner 21984: 168. Pantos 1987: 344-345. Quaegebeur 1998:
702). Arsinoe II is also identified, already during her lifetime, with
other deities, such as Aphrodite and Nike (Athen., Deipn. VII 316d.
P.Peir.WiIIIH, l col. 2,43. Visser 1938: pp. 16-17. Dunand 1973: I,
35. Dunand 1991: 246). This tactics of identification with the repre-
sentatives of the divine world reaches its climax when she is identi-
fied with Isis (OGlS 16.31. PSI, 539. SB 1601; 602. Breccia 1893-
1934: I, 52, no 2. Breccia 1911: no- 7, Sethe 1904-1916: I, no 19, 1.
10. Preisigike - Bilabel - Kiessling 1913-: nos 601-62. Brady, 1935:
13. Otto, 1905-1908: I, 185. Tondriau, 1948a, 1948b. Frazer 1972
vol. I, 238-243., H, 129, ~ 3 . D u n a n d 1973: I, 35- 36; 113; 124; 137;
166; 178, IH, pp. 33-34; 137. Dunand 1991: 248; 281. Thompson;
1973: 57-59. Marangou, 1971. Brunelle, 1976: 37-38. Koenen, 1983:
157-158. Pantos, 1987: 347. Green 1990: 145-146; 158; 410).
The same tactics continues during the rule of Berenice II,
wife of Ptolemy III Euergetes. Berenice II maintains and reinforces
her predecessor's, Arsinoe's, religious politics; without abandoning
the traditional cult of Demeter, she creates, like all of the Ptolemies,
a combination between Greek and Egyptian cultic reality. Her
overall tactics contributes to the formation, for the first time, of the
Hellenized form of Isis' cult, as well as her iconography (P.Petr. In,
- 171 -
Panayotis Pachis
1, col.2. Breccia, 1893: pI. XXV, 2.. Vandebeek 1946: 67, 4. Dunand
1973: I, 38-39. Heyob 1975: 20-21, 119. Pantos 1987: 345-346).
This is achieved at large in 238 B. C, as witnessed in the Decree of
Canopus (GGlS I 56 90. Austin, 1981: 366-368; 374-378. Onasch,
1976. Green 1990: 262; 291). In this text, the conjunction of reli-
gious and political beliefs is dominant, since the rulers undertake _
according to the spirit of the times - jurisdictions that belong to
the divine world, and thus appear as gods or favoured of the gods
(PAthen 35, 4. PDavid lrp 3, 3. P.Enteux 28rp r 2; 86 r 2. P.Giss
Univ II 11,6. P.Koeln II 95, 12. Congr. XVII 90,2,4. PTebtI
13, 10; 53, 18; 61B 13,365; 72D 18,364; FrV 9, 189; II 28, 2; ctr 6;
28,4,8; 28, 6,15; 28,8, 7; 28, 9, 11; 28, 10,20; 289 rpr, FrD 1,40;
345 Fr Al, 6; 2, 6; 375,8; 13; 609v; III 1799,3; 793r 1, 22; 793 r 8,
88; 11, 1; 792, 2; III 2, 826, 1, 4; 7; 880 Fr 1, 2; 5; 895 rp r3, 75; 903,
4; 998, 22'; IV 1102 rp dupl FB 20; 24: 1116 rp FrC 4, 78. SB III
7200,2,2; 4, 44; 5, 72; XVIII 13257 rp 5. P.Ry/II 331. PSI VII 737,
7; VIII 901, 7; 10; 20; XIII1311 r, 20. PSelWa/;ge 2 rp 5; 3rp 6.
PStras IV 192, 4. o.Wilck 1118, 2. StudPalX 92,1,1. Skowronek-
Tkaczow 1979: 134). That is when the cult of this particular queen
is enriched with new divine names, resulting to her ever-increasing
connection to Isis-Demeter. This tactics continued during the
reigns of Cleopatra II and Ill, who is characterized as "<P/J..OfJ-rrrWp
IdJ'fc:/pa; and "(ka c:uc:pyi-r/c;," "t1./xawrJuvrp> and
(GGlS 107; 739, 7-8. PBadII 2r 1; 5; 15. UPZ 217 rp 1 int 2; ext 13;
14; 19. PAdIG11, 5. P.Dion 13rp r, ext 7; 9, 14 rp r, ext 8; 10; 12,
15 rp r ext 7; 9; 10, 16 rp r ext 8; 9; 11, 17 rp r ext 8; 10; 12,21 rp r
ext 8; 10,22 rp r ext 7; 9. PGrent 15 1 rp 8. PKoeln II 81,2; 5; 10;
13. Bouche-Leclercq 1903-1907: III, p. 53; 62, n. 3. Tondriau, 1948:
27-28 Dunand 1973: I, 40-41; 79). The above names demonstrate
the relation of her divine adjective to the exercise of the dynastic
rule (pachis forthcoming a). Cleopatra III is also characterized as "
!rJ/C; fJ-c:yaJ..Yj (J.Y;-rYjP &wv," a fact that points further to her identifica-
tion with the goddess (BGU 993, II 3. Fraser 1972:1, 221).
The above politics finds its ideal expression in the iconogra-
phy of the goddess, resulting to the emergence of the iconographi-
cal type that is known as "Alexandrine" (Dunand 2000: 44-49).
Even in this case, however, the Greek elements are predominant
- 172 -
'Manufacturing Religion" in the HeJJenistic Age
compared to the Egyptian ones. The creators of this trend attribute
to the goddess those characteristics that are common and related to
their own way of though. Besides, the tactics of selection is one of
the main aspects of syncretism, from antiquity to our time. In ico-
nography, the goddess bears along with her Greek hieratic appear-
ance elements of her traditional vesture (such as, for example, the
crown of Athor, the knot and her fringed scarf), which comprise,
already from the time of the New Kingdom, her par excellance at-
tributes. The name of the new iconographical type allows us to un-
derstand that its origin should be traced, as with many innovations
of that period, to the ecumenical environment of Alexand'-ia
(Schneider 1967: I, 485-486. Dunand 2000: 47). In time, these di-
vine representations are not limited within the urban environment,
but also appear in certain areas of the countryside, especially in
those of the temples, that usually tend to be tolerant towards any-
thing novel (Ballet 1994: 21, 3. Dunand 1990: 72,2; 75; 76. Dunand
1994: 196. Frankfurter 1998: 98-106, 1999).
In absolute accordance to the above iconography of the god-
dess is her form as "Isis lactans, by which her property as a divine
mother is particularly underlined (Dunand 2000: 49-55. Tram Tarn
Tihn 1990). All of her depictions by and large aim to underline her
absolute dominance on nature, her magnificence. She is usually rep-
resented bearing wheat spikes, that relate her all the most to the
form of the Greek Demeter, and also express her connection to
fertility and agriculture. This latter element is another yet aspect
that borrowed from the traditional Egyptian deity of grain and pro-
duce, Renenunet-Hermouthis. Their relation can be traced mainly
during the Ptolemaic rule, and is expressed in various ways, that
demonstrate her multifaceted divine form (Dunand 1973: I, 89-92;
102-103; 179. Dunand 2000: 50-51. Perpillou-Thomas 1993: 79-79.
Tran Tarn Tinh 1990: 788-789, nos 332-364). All these new forms
of religiosity that are integrated to the cult of the goddess, as well as
of other deities of the Egyptian pantheon (for example, Ho-
rus/Harpokrates, Anubis), very soon find their way out of Egypt,
especially when the Ptolemies employ .an imperialistic political
agenda towards the broader Hellenistic oecumene (Vidman 1969,
1970. Dunand 1973. Wild 1981. 1984. Mora 1990).
- 173-
Panayotis Pachis
The transformation that occurs to the character of the god-
dess during the Hellenistic age is witnessed by Diodorus Siculus. In
the first book of his Biblioteca Historica, he presents us with a
panorama of the beliefs and customs of Egypt during his time. This
is a period when the goddess's cult is propagated by its agents all
over the Hellenistic ecumene. The local aspects of the cult are re-
placed by the ecumenical and cosmopolitan ones, thus increasingly
intensifying her syncretistic character. Until now, the Greeks get
their information about the religious and everyday beliefs of East-
ern peoples - totally different to their own way of life - by the
stories of travellers and writers who visit foreign and far away
places. Everything seemed exotic, charming, and distant to them.
Now, however, a large part of this distant world is "transferred"
closer to them (pachis, forthcoming).
The arrival of Eastern deities and particularly the acceptance
of foreign cults in the Greek world is dictated, even during the Hel-
lenistic period, by the so-called "interpretatio Graeca 01andebeek
1946. Schneider 1969: H, 769; 770; 839; 859; 984; 985. Dunand
1983: 86-88. Schenk 1989). Thus, Isis' identification with a deity of
outmost Demeter, allows the rather quick acceptance
and adaptation of the Egyptian deity in the religious conscience of
the Greeks. This principle functions in Diodorus as a criterion for
the analogical similarities of the two goddesses: they are both iden-
tified with earth and generally with the physical powers that favour
the fertility of plants and animals (I, 12,; 13,6-7. Burton 1972: 158.
Mi.iller 1961: 86-87. Sfameni Gasparro 1985/86: 158-159.). Osir1s
and his wife, Isis, undertake a common task of acculturation for the
sake of the entire human race. Isis is considered to have discovered
cereals, while Osiris the methods of cultivation (Diod. Sic. I, 14; 15.
Burton 1972:, 73-75; 151-152. Griffiths, 1948. Sfameni Gasparro
1985/86: 159-162). Diodorus describes the above acts of the deities
using the term "Upyt:1:IXOV (Diod. Sic. I 17. Burton 1972: 79-81)
and "d)p1:lv (Diod. Sic. I 25), which, according to Vanderilip:
"[b]y the first century B.C. had been apparently replaced in Greek
cult by and. In I B.C. Diodorus is first use (I 13f) when he ranks
Isis and Osiris with the Greek "cultural heroes" (I 62ff.)" 01ander-
lip, 1972:,22; 4-7; 23. Diod. Sic., 114; 25. Burton 1972: 73-75; 116-
- 174 -
'Manufacturing Religion" in the Hellenistic Age
117; 162-168. Henrichs 1984. Solmsen 1979: 27-51. Sfameni Gas-
parro 1985/1986: 151-152; 158-164; 167-168. Pachis, 1998: 105-
168, forthcoming). During this time period, Horus, Osiri's lawful
successor, is also associated with Triptolemus, who is related to the
spread of agriculture, that brings about civilization and harmonious
life (Skowronek - Tkaczow 1979: 141. Schwarz 1987:, 55-56, no
140; 157-158; p. 169-172, pI. XX, 35. Herrman,]r 1999 [2000]:90.
Laubscher 1988. Pachis 1998: 171-174.).
The above conviction expresses the political status quo of his
time. It demonstrates ideas according to which the rulers are con-
sidered as civilizers and saviours of the oecumene, thus propagan-
dising their deification. The rulers of the country of the Nile are at-
tributed with similar beneficent qualities of the divine couple, Isis
and Osiris, who spread agriculture to mankind and thus create the
most appropriate conditions for the development of civilisation.
This fact defines, by and large, their political behaviour: as new
gods, they go around the entire ecumene and spread cultural com-
modities to all humans, who recognise them as civilisers and bene-
factors of mankind (Diod. Sic. I, 19, 5-8. Verniere 1990. Pachis
2003b: 195-201). The absolute authority of the Successors contin-
ues to exist throughout the Hellenistic era, in every sector of public
administration, commercial transactions, as well as many aspects of
the cultural life of this period. This last point plays an important
role in Diodorus' overall work, and is related to the hermeneutical
approach of Euhemerus (Rostovtzeff 1941: H, 1132. Nilsson 31974:
283-289; 294. Green 1990: 55; 108-109; 132; 172-174; 189; 196;
207; 247;264; 273;339;348; 395; 398-399;402; 602;622; 629;632).
Euhemerism is also apparent in the stories of Diodorus Sicuclus,
and is the main characteristic aspect of his narratives. Euhemerus'
ideas echo the religious beliefs that prevail in Alexandria during the
rule of the first Ptolemies, as well as in the greater Hellenistic world.
A regulatory factor for the shaping of his theory is the phenome-
non of deified rulers (Nilsson 31974: 35-185. Green 1990: 397-406.
Gruen 1993. Koenen 1993. Walbank 1993: 9-105; 295-306. Gehrke
2000: 78-80; 85-86; 124-125; 236-240; 272-273. Pachis 2003b: 247-
289). The rulers of this time are considered as patrons and eternal
agents of civilisation. They are representatives of harmony, order,
- 175-
i!.
11,

'L
l
P'
1,
I
1
I
C
i
l
I:
!!
'11
11:
1,1,
,II!
'"
,
!:'
I!'
I'
11
"I
,11
,'I
,I
,
,
:!
1I
III
'i
l
I
~ I
1/:
I
I
,
I
I
11
li
I.
Panayotis Pachis
and continuous stability, and for that reason are considered as "di-
vine saviours" (Nock 1972. Nilsson 31974: 183-185. Mikalson 1998:
76-104. Koenen 1993: 61). Their districts of influence are those ar-
eas where law prevails, and so do themselves, as the absolute en-
forcers of the law. Their "philanthropy" is directly related to their
general politics and is the best evidence of their salvific effect on
their subjects, especially whenever they are in danger (pachis 2003b:
186-206).
Isis gradually becomes, during the second half of the 1st cen-
tury B.C., more important than her husband, Osiris. Her wider ac-
ceptance can be interpreted on the basis of the historical facts of
this era, that are connected to the increased role of the Egyptian
Queens in religio-political affairs (Diod. Sic., I, 27. .Dunand 1973: I,
41.). Their authority is so powerful, that they can impose changes
even in religious life. Among their politics is the support of the cult
of Isis in opposition to that of the other local deities. This fact has a
catalytic affect on the overall form of the goddess in later periods.
In the Aretalogies, it is her, and not Osiris, who carries through
every act of acculturation CVernsel 1990: 39-95. Pachis 2003a: 105-
110).
Decisive for this reality, as we mentioned above, is the role of
the Egyptian Queens, who since the 2nd century B.C. are actually
the governors of the country. This contributes to an even closer
connection between Isis and the world of fertility, as witnessed by
the hymns that derive from the temple of Philae, and that can be
considered as the model for the her Aretalogies (Zabkar 1988: pp.
138-146. Herrmann, Jr 1999 [2000]: 74). This belief is all the more
reinforced in time, and becomes one of Isis' most characteristic at-
tributes. Isis' connection to agriculture, and generally to the world
of production, is another yet reason for the rulers of Egypt to fa-
vour the development of the specific cult. Their tactics creates new
ideas that contribute decisively to a new, flourishing economy. The
homo po/iticus of the 5th century B.C. gives his place to the homo
economicus of this era (Rostovtzeff 1941: I, 100-101; 411-412; 421-
422, Il,. 1074-1077; 1119-1121. Edelstein 1967: 81-83. Austin-
Vidal Naquet 1998: 210. Pachis 2003b: 16; 90).
At this point, it is worth mentioning that the above outlook
- 176-
'Manufacturing Religion" in the Hellenistic Age
covers only a part of reality, and not the overall character of these
cults. In this specific case, we are dealing with a problem which is
multifaceted, as is this era in general. Demeter continues to be wor-
shipped by the Greek metoikoi in her Greek form, and the same
applies to Isis and the Egyptians. The above groups are relateJ to
all those who cannot tolerate any compromise of their traditions
towards anything foreign. The people who live outside the "spirit of
their times" try to dig themselves in the immiscible traditional envi-
ronment. At the same time, however, there is another group of
people, Greek as well as native, who jointly worship these two dei-
ties (praser - Rumpf 1952: 73). Among them are the residents of
the urban centres, as well as those of the country (chora), who obey
- whether consciously or not - to the trends of the new age. The
acceptance of the new ideas, especially by the countrymen, comes
as a surprise, as the latter are usually considered as exponents of the
traditional lifestyle. Despite all that, there are people who care tr'-ore
about their annual crop, and therefore their survival, rather than the
existing cultural peculiarities. For this reason, they accept the cult of
the Greek deity, that reminds them of their own Isis, and attribute
to her the same credit that they pay to their traditional deities.
The above testimonies of Diodorus can also be related to 1sis'
sovereignty (identified with Demeter) within the Greek environ-
ment. The first testimony for the introduction of the goddess's cult
into the Greek environment dates_back to 333/332 B.C., in Piraeus
(IG Il2 337. Dow 1937: 185. Dunand 1973:Il, 4-5. Ferguson 1974:
88; 217-218. Nilsson 31974: 120. Simms 1989: 216, 1995: 197-208.
Parker 1995: 243; 337-338. Pakkanen, 1996: 49-50. Mikalson 1998:
30;276.), where it remains in isolation, compared to the pantheon
of the traditional Athenian deities (Mikalson 1998: 144; 151-155.
Dunand 1973: Il, 4-5, 1983: 89). This tactics changes during the
2nd century B.C., when the Athenian cleruchs of Delos meet the
goddess and identify her cult with that of Demeter, contributing to
its final establishment within t h ~ environment of Athens and the
other Greek city-states. Isis' particular character gradually over-
comes the feelings of disbelief and distrust. In comparison to the
other cults that appear from time to time in the Greek area, that of
Isis comes undoubtedly first among the preferences of the Greeks.
- 177 -
1
Panayotis Pachis
The reasons for this change should be sought in the historical
reality that is shaped in the Athenian political setting during the 2nd
century B.C., after the settlement of the Athenians in Delos (Fergu-
son 1974: 348-349. Habicht 1998: 323-324). Delos' commercial
character contributes to the gathering of many foreign merchants
from all over the Hellenistic oecumene, resulting to the creation of
an ecumenical society, characterised by communication and toler-
ance (Schneider 1967: I, 387-401. Roussel 1987. Reger 1993, 1994.
Ducat 31983. Pachis 2003b: 138-152). The development of foreign
mercantile communities also contributes to the appearance of a
characteristic phenomenon, namely peoples' colligation around the
cult of the patron deity (or deities) of their country (Baslez 1977.
Rauth 1993: 251-289. Habicht 1998: 339-344). Besides, these
groups require protection from deities whose dominion is the
world of physical phenomena (such as, i.e., Poseidon, Zeus Oudos,
1sis Pelagia for the regular and safe conduct of their journeys) (Fer-
guson 1974: 406. Roussel, 1916: no 129 = ID 2179. Mora 1990: no
18+).
Among the foreign cults that appear in the island are those of
the Egyptian deities (Sarapis, Isis, Anubis) as well as the cult of the
Ptolemies (such as, i.e., that of Ptolemy VI) (Roussel1916: 249-251.
Bruneau 1970: 457-466. Dunand1973: Il, 83-115. Ferguson 1974:
242. Mikalson 1998: 223; 229-231; 311). At first, the ptiests that
represent these cults strictly follow the Egyptian ritual order, as it is
still the time of the settlement and gradual adaptation of the cult to
.the life of the new social environment (Habicht 1998: 334-335).
The Athenians of Delos in the beginning are indifferent to the cult
of Isis and Sarapis, because of their patrimonial beliefs. In time,
however, and due to the existence of intense commercial transac-
tions with Egyptian merchants, their initial diffidence gives in, and
they begin to be interested in these cults. The cosmopolitan envi-
ronment of the sacred island contributes to the acquaintance and
familiarisation with these cults. The rulers of the island follow a
more flexible tactics towards these cults, in order to create even
better conditions for the conflation between the Egyptian ritual of
the foreign cult and the patrimonial customs of the Athenians. In
this way, the traditional distinction between "us" and the "others"
- 178-
'Manufacturing Religion" in the HelIenisUc Age
that used to be dominant collapses, even in the conscience of the
Athenian cleruchs (Ferguson, 1974: 407; 418-419; 421-423).
Isis's cult quickly becomes particularly popular among the
Athenians of Delos, not only for the reasons mentioned above, but
mainly because she is closer to Demeter, whose cult is widely
spread in Delos during this period. Besides, we should not forget
that the women of Delos, as those throughout the rest of the Greek
world, celebrated the Thesmophoda to honour Demeter, Core, and
Zeus Euboleus. The Thesmophodon had two altars, one for each
deity, a sanctuary, and the Megaron (fJiyapov) , where the ritual of
the "l'.Jyktophylaxia" (Nux'roif;uM;f!a) is conducted as part of the
festival (Bruneau 1970: 269-290; 290-293. l\iIikalson 1998: 211).
The overall reversal of their attitude is clearly demonstrated
by an inscription of 158/7 B.C., citing the names of the Athenians
serving in these cults (Mikalson 1998: 216-217; 237-238. ID, 2605).
This change is all the more obvious in the architecture of a new
temple of Sarapis, named by contemporary archaeological research
as Sarapieion C (Roussel, 1916: 47-67; 106-202. Ferguson 1974:
357; 365. Dunand 1973: Il, 93-95. Wild 1981: 38-39; 173-174. Bri-
I
cault' 1996b). This sanctuary is built according to the Greek tradi-
tion in 135/4 B.C., in the valley of the river Inopos. Thus, after a
relatively short period of time, and especially after 100 B.C., the
Athenians are so much affected by the cosmopolitan and syncretis-
tic spirit of the island, that they become particularly tolerant to-
wards all these foreign cults. This attitude takes over the original
mistrust with which they used to confront them in earlier times.
There are many reasons that lead us to conclude that the Athenians
of Delos begin to adopt, due to tl1e environment in which they live,
a different way of seeing things, and become cosmopolitans.
All these factors contribute to the fact that Greek as well as
Egyptian inhabitants of Delos pray to both of these deities. Both of
them had similar attributes for the cosmopolitan inhabitants of the
island, and for that reason they no longer noticed their differences.
Besides, what was more important to them was the fulfilment of
their expectations by the dynamic intervention of these deities.
Their sanctuaries are open to all the people of the ecumene, with-
out any distinction of race. Characteristic of the tactics of the resi-
- 179-
,I1I
III
Panayotis Pachis
dents of Delos to approach the two cults is an inscription found in
this area, dating from the end of the 3rd century B.C., citing:
"IIAou'rwvI xai K6pcl, iJ. ~ [ J . 'f)'rpl, 'Epwl /1 VODbl (lG Xl 4, 1235, 3. P.
Pakkanen 1996: 97).
The original acquaintance of the Athenians with the cult of
the goddess in Delos and her subsequent importation to the city is
an event of major significance for the establishment of the cult in
the city of Athens, as well as the rest of the Greek world. This fact
is of catalytic importance for the goddess's entrance to the Athe-
nian environment. Her cult is no different, during this period, to
the cult that the Athenians find for the first time in Delos. The
city's religious as well as social life now has a clearly ecumenical
character, directly influenced by the situation in Delos, through the
Athenian cleruchs, after their definitive return to their paternal
ground, who, even in this case, continue to live with the memories
of the ecumenical life on Delos (lG Il2 4702; 4692. ID 2979. SEG
21. 796; 24. 225; 42.157; Kirchner, 1901-1903: no 2937. Roussel,
1916: 268,2. Dow 1937: 198-201; 208-212; 227-232. Tracy 1975:
72-73, no 13. Habicht 1992: 76, 1998: 377. Mikalson 1998: 7-8; 276-
277.).
Of course, we should not forget the decisive role of the so-
called group of the "philotimoi" in the establishment of the cult.
The members of this particular group mainly come from the envi-
ronment of the thiasoi of the Egyptian deities and take active part
in the economic support of the city's religious as well as everyday
needs (IG III IlI2 1231; 1235; 1259; 1260-1262; 1266; 1277, 19-24;
1282, 15-16; 1263, 20-25; 1292, 20-25; 1297; 1299; 1338; 2355;
2357; 2358. Foucart 1873: 193-194, no 6. Dow, 1937: 207. Thomp-
son, 1961: 601-603; 607. San Nicolo 1972: 53. Ferguson 1974: 287;
303; 384. Debord, 1982: 206-207; 210. VIJ. Rosivach, 1994: 10.
Pakkanen 1996: 43; 52-53; 62-63). Besides, we cannot oversee that
the institution of benefaction, as mentioned above, is of particular
importance to the historical reality of the Hellenistic ages (Xen.,
Vect. 2, 1-3. lG Il/IIl2 847; 1282, 15-16; 1262, 20-25; 62. lG
Il/IIl2 1292, 10-28. lG Il2 1186. Ferguson 1974: 242; 246-247;
253; 311; 316-317; 384. San Nicolo 1972: p. 53. Debord, 1982: pp.
206-207; 210. Osborne, 1981-1983: 144-145; 147-150. Garland
- 180-
1--
'Manufacturing Religion" in the Hellenistic Age
1992: 7; 8; 10. Parker 1995: 125; 243; 244-245; 247; 263; 266; 267;
340. Pakkanen 1996: 33; 43; 53; 133. Mikalson 1998: 59; 180-181;
197; 213; 307-308; 310. Pachis 2003b: 186-206).
Another yet aspect of the Delian effect is the fact that within
the Athenian environment we find the same hieratic degrees as in
Delos. Among them, dominant are those of the zakoroi, the oneirok-
retes, and the kleidouchoi of the cult of the Egyptian deities, that are
occupied by members of renowned Athenian families (lG Il2 3681.
Dow 1937: 207-208. Roussel1916: nos 64; 84; 119; 120; 123; 135;
136; 146; 147; 148; 150; 151; 1 5 ~ 153; 156; 158; 1 6 ~ 165; 166; 169;
170; 171; 182; 185;,201; 209. Vidman 1969: 66-78, 1970: 7; 38; 53-
60; 62; 73; 74. Dunand 1973: Il, 9-11. :Cunand 1983: 89. Mora
1990: nos 18+; 122+; 158; 247; 442+; 555+; +; 603+; 673+; 681+;
728+; 817+; 841+; 938+. Pakkanen 1996: 55-56; 59-60). This phe-
nomenon is not only1exclusive to Delos, but is also seen in Athens,
where some time later the members of Eastern and Italian families
cohabit in harmony. Though these representative families, new for-
eign deities and religious communities arrived in Athens a lot more
often than before, thus justifying the ascertainment that the domi-
nant cosmopolitanism of Delos also had effects on Athens, which
of course was already open to foreigners in the past (Dow 1937:
208-213. Day 1942: 76-82. Habicht 1998: 377. Mikalson 1998: 223;
237-238; 243; 254.). The organisation and the ritual of the cult fol-
low the Greek standards, as in the Athenian cuItic environment,
generally putting the Egyptian form aside. The priests are elected
according to the Greek customs, having an annual and elective, and
not lifelong (ola ()iou) and hereditary term (Vidman 1970: 37-42; 48-
52).
The negative attitude of the polis and the demos towards for-
eign cults gives way, mainly from 134 B.C. and later (ID 2124, -28.
Dow 1937: 202. Simms 1995: 204-205. Dunand 1973: Il, 95. NIikal-
son 1998: 229- 231; 232; 235-238. Bruneau 1970: p.1). This is when
the conjunction is completed between the form of Isis and that of
Demeter, while we should bare in mind that the cults of the two
deities originally remain in a state of "parallelisation" (pakkanen
1996: 79; 81; 87; 89-92; 97-98). In this way, the form and the sym-
bolisations of one deity characteristically complete the other. The
- 181 -
Panayotis Pachis
goddess retains for a long time, after her establishment in Greek
territory and especially in Athens, a certain distance from the cult of
Demeter; their relations develop gradually according to the spirit of
the time. Thus, attributes and symbolisms related to the Egyptian
deity are shaped according to the Greek models, contributing to
Isis' gradual acquisition of a totally different character, ever more
resembling to the form of the Greek goddess. This coexistence
does not create any expression of antagonism or hostility between
the two cults; to the contrary, they coexist in harmony.
The analogous character of the two deities also becomes evi-
dent in Isis' new appearance. Her iconographic form is originally
identified in the environment of Alexandria with that of Demeter.
The congruence of the two deities is achieved through the use of
common symbols, that are connected to the evocation of fertility.
These elements are further reinforced with Isis' identification with
Demeter, than with any other Egyptian deity, as Isis, the "Mistress
and source of life," is considered to represent the power of produc-
tion. This attribute is not only limited as far as humans are con-
cerned, but also expands to agricultural production and is thus con-
sidered as the absolute power that guarantees the fertility and rich
harvest of cereals, as demonstrated by the ears of wheat on the
royal crown of the goddess, a definitive symbol of her creative
power (pakkanen 1996: 99-100. Pachis, forthcoming).
Despite all that, we should not overlook the differences that
continue to exist, even in this case, among the two deities. Their
different place of origin functions decisively to emphasise the dis-
similarities between the rituals of these two cults. Furthermore, we
should bear in mind that Isis' identification with a Greek deity does
not mean the end of her association with her original environment.
In the first case, there is a goddess who lightens and reinforces the
magnificence of the Athenian state with her presence, while in the
second it is a foreign cult transplanted to this area during the Helle-
rustic ages. These differences gradually fade out, resulting to the
henotheistic form of the goddess, during the 2nd century A.n
CVersnel, 1990. Bricault 1996a Pachis, forthcoming). Isis' identifica-
tion with Demeter is more than a common place during this period.
Their complete conjunction expresses the spirit of the times in an
- 182-
I
'Manufacturing Religion" in the Hellenistic Age
entirely unique way. It is one more sample of the convergence and
consolidation of the Greek and the Oriental spirit.
The definitive and official recognition of the cult of Isis is af-
firmed by the text of a sacred law of the 1st century B.C., which de-
scribes the official participation of the ministers of Isis in the rituals
of the Athenian state. At the same time, the priests appeal "rcpi)(; TY)V
bOUAY)V XIXi TOV oY)(J.ov XIXi TOV bIXcnMIX AM;v'I(J'lV for resolution to
their problems (pollitt, 1965. Vidman 1969: 18, no 33a. Sokolowski
1969: 93-95, no 50A. Dunand 1973: Il, 14-15, 1983: 89). The litera-
ture of this period reveals the evident influence that derives from
Delos. The coins of this era are one more secure proof for the
augmentation of the followers of the Egyptian deity; they depict
symbols of the goddess, next to the names of renowned men of the
city. We have no evidence of offerings from foreigners, as in the
case of Delos, but from Athenian citizens who had been prosely-
tised to the cult of the goddess (ID I, 2039. Habicht 1998: 344.).
The decisive effect of the Eleusinian cult will become even
more obvious in later times, and especially during the 1st century
A.D. Isis' rituals only have the elements of a secret cult that is sim-
ply related to the circle of the so-called "deities in vicissitude"
(plut., De Is. et Os. 25. 360 D-F. Griffiths 1970: 383-386. Plut., De E
Delpb. 9.384D. Bianchi 1976: 1-3 1984: 74-76. Sfameni Gasparro
1985: xiii-xxii). The analogical relationship between the form of Isis
and that of Demeter reinforces her status in the cultic life of the
Athenians, and the Greeks in general, however there isn't yet any
sign of any mystery cult. Only later, with the beginning of the Im-
perial ages, does the ritual of Isis's cult acquire a mystery form. The
Eleusinian influence defines the final completion of the ritual order
(plut., De Is. et Os, 27. 361. D-E. Griffiths 1970: 390-392. Apul.,
Met., XI, 6; 23. Griffiths 1975: 163-167; 296-308. Bianchi 1980.
Sanzi 1996a: 50-52, 1996b: 64-66. Pachis, 2000). The same applies
to the rest of the cities of the continental and insular Greek terri-
tory, where the cult of the goddess and the rest of the Egyptian dei-
ties is propagated (Bricault 2001). The archaeological research in
Dion that revealed the goddess's sanctualY has proved that it was
close to that of Demeter (pantermalis 1999: 60-73). This mystery
form completes the official mystic character of her rituals; this form
- 183 -
Panayotis Pac1Jis
will continue to exist until the 4th century A.D., in Greece, as well
as the rest of the vast Roman state.
**
The IIellenistic age as a transitory period of antiquity offers a
characteristic example for the attempt of humans to release them-
selves from the suffocative limits of space, society and tradition.
Particularly helpful in this attempt is peoples' translocation from
the narrow environment of a "centripetal" society to the wider en-
vironment of a "centrifugal" one (Smith 1993a: 10, 1993c: 131-
132). In this way, people reach a mutual understanding and com-
munication, with the establishment of the ecumenical ideals of this
epoch. Among the characteristic aspects of this time we should
recognise its anti-individualistic texture, in order to avoid making
invalid generalisations (IvIartin 1994). Thus, the overall historical
frame of this period enables certain conveyors of power (kings and
priests) to use certain "common denominators" (i.e., by imposing
or allowing a single common language or promoting the phenome-
non of syncretism), that facilitate the imposition of new politico-
religious situations, as well as the mutual understanding and com-
munication between the citizens of the Hellenistic oecumene (pa-
chis 2003b: 29-30. Martin 2004a). Their general tactics relies on a
systematic use of traditional as well as any kind of innovative as-
pects that appear during this period. Crucial to this politics of the
conveyors of power is the strategy of propaganda (Dunand 2000:
66-67. Pachis 2003a) that reinforces the imposition of types of gov-
ernment that are novel to the traditional way of thinking. Besides, it
is implied by the rulers that those who will adopt the new ideals will
be among the well-favored of the overall politico-economic, as well
as religious, system of this time, contrary to those who choose to
remain faithful to the traditional way of thinking. The tactics of a
directed imposition of innovatory ideas is even more intense, and
thus controlled in certain important centres (i.e. the capital cities of
the Hellenistic states), than in the periphery (Smith 1993a: 98-99,
1993b: 107-119, 1993d: 294-295. Bilde - Engberg-Pedersen - Han-
nestad - Zahle - Randsborg 1996).
- 184-
'Manufacturing Religion" in the Hellenistic Age
The base for the formation, propagation and imposition of all
those ecumenical ideas are the cities and the commercial centres of
the Hellenistic kingdoms. In this case, we shall focus on Alexandria,
the capital of the Ptolemies, and Delos, which became an important
commercial centre of the Mediterranean. This allows us to under-
stand the particularity of the various political centres and those of
the diaspora, that are created because of the continuous movement
and wandering of the people of this era. These places are nodular
for the acquaintance with and diffusion of these cults throughout
the wider oecumene (Martin 1987: 23-24, 1994: 125-131. Martin
2004a: 256, 5. Pachis 2002b. Pachis 2003b: 51-54).
In the case of Alexandria as a cosmopolitan centre, we are
facing a directed procedure of syncretism, customised to the gen-
eral way in expression of this era, and deriving from the encounter
between the Greek and Eastern way of thinking. The main pro-
tagonists of this encounter are in this case a Greek goddess, Deme-
ter, and a member of the Egyptian pantheon, Isis. Their identifica-
tion is based on their analogical features, and thanks primarily to
the careful selection of all these aspects that are directly related to
the traditional cultural way of thinking of the people of this era,
who become carriers of these new ideas (Andresen 2001: 18, 22.
Barsalou 1992: 83. Sperber 1996:, 101-102. Boyer 1994: 11-12; 14-
21; 181; 268-275. Beyer 1998: p. 10-11. Lawson 2001: 141-144.
Martin 1996: 220 -221. Martin 1997: 149. Martin 2001b: 399, 2003a:
215; 221. Pachis 2002a: 226; 235.). The tactics for creating these re-
ligious syncretistic forms is amplified in the consciousness of the
members of the group through certain "imagistic" modes of religi-
osity, that are particularly attractive to them, resulting to a progres-
sive impairment to possible sources of resistance (Martin 2004a:
248,2. Whitehouse 2000, 2002.).
The influence of all these ideas and the decisive change that
occurs in the way of thinking of the people of these regions ~ o u l d
be compared to the appearance of an epidemic in a specific area.
Indeed, in the case of Alexandria that is of special interest to us
here, the imposition and application of these particular syncretistic
forms of religiosity is achieved on the basis of an organised strategy
that deliberately weakens people's cognitive defenses. In ether
- 185-
Panayotis Pachis
words, it is like the spread of an epidemic without an antidote.
(Dawkins 1982: 85, 152, 1989: 192; 323. Dennett 1995: 335-350,
473-476. Brodie 1996. Kamppinen 2002: 265; 267; 269. Sperber
1996: 100-108).
The same situation can be seen in the case of Delos, that
could be considered as a "nowhere land" for the Athenian
klerouchoi who settle on the island, due to the particular character
of this region (Smith 1971: 238) the traditional mode of a locative
society is lost. Within this environment of the diaspora, the tight
limits of a group's local particularities gradually seem to be fading
more and more, yielding to the pressure of external factors. The
coexistence of two separate groups usually creates a composite way
of expression, customised to the ideals of the time. For the Atheni-
ans, their acguaintance with this cult in the Delian environment, out
of the sphere of their immediate control, gives them the chance to
make a free choice and create novel religious forms, that in their
home environment would have remained in the margins of socio-
religious reality.
The choice is made also in this case - indeed now more in-
tensely - based on the pre-existing ideas related to the cult of the
primary Greek deity of agriculture, Demeter. Indeed, in this case,
the conseguences of this new religious reality, as it is expressed in
the form of Isis-Demeter, are more obvious, in the absence of all
those factors that could control the situation .and restore a healthy
way of thinking, one that is expressed in accordance to tradition
("{)ia!J./!X). We can say that the behaviour of the Athenian klerou-
hoi in the environment of Delos can be compared - once more
- to the case of an organism that is weak and therefore more vul-
nerable to microbial factors. This situation is intensified by the con-
stant communication between the Athenians and the groups of the
Egyptian communities of the island, as well as by the free choice of
ideas that can be considered as "sources of infection" (l'vIartin 2001:
295-296, 2003a:, 214-215, 2004a). Of course, we should not forget
that the choice is always between beliefs that bear an analogical re-
semblance to their personal way of thinking. In this way, the proper
conditions for the gradual spread of the cult from its particular en-
vironment to the rest of insular and continental Greece are created.
- 186-
I _
'Manufacturing Religioll" in the Hellenistic Age
Abbreviations
AM Atheneische Mitteilungen
Anc.Soc Ancient Society
ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergand del' riimischen Welt, ed. H. Temporini -
W. Haase, Berlin-New York, 1972-
APFJ. Davies, Athenian Propertied Families 600-300 B.C, Oxford
1971
BCH Bulletin Correspondence Hellenigue
BGU Agyptische Urkunden del' kiJitig/ichm (later staatlichen) Muzeen zu
Berlin. Griechisch Urkunden, vols. I-XVIII pr.1, Berlin 1895-
2000
BSA AAnnual of the British Scool of Athens
Cl.A Classical Antiquity
CE Chronique d' Egypte
CJ Classical Journal
EPRO Etudes preliminaires aux religions orientales dans l' Empire
romaln
HSCPh Harvard Studies of Classical Philology
HThR Halyard Theological Review.
ID Inscriptiones Deliacae
IG Inscriptiones Graecae.
JHS Journal of Historic Studies
LIMC Lexicon Ioconographicum Graecum Mythologiae Classicae, Zurich,
1974-
MTSR Method and Theory for the Study of Religion
OGIS Grimta/is Graeci Inscliptiones Se/ectae, Supp/ementum Sy/Ioges Im-
criptionum Graecarum, ed. W. Dittenberger, vols I-Il, Leipzig
1903-1905.
O.Wilck Griechische Gstraka aus Agyptm ttnd Nttbien, ed. U. Wilcken,
vols I-Il, Leipzig-Berlin, 1899 (texts, vol. Il, nos. 1-1624, re-
print Amsterdam 1970, with addenda compiled by P.J. Si-
- 187 -
j\
I'
:i
'1
' I
I
:11
I!
Panayotis Pachis
words, it is like the spread of an epidemic without an antidote.
(Dawkins 1982: 85, 152, 1989: 192; 323. Dennett 1995: 335-350,
473-476. Brodie 1996. Kamppinen 2002: 265; 267; 269. Sperber
1996: 100-108).
The same situation can be seen in the case of Delos, that
could be considered as a "nowhere land" for the Athenian
klerouchoi who settle on the island, due to the particular character
of this region (Smith 1971: 238) the traditional mode of a locative
society is lost. Within this environment of the diaspora, the tight
limits of a group's local particularities gradually seem to be fading
more and more, yielding to the pressure of external factors. The
coexistence of two separate groups usually creates a composite way
of expression, customised to the ideals of the time. For the Atheni-
ans, their acquaintance with this cult in the Delian environment, out
of the sphere of their immediate control, gives them the chance to
make a free choice and create novel religious forms, that in their
home environment would have remained in the margins of socio-
religious reality.
The choice is made also in this case - indeed now more in-
tensely - based on the pre-existing ideas related to the cult of the
primary Greek deity of agriculture, Demeter. Indeed, in this case,
the consequences of this new religious reality, as it is expressed in
the form of Isis-Demeter, are more obvious, in the absence of all
those factors that could control the situation .and restore a healthy
way of thinking, one that is expressed in accordance to tradition
("{)i<JfJ.ux). We can say that the behaviour of the Athenian klerou-
hoi in the environment of Oelos can be compared - once more
- to the case of an organism that is weak and therefore more vul-
nerable to microbial factors. This situation is intensified by the con-
stant communication between the Athenians and the groups of the
Egyptian communities of the island, as well as by the free choice of
ideas that can be considered as "sources of infection" (Martin 2001:
295-296, 2003a:, 214-215, 2004a). Of course, we should not forget
that the choice is always between beliefs that bear an analogical re-
semblance to their personal way of thinking. In this way, the proper
conditions for the gradual spread of the cult from its particular en-
vironment to the rest of insular and continental Greece are created.
- 186-
'Manufacturing Religioll" in the Hellenistic Age
Abbreviations
AM Atheneische Mitteilungen
Anc.Soc Ancient Society
ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergand del' riJ'mischen Welt, ed. H. Temporini-
W. Haase, Berlin-New York, 1972-
APFJ. Davies, Athenian Propertied Fami/ies 600-300 B.C, Oxford
1971
BCH Bulletin Correspondence Hellenique
BGU Agyptische Urktmden der kiJnig/ichen (later staatlichen) Muzeen zu
Berlin. Gn'echisch Urkunden, vols. I-XVII, pr.1, Berlin 1895-
2000
BSA AAnnual of the BritishScool of Athens
CLA Classical Antiquity
CE Chronique d' Egypte
C] Classical Journal
EPRO Etudes preliminaires aux religions orientales dans l' Empire
romaln
HSCPh Harvard Studies of Classical Philology
HThR Harvard Theological Review _
ID Inscriptiones Deliacae
IG Inscriptiones Graecae.
JHS Journal of Historic Studies
LIMC Lexicon Iocollographicum Graecum lVIJ!fhologiae Classicae, Zurich,
1974-
MTSR Method and TheolY for the Study of Religion
OGIS Grienta/is Graea InsCliptiones Se/ectae, Supp/ementum Sy/loges Ins-
ttiptionum Graecarum, ed. W. Dittenberger, vols I-Il, Leipzig
1903-1905.
O.Wilck Griechische Gstraka aus ./lgypten und Nubien, ed. U. Wilcken,
vols I-Il, Leipzig-Berlin, 1899 (texts, vo!. II, nos. 1-1624, re-
print Amsterdam 1970, with addenda compiled by P.J. Si-
- 187 -
Panayotis Pachis
jesteijn).
P.Adl The Adler Papyri. Greeks texts, ed. E. W. Adler - J. G. Tait - F.
M. Heicheleheim. Demotic Texts, ed. F. Ll. Griffith, Oxford,
1939. Greek, nos 1-21. Demotic, nos 1-30. an additional De-
motic piece, no 31, was published by N. J. Reich, Journal of
the American Oriental Society 36 (1936), 168-169.
P.Athen Papyri Societatis Archeologicae Atheniensis, ed. G. A Petropou-
los, Athens 1939 (Pragmateiai tis Akademias Athenon, 10), nos 1-
70 [MF 1.G4; rp CG]. Further texts published in Anekdotoi
philologikai kai idiotikoi papyroi, ed. M. G. Tsoukalas, Athenes
1962 (Bibliotheke tes en Athenais Philekpaidetikes Hetaireias,
17), reprinted SB VIII 9860-9862.
P.Bad VerOffentlichungen aus den badischen Papyrus-Sammlungen, ed. F.
Bilafel, vol II, Heidelberg, 1923.
P.Cair. Zen Zenon Papyri, ed. c.c. Edgar, vo!. I, 1925. vo!. Ill, 1928.
P.Co!. Zcn Zenon Papyli: business papers ifthe 3rd century B.C ed. W. L.
Westermann - E. S. Hasenoehrl I (Columbia Papyri, Greek
Series, vo!.III), New York 1934.
P.David Antidoron Mattino David oblatum: miscellenea papyrologica, col-
legerunt E. Boswinkel - B. A van Groningen - P. W.
Westerman, Lugdunum Batavorum, 1968.
P.Dion Les archivesplives de Diotrysios,fils de Kephalas, ed. E. Boswinkel
- P. W. Pestman, Leiden 1982.
P.Enteux Publications de la Societe de la Societe rqyale egyptienne de Papyro-
logie, Textes et Documents, I: ed. O. Guerard, Cairo
1931-1932.
P.Giss Univ Mitteilungen aus der Papyrussammlung der Giessener Universi-
tdtsbibliothek, ed. H. Kling, vols. I, nos. 1-16, Giessen 1924.
P.Grenfl. Alexandrian Erotic Fragment and other Greek Papyri chieflY Pto-
lemaic, ed. B. P. Grenfell, nos 1-70, Oxford, 1896.
P.Koeln Kijlner Papyri, ed. B. Kramer - D. Hagedorn (pap. Colen.
VII/2) vol. II, nos 58-114, papyri, nos. 115-124, ostracs,
Oplanden, 1978.
P.Mil, Congr. XVIIPapili documentati dell' Universitd Cattolica di Mila-
no, ed. O. Montevecchi et a!., J.\tIilano 1983.
- '188-
<Manufacturing Religion" in the Hellenistic Age
P.Petr. The Flinders Petrie Papyri, Pt.1, ed. j. P. Mahaffy (Royal Irish
Academy, Cunningham Memoirs, No 8); Pt. 3, ed. J .-P.
Mahaffy (Royal Irish Academy, Cunningham Memoirs, No
11), Dubline 1891-1905.
P.Petr.Will The Petrie Papyri, second edition, 1, The Willis, ed, W.
Clarysse, Brussels 1991 (Coll. Hellen. II), nos 1-31.
P.Ryl Catalogue ifthe Greek and Latin Papyri in the John 'RJ,lands Library,
Manchester, ed. AS. Hunt, vols Il, nos. 1-61, Manchester
1911.
P.Se!.Warga Select Papyn', ed. R.W. Warga, Diss. Urbana-Champaign,
1988, nos 1-13.
PSI Papyri Grece e Latini (publicazioni della Societa haliana per la ri-
cerca dei papiri greci e latini in Egitto), vo!. VII, nos 731-870,
ed. M. Norsa - V. Bartoletti, Firenze 1925, vo!. VIII, ed. M.
Norsa-V. Bartoletti, nos 871-1000, Firenze 1927, vo!. XlII,
ed. M. Norsa-V. Bartoletti, nos. 1296-1370, Firenze, 1949-
1953.
P.Stras Griechische Papyrus der kaiserlichen Universitats- und Landesbiblio-
thek Stassburg, vo!. IV: Papyrus grecs de la Bibliotheque et
Universitaire de Strasbourg (publication de la Bibliotheque
Nationale et Universitaire de Strasbourg, 1), ed. J. Schwarz et
eleves, nos. 169-300, Stasbourg 1963.
RGRW Religions in the Graeco-roman World, R. van den Broek-
H. J. Drijvers-H.S.Versnel,
RGVV Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten.
SB Sammelbuch griechischen Urkunden aus Agypten (A collection ifdocttJnen-
tary papYl1; ostraca, mummy tablets and related texts published injour-
nals or unindexed catalogues), vo!. I, ed. F. Bilafel, nos. 1-6000,
Berlin-Leipzig, 1913-1915, vo!. Ill, ed., F Bilafel, nos. 6001-
7269, Berlin-Leipzig, 1926-1927, vo!. V, ed. F. Bilafel, nos.
7515-7803, Heidelberg-Wiesbaden 1934-1935
SIRIS Sylloge Inscriptionum Religionis Isiacae et Sarapiacae, ed.
L.Vidman 1969.
StudPal Studien zur Paleographie und Papyruskunde, vo/. X: Griechische
Texte zur Topographic Agyptens, ed. C. Wessely, nos. 1-291,
Leipzig, 1910.
- 189-
1
1
,
" ,,(
II'
ItI I:
,11
'1'1'
!
','
,ii
,
: I:
;:
il'
'11
'"
..

j"j
ii

Panayotis Pachis
UPZ Urkunden der Ptolemaerzeit (altere Funde), ed. U. Wilcken (Re-
publication of texts published in the nineteenth century, but
not including the Petrie papyri), vols. I-H, Berlin-Leipzig,
1927-1957.
- 190-
l-_
'Manufacturing Religion" in the Hellenistic Age
References
Adriani, A. 1961. Repertorio d' mie dell' bgitto greco-romano, vol. A1,
Palermo.
Andresen, Jensine. 2001. "Introduction: towards a cognitive science
of religion," in J. Andresen (ed.), Religion in Mind Cognitive Per-
spectives on religious Beliif, Ritual, and Experience, Cambridge,
2001,1-44.
I'...ustin, M. LVi. -vidal I Jaquet, 1998. O/xov0l'la XaL KOIvUJvla JT'1V
a(!xa1a EUdOa (flETeextpe. T. Ko6exOUAOc;;) (2:6YXeovY] AeplO-
Athens.
Austin, M. 1981. The Hellmistic World from Alexander to the Roman
Conquest: A Selection ofAncient Sources in Translation, Cambridge.
Baldry, C. 1959. "Zeno's Ideal State," JHS 79: 3-15.
Ballet, P. 1994. "Isis assise sur la corbeille, au sistre, au pot rond et
au miroir," in Hommages d Jean Lee/ant, vol. ITI: Etudes Isiaques
(Institut Fran<;ais d' Archeologie Orientale, 106, 3) LE Caire,
21-31.
Barsalou L.W. 1992. Cognitive P.rycholoJ!)l: An OVC17JieJ1J for Cognitive Scio-
enlists, Hillsdale, N.J.
Baslez M.-Fr. 1977. Recherches sur les conditions de penetration et diffusion
des religions orimtales d Delos II-I siicles avant notre ere, Paris.
Beck, R. 1988. Planetary Gods and Planetary Orders in the Mysteries of
Mithra (EPRO, 109), Leiden-New York-K0benhavn.
Benavides, G. 1998. "Modernity," in M. C. Taylor, Critical Terms for
Religious Studies, Chicago-London, 186-204.
-, 2004, "Buddhism, Manichaeism, Markets and Empires," in L.
H. Martin - P. Pachis (eds.), Hellenisation, Empire, and Globa/isa-
tion: Lessons from Antiquity. Acts of the Panel held during the 3rd
Congress of European Association for the Stucfy of Religion, Bergen,
Norway, 8-10 May 2003, Thessaloniki, 21-40.
- 191 -
11
>1
J
I:
Panayotis Pachis
Bergman, J. 1982. "Pagan Religious Syncretism on the Greek Impe-
rials of the Early Third Century," Diof!Jsius 6: 58-72.
Beyer P. 1998. "The Religious System of Global Society: Sociologi-
cal Look at Contemporary Religion and Religions," Numen
XLV, 1: 1-29.
Bianchi, U. 1975. History ofReligions, Leiden.
-, 1976. The Greek Mysteries (Iconography of Religions XVII, 3)
Leiden.
-, 1979. Saggi di metodologia della stmia delle religioni, Roma.
-, 1980. "Iside dea misterica. Quando?," in G. Piccaluga (ed.), Pe-
rennitas. Studi in onore di A. Brelich, promossi dalla Cattedra di Reli-
gioni delmondo classico dell' Universita degli Studi di Roma, Roma, 9-
36.
-, 1983. "Storia delle religioni," in L. Sartori (ed.), Le scienze della re-
ligione oggi, Bologna, 145-175.
-, 1984. "Atualita di una interpretazione religionsgeschichtlich," in
Adonis. Relaifoni del Colloquio in Roma, 22-23 maggio 1981 (Col-
lezione di Studi Finici, 18), Roma, 73-81.
-, 1994. "Concluding Remarks: The History of Religion, Today,"
in idem (ed.), The Notion of Religion. Selected Proceedings of the XVI
L4.HR (Storia delle Religioni, 8), Roma, 919-921.
Bilde, P. 1996. CC] esus and Periphery: A Methodological Essay on
Two Cases of Religious Innovation in the Context of Centre-
Periphery Relations," in P.Bilde - T. Engberg-Pedersen - L.
Han-nestad - J. ZaWe (eds.), Centre andPeriphery in the Hellenis-
tic World (Studies in Hellenistic Civilization, IV), Aarhus, 316-
338.
Bilde, P. - Engberg-Pedersen, Troels - Hannestad, Lise - Zahle,
]an - Randsborg, Klavs. 1996. Centre and Periphery in the Helle-
nistic World (Studies in Hellenistic Religion, IV), Aarhus.
Boechinger, Chr. 1994. "Syncretism," in S. Rudolf-Dunde (Hrsg.),
Wijrterbuch der Religionssoifologie, Giitesloher, 320-327.
Bouche-Leclercq, A. 1903-1907. Histoire des Lagides, vols I-IV, Paris.
- 192 -
}
\
'Manufacturing Religion" in the Hellenistic Age
Boyer, P. 1994. The Naturalness of ReligiOUS Ideas. A Cognitive TlJeory of
Religion, Berkeley, Los Angeles- London.
Brady, Th. Al. 1935. "The Reception of the Egyptian Cults by the
Greeks (330-30 B. C)," The University of Missouri Studies. A
Quartertly of Research X, 1: 1-88.
J3reccia, E. 1893-1894. Monuments de I' E/!)pte greco-romaine. f: Le rovine
e i monumenti di Canopo. Teade!fta e il temio di PneJeros. If: Terrecote
figurate greche egreco-egiife dei Museo di Alessandria, Bergamo.
-, 1911. Iscriifoni greche e latine (Catalogue general des antiquitcs
egyptiennes du Musee d' Alexandrie), Le Caire.
Bricault, L. 1996a. Myriof!J1110s. Les Epiclem Grecques et Latines d' hIs,
de Sarapis et d'Anubis (Beitrage zur Altertumskunde, 82), Stutt-
gart-Leipzig.
-, 1996b. "Les pretres du Sarapieion C de Delos," BCH 120 (2.
Etudes): 597-616. .
-,2001. Atlas de la diffusion des cultes Isiaques (IVe S.Av. J.-C -IVe S.
apr. J.-C) (preface J. Leclant) (Memoires, tome XXIII), Paris.
Brodie, R. 1996. Virus of the Mind: The NelJJ Scimces of the Meme, Seat-
tle, WA.
Brunelle, E. 1976. Die Bildnisse der Ptolemiierinnen, Diss, Frankfurt
A.M.
Burkert, W. 1996. Ancient Mystery Cults, Cambridge, Ma.
Burton, A. 1972. Diodorus Siculus. Book I. Commentary (EPRO, 29),
Leiden.
Cassidy W. (ed.) 2001, "Retrofitting Syncretism?," Historical ReJlec-
tions/ReJlexions Historiques 27,3, New York.
Colpe, C 1987. "Syncretism," in M. Eliade (ed.), The Enryclopedia of
Religion, vo!. 14, New York-London, 218-227.
Culianu, 1. P. 1983. P!Jlchonodia I, A Survf!Y of the Evidence concerning tfJe
ascension ofthe Soul and its Relevance (EPRO, 99), Leiden.
Cumont, F. 1912. Astrology and Religion among the Greeks and Romans,
New York.
- 19;) -
Panayotis Pachis
Dawkins, R. 1982. The Extended PhenotJpe, Oxford.
-,1989. TheSe!ftsh Gene, Oxford-New York.
Day, St. 1942. An bonomic HistoD' ofAthens under Roman Administra-
tion, New York.
Debord, P. 1982. Aspects sociaux et economiques dr la vie religieuse dans I'
Anatoliegrico-romaine (EPRO, 88), Leiden.
Dennett D. e. 1975. Danvin's Dangerous Idea: Evolution and the Mean-
ing ofLije, New York.
Dodds, E. R. 1995. E8vlxo! xai X(!umavo! (le pia C1wx1 And
TOV Md(!xo AU(!1Aio TOV M. KUJvmavrlvo (fJ.ET. K. AVTu1f.CJ.c,),
Athens.
Dow, St. 1937. "The Egyptian Cults in Athens," HThR 30: 185-232.
Doxiadi E. 1995. Ta nO(!T(!a!ra TOU CPaylOup (1f.QOA.oy0c" Dorothy J.
Thompson. METcX<jlQCJ.<J'1 AVOQECJ.C, flCJ.1f.1f.cXc,), Athens.
Ducat, Ph. 31983. Guide de Delos, Paris.
Dunand, F. 1973. Le culte d' Isis dans le bassin oriental de la Miditen-anee,
vols II-III (EPRO, 26), Leiden.
Dunand, Fr. 1979. Religion populaire en E!J)pte romaine (EPRO, 76),
Leiden.
Dunand, F. 1983. "Cultes Egyptiens hors d' Egypte. Nouvelles
voies d' approche et d' interpretation," in E. van't Dack - P.
Van Dessel - W. Van Gucht (eds.), Egypt and the Hellenistic
World Proceedings of the Intemational Colloquium, Leuven 24-26
May 1982 (Studia Hellentica, 27), Leuven, 74-98.
Dunand, F. 1990. Term C1-tites grico-romaines d' Egypte, Musie du Louvre,
Department des antiquites i!!Jptiennes, Paris.
-, 1991. "L' Egypte ptolemaique et Romaine," in: F. Dunand-
Chr. Zivie-Coche, Dieux et Hommes en Egypte (3000 av. J.-C
395 apr. J.-C). Anthropologie religieuse, Paris, 197-329.
-, 1994. "Un 'chapiteu Harpocratique' inedit de Tell el-Douch,';
in: Hommages cl Jean vo!. !II: Etudes Isiaques (Institut
Franc;:ais d' Archeologie Orientale, 106,3) Le Caire, 195-202.
- 194 -
'Manufacturing Religion" in the HeJJenistic Age
-, 2000. Isis, Mere des Dieux, Paris.
Edelstein, L. 1967. The Idea of Progress in Classical Antiquity, Balti-
more.
Perguson,]. 1973. Heritage ofHellenism, London.
Ferguson, W. S. 1974. I-Iellemstic Athens. An Hzstorical Essqy, Chicago
(reprint).
Foucault, M. 1971. The Order of Things (trans!. Anonymus), New
York, 1971 (1973 reprint).
Frankfurter, D. 1998. Religion in .Roman Egypt. Assimilation and Reszs-
tence, Princeton, N].
Frankfurter, D. 1999. "Isis in G. Bowersock - P. Brown - O.
Grabar [eds.], Late Antiquity. A Guide to the Postoclassical Wodd,
Cambridge, Ma-London, 517.
Fraser, P. M. 1960. "Two Studies on the Cult of Sarapis in the Hel-
lenistic World," OpusculaAtheniensia: 1-54.
-, 1967. "Current Problems Concerning the Early History of the
Cult of Sarapis," Opuscula Atheniensia: 23-45.
-, 1972. Ptolemaic Alexandria, vols. I-I!I, Oxford.
Fraser, P. M. - Rumpf, A. 1952. "The Ptolemaic Dedica-tions,"
Joumal ofEgyptain Archeology 38: 65-74.
Garland, R. 1992. Introducing Nel1J Gods: The Politics ofAthenian Relig-
ion, London.
Gehrke, H.-J. 2000. Imo(!!a TOU eM'lV{(JTIXOU XO(lj1ou (fJ.ETCI:<jlQ. A. XCI:-
Vl0.lt'1C,. ElIlfJ.EA.ElCl: Athens.
Graf, F. 1995. "Bemerkungen zur burgerlichen Religiositat im Zeit-
alter des Hellenismus," in M. Warrle - P. Zanker (eds.), Stad!-
bild und Biirgerbild des Hellenismus (Vestigia, 47), Munchen, 103-
114.
Grant, F.e. 1953. Hellemstic Religions: The Age of Syncretzsm (The Li-
brary of Liberal Arts), Indianapolis, Ind.
Green P. 1990. From Alexander to Actz'um. The Hellenistz'c Age, Lon-
don.
- 195 -
Ill/lit'!
Jj;
il
i
hl1
' ~ ; l l ;
I
"'1'1'11
'11
'[11
;,,1
,1;/1
IJII
)/;/:
Ji
Panayotis Pachis
Griffiths, J. G. 1948. "Diodorus Siculus and the Myth of Osiris,"
Man XL: 83-84.
-, (ed). 1970. Plutarch de Iside et Osiride} II)ith an Introduction} Transla-
tion and Commentary, Cambridge.
-, (ed.). 1975. Apuleills of Madauros. The Isis Book (Metamolpboses)
Book XI) (EPRO, 39), Leiden.
-, 1980. The Origins ofOsiris Cult and his Clllt (Studies in the History
of Religions [Suplement to NUMEN]), Leiden.
Gruen, E. 1993. "The King as Benefactor: Some Remarks on Ideal
Kingship in the Age of Hellenismus," in A. W. Bulloch - A.
A. Long - A. Stewart (eds.), Images and Ideologies in the Hellenistic
World (Hellenistic Culture and Society, XII), Berkeley-Los
Angeles-London, 7-24.
Habicht, Chr. 1992. "Athens and the Ptolemies," Classical Antiquity
11: 68-90.
-, 1998. H cM1jV((JT(X1 A 81va (flETiXcpQ. r. KOlAYJc;), Athens.
Hatzopoulos, M. 1994. Cultes et Rites de passage en Macedoine, Athens.
Heinen, H. 1981. "Alexandrien - Weltstadt und Residenz," in N.
Hinske (Hrsg.), Kulturbegegnungen dreier Jahrtausende im Schmelz-
tiegel einer mediterranen Grosstadt, Maioz, 3-12.
Henrichs, A. 1984. "The Sophist and Hellenistic Religion: Prodicus
as the Spiritual Father of the Isis Aretalogies," HSSCPh 88:
139-158. \
Herrmann, Jr., J. J. (1999) (2000) "Demeter-1sis or the Egyptian
Demeter?," Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archiiologischen Instituts 114:
65-123.
HerzogHauser, G. 1943. "Tyche," RE 7A 2: 1643-1689.
Heyob, Sh. K. 1975. The Cult of Isis among Women in the Graeco-Roman
World (EPRO, 51), Leiden.
Hopkinson, N. 1984. Callimachus Hymn: 10,mn to Demeter, Cam-
bridge.
Humphrey, S.c. 1978. Anthropology and the Greeks, London.
- 196 -
'Manufacturing Religion" in the Hellenistic Age
Kajanto,1. 1972. "Fortuna," ANRWII 17, 1: 502-558.
Kamppinen, M. 2002. "Explaining Religion: Cognitive and Evolu-
tionary Mechanisms," in Ilkka Pyysiainen - Veiko Antonnen
(eds.), Current Appl;oaches in the Cognitive Science of Religion, Lon-
don-New York, 260-270.
Kirchncr, J. 1901-1903. Proposopographia Attica, Berlin.
Koch, K. 1993. Geschichte der d/!)!jJtischen Religion. Von den Pyramiden bis
'{f' den i\t!)'Sten'en der Isis, Stuttgart- Berlin-Koln.
Koenen, L. 1983. "Agyptische Konigsideologie am Ptolemaerhof,"
in E. van't Dack - P. van Dessel- W. van Gucht (eds.), Egypt
and the Hellenistic World. Proceedings of the Intemational Colloquium,
Leuven 24-26 May 1982 (Studia Hellcnistica, 27), Leuven, 157-
158.
Koenen, L. 1993. "The Ptolemaic King as a religious Figure," in A.
W. Bulloch - A. A. Long - A. Stewart (eds.), Images and Ideolo-
gies in the Hellenistic World (Hellenistic Culture and Society,
XII), Berkeley-Los Angeles-London, 1993, 25-115.
Kolta, K. S. 1968. Die Gleichsetzung dgyptischen undgriechischen Gaiter bei
Herodot, Diss. Tiibingen.
Kyrieleis, H. 1975. Bildnisse der Ptolemiier (DAI, Archaologische For-
schungen, no 2) Berlin.
Laubscher, H. P. 1988. "Triptolemos und die Ptolemaer," Jah1'buch
des MuseumsjUr KUlISt twd Gelveibe Hamburg 6/7: 11AO.
Lawson Th. E. 2001. "Psychological Perspectives on Agency," in J.
Andresen (ed.), Religion in Mind. Cognitive Perspectives on religious
Belief, Ritual, and Experience, Cambridge, 2001, 141-172.
Leveque, P. 1971. "Essai de typologie des religions," in P. Leveque
_ F. Dunand (eds.), Les Dl11cdtismes dans les religions grecque et 1'0-
maine. Colloque de Strasbourg 1971 (Bibliotheque des centres su-
perieures specialises), Paris, 179-187.
Lloyd, A. B. 1976. Herodotus II. Commenta1)' 1-98 (EPRO, 43), Lei-
den.
_, 1982. "Nationalistic Propaganda in Ptolemaic Egypt," Historia
- 197 -
!.:.,;
Panayotis Pachis
31: 33-55.
-, 1988. Herodotus II. Commentary 99-192 (EPRO, 43), Leiden.
Lloyd, G. E. 1966. Polarity and Analog): Tlvo Tjpes ofArgumentation in
Earb Greek Thought, Cambridge.
Malaise, M. 1972. Les conditions de penetration et de dijfusion des cultes
egyptiens en Italie (EPRO, 22), Leiden.
Marangou, L. 1971. "Prolemiiische Fingerringe aus BeirD>, AM 86:
165-166, pI. 2-3.
Marschal, F. H. 1907. Catalogue of the finger rings, Greek, Etruscan and
Roman, British Museum, London.
Martin, L. H. 1983. "Why Cecropian Minerva? Hellenistic Religious
Syncretism as System," Numen XXX, 2: 131-145.
-, 1987. Hellenistic Religions. An Introduction, New York-Oxford.
-, 1994. "The Anti-individualistic Ideology of Hellenistic Culture,"
Numen 41: 117-140.
-, 1996. "Syncretism, Historicism and Cognition: A Response to
Michael Pye," Method and Theory in the Stutfy of Religion 8, 2:
215-224.
-, 1997. "Akin to the Gods or simply one to another?," in H.-J.
Klimkeit (ed.), Verleichen und Verstehen. Vorlrage der Jahrestagung
der DVRG vom 4. bis 6. October 1995 in Bonn (Studies in Orien-
tal Religions, 1), Wiesbaden, 147-159.
-, 2001a. "Comparativism and Sociobiological Theory," Numen
XLVIII, 3: 290-308.
-, 2001 b. "To use 'syncretism' or not to use 'sycretism': that is the
question," Historical Reflections/Reflections Historiques 27, 3: 389-
400.
-, 2003a. "Kinship and the Hellenistic Consolidation of religio-
political power," in L. H. Martin - P. Pachis (eds.), Theoretical
FrameuJorks for the Stutfy of Graeco-Roman Religions. Acjjunct Pro-
ceedings of the XV/11th Congress of the International Association for
the History of Religions, Durban, South Africa, 2000, Thessalo-
niki: University Studio Press 2003, 89-96.
- 198-
'Manufacturing Religion" in the Hellenistic Age
_, 2003b. "Cognition, Society and Religion: A New Approach to
the Study of Culture," Culture and Religion 4, 2: 207-231.
_, 2004a. "Ritual Competance and Mithraic Ritual," in T. Light -
Br. C. Wilson (eds.), Religion as a Human Category. A Festschrift
in honor ofE. Thomas LauJSOn (NUMEN Book Series. Studies in
the History of Religion, vo!. XCIq, Leiden-Boston, 245-263.
_, 2004b. "The Very Idea of Globalization: The Case of Hellenis-
tic Empire" in:, L. H. Martin - P. Pachis [eds.], Hellenization,
Empire and Globalization: Lessons from Antiquil)!, Thessaloniki,
123-139.
Martin, L. H. - Leopold, A. M., forthcoming. "New Approaches to
the Study of Syncretism," 1-21.
Merkelbach, R. 1995. Isis-Regina - Sarapis Zeus. Die griechisch-agyptische
Religion nach den Quellen dargestellt, Stuttgart-Leipzig.
Mihelic, G. 2003. Una Religione di liberta. Raffaele Petazzoni e la scuola
Romana di Storia delle Religioni, Roma.
Ivlikalson, J. 1983. Athenian Popular Religion, Chapel Hill, N.C.
Mikalson, J. 1998. Religion in Hellenistic Religion (Hellenistic Culture
and Society, XXIX), Berkeley-Los Angeles-London.
Mora, F. 1986. Religione e Religioni nelle storie di Erodoto (Le Edizioni
UniversitarieJaca, 18), Milano:
_, 1990. Prosopographia Isiaca, vo!. I: Corpus Prosopographicum Religionis
Isiacae, vol. II: Prosopographia Storica et Statistica del cuito Isiaco
(EPRO, 113), Leiden.
Motte, A. 1999. "La notion de syncetisme dans l' oeuvre de Franz
Cumont," in C. Bonnet - A. Motte (eds.), Les !)'ncretismes reli-
gieux dans le monde mediterraneen antique, Actes du Colloque In-
ternational en l'honneur de Franz Cumont a. l'occasion du
cinquantieme anniversaire de sa mort. Rome, Acadernia Bel-
gica, 25-27 septembre 1997, Bruxelles-Rome 1999,21-42.
Motte, A. _ Pirenne, Delforge V. 1994. "Du 'bon usage' de la no-
tion de Syncretisme, Kernos 7: 11-27.
Muller, D. 1961. Agypten und die griechischen Isis-Aretalogien (Abhand-
- 199-


lilt

111)'1
Panayotis Pachis
lungen des sachsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu
Leipzig. Philologisch-Historische Klasse, Band 53, Heft 1),
Berlin.
Nilsson, M.P. 31974. Geschichte del' Gn'echischen Religion (Handbuch
der Altetumswissenschaft, V.2.2), vol. Il, Munchen.
Nock, A.D. 1972. "Soter and Euergetes," in idem, Essqys on Religion
and the Ancient World (Selected and edited, with an Introduc-
tion, Bibliography of Nock's writings, and Indexes, by Z.
Stewart, vol.II, Oxford, 720-735.
Nouaihait, R. 1975. "Remarques methodologiques apropos de la
question de l' hellenisation du christianisme," in F. Dunand -
P. Leveque (eds.), Les !J',mitismes dans les religions de /' antiquite.
Colloque de Besan{on 1973 (EPRO, 46), Leiden, 212-234.
Onasch, C. 1976. "Zur Konigsideologie der Ptolemaer in der Dek-
reten von Kanopus und Memphis (Rosettana)," APF 24/25:
137-155.
Orrieux, Claude. 1983. Les PaPJ'rus de Zenon. L' horizon d' un grec en
Egypte au IIle szMe avant].C (preface d' Edouard Will), Paris.
Osborne, M. J. 1981-1983. Naturalization in Athens (4 vols in 3),
Brussels.
Otto, W. 1905-1908. Priester und Tempel im hellenistischen Agypten, vols
I-Il, Leipzig-Berlin.
Pachis, P. 1998. LJ'7PTjrga egTjoliE!a xac aygonx1 ollf.ovop!a
rou agxalO5MTjVIXOlJ xdopou (E>QYjaJiELOAOyLex, 17), Athens.
-, 2000. "Crossing the Boundaries and Initiation in the Hellenistic
Mystery Cults," EJ[/orTjPOVIX17 EJ[uTjg!oa Nia
LClgd. Tp1pa vol. 10, Thessaloniki, 187-220.
2002a. "Religious Tendencies in Greece at the Dawn of the
21 th Century. An Approach to Contemporary Greek Reality,"
in G. Sfameni Gasparro (ed.), Themes and Problems of the Histo')'
of Religions in Conteporary Europe. Proceedings of the International
Seminar, Messina March 30-31, 2001 (Hied. Collana di studi
storico-religiosi 6), Cosenza, 221-224.
- 200-
'Manufacturing Religion" in the Hellenistic Age
-, 2002b. "H 118Ql1tA.cXVYjOYj tOU extOfJ.ou xextcX tYj OlcXQX8lex tYj<;; 8A/...Yj-
EJ[/orTjpovo<1 EJ[cr'lg!oa
Nia L5lgd. Tp1pa (TlfJ.Yj"tlXO AcplEQwfJ.ex owv Kex0Yjy'1-
NlxoAexo Mextoooxcx), vol. 12,273-323.
-, 2003a. "Propaganda in the Hellenistic Era as an Age of Propa-
ganda: The Case of Isis' Cult," in L.H. Martin-P. Pachis (eds.),
Theoretical Frameworks for the Stuc!Y ofGraeco-Roman Religions. Ad-
junct Proceedings ofthe XVIIlth Congress of the Intel71ationa/ Associa-
tion for the History of Religions Durban, South Africa, 2000, Thes-
salonik.i: University Studio Press 2003, 97-125.
-, 2003b. vol. I: OlxoupivTj. ngokydpcva orov ou-
yxgTjnopd TWV MTjvlonxwv Xgdvwv, Thessalonik.i.
-, forthcoming. vo!. II: To J[gdfJATjpa rou ouyxgTjrlOj!ou
TWV cMTjVIOTIXWV Xgdvwv, Thessaloniki,
Pakkanen, P. 1996. Interpreting EarlY Hellenistic Religion. A Stuefy Based
on the Mystery Cult of Demeter and the Cult of Isis (papers and
Monographs of the Finnish Institute at Athens, III], Helsinki.
Pantermalis, P. 1999. .L1!ov. H avaxaAmfr;, Athens.
Pantos, P. A.1987. "Berenike II Demeter," BCHIlI, 1: 343-352.
Parker, R. 1995. Athenian Religion. A History, Oxford.
Peremans, W. 1978. "Les revolutions egyptiennes sous les Lagides,"
H. Maehler - V. M. Strocka (Hrsg.), Das ptolemdische Agypten.
Akten des Internationalen Symposiums 27-29 September 1976,
Mainz 1978, 39-50.
Perpilou-Thomas, Fr. 1993. Fetes d' Egypte Ptolbnai"que et romaine d'
apres la documentation papylologique Grecque (Stud.ia Helllenistica,
3, 1), Louvain.
Petrou, 1., forthcoming. "TIexYXOOfl10110lYjoYj, W11lXOL nOAltl0floL xC(t
exv0Qw11lvYj 8A8U08QLex," in Sociology: A Lesson on Freedom, 2nd In-
ternational Congress of Sociology, Thessaloniki, November 8-1-
2002.
Pollitt, J. J. 1965. "The Egyptian Gods in Attica," Hespena 34: 125-
130.
- :201 -
Panayotis Pachis
Preisigike, F. - Bilabel, F. - Kiessling E. (eds.). 1913-. Sammelbuch
griechischen Urkunden aus Agypten, Strassburg-Berlin-Heidelberg.
Preux, C. 1936. "Esquisse d' un histoire des," CE 11: 522-552
-, 1978. Le monde Hellenistique: La Crece et I' Orient de la mort d'
Alexandre d la conquete romaine de la Crece (323-146 av. f.-C)
(L'Histoire et ses problemes, no 6), vols. I-Il, Paris.
Quaegebeur, J. 1972, "Contribution ala proposographie des pretes
al' epoque ptolemiique," Anc.Soc. 3: 77-109.
-, 1981. "Cultes Egyptiens et grecs en Egypte hellenistique: l' ex-
ploitaiton des sources," in E. Van't Dack - P. Van Dessel _
W. Van Gucht [eds.], Egypt and the Hellenistic World (Studia
Hellenistica. 27), Leuven, 303-324.
Rauth, N. K. 1993. The Sacred Bonds of Commerce. Religion, Economy and
Trade Society at Hellenistic Roman Delos, Amsterdam.
Reger, G. 1993. "The Public Purchase of Grain on Independent
Delos, CIA 12,2: 300-334.
-, 1994. Regionalism and Change in the Economy of Indipendent Delos
314-167 B.C (Hellenistic Culturte and Society, XIV), Berke-
ley-Los Angeles-Oxford.
Richter, G. M. A. 1968. Engraved Cems of the Creeks and the Etruscans,
London.
Ringgreen, H 1968. "The Problem of Syncretism," in S. S. Hartman
(ed.), Syncretism. Based on Papers read at the Symposium on Cultural
Meeting of Religion. Syncretism at Abo on the 8th -10th September,
1966, Stockholm, 9-14.
Rosivach, V/J. 1994. The System of Public Sacriftce in the Fourth-Century
(American Philological Association. American Classical Stud-
ies, 34), Atlanta, Ga.
Rostovtzeff, M. 1941. Social and Economic HistOf)' of the Hellenistic
World, vols I-Ill, Oxford..
Roussel, P. 1916. Les mites egyptiens d Delos du IlIe au Ier sieele av. J.-c,
Paris-Nancy 1916.
-, 1987. Delos Colonie Athenienne (reimpression augmente de com-
- 202-
'Manufacturing Religion" in the Hellenistic Age
plements bibliographiques ey de concordances epigraphiques
par Ph. Brunneau, - T. Couilloud-Ledinalet - R. Ettienne)
(Bibliotheque des Ecoles Fran<;:aises d' Athenes et Rome, fase.
111), Paris.
Sabine, G. H. - Thorsen, Th. L. 21973. A History of Political Theory,
Hinsdale.
Sambursky, S., 1956. The Physical World ofLate Antiquity, New York.
Samuel, A.E. 1983, From Athens to Alexandria. Hellenistic and Social in
Ptolemaic Egypt (Studia Hellenistica, 26), Louvain.
San Nicolo, M. 1972. Agyptisches Vereinswesen zur Zeit der Ptolem;ier
und RiJ'mer (Zweiter Teil:Vereinswesen und Vereinsrecht.
Zweite, durchgesehene Auflage mit Nachtragen vonJohannes
Herrmann. Munchener Beitrage zur Papyrusforschung und
antiken Rechtsgeschichte 2. Heft, Il teil) Munchen.
Sanzi, Ennio. 1996a. "Salute e Salvezza nei culti orientali del secon-
do Ellenismo," in idem, M i s t e n ~ Soteriologia, Dualzsmo. Ricerce sto-
rico-religiose [prefazione di G. Sfameni Gasparro] Roma, 41-72.
-, 1996b. "Iniziazione e Soteriologia nei culti'di mistero del se-
condo Ellenismo," in idem, Misten; Soteriologia, Dualismo. Ricerce
storico-religiose [prefazione di G. Sfameni Gasparro] Roma, 59-
72
-, 2004. "Universale concretto, analogia, idiografia, procedimento
induttivo. I fondamenti della Storia delle Religioni nella me-
todologia di Ugo Bianchi," in R. Bercea - L. Munteanu (eds.),
in collaboration with S. Toader, Annals of the Sergiu AI-Ceorge
Institute of On'ental Studies, vols VI-VIII (1997-1999), Bucharest
39-49.
Schenk, W. 1989. "Interpretatio Graeca - Interpretatio Romana.
Die hellenistische Synkretismus als semiotisches Problem," in
P. Schmitter - H. W. Schmitz [eds.], Innovationen in Zeichen-
theon'en, Munster, 83-121.
Schneider, C. 1967-1969. Kulturgeschichte des Hellenismus, vols. I-H,
Munchen.
Schwarz, G. 1987. Triptolemos. Ikonographie einer Agrar-und Mysten'en-
- 203-
Panayotis Pachis
gottheit (Grazer Beitrage Suppl. 2), Horn.
Sethe, K. 1904-1916. Hierogfyphische Urkunden del' gnechisch-romischen
Zeit (Urkunden des agyptichen Religion), vols 1- II, Leipzig.
Sfameni Gasparro, G. 1985. Soten'ology and Mystic Aspects in tbe Cult of
ybele andAttis (EPRO, 103), Leiden.
-, 1985/1986. I Culti egiiJani nel mondo ellenistico-romano: destino dell'
uomo e religiosita isiaca (Universita di Messina. Faealta di Lettere
e Filosofia) (Lezioni di Storia delle religioni raccolte dalla Dr.
Concetta Aloe Spada), Messina.
-, 1994. "History of Religions: A Retrospective and Prospective
View," in U. Bianchi (ed.), The Notion of Religion. Selected Pro-
ceedings of the XVI IAHR (Storia delle Religioni, 8), Roma,
913-917.
-, 1997."Daimon and Tyche in the Hellenistic Experience," in P.
Bilde - T. E. Pedersen - L. Hannestad - J. ZaWe (eds.), Con-
ventional Values of the Hellenistic Greeks (Studies in Hellenistic
Civilization, VIII), Aarhus, 67-109.
Simms, R. R. 1989., "Isis in Classical Athens", Cl 84: 216-221.
-, 1995. Foreign Religious Cults in Athens in the Fifth and Fourth Cmtu-
lies, Ann Arbor.
Skowronek, Stefan - Tkaczow, Barbara. 1979. "Le culte de la de-
esse Demeter a Alexandrie ," in Lilly Kahil (ed.) , M..J1thologie
greco-romaine. Mythologies penphenques. Etude d' iconographie (Col-
loques internationaux du C. N. R. S., No 593), Paris, 131-144,
pIs. 1-4.
Smith, J. Z. 1971. "Native Cults in the Hellenistic Period," History of
Religions, 11: 236-246.
-, 1990. Drudgery Divine. On the Companson ofEarlY Chnstianities and
the Religions ofLate Antiquity, London 1990.
-, 1996."Syncretism," in J. Z. Smith - W. S. Green (eds.), The
HatperCollins Dictionary ofReligion, London, 1042-1043.
-, 1993a. "The Wobling Pivot," in idem, Map is not Ten'dory. Studies
in the History ofReligions, Chicago-London, 1993, pp. 88-103.
- 204-
'Manufacturing Religion" in the Hellenistic Age
-, 1993b. "Earth and Gods," in idem, Map Is not Territory. Studies in
the History ofReligions, Chicago-London, 1993, pp. 104-128.
-, 1993c. "The Influence of Symbols on Social Change," in idem,
Map is not Tern'tory. Stl.ldies in the History of Religions, Chicago-
London, 129-146.
-, 1993d. "Map Is not Territory," in idem, Map Is not Territory. Stud-
ies in the History ofReligions, Chicago-London, 289-309.
Sokolowski, F. 1969. Lois saClies des cites grecques (beale Fran<;:aise d'
Athenes, Ease. XVIII), Paris.
Solmsen, Fr. 1979. !sis among tbe Greeks and tbe Romans, Cambridge,
Ma-London.
Sperber, D. 1996. Expaining Culture: A NatU7'alistic Approach, Oxford.
Stewart, Ch. - R. Shaw (eds.) 1994. Syncretism/Anti-Synmtism. The
Politics of Religious Synthesis (European Association of Social
Anthropologists), London-New York.
Stewart, Z. 1977. "La religione," in R. Bardinelli (ed.), Stona della ci-
vilta dei Greci, vol. 7 Milano, 603-616.
Takics, S. A. 1995. Isis and Sarapis in the Roman World (RGRW, 124),
Leiden-New York-Koln.
Tarn, W. W. 31961. Hellenistic Civilization (rev. ed. with G.T. Grif-
fith), New York.
Thomassen, E. 2004. "Musings on 'Syncretism,' in: Chr. Kleine -
M. Schrimpf - K. Triplett (Hrsg.), Untenvegs. Nelv Pfade in del'
ReligionslvissenschaJt. Festschrift in Honour of Michael Pye on his 65'
b
Birthday, Mi.inchen 2004, 137-147.
Thompson, M. 1961. Ne)v Style Silver Coinage ofAthens, New York.
Thompson, D. B. 1973. Ptolemaic Oinochoai and Portraits in FC!)
l
eI1ce.
Aspects ofthe RJder Cult, Oxford.
Thompson, D. J. 1998. "Demeter in Egypt," in
Willy Clarysse - Antoon Schoors - Harco Willems (eds),
Egyptian Religion. The Last Thousand Years. Studies dedicated to the
meno1]1 offan Quaegebeur, vol. II (Orientalia Lovaniensia analecta
/ Department Orientalistick, Kath. Univers. Leuven, 85),
- 205-
I
1
.
Panayotis Pachis
Leuven, 699-707.
Tondriau,]. 1948a. "Princesses ptolemaiques comparees ou identi-
fies adeesses," BSAA 37: 12-33.
-, 1948b. "Rois lagides compares ou identifies ades divinites ,"
CE 23: 127-146.
Tracy, S. V. 1975. The Lettering of an Athenian Mason (Hesperia Sup-
plement, 15), Princeton.
Tram Tarn Tihn, V. 1990. "1sis," LIMC, V, 1, Zurich-Munchen,
777-779, nos 211-248.
Turcan, R. 1996. The Cults of the Roman Empire (transl. A. Ne-vill),
Oxford-Maldfen, MA.
Turner, A. E. 21984. "Ptolemaic Egypt," in F. W. Turner - A. E.
Austin - M. W. Frederiken - R. M. Ogilvie [eds.], The Ancient
Cambn'dge History, vol. 7: The Hellenistic World, Cambridge-
Melbourne-Sydney, 118-174.
Vandebeek, G. 1946. De Intelpretatio Graeca van de Isisftguur (Studia
Hellenistica, 4), Louvain.
Vanderlip, V. Fr. 1972. The Four Greek Hymns of Isidonfs and the Cult
ofIsis (American Studies in Papyrology, vol. 12), Toronto.
Vermaseren, M. J. (Hrsg.) 1981. Die orientalischen Religionen im Rijmer-
reich (EPRO, 93), Leiden.
Verniere, Y. 1990. "L" expedition mythique d' Osiris-Dionysos en
Asie et ses prologements politiques," in Fr. Jouan - A. Motte
(eds.), Mythe et Politique. Actes du Co//oque de Liege 14-16 Septem-
bre 1989 (Bibliotheque de la Faculte de Philosophie et Lettres
de l'Universite de Liege, Fascicule CCLV1I), Paris, 279-285.
Vernsel, H. 1990. Ter Unus. Isi.s, Diotrysos, Hermes. Three Studies in
Henotheism (Inconsistencies in Greek and Roman Religion, I),
Leiden-New York-K0benhavn-Koln.
Vidman, L. 1969. Sy//oge Inscriptionum Religiom's Isiacae et Sarapiacae
(RGVV, XXIX), Berlin.
-, 1970. !sis and Sarapis bei den Griechen und Riimern (RGVV, 1970),
Berlin.
- 206-
'Manufacturing Religion" ill the Hellenistic Age
Visser, C. E. 1938. Gotter und Kulte imptolemciischen Alexandlien, Ams-
terdam.
Walbank, Fr. 1993. 0 AAfjWlTIXOC; xO(JI'0C; (p.EltXtpe T. E-
mp.. A McxVWl.OnOuAo<;, n. Nly8eAY]<;), Thessaloniki.
WaIters, H. B. 1926. Catalogue ofthe Engraved Gems and Cameos, Greek,
Etruscan and Roman, British Museum, London.
Whitehouse, H. 2000. Argument and Icons. Divergent Modes of Religiosiry,
Oxford, 2000.
-, 2002. "Modes of religiosity: Towards a Cogntive Explanation of
the Sociopolitic Dynamics of Religion," Method and Tbeory in
the Study of Religion 14, 3-4: 293-315.
-, 2004. Ritual and Memory: tOlvards a comparative anthropology of religion,
(edited with James Laidlaw) Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira
Press.
Wild, R. 1981. Water in the Clt/tiC Worship of Isis-Sarapis (EPRO, 87),
Leiden.
-, 1984. "The known 1sis-Sarapis Sanctuaries 9 the Roman Pe-
riocb>,ANRWII 17,4: 1739-1851.
Wycherley, R. E. 21962. How the Greeks Built Cities, London.
- 207-