JO

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S3T30MV SOT IV V1NHOJIWD JO A1IS^I3AIN

THE

HISTORY OF GREECE.
BY WILLIAM MITFORD,
\

ESQ.

WITH HIS FINAL ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.

TO WHICH
IS

PREFIXED

A BRIEF MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR,

RY HIS BROTHER,

THE LATE LORD REDESDALE.

CAREFULLY REVISED

BY WILLIAM KING,
KDITOK OF THE FIRST POSTHUMOUS EDITION.

VOL.

VIII.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR
W.
T.

BLACKWOOD AND

CADELL, STRAND; AND SONS, EDINBURGH.

MDCCCXXXVIII.

LONDON

Printed by A. SPOTTISWCODR, New- Street- Square.

DP

CONTENTS
OF THE EIGHTH VOLUME

CHAPTER
SECT.

XLIX.

ALEXANDER'S THIRD CAMPAIGN IN ASIA.

I.

to Tyre.

Recruits for Alexander's army. March from Egypt Question of a third embassy from Darius to Alex-

ander.

Embassies from Greece

Page

SECT.

March from Tyre across Syria passage of the Euphrates march across Mesopotamia passage of the Tigris.
II.
:
:

Station of Darius's

army
.

at

Gaugamela near Arbela.

of the armies

....
.

Forces
8

SECT.

III. Battle

of Gaugamela,

commonly

called of Arbela

15

SECT. IV. Alexander's march to Babylon, Susa, and Parsagarda?

or Persepolis
.

26

CHAPTER
:

L.
:

AFFAIRS IN ALEXANDER'S FOURTH CAMPAIGN IN ASIA GREECE TRIALS FOR HIGH TREASON, MARKING THE CHARACTER OF THE MACEDONIAN CONSTITUTION.
SECT. I. Measures of Darius. Affairs in Greece confederacy under the lead of Lacedaemon against that under the king of
;

Macedonia, and war ensuing

SECT.

40
:

II. Alexander's march into Media flight of Darius from Ecbatana: reinforcement to Alexander's army. Pursuit of . 52 Darius his death : honours to his memory
: .

SECT.

Alexander's measures for completing the reduction of the northern provinces. Surrender of several satraps of the
III.
;
,

32698

A 2

iVfv

CONTENTS.
;

satraps against Alexander, and acknowledgment of Bessus as successor to the Persian monarchy. Treachery of Satibarzanes

Grecian troops in the Persian service Grecian republics to the Persian court.

of ministers from

League of

Page 60
SECT. IV. Trials of Philotas and others for high treason

68

CHAPTER

LI.

ALEXANDER'S FIFTH CAMPAIGN IN ASIA, WHICH COMPLETED THE CONQUEST OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE.
SECT.
I.

Natural and political circumstances of the northern

provinces of the Persian empire. Rebellion of Satibarzanes. Paropamisan Alexandria founded. Asiatic recruits to Alexander's

army

.80
.95
Nego-

SECT.

II.

Measures of Bessus.
:

Discontent

in

Alexander's

army: pursuit of Bessus surrender of Bessus

critical
.

circumstances of Alexander:
.

SECT. III. Stubborn resistance of the northern Asiatics.

tiation with Scythian

kingdoms. A Grecian colony established not subjects of the kingdoms. War the Scythians, among . with the Scythians not subjects of the kingdoms 102

SECT. IV. Recruits to Alexander's army.

Bessus.
Difficulties for

Cruel treatment of

Alexander arising from his successes. Embassies from Scythian and other northern princes 115
SECT. V. Different character of northern and southern people of the Persian empire. New rebellion of the Sogdians under Spitamenes. Death of Spitamenes, and final reduction of
the Sogdians

...

121

SECT. VI. Circumstances of Scythia. Country between Media and Scythia. Siege of the hill-fort of Oxyartes. Marriage of

Alexander with Roxana daughter of Oxyartes.

the Persian empire completed
.
.

Conquest of

.128

CHAPTER

LII.

CONTROVERSY ON THE KINGLY OFFICE AND DIGNITY: TRIALS FOR HIGH TREASON.
SECT. I. Republican Greek philosophers following Alexander's . court controversy on the kingly office and dignity 138
:

CONTENTS.
SECT. SECT.
II.

V
.

Death of

Clitus

III.

Conspiracy of the band of pages

Page 148 152

.

CHAPTER

LIII.

WAR PROSECUTED BY ALEXANDER BEYOND THE BOUNDS

THE PERSIAN EMPIRE.
SECT.

OF

I. Force of Alexander's army. Natural and political circumstances of India westward of the Ganges. March into India, and conquests there : Grecian colony established in

India: Indian cattle sent to Greece

.157

SECT.

Indian mercenary Questionable deed of Alexander. troops. Siege of Mount Aornos. Conquest carried to the river Indus 170
II.
.

War

with the Assakene Indians.

SECT.

Fancies of the Greeks concerning the expedition of Bacchus to India. Ready submission of the city and proIII.

vince of Nysa to Alexander, and conquest as far as the river

Indus completed

.182

SECT. IV. Circumstances of the northern part of India beyond the Indus alliances formed by Alexander beyond the Indus, and war carried beyond the Hydaspes the dominion of Porus
; :

conquered

Grecian colonies established on the Hydaspes 188

SECT. V. Constitutions of Indian states : subordinate sovereignties free cities : trade on the Indus : war prosecuted by
:

Alexander

in India

.201

SECT. VI. Growing extravagance of Alexander's purposes. Discontent of the army. Forced concession to its wishes. Ar211 . rangement for the conquered Indian provinces

CHAPTER
SECT.

LIV.

ALEXANDER'S RETURN PROM INDIA.

I. Beginning return of the army. Care of colonies in northern India. Ancient law of nations. Eulogy of AlexWar with the Mallians : Alexander dangerously ander.

wounded

.,

...

.223

SECT. II. Alexander's navigation of the Indian rivers conquest of southern provinces : division of the army for the return
:

VI

CONTENTS.
homeward
:

establishment of a naval station

in

the Indus

arrival at the

ocean

establishment of a naval arsenal at the

. . .

western mouth of the Indus

Page

2-1-8

SECT.

III.

Arrangement

for the return of the

army

to Persia,

and

for exploring the means for navigation between India and Difficulties of the proposed march : colony the Persian Gulf.

settled near the coast.

Failure of ordered preparation.

.
.
.

Suf-

ferings in traversing the desert

262

CHAPTER
SECT.

LV.

VOYAGE OF NEARCHUS.
I. Authority for the narrative. Deficiency of means for the undertaking. The fleet to be employed. The monsoon. Appointment of officers. Foreseen difficulties of the under-

taking

278

SECT. II. Published narratives of the voyage of Nearchus. ReThe voyage markable omissions in the extant narrative. begun during the adverse monsoon delays in the river early and long delay on the shore of the ocean. Arrival on the
: :

coast of the Orite country

.289
:

SECT. III. Slowness of the fleet's progress. Supply to the fleet from the army. Inhabitants mentioned to have been seen passage along the coast of the Fish-eaters supply obtained by faithless violence town deserted on the fleet's approach
:

entrance of the Persian Gulf: arrival at

Harmoza
. .

in

Car-

mania

300

SECT. IV. Occurrences at Harmoza

wait upon the king
:

journey of Nearchus to
.

return to
fleet

Harmoza

320
333

SECT. V. Procedure of the

up the Persian Gulf

CHAPTER

LVI.

TRANSACTIONS IN THE MARCH FROM CARMANIA THROUGH PERSIA AND SUSIANA. MEASURES FOR IMPROVEMENT OF TERRITORY AND EXTENSION OF COMMERCE. AFFAIRS IN
GREECE.
SECT.
I.

March from Carmania

scribed.

Persia deto Parsagardas. of at Spoliation Parsagardse. DeCyrus's sepulchre

CONTENTS.
linquency of
officers in

Vll

high authority.

oppression punished

....
for his civil
.

Rebellion obviated

Page 345
:

SECT.

II.

Difficulties of

Alexander

government
:

his

purpose to make, of his various subjects, one people riages of Greeks with Persians: bounty to the army
SECT.
III.

mar352

Alexander's voyage down the river Euleus to the

Persian Gulf, and up the Tigris to Opis. Correction of maladministration under the Persian government. Mutiny of
the

army

SECT. IV. Affairs

renewed loyalty of the army in Greece

363 383

CHAPTER

LVII.

TRANSACTIONS IN THE MARCH THROUGH MEDIA TO BABYLON. FARTHER MEASURES FOR IMPROVEMENT OF TERRITORY AND EXTENSION OF COMMERCE. CIVIL REGULATION. DEATH OF ALEXANDER.
SECT.
sea.
I.

March
March

into

Media
:

Amazons
.

death of Hephsestion
. .

war with the Cossees

to

measures

for exploring the

Capsian

402 Babylon SECT. II. Embassies from Greek republics and foreign nations. Measures for maritime discovery and extension of commerce.
Slavery
rivers,

among
.

the ancients.

Floods of the Mesopotamian

Regulations
.

and works

to profit from them.

. .

civil

and

military

.411
.

SECT.

III.

Omens

prognostics

among

history of an Indian the ancients

SECT. IV.

Sacrificial feast for the

and death

[Examination of Mr. Mitford's dates of the campaigns of Alex459 ander, from Mr. Clinton's Fasti Hellenic!]
. .

....
.

Brahman
.

respect for

431

armament

Alexander's illness

439

INDEX

463

The

Vignette on

the
at p.

Titlepage represents

SILVER TETRA-

DRACHJT, and that

458.

DOUBLE STATER AND QUARTER

STATER of Alexander
British

the Great, both copied from Specimens in the

Museum.

THE

HISTORY OF GREECE.

CHAPTER

XLIX.
ASIA.

ALEXANDER'S THIRD* CAMPAIGN IN

SECTION

I.

Recruits for Alexander s army. March from Egypt to Question of a third embassy from Darius to Alexander.
bassies from Greece.

Tyre.

Em-

WHILE

Alexander wintered in Egypt a small

re-

CHAP.

enforcement for his army arrived ; four hundred Grecian infantry, and five hundred Thracian horse. Recruits from Europe seem thus always to have been
reported by the historian generals from whom Arrian drew his account, but those, indubitably numerous, from the extensive Grecian establishments in Asia

AIT. 1.3.
c> 5<

and Egypt are omitted : possibly, and even probably, because the historian generals avoided notice of them.
In spring Alexander moved for Phenicia. Diodorus introduces here the embassy from Darius, reported by Arrian and Curtius to have reached Alexander at Tyre, before he moved for Egypt. Diodorus undertakes for clironology, yet often marks it but un[* See extract from Mr. Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, preceding
the Index.]

VOL.

VIII.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
-:

G^A-p*.

tfertaujlyy-'and"

sometimes relates

facts clearly out of

'__

Arrian, far less generally attentive to mark times and seasons than might be desired, nevertheless
season.
so holds his narrative in

direct course, that strong a can warrant writer to controvert modern proof only his course ; and much as the florid, licentious, and

sometimes petulant style of Curtius differs from the dignified simplicity, in which Arrian, at a late age, has emulated the earliest and best Greek writers, yet
his account of the embassies

from Darius clearly shows

drawn from the same authorities as Arrian. Nevertheless it may seem not preposterous to suppose that Diodorus may have had some foundation for the report of an embassy meeting Alexander on his return from Egypt, of which the other writers omitted
that he has
notice.

purpose of such a mission might be to refute whatever may have appeared erroneous in Alex-

The

ander's angry answers to former communications ; to apologize for whatever might have given offence ; yet
to state that Darius was

now prepared with powerful

means

to resist

against his

and even revenge any farther attempt remaining still very large dominion ; and

moreover that, though powerful by the force actually under his orders, defended by barriers not easily to be passed, and, as Alexander knew, having zealous allies, ready for opportunities in Greece itself, yet, for the sake of peace, and to recover his wife and children, Alexander's prisoners, he was willing to abandon all claim on the extent of rich country, already conquered from him, and to pay even a greater ransom than before was offered.
considerations might have encouraged to renew the attempt to negotiate with an enemy not known of immoderate views. With Alexstill

But

farther

ander's

European empire

his conquests in Asia, thus,

EMBASSIES FROM GREECE.

according to all accounts, once at least offered to be confirmed to him by treaty, comprised almost all the best provinces of the modern Turkish empire, and,
SE c T
.

through the circumstances of ancient navigation, gave him the command of all the neighbouring seas ; for
Carthage, mistress of the western part of the Mediterranean, could no longer, since the loss of the Phenician ports, contend with

him

in the eastern.

This

dominion, with just improvement, might perhaps have been rendered richer, and more effectually powerful, than the most extensive ever yet known on earth.

Nor were a disposition to promote the welfare of mankind, or great and just views for it, wanting in Alexander they had already been largely shown, But especially in his recent measures in Egypt.
:

Providence had other purposes. Magnanimous, liberal,- and judicious as his conduct generally had been, yet the greatness of his successes was already more
than even his strong mind, chastened by his excellent education, could at his early years, hardly yet twentyfive,

completely bear.

dangerous

his acquisitions, and his adventures, his passion, both for acquisition

With

and

for dangerous adventure, rose.

.Negotiation therefore, if again attempted, again failing, Alexander proceeded to Tyre, the place ap-

pointed for the meeting of army, fleet, and embassies. There the Athenian sacred ship Paralus arrived, bringing Diophantus and Achilles, ministers from the Athenian people, accompanied by ministers from several
other republics. All came commissioned to represent that, in the absence of the captain-general of the nation, the repose of Greece was threatened by the ambition of Agis king of Lacedaemon ; and that
already
states,
it

that unless they

had been declared to some Peloponnesian would renounce the general

HISTORY OF GREECE.
CHAP.
XLIX.

confederacy under the king of Macedonia, and engage in a league adverse to it, they would be treated
as enemies.
licited

Against this therefore support was soand claimed. Such a representation might have induced a leader

of more sober prudence, and less eager in pursuit of a favourite purpose, to forego or suspend the proposed But it was expedition beyond the great desert.

accompanied with information of a recent event at Athens affording encouragement. Alexander's arrogant refusal of treaty would stimulate Darius's diligence in measures for resistance, and, among others, in the endeavour to procure a diversion in his favour

by exciting war
JEsch. de Cor. p. 633. ed Reiske.

in Greece. more particular account were highly desirable ; but what remains from ^Eschines, uncontradicted by his opponent, is still a very curious document, marking the character of the

Ch.5.s.4.
of this Hist.

Athenian democracy of the day. Orators, it appears, were found who did not scruple to propose to the Athenian people their acceptance of three hundred talents, about sixty thousand pounds sterling, as a This sum may appresent from the king of Persia. small as a bribe to the whole pear population of one of the most powerful states of Greece, the formerly But, before the introduction of imperial Athens. credit, paper bribing more largely was less readily to be managed ; and it is to be recollected that in no remaining account the Athenian citizens, qualified to vote in the general assembly, nave been reckoned more than twenty-one thousand ; so that sixty thou.

iiii

sand pounds might have paid a clear majority, even had all attended, five pounds each. Accordingly JEschines evidently has thought the sum not unfit
to be mentioned to the

assembled Athenians as
its object.

cal-

culated to be equal to

But the influence

LIBERALITY OF ALEXANDER.
of the Macedonian party prevailed, and the disgraceful proposal was rejected. This decision of the Athenian many, under the lead, it seems probable, of Phocion, was in the mo-

SECT.
'

at sea,

ment, of great importance. Alexander, powerful now beyond competition, confident in the ability of his vicegerent, Antipater, in Macedonia, and assured of the adherence of Athens to engagements

with him, satisfied himself with ordering a hundred ships of the navies of Phenicia and Cyprus to join
his

Grecian

fleet,

under the command of

his admiral

Amphoterus, in the ^Egean. Thus also, it appears, Arrian and Curtius he satisfied all the embassies. concur in saying that, as the former embassies, so
these obtained
all

they were commissioned to desire

the wise policy of their constituents, the Macedonian party in the several republics, not pressing for any-

thing beyond what the liberality of their elected chief In favour of the Athenians, might properly grant.
1

Alexander added, apparently unasked, what he had The Macedonian party, in Athens, before refused. it is likely, would be less anxious than the Persian, to^ obtain the release of the Athenian citizens, made and, even if prisoners at the battle of the Granicus desiring, they would be more scrupulous of urging
;

it.

Now

freely given,

it

might perhaps, notwith-

standing the

won

of party spirit, have for Alexander the gratitude of some generous

illiberality

common

minds

in

Athens.
his

About the same time

magnanimously

liberal

and forgiving temper was manifested in another, and

perhaps yet stronger instance, apparently clear of
1
'

all

'

Arr. 1. 3. c. 6. Omnes, aequa "Erv^ovuvtvfKa la-TciXvja-a.v. desiderare visi, impetraverunt.' Curt. 1. 4. c. 8.

B 3

HISTORY OF GREECE.
CHAP,
XLIX>

of Machatas, Harpalus instigation of policy. one of his early friends, having incurred the king his

son

had withdrawn from Macedonia. After Philip's death he returned on Alexander's invitation, and passed with him into Asia. Among those with whom he was most intimate was Tauriscus, a young man whose talents might recommend him,
father's displeasure,

but of conduct highly exceptionable. little before the battle of Issus, for some misbehaviour, it became necessary or expedient for him to abscond ; and
An-,
i.

3.

Harpalus was induced to go with him.

Tauriscus

managed

to gain reception into the service of Alex-

ander king of Epirus, the king of Macedonia's cousin and brother-in-law, then making war in Italy ; but

he soon died there.

at

Harpalus had taken

his residence

Megara

a circumstance

among many proving that

the Grecian republics were free ; that no arbitrary authority of the king of Macedonia, the elected state-

holder and military leader of the nation, interfered to the injury of the just civil authority of the several
states.

The king

of Macedonia, apparently satisfied

that Harpalus had been misled by Tauriscus, from whom now there was no longer either ill advice or
ill example to apprehend, sent him assurance which induced him to repair to Tyre. Simply to forgive measure of Alexander's kindhowever was not the

ness.

Harpalus being of a constitution

ill

adapted

to the fatigues of military service, a civil situation was provided for him. Coeranus of Berrcea and Phi-

loxenus had been joint treasurers, attending the king's Here again, it may person with the military chest.
deserve notice, a Macedonian in high office
is

dis-

Co3ranus was now appointed tinguished by his town. of Phenicia, Philoxenus of Asia within receiver-general

PROMOTIONS OF OFFICERS.
Taurus, and the office of treasurer attending the king's person was intrusted to Harpalus alone.
SECT.
'

Hardly however
ful favour,

all,

whom Alexander's now power-

raised to great situations, their fortune. Arimmas,

with whatever acuteness of discrimination, would have minds to bear

whom he had appointed to of the satrapy Syria, important not only for the extent and wealth of the country, but also for its situation
so

on the border against the still powerful enemy, had shown either a dangerous ambition, or an offensive vanity, that it was thought proper to remove him, and Asclepiodorus, son of Eunicus, was appointed in The satrapy of Lydia, which, on the first his room. conquest of that country, had been committed to Asander son of Philotas, in whatever way now becoming vacant, was given to Menander, one of the
2 the auxiliary Greeks.

Arr

1-

3.

order of companions, actually commander in chief of To the high command, which

by this promotion he

The

quitted, Clearchus was appointed. in chief of the bowmen, Antiochus, died. general a Ombrion, Cretan, was appointed in his room. The

historian's notice of these

and other promotions in

the army, and in the financial department for the conquered countries, little interesting in the detail
for the
it

yet altogether valuable, as marks the care with which the particulars of Alexreader,
is

modern

ander's administration were recorded by contemporaries, and the interest with which they were observed

by following

writers.
Arr.
3. C. 5.

VS nefyvf.

1.

B 4

HISTORY OF GREECE.

SECTION
March from Tyre
across

II.

Syria : passage of

the

Euphrates :

march across Mesopotamia : passage of the Tigris. Station of Darius s army at Gaugamela near Arbela. Forces of the
armies.

CHAP.
1_
An-. 1.3.

completed, both for the seof the friendly among the Grecian republics, curity and for the administration of the extensive countries

ARRANGEMENTS being

B.C. 331.

OLH2.

i.

conquered, Alexander ventured upon the movement w ith his army, in various views highly hazardous, to
his passion for conquest in the region celebrated for earliest empire, and the most extensive and He arrived wealthy known in the world, led him. at Thapsacus, where the younger Cyrus had crossed

which

the Euphrates, in the Attic month HecatombaBon, in the archonship of Aristophanes at Athens, so Arrian marks the date, being about the end of May or be-

ginning of June* of the three hundred and thirtyfirst The bridges he year before the Christian era.

found broken, and a body of about four thousand Persian horse, and two thousand Grecian foot, on the opposite bank, commanded by an eminent Per3 This body however presently withsian, Maza3us. drew. The bridges were then in all quiet repaired, and that great barrier, the Euphrates, was, with no 4 It had been Alexander's deopposition, crossed.
[* See extract from Mr. Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, preceding the Index.] 3 That this is the indescription of the body under Mazaeus, tended by Arrian, I have been led to believe by a judicious note

of Gronovius on the passage. 4 Diodorus here has either followed an ignorant guide, or, undertaking to abridge greatly what he ill understood, has given a grossly defective account; as the reader, observing it only

MARCH ACROSS MESOPOTAMIA.

clared purpose to proceed directly to Babylon, the rich head of the empire, looked to as the inexhaustible fountain of rewards for the labours
in

9
SECT.

which

his

and dangers was and engaged, army supposed the

all

object,

beyond

others, for the

enemy

to defend.

The

difficulties

of the shortest road from Thap-

sacus to Babylon, even when no enemy gave interruption, are marked, as we have formerly seen, in Xe-

nophon's account of the expedition of the younger That account and others would be before Cyrus.

Alexander and

his council.

A way considerably more

circuitous, eastward across the north of

Mesopotamia, and then southward on the eastern side, was thereThere water and forage would fore resolved upon. less fail, and the heat of the air was commonly less
injuriously violent.

In

this course

when

his

Alexander had not proceeded far, advanced guard made some prisoners, from

a body of the

enemy employed

to observe his motions.

Prom

these information was gained, that Darius, abandoning Mesopotamia, had taken a strong position on the eastern side of the Tigris ; and it was added
,

army there was considerably superior to that counwith which he had suffered defeat in Cilicia.
that his

cil

of war was called

the

and, in result of

its

delibera-

tion,

resolution prevailed,

most consonant to

Alexander's repeated declaration, and, though seemingly the boldest, perhaps really the safest, post-

poning the march to Babylon, to proceed immediately

against Darius.

Before Darius ascended the throne, his course of

with the most ordinary map before him, will at once see. Though a little before he mentions both the Euphrates and the Tigris, he here forgets the former.
story follows about Alexander oversleeping, ineptly introduced, yet possibly not unfounded on fact.

10
CHAP,
life

HISTORY OF GREECE.
gave him advantages for the arduous contest he had to maintain, which a prince, bred wholly in a
in the

Persian court could not have possessed. Practised command of armies, though wide of opportu-

nity for experience of the Grecian discipline, nevertheless, in his preparation for the battle of Issus, he

had shown that he was aware of the value of the

Grecian
discipline.

Hence we may the

rather admit

the probable account of Diodorus, where Arrian fails us, that his defeat there was a lesson which he did
iod.
j.

17.

not neglect. Assembling an army in Mesopotamia, while Alexander was in Egypt, he assiduously athis numerous forces, of and nations, languages, and customs, and weapons, and art of war, to act in some reasonable concert. But he had more confidence in the attach-

tended himself to bring

various

ment, as well as in the military character of his northern subjects. Among them, in youth, he had
acquired military fame, and among them, when the throne was hardly in his view, he had held a satrapy. There then, should Alexander, unallured by the rich

meed,

left

him, he

apparently unguarded in the south, seek might reasonably hope, with his cavalry,

excellent in kind and very superior in number, in an open country, to be superior altogether ; yet, in case

of an unfortunate event, the mountains were at hand

for refuge, with a brave, and, it might be hoped, a loyal people, their inhabitants. But, should his enemy

take the

more obviously

inviting

and

less

immediately

dangerous course southward, he might follow through the immense plains with his cavalry at secure distance,

watch opportunities, annoy without exposing himself to danger of defeat, and in the end, as happened to the Roman army under Crassus, in the third century
after,

destroy

him without a

battle.

MARCH ACROSS MESOPOTAMIA.

Nevertheless why no disturbance was given to Alexander's army in crossing the Euphrates, none in the extent of the Mesopotamian plain between
that great river and the Tigris, and, when that second great obstacle was reached, at the place indicated as the station of the Persian king's army, why no obstruction was provided there, information fails. This however may be observed, that the Parthians, when they destroyed Crassus, had been for more than two centuries in constant contact, and frequent wars, with

11
SECT.

princes of Syria ; an advanto come, of which the northtage for the contest

the armies of the

Greek

ern subjects of Darius wholly

at that place

failed.

The

Tigris
An-,
3.

and
its

in that season not

denying a ford,
i.

and no enemy
stream, with

interrupting, yet the rapidity of the

depth,

made the passage troublesome

and hazardous. The Assyrian bank nevertheless, under the able management of Alexander's army, was gained without loss of lives. Rest then was allowed for some days, to prepare for new fatigue
;

delay being also apparently necessary toward obtainIn the ing information where -the hostile army was.
interval

The

solicitude

happened an eclipse of the moon, nearly total. which this phenomenon never failed

to excite

among

the Greeks, as a mysterious indica-

tion of the purposes of the gods toward men, required attention. Sacrifices therefore were offered to the

moon, the sun, and the earth, as deities through whose agency eclipses happen ; and the judicious
Aristander of Telmissus, declared that the phenomenon foretold a battle, to be fought within the
seer,

running month, and that

it

concurred with the indi-

cations of the victims in assuring that Alexander's army would be victorious.

The

soldiers'

mind being thus not only

set at ease,

12
CHAP, VT TV

HISTORY OF GREECE.
filled with hope, Alexander resumed his march. A Darius's purpose, when he had ascertained his enemy's determination to avoid the allurement of Babylon,

but

and the riches of the southern provinces, appears to have been to weary him by a circuitous march, avoiding a battle. And Alexander was thus effectually put to difficulty very doubtfully informed where Darius was, he directed his way down the course of the Tigris, with that river on his right, and the Sogdian mountains on his left.
Susa,
:

Am
'

1.

3.

8>

Having proceeded thus three days, in uncertainty, on the fourth he had information from his advanced party, that they had seen a body of the enemy's horse. Assurance presently following that it was only a detachment of not more than a thousand, he himself, with two bodies of his best mounted cavalry, the royal horse, and the companions, proceeded against them. The Persians, whose orders probably were to observe, and not to fight, presently retreated but, Alexander pursuing, (his opportunities having been great, through his command of Palestine and Egypt, to
;

procure horses of the race always esteemed the finest in the world,) a few overtaken were killed, and also

c.9.

From these intelligence a few were made prisoners. was gained that Darius, with his whole force, occupied a strong camp at the distance of but a few miles. Upon this Alexander halted. Choosing then an advantageous spot, he surrounded it with a rampart and ditch, as a depository for his baggage and sick,
and a
any adverse circumIn this work, and in preparation for battle by rest and otherwise, he employed four days. We want assurance of the numbers, now on either
retreat for his forces in
stances.

side

civilized world.

preparing to contend for the empire of the An official return of the Persian

STRENGTH OF DARIUS* S ARMY.

by Arrian, on the authority of Aristobulus, to have come into Alexander's hands ; stating the nations or provinces which furnished the men, and in some instances distinguishing horse from foot ; On what but that it gave numbers does not appear.
force
is

13
SECT.
'

said

authority therefore Arrian has undertaken to state the totals of the several arms, we want to know ; and

what error in transcription of his work may have made the infantry, far beyond all other accounts, a million, must be left for conjecture. The horse are said to have been forty thousand, scythe-bearing chariots two hundred, elephants only fifteen numbers The Grecian infantry all clearly within probability. that retreated from the Euphrates under Mazaeus are mentioned to have been two thousand. What more may have been still in the Persian king's service is nowhere distinctly said. But if the infantry altogether were a hundred thousand, the proportion would
;

what experience on former occasions would lead the Persian king or his generals to desire to assemble, even nearer to what we find previously ordinary in Persian armies, and perhaps nearer to what Arrian himself meant to report. 5 But whatever
be
nearer
to

myriads of Asiatics, with missile weapons, may be supposed to have attended, it is evident, from the
historian's account of the following battle, that the

king and his principal officers reckoned the horse, the chariots, the elephants, and, among the infantry,
5

If the historian wrote the words at length,

ten myriads, or a hundred thousand, and the transcriber, EKO.TOV the addition and pvpiaSai;, a hundred myriads, or a million,

would be less than is often found to have been made Grecian manuscripts. If, on the other hand, numeral letters were used, a blot near the top of I, meaning ten, might lead the transcriber to suppose it P, meaning a hundred.
alteration
in

HISTORY OF GREECE.
CHAP, XLIX
almost only the small body of Greeks as the strength 6 of their army.
is observable then that Arrian, with the caution usual with him, which stamps authority on his more positive assertions, has avoided to undertake

|_

It

so

numbers even of the king army, which he says consisted of about forty thousand foot, and seven thousand horse. Possibly the Macedonian generals, from whom he
for exactness in giving the

of Macedonia's

drew

his narrative, lessened the

Macedonian

force

while they magnified the Persian ; but we are not furnished with ground for any precise conjecture on If to the accounts of his losses, since the subject.

he entered Asia, we add those of recruits, joining him from Greece, they will hardly make his European
force so great. But, for raising men among the Grecian settlements in Asia and Egypt, his opportunities, as before observed, were large ; and his own

formerly noticed, to Darius from Tyre, may seem to advert to the service in his army of others, beside Greeks, who were become his subjects. Indeed
letter,

we have

seen

it

of old usual to admit such

among

Grecian mercenaries, whence they obtained military That the force of every deestimation as Greeks. was in the highest state of scription, attending him, Grecian discipline, is little to be doubted. It would then be improved for contest with Asiatic armies by
Asiatic armies, and perhaps strengthpractice against ened by whatever useful in Asiatic practice, whether of the cavalry, or of the light-armed service, could

be gained through the conquests made. Had the composition and temper and discipline
6

Thus, according to Curtius, (who among his theatrical mat-

ter has
'

some good historical observations,)

prrelio

at the battle of Issus

1.

Darius equestri

decernere optabat.'

3. c. 11.

STATION OF DARIUS'S ARMY.

15
SECT.
TIT

army been such that he could have his measures, the sequel seems chosen completely not to show, only that he had done judiciously enough in hitherto avoiding a battle, but that, persevering in
of
Darius's
that course, he

would probably have ruined Alexander.

But for such perseverance difficulties would remain, such as those which disturbed his purpose of waiting
for

Alexander in Syria, before the

it

battle of Issus.

Finding

therefore necessary at length to hazard

a battle, which he had hitherto, probably with just

judgment, avoided, he deposited his heavy baggage and his military chest in the fortified city of Arbela ; and he chose the station where to wait the enemy about six miles off, at Gaugamela, on the river Bumadus, which runs into the Tigris. The country around, open, with gentle undulations of surface, was advantageous for the action of his cavalry, on which he principally depended. But he hoped also for great effect from his scythe-bearing chariots ; and, to give this kind of artillery its best opportunity, numerous hands were employed to remove, to a great
any of those smaller inequalities of surface which might impede it. Thus prepared, waiting for the enemy, he avoided all attempt to disturb his measures on the ground which he had taken, only
extent,

about seven miles

off.

SECTION

III.

Battle of Gaugamela, commonly called of Arbela.

night after reaching his station, called to arms about the second watch, near midnight, and marched immediately, with the purfifth

ALEXANDER, on

the

Am 1.3.
c'
'

16
CHAP,
* LIX
-

HISTORY OF GREECE.
of attacking the enemy at daybreak. Nearly hills of moderate height had prevented some midway On his the view of either camp from the other.

pose

unmolested, having a full view of the Persian station, he saw marks of recent handy-work, The military historian does not to a great extent.
arrival there,

account for the failure of previous observation, but proceeds to say that, unaware of the enemy's object
for

scythed

chariots,

what

are

called in

modern

military phrase,

wolf-holes,

concealed

excavations,

prepared with pointed stakes, to disturb the approach of any troops, but especially of cavalry, were appreOn this the army was halted, and a council hended.

Such then was the improvident of war was called. ardour among Alexander's young officers that a majority, in contempt of the enemy, recommended
attack without delay
;

but Parmenio advising previous

investigation, Alexander's intuitive mind repressed his own ardour, which was inferior to none, and, the

ground being very advantageous, he encamped on

in order of battle.
It

it

was not in the practice of the Persians, as of the Greeks, to fortify their camps 7 , and the management of their cavalry, as we have seen formerly in
Xen. Anab.
i.

Xenophon's account,
formidable.

assisted to

make

nightly assault
to prepare

c. 4.
5.^

Among

their labours, now,

Ch.23.
An-.

s.4.
*

L3.

provide

for action without their camp, little had been done to security within. Such therefore was the

Cgllg

apprehension excited by the view of Alexander's army, occupying the heights only three miles off, that the troops were formed in order of battle in the
written evening, and kept under arms all night. statement of that order, according to Aristobulus, The came, after the battle, into Alexander's hands.
7

Ovrs

ffTpafOTfefiov auToJj ntf iee XIJTO aKpii<;.

Arr.

1.

3. C, 1 1 .

BATTLE OF GAUGAMELA OR ARBELA.

extreme of the left was held by the Bactrian, Daan, and Arachosian horse. The forces of Persia Proper
followed, foot

SECT.

HI
_
'__

and horse intermingled.

The

Susian

and Cardusian troops then completed that wing. The centre, immediately commanded by Darius, composed
of Indians, emigrant Carians, perhaps having the Grecian discipline, Mardians, who were bowmen,

Uxians, Babylonians, and Arabians, was formed in very deep order. Directly about the king's person

were two bodies of royal guards ; one styled the 8 king's kinsmen, the other the Melophor Persians ; and on the flanks of these the Greek mercenaries. The elephants, and fifty scythe-bearing chariots, were in front of the centre ; a hundred chariots, supported by the Scythian horse, were in front of the left, and fifty chariots, with Armenian and Cappadecian horse, in front of the right. Alexander, with numbers insufficient for meeting the whole Persian line, and therefore liable to have
his flanks turned,

and perhaps

his rear, resolved

upon

the

of action of which, as far as history shows, Epaminondas seems to have given, in the battle of

mode

Leuctra, the first example for ancient and for modern times ; directing a superior force against a particular point of the hostile army, and avoiding, as far as

With this view he might be, to meet the rest. in two equal lines, so arranged that, should advanced
the enemy, far outnumbering him in cavalry, gain his flank or rear, the whole might readily form

The body of Persians called by the Greeks MyKopopoi, applebearers, or orangebearers, are said to have been spearmen, at the hand-end of whose spears, or lances, apparently for balance, was
8

gilt ball ; for which Wesseling's note 64-. to the 59th chapter of Diodorus's 17th book, and the authorities there indicated, may be consulted.

VOL.

VIII.

18
An-. 1.3.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
In this order, first so in direction a hollow square. toward the Persian centre as to be outflanked each
way, he took, as he proceeded, an oblique direction The Persians, observing this, toward the right.
inclined to the left to obviate his apparent purpose

Alexander however had of gaining their flank. almost reached the extreme of the ground which
they had levelled for the operation of their chariots,

when

his cavalry

and Darius's Scythian horse were

nearly meeting.

The apprehension of the Persian was then that, by farther progress in that generals course, he would render their chariots useless, and
therefore the Scythian with a part of the Bactrian horse were ordered immediately to charge. Alexander hastened forward the Grecian mercenary cavalry

under Menidas, to meet them, and thus the action The Greeks were nearly yielding before began. superior numbers, when Alexander ordered Aretas, with the Paeonian cavalry, and that of the Greek 9 confederacy to their support ; and then the enemy were compelled to give way. But the rest of the Bactrians advancing on the other side, and the Scythians, both men and horses, being superiorly
,

provided with defensive armour, Alexander's troops were again pressed, and the action was for some time
superior discipline however of the Greeks, charging in regular order those who held no line, gave them at length a clear superiority, and the
doubtful.

The

enemy fled. During this

contest

the

Persian scythe-bearing

chariots were advanced against that part of the Grecian line where Alexander himself had his station. It had been foreseen that the shock of that kind of
artillery

upon the phalanx might be formidable.

To

BATTLE OF GAUGAMELA OR ARBELA.

weaken the effect therefore a body of light-armed was advanced, who, with a shower of missile weapons, wounding drivers and horses in their approach, dis.

SECT.

in "

turbed the order necessary to their efficacy ; while active men, unencumbered with the panoply, easily avoiding the line of the chariots, hung upon their

and some even approached so as to seize the Thus the proposed turn their course. and reins simultaneous charge of the whole body of the chariots was so obviated that, for those which could hold the proposed course, it was not difficult to open and let
flanks,

them, with little injury, through to the passing, were taken.

rear.

All, so

This point gained appears to have afforded important relief to Alexander's army, among pressures from superior numbers, directed with considerable The Persian judgment, and supported with valour.

main body followed the charge of the scythe-bearing chariots, expecting to meet in front the phalanx in
disorder,

body of horse was enThe defeat howdeavouring to gain its right flank. ever of the Bactrians and Scythians enabled Alexander to send Aretas, with the cavalry under him, against that body. The contest here again was severe. At the Persians were driven against their however length
while a powerful

own

infantry, so as to disturb that part of the line

where Darius had his station. Alexander observed, and proceeded instantly to profit from this. Moving his phalanx to the left, he directed its attack in column against the disordered Persian ranks, which he charged at the same time with the horse imme-

him ; and, presently piercing and diPersian the line, he threw all into confusion. viding Flight became extensive ; to restore order in that
diately about

part was

no longer

possible

Darius, though, accord-

20
.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
1.

17.

ine; to

those

whom

both Diodorus and Curtius

fol-

firt

Q. Curt.
i.

4. e. 15.

lowed, not till after personal exertions in the thickest Q f fag action, nor till after his charioteer was killed 10
,

of necessity joined in retreat.

Alexander then, whether led more by

his constant

passion for the glory of personal valour, or instigated by the circumstances of the moment, and eagerness of desire to make the Persian king his prisoner,

appears to have overlooked the first duty of a commander in chief for the purpose of executing that of an inferior officer. Instead of directing his attention
to his left wing, which he had weakened to make his successful impression on the right, he pressed pursuit

of the defeated part of the Persian line, with the cavalry about him, and directed the whole phalanx of his right to follow. Meanwhile how far under
direction from Darius himself, who, according to both Diodorus and Curtius, excelled in military skill as

well as in valour, must remain uncertain, the enemy's

right

wing,

commanded immediately by Mazasus,

had profited from Alexander's fault. Parmenio, with two lines in phalanx, was unable to withstand the great body of horse, charging, as seems to have
Ch.24. s.3.

been the Persian way, in column. They did not indeed rout, but they broke through both his lines. Not stopping then to complete their success, as if it was already certain, in their habitual passion for plunder, they proceeded to the camp, which was
within view.
10

It

was so out of contemplation, says

Diodorus says by a javelin from the hand of Alexander Had this been in any degree ascertained, it would have failed of notice from Arrian. Curtius gives it to an hardly unknown hand. Both say it was supposed by those around that
himself.

Darius himself was

that followed.

killed,

and thence the

flight

of the Persians

BATTLE OF GAUGAMELA OR ARBELA.

Arrian,
lines in phalanx,

*
SECT.
.
[__

that any cavalry could break through two that the orderly retreat of that

body, in

upon

case of failure of victory, was depended for the security of the camp. The small guard

therefore being surprised was presently overpowered ; Persian prisoners, probably not numerous, being released, joined their victorious cavalry in slaughter

plunder. horse gaining Parmenio's

and Meanwhile another body of the enemy's

left

prevented his detaching any assistance to the camp: so that, threatened on all sides, he with difficulty maintained his ground.

Information of these circumstances, sent after Alexander, who was far advanced in pursuit of Darius, first reached Simmias, commander of a large body of That officer judged it the phalanx following him.
so

halted his
after the

important that, without waiting for orders, he division, while the messenger hastened

regret,

Alexander, though with extreme did not hesitate about the measure which
king.

prudence imperiously required. Returning, with the utmost speed, to relieve the labouring part of his army, on arriving he charged the Persian cavalry, which
contest singuwas hanging on Parmenio's left. of the ensued. vehement Sixty body called larly the companions, immediately attending Alexander, were killed : Hephaestion, Coenus, Menidas, generals Grecian discipline of high rank, were wounded.

prevailed against the valour of less ably combined, and the Persians, once compelled to give way, took to precipitate flight.

however numbers

at length

Meanwhile Parmenio,

relieved from the pressure

on

his flank, could use his Thessalian cavalry against the enemy in front, and at the same time detach a part

of his second line, which presently overpowered the AlexPersians, tumultuousl y plundering the camp. c 3

HISTORY OF GREECE.
ander, after having defeated the enemy's cavalry, came to his support ; but, through the exertions especially
horse, who earned the highest was credit, the victory already complete. The indefatigable prince then, directing Parmenio

of the Thessalian

to proceed to take possession of the Persian camp, resumed himself the pursuit of his royal foe. Reach-

ing the river Lycus,

vening night made

those under him

itself no small obstacle, superfarther effort hopeless, even had been equal to farther effort. The

horses he rode had been relieved by relays ; many of the horses of those attending him, it is said, had

already died of fatigue.

Thus

necessitated he re-

turned to his camp. On arriving he directed that his army should have repose ; but he allowed himself little. Moving again at midnight, with a chosen

body of cavalry, he reached Arbela so unexpectedly that he became master of the town, apparently without resistance, and found in it, yet unmoved, all the valuables deposited there ; among which a chariot, shield, and bow of the Persian king, the second of
each sort the fruits of his victories, were especially
noticed.

Such, according to Arrian's probable and mostly perspicuous account, drawn, as he professes, from the narratives of general officers present, was the battle,

fought near Gaugamela, but commonly called of Arbela, which decided the fate of the Persian empire.

In reporting numbers

slain that historian

however

is,

against his custom, extravagant : he says only one hundred men were killed on the Grecian side, and on

the Persian three hundred thousand

prisoners were
as
still

much

adding that the more numerous. Here

;

on former occasions, it is necessary to however, how recollect liable numbers are to be altered in

BATTLE OF GAUGAMELA OR ARBELA.

transcription
as,

and error may the rather be suspected ; of the other ancient writers of Alexander's history,

SECT.

though generally given to extravagance, none has approached that found in our copies of Arrian's work.
copies should be trusted for in numerical notation, yet his care conaccuracy tinually demonstrated to follow the best authorities

But supposing those

being considered, his report can only be valuable as an eminent example of the antiquity of the trick of governments to give their warrant to false accounts,
exaggerating an enemy's loss in battle, and lessening

where a vigilant to detect and expose any attempt party is always ready at such fraud, and rather to mislead public belief
their
;

own

least practicable in ours,

Nevertheless contrary direction. destruction on the Persian side was great,

in the

that

the

probable.
severe,

But

is clearly that the loss of the victors also was

may, against Arrian's enumeration, be gathered In an action fully acknowledged from to have been strongly contested, and even long of doubtful issue, it could not be otherwise ; and the
his narrative.

admission that the cavalry of the royal companions alone lost five hundred horses, though some are said
to have died of fatigue in the pursuit, would suffice for assurance that the slain altogether were numerous.

Arrian we may believe followed his usual guides, the Macedonian generals, in his account of the conduct of the Persian king ; but what their knowledge
of
it

was may be questionable

and policy might lead

them to adopt the most unfavourable among various and apparently all uncertain reports. He says that
Darius, immediately on Alexander's charging the part of his line where he had his station, so yielded
to fear as to be
flight.

among the

first

It

is

creditable for the

to set the example of Grecian character that

21
Diod.
i.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
n.

c.58.60,

other Grecian accounts remain transmitted. Diodorus, no usua Uy an inventor, attributes to Darius the first
j.

praise of that courage and conduct on the Persian side, which, even in Arrian's report, long balanced

the battle.

him
Q. Curt.
'

Curtius, nearly concurring, farther gives credit for generous and magnanimous conduct, even in his flight ; of which one circumstance, necessarily

c<

'

of some publicity, may, even on his auHaving put the river Lycus thority, deserve notice. between himself and the pursuing enemy, it was proposed, by some about him, immediately to destroy the But he forbade ; bridge by which he had passed.

observing that thousands of his subjects,

who had

been engaged in the chance of war with him, might want that bridge ; and he would not, for his individual safety, deprive
11

them of a chance

for safety.

11

and especially
authorities
different a

Curtius's narrative so frequently corresponds with Arrian's, his account of the more important circumstances

of this great battle, that it cannot be doubted but Arrian's were before him. That he has used them in so
;

way is to be regretted upon a foundation so valuable a raising superstructure not without value, but so disguised with flowery ornament, romantic tales, and scenic dialogue,
that
it is

without

rarely possible to estimate his testimony for any fact some corroborating evidence. Hence whether his

lively description of the miseries of the defeated, in their flight

from the field of Gaugamela, though probable enough, be derived from any just authority, or is only a fanciful emulation of Thucydides's fine picture of the flight of the Athenian army under Nicias and Demosthenes from Syracuse, may be questioned. Like the poet, he undertakes to know everything. Not contented with giving, like Livy and so many other
ancient writers, the speeches of generals to their armies before battle, he answers for their words, their looks, and their passions, what they knew and what they felt in the midst of the
hottest action.

Through

this licence

indeed he

offers

some

scenes admirably suited to either the stage or the easel. Thus his work seems to have been adapted to the taste of a refined

BATTLE OF GAUGAMELA OR ARBELA.

All accounts indicate that, before Alexander arrived, the bridge was rendered impassable.
SECT.
'

We

have had more than one occasion to observe

that an Asiatic

army defeated commonly

it

dispersed,

so that, for a time,

army.
have

Of

nearly ceased to exist as an Darius's forces the Greeks alone, unless

Diod.
17.

also the cavalry

immediately attending him, seem to Reports were preserved order in retreat.

1.

various of the course which he immediately took in his flight, and perhaps none exactly true ; for it

seems likely that, at first, some concealment was adHis plans however were visable, and even necessary. not so defective but that misfortune was in some
Estimating, according to appearance, justly the deficiency of his means to defend the rich and open southern provinces, with a popu-

degree provided

for.

lation of little loyalty,

he directed

his course

toward

Media ; and, when it was ascertained that the enemy had taken the contrary course, so that communication northward was clearly free, he collected some of his Before long then he was joined dispersed cavalry.
by
relics

of his Grecian infantry, to the

number of

about two thousand, with Paron of Phocis and Glaucon of j3Etolia, their commanders. The severity
exercised toward those Greeks,

and

who at the Granicus had fought against the army of the Grecian confederacy, would be admonition for these
at

Issus

to remain true to their

service.

engagement

for the Persian

and luxurious age, when the despotism of the Roman empire

denied to the public all interference in public concerns, so that minds, even the most capable of public business, and the most
disposed to
it,

must

find content,

as they best might,

in

idle

amusement.

26

HISTORY OF GREECE.

SECTION

IV.

Alexander's march to Babylon, Susa,

Persepolis.

and Parsagardce

or

CHAP.
.

have seen the generally generous policy of the Persians, toward conquered people, failing in Egypt,
4.

WE

Ch. 45.

s.

[ist '

through an overweening contempt of those superstitions which held the strongest sway in Egyptian minds. Their honest pride of their purer religion, becoming evil by excess, had also revolted the Babydestruction of the temples of Babylonian worship, among which that of Belus, or Baal, was far super-eminent, is attributed to Xerxes.
lonians.

The

An-,

i.

3.

How

any thing, either in Babylonian or Egyptian superstition, adverse to the Persian government, might or urge to severities, remaining justify restraint,
history will not enable us to judge.

The Babylonians

however were prepared, nearly as the Egyptians, to This was rejoice in passing under a new dominion.
An-,
i.

3.

not likely to be a secret to either of the contending princes ; and, while it assisted to determine the
17.

Diod. 6

1.

ciirt

would strengthen the inducement for Alexander to go otherwise powerful southward. Accordingly abandoning for the present, what had been the first object of his keen mind, the pursuit of the defeated monarch, he hastened, in the
retreat of Darius northward,

opposite direction,
Arr. 1.3.

to

take possession of the

rich

prize waiting for his grasp. Nothing opposed his march to Babylon.

Mazaeus,

Q.
i.

ciirt.

5. c. i.

he could keep together of the large division Q f j.jjg pers } an arm y which he had commanded at the recent battle, had retreated thither, and appears
with
all

to have held the principal authority there. garrison in the citadel was commanded by Bagophanes.

MARCH TO BABYLON.
Alexander expected resistance but, as he approached, he was met by the whole population of the immense
;
'

27
SECT.

solemn and declaring the surprocession, bearing presents, render of the town, citadel, and treasury to his pleasure. Mazasus, it appears, promoted the measure ; and Bagophanes, hopeless of support from his king,
city
priests leading a

unarmed, the nobles and

hastened, after the example, to earn the conqueror's favour. Alexander, courteous to all, took Mazaeus
into his confidence,

and directed

his policy to gain,

among

the Babylonians, that attachment which the

conduct of the Persian government had repelled. Communicating with the Chaldean chiefs of the Babylonian religion, he ordered the temples, which had lain in ruin from the time of Xerxes, to be restored under their direction, and he presided at a sacrifice
to Belus, performed as they prescribed. are unfurnished with ground for estimating

We

how

far the conduct of Mazaeus was reproachable. His omission to obstruct the enemy's passage of the Euphrates may very possibly have been within orders. His conduct in the battle of Arbela has eulogy in all ancient accounts. We must look to the texture of the Persian empire, and to preceding circumstances, and to some following, for direction of judgment.

Even
sion,

in the earlier reign, with less irregular succes- ch.24.

s.s.

have seen the generous and upright satrap Pharnabazus openly avowing, that he reckoned himself bound in allegiance to
the sovereign of the empire only as long as he enjoyed his confidence and favour. Intelligence had

of Artaxerxes

Mnemon, we

now

reached Alexander of circumstances in Armenia.

all

Before the battle of Issus

Asia, westward of that

The event of that country, had yielded to him. battle could not but affect the minds both of rulers

28
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
Those dissatisfied, reasonably or with the actual state of things would look '_ otherwise, toward a revolution. The event of the battle of
subjects there.

and

AIT.

i.

3.

Arbela would augment and extend that disposition. Hence apparently it was that Alexander sent, from
Babylon, a satrap into Armenia ; and, for the execution of that high and important office, he chose one who, whether a Persian or of whatever country

under Persian dominion, office under the Persian he had owed the ready Sardis ; and it does not

in high crown, Mithrines, to whom

had been a subject

surrender of the citadel of

appear that any Greek was sent to check or share his authority. Mazaeus had
so recommended himself that the important dignity of satrap of Babylon was committed to him, but with civil authority only. The military command of the
district was given to Apollodorus of Amphipolis, and the presidency of the revenue to Asclepiodorus son of Philon.
Q.Curt.

It

may

deserve notice then, on the authority of

though unmentioned by Arrian, whose guides, the Macedonian generals, were likely to avoid notice of it, that Apollodorus was directed to raise recruits for the army in Babylon and its territory. The wealth of that city, and the extent of rich terCurtius,
it, enabled Alexander, apparently with the revenue ordinarily paid to the former sovereign, to reward those who had shared with him

ritory acquired with

1.

5.\s. i.

the labours and dangers of his expedition. He made a donation, according to Curtius, to each Macedonian horseman of about twenty-four pounds sterling, to

every other horseman about twenty, and every foot soldier near ten.
to disposition, among the southern provinces, disaffection toward the government of Darius, or

SURRENDER OF

SUSA.

29
SECT.
_

rather toward the Persian dynasty altogether, marked in the occurrences at Babylon, seems yet more That strongly O J marked in what followed at Susa.

had been the principal seat of the Persian government ; chosen for the convenience of its situation between Babylon, Ecbatana, and Persepolis, the ancient capitals of the Assyrian, Median, and Persian
city

kingdoms. It was the common winter residence of the court, which, on account of the heat there in summer, which Strabo mentions as extraordinary, Comgenerally moved for that season to Ecbatana.
munication from Susa had been such as to induce

strab.i.is.

O x.

Alexander to send thither one of

his generals, Phi-

loxenus, without a military force, merely as a negotiator. After no long stay in Babylon, proceeding himself with his army toward Susa, he was met by

the son of the satrap, accompanied by a messenger from Philoxenus, with dispatches assuring him that the surrender of the city was ready on his arrival,

and with

that of the general treasury of the empire, to the amount of fifty thousand valuables containing This came into talents, about ten millions sterling.
it

Alexander's possession ; and it was farther a gratifying circumstance of triumph, that in Susa was found the spoil that Xerxes had carried from various

Grecian cities, to exhibit to his eastern subjects as testimonies of his conquests in the west. Among them the brazen statues of those celebrated tyrannicides, venerated by the Athenians as martyrs in the
cause of liberty, Harmodius and Aristogiton, were Alexander consulted his popuespecially noticed.
larity

as especially

and fame among the Greeks generally, as well among the Athenians, at the same time confuting the slander of the demagogues who had been in the habit of qualifying his father and himself

30
CHAP,
as tyrants,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
by sending these to Athens, as presents Athenian people. Placed by order of the

to the

sovereign assembly in the square called Ceramicus,

they remained there, as Arrian assures us, in his time, near five hundred years after.

Susa Alexander displayed his generosity also another way ; for' the concurrence of Diodorus with the Latin historian here apparently may be trusted for what Arrian, intent principally on military movements, though no way contradicting, has
in

At

omitted.

The

illustrious

family of Darius, who,

Cilicia,
Diod. 1.17.

prisoners, the wife in the long journey

and
from

Q.Curt
1>6<

had been always treated with the kindest respect, were now settled in the royal palace of Susa; probably the most grateful resting-place for them ; and it would also probably be to their gratification that here, as at Babylon, the civil administration was
committed
Abulites, a
to

Arr.i.s.

one of Alexander's

new

subjects,

Q^CuS.
i.

Persian.

The

military

authority was

5. c. 2.

Am

i.

3.

and mostly Macedonians. of Theodorus was appointed commander in chief within the province of Susiana. The
reserved
still

to Greeks,

Archelaus son

ch.49. s.i.
ut "

government of the citadel of Susa was committed to Mazarus, one of the band of companions. Menes was sent to take the extensive and critically situated viceroyship of Syria and Phenicia; whether superseding Asclepiodorus, who had superseded Arimmas when Alexander was leaving Tyre to march against
or including his province within a wider command. Menes carried with him three thousand

Darius,

hundred thousand pounds ; part to supply Antipater, for the war threatened in Greece by Agis king of Lacedaemon, and the rest to raise
talents,

about

six

recruits for the

army

in Asia.

Alexander appears to have denied to the purer

RE-ENFORCEMENT TO ALEXANDER.
respect with which he had Chaldean the treated studiously superstition, as well Yet we are not uninas the still grosser Egyptian.
religion

31
SECT.

of Persia the

formed of what may have led to this. The Persians, with a misbecoming pride in their purer faith, for the principles of which perhaps Herodotus, confirmed
as we find him by following writers, may be trusted, were disposed to be intolerant of all others ; and not only had been severe against the Egyptian and Chaldean, but, till they had learnt to fear the Greeks,

cn.e.

s.

2.

had even persecuted the Grecian. At Susa, instead of ceremonies in honour of the national religion, as at Memphis and Babylon, the historian reports only a
according to the Grecian ritual, with Grecian gymnic games. accompanied re-enforcement arrived from Greece and the
magnificent
sacrifice,

Am 1.3.
c>

Grecian

cities

of Asia, which, though Arrian has not

16

'

numbers, (the Macedonian generals, his authorities, having apparently avoided to report such matters,) may perhaps reasonably be believed, on
specified the

the testimonies of Diodorus an'd Curtius, to have been the largest yet at any one time received. Those
historians concur in reporting six thousand foot
five

and Q Q urt
J-

Diod. 6

1.

17.

hundred horse from Macedonia, three thousand five hundred foot and six hundred horse from Thrace, and mercenary infantry from Peloponnesus four
thousand
only concerning cavalry from Peloponnesus, which the former makes near a thouThus however sand, the other under four hundred.
;

5 -^

differing

the foot would be thirteen thousand five hundred, and the horse, at the lowest account, near fifteen

hundred.

With this re-enforcement, according to the same writers, came fifty youths, of the first families of Macedonia, sent by their parents, with recommendation from Antipater, to be admitted among

32
CHAP, KLIX
-

HISTORY OF GREECE.
the king's page-guards. Amyntas son of Adromenes is named as the officer commanding this large re-

enforcement, led to such a distance. Master now of the greatest, and far the richest
part of the Persian empire, the bounds of Alexander's dominion were not very different from those of mo-

dern Turkey.

But Proper

Persia, the native land of

the great Cyrus, the rich kingdom of Media and extensive provinces inhabited by a warlike race, northward of Media, yet acknowledged the sovereignty of
the

unfortunate

Darius.

The way

to

Persia was

difficult, over rugged mountains, held by the Uxians ; a people who, not only for ages had maintained themselves in independency of the great empire surround-

ing them, but, denying the payment of tribute, made that great empire in some degree tributary to them. In the capital of Persia, as in a place of the best se-

known, a very great treasure had been deposited. Thus, for postponing the immediate pursuit of Darius, two important objects were offered ; to deprive the enemy of the means which the treasury of Persia Proper would afford for continuing the war, and to bring to just subjection a people who had been so permitted to disgrace the

curity in those times

When the Persian former governor of the empire. wanted for troops between Supassage government siana and Persia Proper, it had grown into custom to
pay them for permission. Observing what is transmitted of the circumstances of Asia, and of the chavarious population, it cannot be doubted, but that, with this indignity, the Persian government had been accustomed to bear another, that of frequent
racter of
its

depredations on

its faithful
;

subjects, unrevenged, or

deficiently punished

for a

people situated like the

Uxians could, only by frequent predatory warfare,

MARCH TO

PERSEPOLIS.

33
SECT.

have the practice necessary toward their skill and renown in war. The Uxians, informed of Alexander's approach, with the purpose of marching across
sent a deputation, informing him of former custom, and demanding the payment usually received from the Persian court ; intimating that,
their country,

any attempt to pass would be resisted. without Alexander, negotiation or threat, dismissed the mission with answer, that f the Uxians might
without
it,
*
'

occupy with their forces the straits in their mountains, and there receive the demanded tribute.'

Passing then the river and crossing the plain he found no opposition. Arrived at the mountains, he took upon himself the command of one select body,

and committed that of another

Craterus.

to his favourite o general

With Susian

difficult road, in

guides, by a very rough and one day, he traversed the wild high-

lands,

so as to reach

some cultivated

dales at night.

inhabitants, unprepared, were in in their beds, or flying from thetn.

The

numbers killed Whether this

was a just or necessary

severity, Arrian, like other ancient writers, not always solicitous about such matThe booty, principally ters, has not at all shown.
cattle, (for these

highlanders had not the use of money,)

;

and probably an important acquiMeanwhile Crasupply of the army. another had reached the heights comterus, by road, the strait. So manding beyond expectation bold and had been these that no guard was measures rapid The Uxian there. chiefs, supposing they might safely await the return of their deputation, had delayed for it the call upon their people to leave their homes ; and Alexander joined Craterus at the narrow before
was considerable
sition for the

their forces arrived.

into a situation

Hastening at length, they got where they could neither fight nor

VOL.

VIII.

34
CHAP, XLIX
-

HISTORY OF GREECE.

On the plain ground they could not conand the emitend with the Grecian heavy-armed had which both for advanon nences, 'they depended
withdraw.
;

tage in action and security in retreat, were in the In the flight, which they preenemy's possession.
sently attempted,

made hardly
it

any.

many were killed resistance they It may seem reasonable to hope

:

was for some offence unnoticed by Arrian, that their extermination was threatened. Ptolemy, he says, related that the intercession of Sisygambis, mother of
Darius, probably for some merit with her, of which
also the historian has omitted notice,

procured them
their strong-

allowance to retain their lands

among

hundred horses, hundred head of neat cattle, and thirty thousand In the deficiency of our information it may sheep. seem that the pride of extraordinary success, combined with the general carelessness of the Greeks for humanity toward barbarians, had now begun to overbear that generosity inherited from his magnanimous father, and cultivated by his great preceptor, which
holds, paying a yearly tribute of one
five

in the earlier part of

Alexander's
failed

brilliant

course

appear on no occasion to have

Arr.
i.

him. 12

3.

Diod.
c.

1.

17.

68.

But, in the way to Persia, there remained yet another highland pass, called by Diodorus the Susiad It was occurocks, threatening greater difficulties.
pied by a powerful body, Arrian says forty thousand
12 Plutarch, but in a most unsatisfactory manner, gives a degree of corroboration to the accounts of Alexander's cruelty With no narrative of circumstances, he refers to an exhere.

Plut. v.

Alex. p. 686.

tant letter of Alexander's, mentioning that he had ordered the execution of numerous prisoners, ' because he thought it for his < But the biographer, in his frequently careless way, interest/ go con foun ds the passage of the Uxian highlands with the cap-

ture of Persepolis, and the conquest of all Persia, that there no knowing what prisoners he meant to say were so executed.

is

MARCH TO PERSEPOLIS.
foot,

35
SECT. IV
'

with

seven hundred

Ariobarzanes, who had of the ground by fortifications.

horse, under the satrap added to the natural strength

Diodorus, perhaps

from authorities more deserving of credit here than the generals engaged, whom Arrian followed, states the force under Ariobarzanes at only twenty-five
thousand foot and three hundred horse.
Alexander,

committing the main body of his army to his veteran general Parmenio, again undertook himself the fatigues and dangers of a partisan. His chosen division consisted of all the Macedonian heavy-armed, the horse of the band of companions, and that of the forerunners, (probably lighter horse,) with the Agrians, his favourite middle-armed, and all the bowmen.

formed carriage-road led from the Uxian narrow to that called the Persian gate. By this road he directed Parmenio to march, taking with him all the heavy baggage of the army. With his own select body he
hastened by a shorter highland way ; and, reaching Ariobarzanes's lines, before Parmeriio, he rested for
the night.

Next morning he proceeded

to storm

But they were so resolutely defended, and the satrap had so occupied the commanding heights, not only with bowmen and darters, but also with
them.

machines for the discharge of missile weapons, that, with the loss of many men, he was obliged at length to retire. Doubtful then about measures, he learnt

by inquiry among his prisoners (according to Curtius, from a son of a Greek by a Persian wife, speaking familiarly both languages) that there was a mountain
path by which it might be possible to reach the pass, in the rear of the Persian army ; but it was rugged

and narrow. 13
13

Again then taking upon himself the

17. c. 68., says a Lycian, prisoner of war, long

Diodorus,

1.

employed as a herdsman among the mountains.

Plutarch says;

D 2

36
CHAP,
__^

HISTORY OF GREECE.
of greatest fatigue and danger, and marching by night with a chosen body, he left Craterus to command the camp ; ordering him to watch for signals of the trumpets, which should indicate that he was arrived in the enemy's rear, and then immediIn his way over the mounately to assail the lines.
tains, he detached Amyntas, Philotas, and Ccenus toward the Persian plain, with orders to secure the

command

passage of the river Araxes, which crossed the great road to the Persian capital, by throwing a bridge over it 14, while he, with a second selection of his
before chosen troops, hastened, according to Arrian, mostly running along the rugged way, to the enemy's
station.
15

he put

all

to the sword.

Arriving before day at their first outpost, second was also surprised

so far that few escaped. third, taking alarm, fled to the nearest heights, and no intelligence of Alexander's approach was carried to the Persian camp.

A A

About daybreak he arrived at it. The trumpets then sounded the appointed signal, and Craterus, duly prepared, presently attacked the lines. Such was the
surprise that resistance was little attempted.
fled

Some

from Alexander toward Craterus, and others from Craterus toward Alexander. Repulsed each way, those who avoided the sword sought the lines
again, but were intercepted

by Ptolemy

to

whom

Alexander, foreseeing the event, had assigned a station for the purpose, so that a large proportion of the

army was destroyed.

Ariobarzanes himself escaped

the son of a Lycian by a Persian woman, and thence familiar with both the Greek and Persian languages. Plut.v.Alex. p.686. 14 Arrian has not named the river or the city.
15

A.VTOI;

re

(o

'AXE^avSpo?) Tcpovyppti

vvKTUf, KOU 8<A0aSv, K. T.

stopping of Gronovius's edition, and the Latin translation of Vulcanius, which Gronovius adopts, though abusing it, are

The

both bad here.

ARRIVAL AT PERSEPOLIS.
with a few horse, with whom however (for what Curtius directly says, even Arrian's account
implies)

37
SECT.

he cut his way through the enemy. It was apprehended that, as soon as the defeat of Ariobarzanes became known, the Persian king's
Persia Proper, conscious of inability to withstand, yet not disposed, like those of Babylonia and Susiana, to court the conqueror, would, before
officers

in

According A. 1.3. Alexander received intimation of their c -Diod. 17. purpose from Tiridates, a principal officer of the c. 69. treasury ; whose earnestness to provide for Alexander's early arrival is mentioned by Arrian. The solicitude of the army, on such an occasion, would not fail. By rapid march then he reached Parsagardse,
they
fled,

plunder the royal treasury.

f .

to Curtius,

1.

or Persagada?, (the capital of Persia Proper, better known by the name, which seems to have been a

Greek

translation,

Persepolis,)

where was the

trea-

sury of the great Cyrus, in time to prevent any meditated spoliation.

at Susa some Alexander hostile toward the proper Persians more than toward any other sub-

We

have observed in the transactions

, Plut. v.

indication of a disposition in

Alex.

jects of the Persian empire.

During

his stay at Per-

sepolis an instance of it occurred, highly uncreditable even in the succinct report of Arrian, and affording

ground and the

for exaggerated stories adapted to

romance which has been seized theatre, by eagerly

other writers, especially the ingenious Curtius.

Our

fellow-countryman Dryden, in his exquisite ode on the subject, perhaps relates the matter as fairly as

any other

writer, except Plutarch, his principal guide,

here has been intent on just inquiry ; always The circumhighly valuable where he has been so.
stances,

who

he

says,

were very variously given in accounts

D 3

38
CHAP,
IX '

HISTORY OF GREECE.
extant in his time.

What he thought most

trust-

worthy was

this

the mischief originated at a ban-

quet, where, in the manner afterward of the great of Rome, in the age of Horace, Maecenas, and Augustus, The celebrated courtesans were of the company.

Thais, an Athenian born, heated with liquor, and prompted by recollection of what she had heard of

the destruction of Athens formerly by the Persians, proposed to make a bonfire of the palace of the Persian kings.

Some

of the gravest, Plutarch says, of

the Macedonians, uneasy at the growing partiality, observed in their young king, for every thing oriental, and earnest to turn his affections homeward, if not
contributing to excite the extravagance, however enAlexander, not till the couraged it when proposed.

general disposition of the company became manifested, led the way, and the palace was presently in flames.
the ruin spread, with more sober reflection he repented, and ordered measures for stopping its proThe extension of the evil to the city, which gress.
it

As

threatened, was thus prevented

16

but

much

of the

palace was destroyed.

16

The

Persian

variously written

name of the ancient capital of Persia was by the Greeks and Romans, probably as it

was taken by different ears from different mouths, Pasargadae, AccordPasagardae, and Persagadae. QSee note 1. on Ch. 56.] ing to Arrian it was the palace of Pasargadae that, as related in the text, Alexander burnt. According to both Diodorus and Strabo it was the palace of Persepolis. Plutarch gives authority
for neither name, but describes the place only as TO, Uep<ruv j9o-/Xa, and Arrian also sometimes calls it simply Tlepa-uv -jcoXn;. Curtius confounds the names, 1. 5. c. 4., and at length, 1. 10.
c. 1. s. 22.,

speaks of the Persagadae as a Persian people.

It is

enough evident that the Greek and Roman writers, even Strabo and Arrian, knew little of Persia Proper. Any satisfactory
authority for the notion, so extensively received among the moderns, that the old capital was far from Persepolis, the new

STAY AT PERSEPOLIS.
According to Plutarch, Alexander staid four winter months at what he calls the capital of the Persians, whether Parsagardae or Persepolis and from Arrian's
;

39
Piut.v.Aie*.
P-

686

account this seems probable. 17 The interior of the vast continent of Asia, north of Proper Persia, rising

some parts in mountain ridges, in others in extensive plains, far higher than the country nearer the ocean, is subject to a severity of cold in winter unin

known under

the same latitude, and even in much higher latitudes, in land nearer the level of the ocean.

Informed, no doubt, of these circumstances, Alexander prepared, against the earliest of the proper
season,

to pursue his purpose of completing the con-

quest of the Persian empire.

; according to D'Anville a hundred miles south, according to the authors of the ancient Universal History, north or no'rth-west ; or when a new capital was founded or why,

capital

in

ancient accounts, the the ancient only a Persian

all

towns, what proves

them
I

to

new capital had only a Greek and name or, if they were different have been more' distant than London
;

and Westminster,

have been unable to discover.

Supposing

them one
be

or contiguous towns, or nearly so, ancient authors may reasonably reconciled to themselves and to one another.
is

Supposing them two and distant, reconciliation

impossible^

The

question however

is

merely geographical

for the history

unimportant. l ? What can have given occasion for the strange stories of Persian cruelties and Alexander's retaliation, in which Diodorus

and Curtius nearly agree, and of the military expeditions in Persia, of all which Arrian has not a word, and which are virtually contradicted, in one part by Plutarch's account, and in another by Arrian's, I must leave to the opinion of the curious
reader.

D 4

40

HISTORY OF GREECE.

CHAPTER
:

L.

ALEXANDER'S FOURTH* CAMPAIGN IN ASIA AFFAIRS IN GREECE TRIALS FOR HIGH TREASON, MARKING THE CHARACTER OF THE MACEDONIAN CONSTITUTION.
:

SECTION

I.

Measures of Darius. Affairs in Greece: confederacy under the lead of Lacedfemon against that under the king of Macedonia,

and war

ensuing.

CHAP.

unfortunate Darius, from the field of Arbela, after collecting what he could of his fugitive troops, had proceeded to Ecbatana, the capital of

THE

That ancient kingdom, with the adjoining provinces, Parthia, Bactria, Sogdiana, and others, would alone form a dominion still worthy of the imperial title, and their people were the most warlike There he of the whole empire, and the most loyal.
Media.

hoped to

raise

an army with which he might

still

vindicate for himself that large and valuable relic of

his former, perhaps over-extensive, dominion.

was he without reasonable subsidiary hopes. fame of Alexander's extraordinary fortune, and the
evidence of his passion for still pushing conquest, had excited alarm among the warlike nations of the

Nor The

north, often at war with Persia, but now rather disposed to look toward the stranger as the more dan-

gerous enemy

so that,

negotiation having been put

[* See extract from Mr. Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, preceding the Index.]

AFFAIRS IN GREECE.
forward, Darius was led to expect important assistHe looked moreover to the probability that, ance. in the rich and populous countries compelled to receive a foreign ruler supported by a foreign army, or even in the conqueror's old dominion and the nume-

41
SECT.

rous states of various interests around

it,

whence he
the instru-

was now so

distant,

or in his

army

itself,

ment of his

conquests, something might arise powerful

to check his progress, and perhaps afford means not only to preserve the actual relic of the empire, but

to recover

much,

if

not

all,

of what had been so

rapidly

lost.

But especially the state of things in Greece, and the old connexion of the Persian court, still maintained with a powerful party in that country, though

communication was become difficult and precarious, would afford reasonable encouragement for these regular embassy from Lacedasmon, speculations.

a minister more doubtfully authorized from Athens, and one even from the distant state of Carthage, O had
'

followed the Persian monarch's motions

after the battle of Arbela,

with

; not perhaps, choice of another

course in their power, yet in regular prosecution of their commissions ; and they attended him still at

Ecbatana.

among the Grecian rewhich war produced against Alexander in publics, Greece itself, while he was prosecuting the war of the Grecian confederacy against Persia, nowhere declared by ancient writers, but seeming rather studiously
involved in mist by some of them, may nevertheless, by a careful examination of information remaining,
in a great degree be traced.

The

springs of that policy

We

have observed

it

remarked by Plato, of the singular constitution of Lacedaemon, that it was more that of an army than

42
CHAP,
_

HISTORY OF GREECE.
of a peaceful society camp than of a city.
cation,
;

or,

in his expression,

of a

It denied friendly

communi:

on equal footing, with any other government Lacedsemon must command, or keep at an unsocial distance. Accordingly, in the very terms in which accession to the general confederacy of Greece, under the lead of Macedonia, was refused by the Lacedaemonian government, the purpose of command was It had been the habit and privilege, it was avowed.
ch.44.
s.i.

f this Hist.

declared, of Lacedaemori, to follow the lead of none, but on the contrary to hold the lead of Greece, phiiip s sagacity no doubt had observed the unbend-

ing and domineering temper of the Lacedaemonian constitution ; and he seems, as much as might be, avoiding to offend, to have avoided communication

with

it.

Men

versed in his able councils would be

among the advisers of Alexander's youth, when, on occasion of the haughty and almost hostile refusal of
Lacedaemon to acknowledge the
validity of a decree

of a general council of the Greek republics, acknowledgment of whose constitutional authority was implied by its act in sending deputies to that council, he showed his moderation. Philip, we have observed, had always professed himself of no party among the contests of the republics nor is the assurance of Isocrates, that he adhered in practice to that pro;

fession,

Among
compel

contradicted by any authentic information. the Athenians it was avowed as a rule, to

all states,

over which, with the

to

name of allies,

they acquired command, change their form of goif The Lacedevernment, differing from their own.

monians equally, after the Peloponnesian war, overthrew constitutions everywhere. Decarchies superseded the old government in most states ; governors or superintendents, with the peculiar title of harmost,

AFFAIRS IN GREECE.
exercised despotic authority wherever they were sent. Nothing of this arbitrary policy of the Athenians

43
SECT.

and Lacedaemonians

is

imputed

to the

Macedonian

the contrary, the endeavours of Desupremacy. mosthenes to overbear the confederacy of republics
mocratical

On

under the lead of Macedonia, by a union of the deinterest under the lead of Athens and failed Thebes, through the attachment principally
of the democratical
especially,
states,

those of Peloponnesus

to the king

of Macedonia's

patronage.

father's policy as, in Asia, generally to favour democracy in preference to that form of republic, the government of a few,

Alexander

so far deviated

from his

had always favoured and in Greece he courted especially the Athenians. Apparently the hostile conduct of Lacedaemon urged him to this policy. Could Lacedaemon have coalesced with the other Grecian states, it seems possible that the vision of Isocrates might have been realized the Grecian republics, each governing itself, as the Swiss formerly, by its own constitution, and all meeting in
which Lacedaemon
; :

general assembly, a resource wanting to the Swiss to direct common concerns and prevent war of one
republic with another, might long have maintained domestic peace and national dignity. Nothing in ancient history remains more fully
ascertained than that, under the Macedonian supremacy, the Grecian republics enjoyed, not only more
liberty

and independency than under the Athenian

or Lacedaemonian supremacy, but, as far as appears, all that could be consistent with the connexion of all
as

one people. Nor did it rest there : Demosthenes, in the Athenian assembly, reviled the Macedonian

^, sch de
Cor.
ea. Reis

monarchs, the allies of his commonwealth, the heads of the Grecian confederacy, in a manner that, in

44
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.

modern

times, would be reckoned highly indecent toward an enemy ; and he avowed and even boasted

' or '

p'

'

of treasonable practices against the general eonfederacy, of which his commonwealth was a member :
'
*

excited Laceda3mon against Alexander : I procured the revolt against him in Thessaly and In fact the government of Athens, Perrhaebia.'
I,'

he

said,

described, as

we have formerly

seen,

by Xenophon

and Isocrates as in their time verging toward anarchy, is largely shown, in the extant works of following
orators,

and

especially,

in

the

celebrated

contest

between JEschines and Demosthenes, to have been

still

the whole

advancing in corruption and degradation. During time that Alexander was in Asia, the

struggle of parties was violent ; one, under Demosthenes, with the support of Persia, contended ably

and indefatigably for the mastery of Athens and of Greece ; the other, after Isocrates, looking to Phocion as their leader, desired peace under the established supremacy of Macedonia, and above all things dreaded the ascendancy of Demosthenes and his associates.

Of the

domestic politics of Lacedaemon, as occasion

has heretofore repeatedly occurred to observe, information rarely comes to us but through transactions Agis, the reigning king of the Proclidean family, whom we have seen already active in enmity to Macedonia, appears to have been a man

with other

states.

of character to suit the purposes of Demosthenes ; of high spirit, without great talents or extensive views ;

perhaps of sincere patriotism ; and if it was mere Lacedemonian, not Grecian patriotism, the narrow.
ness should be attributed less to his nature than to
his education

under the Lacedaemonian institutions. was not much grieved, nor perhaps Dehe Possibly mosthenes, at the death of Memnon. Had Memnon

AFFAIRS IN GREECE.
lived,

45
of the
SECT.

either could

have been but second

;

which could no way maintain Greeks of the party itself but through the patronage of Persia. By Memnon's death indeed great advantages were lost, and a contest of far less hope for the party altogether remained. But in that contest Demosthenes reckoned, by his talents and his extensive political communication, to hold the first importance among the Greeks, while Agis reckoned himself effectually first, by his regal dignity and the old eminence of the

Lacedaemonian
still

not

fail

both trusting that they should Till the battle of support from Persia.
state
;

of Issus the hopes of both might reasonably run high ; and evidently they were not abandoned on the adverse event of that battle.

Yet declamation of contem-

porary writers of the party so gained favour with

men

of letters under the tyranny of the Roman empire, and the spirit has been so cherished by the learned

under the arbitrary governments of modern times, admirers of the politics of Demosthenes, as to have spread extensively the belief that Greece was enslaved

by the kings of Macedonia. Nevertheless looking to facts acknowledged by all, we find the little, halfruined state of Lacedaemon never ceasing to avow
a political opposition, at length growing into open hostility, to the confederacy of republics, constitutionally established
it

under the lead of Macedonia ; as constitutionally, appears, as ever before under the lead of Laceda3mon, Athens, or Thebes. In Athens itself an opposition to the Macedonian interest was always openly maintained. Negotiation was carried on

by Laceda?mon among the other republics with avowed hostile purpose, and adverse intrigue from Athens appears to have been no secret. Against this open has been even no offeree interference political hostility

b
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
pretended to have been used ; and, in all appearance, hardly so much opposition of influence as honest prudence might require. Negligence, inertness, shortsightedness may seem, with more reason, to be

imputed

tipater, to

yet they never have been imputed to Anwhom the government of Macedonia and
It

the protection of the Macedonian party in Greece

were committed.

may seem an overweening mag-

nanimity that allowed the workings of the Persian party among the republics to go so far : a determination to prove that the reigning king of

Macedonia

his predecessors, to be the chief of a free people, desiring authority founded on the attachment of a free people and not on violence.

was worthy, equally with

But perhaps

for a

the ways of republican to be conceived. While then were hardly intrigue the Macedonian supremacy, if not remissly, was
liberally exercised, the party interests in every

acute intellect, state of the Macedonian,

Macedonian politician, of however bred under a monarchy, in the simple

Gre-

cian state, the inveterate hatred everywhere of fellowcitizens to fellow-citizens, and the generally active

and

restless

temper of the Grecian people, afforded

ground league against the confederacy of the Greek nation acknowledging the lead of Macedonia, which Demosthenes and Agis succeeded in
for that

forming.

beyond question that Persian gold, imputed writers, greatly promoted the Persian interest. by It appears to have been after the disastrous battle of
It
is

all

Arbela,

when

the Persian monarch's hope even of

to

personal safety depended on opportunity to raise

enemies to
de
ed.Reiske.

Alexander, that he found means

stated before the assembled

new make

remittances to Greece.

^Eschines, uncontradicted by

Demosthenes,

Athenian

CONFEDERACY AGAINST MACEDONIA.

matter publicly known and not to be people, as a a present to them of three hundred that gainsaid,
talents,

47
SECT.

the

name of the king

about sixty thousand pounds, was offered in of Persia. To the modern eye

not only the transaction altogether may seem strange, but, on first view, the sum as a bribe to a whole
people, beside being
sian empire,
little

for the wealth of the Per-

may

appear beneath

however be recollected that, unknown, and especially if

must when paper credit was Lesser Asia and Syria

its

object.

It

were no longer portions of the Persian empire, the remittance of even the sum stated might not be easy ; and farther, that the Athenian citizens, competent
to vote in the general assembly, have in

been reckoned

and that rarely

self

no account than more many thirty thousand, ten thousand met. Demosthenes himat

Demosth.
at *

then having stated, before the Athenian people, p?4o! half-a-crown to have been a bribe for the secretary n\| f^ of the general assembly, it will appear that sixty Hist. thousand pounds might be a powerful present to be divided even among thirty thousand citizens ; how

much more may have been

orators

remaining unknown.

given to the leading The prevalence of

sufficed

Phocion's party however, at the time, procure a refusal of the disgraceful offer.

to

But in Peloponnesus the Persian party, under the Diod lead of the king of Lacedaemon, for whom there was no difficulty in taking subsidies from the Persian court,
obtained superiority.

l-

17 -

Argos and Messenia,

invete-

rately hostile to Lacedaemon, were indeed neither by But all Elea, all bribes nor threats to be gained.

Arcadia, except Megalopolis, and

all

Achaia, one

small town only refusing, renounced the confederacy under the lead of Macedonia, and joined Laceda3mon

48
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
Macedonia and all Grecian which republics might adhere to the confederacy.
in war, equally against

Beyond the peninsula the

prevailed
;

opposite politics generally

though do no more than maintain nominal adherence to engagement, and a real neutrality ; the weight of the
party of Demosthenes sufficing to prevent any exertion against the Lacedaemonian league.

in

Athens Phocion's party could

That league however was not of such extent

it

that

could be hoped, with the civic troops only of the several states, to support war against the general confederacy under the lead of Macedonia ; and those states were not of wealth to maintain any considerable

number of

those, called mercenaries, ready to

engage with any party.

.

Nevertheless

mercenary

de

P.

552,554.

troops were engaged for that league, to the number, if the contemporary orator Dinarchus should be

DinanMn trusted, of ten thousand ; Persia, as ^Eschines, still Dercosth. uncontradicted by Demosthenes, affirms, supplying the means ; and another source is hardly to be imaWith such preparation and such support gined.
B. c. 330. Ol. j 22 3

Affis ventured to

commence

offensive war.

small

force of the opposing Peloponnesian states was overborne and destroyed or dispersed ; siege was laid to

the only adverse Arcadian

fall

city,

Megalopolis, and

its

was expected daily. Alexander was then

^Esch.de
Diod. 1.27.

would him in the extreme north of some reported vary in revolt in India. Meanwhile Thesothers Asia; the able intrigues of saly and Perrhaebia, excited by
:

counts of him

in pursuit of Darius. received in Greece of course

Ac-

Demosthenes, and, according to Diodorus, also in Thrace, distressed Antipater, while it was a most imperious duty upon him, as vicegerent of the head

WAR

IN GREECE.

49
SECT

of the Grecian confederacy, to protect the members of that confederacy, apparently the most numerous the domestic enemy, suppart of the nation, against

ported by the great foreign enemy who threatened them. Accounts remaining, both of the circumstances of
the Macedonian

kingdom

at the time,

and of follow-

But it appears indiing events, are very defective. cated that no Macedonian force, that could be spared
for

war southward, would enable Antipater to meet and it was Ions; " before he could excite the reAgis O the Lacedaemonian and publican Greeks, adverse to Persian interest, however dreading its prevalence, to His success assemble in arms in sufficient numbers. however in quelling the disturbances in Thessaly and
; ^

Diod. 1.17.

01.112.3.

Thrace, encouraging the zeal of that portion of the Greek nation which dreaded republican empire,

whether democratical under Demosthenes, or oligarchal under Agis, enabled him at length to raise Megalopolis had resisted beyond superior numbers.
Antipater, entering Peloponnesus to expectation. relieve that place, was met by Agis. sanguinary The Lacedaemonians are said to have battle ensued.

fought

institutions

which their ancient which and their ancient fame required, was adapted to inspire. But they were overborne
with
all

the obstinacy

rather, apparently,

Agis, fighting at their head, with the spirit of a hero than with the skill of a general,

received a

necessary unable to resist superior numbers, directed by superior Diodorus relates that, pressed skill, took to flight. by the pursuing enemy, he peremptorily commanded
his attendants to save themselves, his

wound which disabled him, so that it was His troops, to carry him out of the field.

Diod. 1.17.

and leave him with

refusing

arms and VOL. VIII.

;

that,

disabled as he was,

50
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
and threatening all who approached him, he he was killed.i fought The conduct of the victor then was what became the delegate of the elected superintendent and protector of the liberties of Greece. The Lacedaemoquarter,
till

nian government, feeling

its

inability to maintain the

Diod.

1.

17.

was engaged, and perhaps no longer holding the same disposition toward it, the principal instigator being no more, sent a deputation to Anti-

war

in

which

it

Antipater, as deputy of pater to treat for peace. the captain-general and stateh older of the Greek
nation, took nothing farther upon himself than to summon a congress of the several republics to Corinth, to which he referred the Lacedaemonian ministers.

There matters were much debated and various

2 The decision at last, in the hisopinions declared. torian's succinct account, appears not what best might

become the wisdom and dignity of a nation accustomed to appreciate its ascertained privileges, or what ought to be such. For the Grecian republics,
neither under the rule of Lacedaemon, or of Athens, or under the more liberal superintendancy of Thebes, while Epaminondas lived, were in the habit of such
appreciation.
at a loss.
liberal views,

And looking to precedents, with any the congress could not but be greatly When Lacedaemon led, the massacre of
;

the Plataeans
1

where Athens commanded, that of the

the same story, in his romantic way, describing it quietly acted before him on the stage.

Curtius
as

tells

all

he might see

Nevertheless, in the scantiness of accounts of this important movement in Greece, the loss of that early part of Curtius's

work which
2

related leading circumstances

'AvrtTTCtrpov.

may be
a"6v&pot

regretted.

...

irpoi;

'EKE/VOU SE

liii

TO KMVOV TUV 'EXX'/jvwv <rvv/wJv

i^ptov

T7)V

airoKfuriv

7ro(TT/AavTO?,

ol

ffvv^Btia-a.v

li;

K.6pwOoV)
K. r. X.

KOU TfoXhuv pyQevruv Xoyuv

TT^SJ

tKUTtpov

Diod.

1.

17. c. 73.

SUBMISSION TO LACED^MON.
Melians and Scion cans
;

51
SECT.

where Thebes had power,

liberal

the severities against Platsea, Thespise, and especially

Orchomenus,

all

would revolt

minds.

Even

the recent decision of the nation, in assembly, against the Thebans, would justly appear a precedent not to

be followed.

Failing thus of

fit

example, and unable

to agree upon a measure to afford precedent for future times, the resource was to decree that the Lacedae-

monian state, submitting itself to the mercy of their great and magnanimous captain-general, should send
fifty principal

to

Spartans into Macedonia, as hostages owe to ensure obedience to his decision.

We

Curtius
the

the

additional
set

assembly talents, about twenty-four thousand pounds, upon the Eleans and Achaeans, to compensate to the Megalopolitans the damages done in the hostile operations against them.
It

probable information that a fine of a hundred and twenty

Q.Curt.i.e.
c'
'

seems likely the Lacedaemonians rejoiced in a

sentence which, in so great a degree, secured them against the usual virulence of party animosity among
to

the Greeks, and the result of which they had reason It does not aphope would be liberal and mild.

pear that anything more was required than to ac-

knowledge error

in hostile opposition to the general council of the nation, and to send, thus late, the

Lacedaemonian contingent of troops for maintaining 3 the Grecian empire, already acquired, in Asia.
3

Diodorus's succinct account of this interesting business in

is clear and altogether apparently fair, allowing for inexactness in round statements of military numbers, and for the partiality which disposed him to adopt the cry of the Persian

Greece

party
6epia<;.

among the Greek

Diod.
is
1.

republics

a-vpppovvio-ai

ntpi

r^<;

ftev-

17-

c.

62.

For the transactions

in

Thrace,

there

deficiency,
is

Macedonian

and perhaps error in transcribing. A rebel mentioned as commanding a Persian party in

E 2

HISTORY OF GREECE.

SECTION

II.

Alexander's march into Media: flight of Darius from Ecbatana

re-enforcement to Alexander s army. death : honours to his memory.

Pursuit of Darius

his

CHAP.
L>

eagerly bent upon completing the Persian of the empire, appears to have used conquest that the climate would allow for season earliest the

ALEXANDER,

In the way to prosecuting his march northward. Media, or near it, was a country called Paratacene, held by a people who refused submission to him ;
apparently less through attachment to the Persian king, than with the purpose of maintaining that degree of independency which we have observed so

many
the

provinces

within

the bounds of the empire

asserting,

and

in apprehension of being brought,

by

Alexander conqueror, within stricter rule. subdued them their and, ; quickly territory being extensive and important enough to form a separate
satrapy,

new

he added to the former instances of

his libe-

rality toward his new subjects, by committing the dignity and authority to Oxathres, whose father,

Abulites, a Persian, held under portant satrapy of Susiana.

him the more im-

Thrace, by the name of Memnon, without distinguishing him from the great Memnon, commander in chief of the Persian fleets and armies, who, according to Arrian's perspicuous narrative, and as Diodorus also has previously indicated, proposed indeed to go to Thrace, but never reached it. What however may more be regretted is the want of more complete information
galopolitans in
tion, as

of the circumstances whence the Argives, Messenians, and MePeloponnesus, and so many republics without the peninsula, were zealous in preference of their political situa-

members of the Macedonian confederacy, which Agis and Demosthenes invited them.

to

that to

FLIGHT OF DARIUS FROM ECBATANA.

Information

O-

now

arrived that Darius was so ad- Arr

c.

1-

3-

16.

vanced in preparation as to propose to hazard another battle. With all Alexander's ardour and vigour and
prudential considerations, however sometimes he might appear to overstep them, seem never to have escaped him. Celerity in movement he
celerity,

reckoned
lead with

still

him

important, but such only that he might his whole force, leaving only the heavy

baggage to follow. On the twelfth day thus entering Media, he obtained intelligence that Darius, disappointed of expected succours from the Caducians and Scythians, had not a force with which he could hope
to keep the field. Alexander, still pressing forward, was within three days' march of Ecbatana, when he was met by Bisthanes, an illegitimate son of the late 4 king Ochus bringing information that Darius had, five days before, quitted that city, with an escort' of only three thousand horse, and six thousand foot, but carrying with him about seven thousand talents,
,

near a million and a half sterling, in money. Among the Scythians and Cadusians the Grecian

name would be more

and events in Greece more readily known, than among the more southerly
familiar,
ch.se.s.s.
oft hisHist.

of the eastern provinces of the Persian empire. With the western Scythians, we have formerly seen, commerce with the Greeks was constant ; and that com-

munication

among

the Scythians themselves, through

their extensive country from east to west, was ordinary, will occur for observation in the sequel. Thus it seems likely that Darius's negotiation with them

may have been

assisted

by those circumstances

in

Europe which have already occurred

for notice, the

4 From all accounts of the family and succession apparently Bisthanes must have been of birth not to succeed regularly

to the throne.

E 3

54
CHAP,
_

HISTORY OF GREECE.
powerful opposition raised against the Macedonian interest under the lead of Agis king of Lacedaemon, threatening Macedonia itself, and the probable advantage of such a diversion for the affairs of Darius It seems then farther likely that intelliin Asia.

gence of the defeat and death of Agis had reached both Darius and the Scythians, and very possibly the
Scythians
first
;

whence might come the

alteration

in their disposition to support a tottering and, in result, his flight from Ecbatana.

throne,

This circumstance becoming known, all the great and wealthy kingdom of Media seems to have yielded The treasury was emptied, but to the conqueror.
a great revenue

would be

mediate needs
at Parsagardae,

much

For imaccruing. of the wealth of Persia, fou:.u.

still

had been brought

in the military chest,

and from the southern treasuries more might come at command. Alexander's power thus was large both to reward past, and to engage men for new services.
generosity in discharging, is evidently deficient in notice of the numbers added to the army ; probably because the generals his guides
neglected, or perhaps designedly avoided, to report
Q.Curt

Arrian, reporting his

them. According to Curtius, five thousand foot and a thousand horse, under Plato, an Athenian, joined
the army in Media ever under Grecian
cian discipline. numbers raised
called barbarians.
;

perhaps

all

Greeks, but howin the

officers,

and trained
speaks

Gre-

Plutarch

of

much

larger

among those whom the Greeks Thus Alexander might be enabled,

without inconvenience, to dispense that favour of discharge to those of his old soldiers desirous of it,

which Arrian mentions.

all

At Ecbatana he
allies

declared

the civic troops of his Grecian

released from
a donation

obligation for farther service, and

made

PURSUIT OF DARIUS.

55
SECT.

among them

hundred They were then informed, that all the convenience of an orderly march should be provided for those

of two thousand talents, about four thousand pounds, in reward of the past.

who might

desire to return

home, but that the choice

to re-engage was open to all lowing his farther fortune.

who might

prefer fol-

the others, the cavalry, allowed, or perhaps required, to

Of

These were numerous. mostly Thessalian, were

sell

their horses.

body of cavalry was therefore directed under the

command
to

to the Phenician coast

of Epocillus son of Polyides, to escort all where, in pursuance of orders ;

the governor-general, Menes, vessels were preThe remainder of pared to carry them to Eubosa. the wealth brought from Persia was placed in the treasury of Ecbatana, to the presidency of which Harpalus was appointed, with a guard of six thousand

Macedonian foot, and a small select body of horse. Parmenio was then directed to lead the mercenary troops, and the Thracians, with a large proportion of the cavalry, through Cadusia into Hyrcania. For his own office Alexander resumed the task of For this pursuing the illustrious fugitive, Darius. he reckoned no longer any great numbers requisite,
but those, of every weapon,

who could

best

make

Of heavy infantry rapid progress and bear fatigue. he took only those Macedonians who had not been
tana
previously selected for the treasury-guard of Ecbaof middle-armed only the Agrians ; all the ;

unless a few had been assigned to the bodies under Parmenio and Clitus ; of cavalry the royal companions, and the forerunners superior bodies, and the mercenary horse perhaps preferred to the

bowmen,

allies, as

these,

to be unequally

mounting themselves, would be liable mounted, whereas the mercenaries,

E
4>

56
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
for their enlisting bounty all to be well mounted,

and pay, would be required and to be ready, at least

The haste equally with any others, for any service. of the march was such that many of the infantry,
unable to keep pace with the rest, were and some of the horses died of fatigue
left
;

behind, yet so was

Alexander bent upon his object that, indefatigable himself, he would not remit anything of the speed
pressing forward eleven days, within one day's forced march Rhagae, of the pass through the mountains of Caucasus, called There he received information the Caspian gate.

of the ablest.
at

Thus

he arrived

that Darius, despairing of ability to defend the pass against him, had abandoned it, and, with a wide

continent before him, had resumed flight. Satisfied now that farther immediate haste would

be vain, Alexander halted at Rhagae five days to collect and refresh his scattered and wearied troops. Meanwhile he found gratifying consequences reOf the little army sulting from his recent exertion.

which Darius had led to the Caspian gate, the greater and not part, on his taking again to flight, deserted, a few came and surrendered themselves to the conIntermitting however the prosecution of queror. his purpose no longer than circumstances made indispensable, Alexander moved from Rhagae on the
sixth day,
gate,

encamped
part,

for that night, at the

Caspian

and next day entered Parthia.

in

The country

was,

that

cultivated

informed, while Coenus was dispatched with a strong body of horse and a few infantry to collect provision.
An-. 1.3.

waste.

beyond, as he was

halt

therefore was necessary

this pause Bagistanes, a man of high rank the Babylonians, and Antibelus, one of the among sons of Mazseus, Alexander's satrap of Babylon,

During

arrived at the camp.

Hitherto they had faithfully

PURSUIT OF DARIUS.
followed the fortune of Darius.

57

But, in circum-

stances which had occurred, their services about his the course they person having been forcibly ended, took was perhaps the most promising for his personal safety. Surrendering themselves to Alex-

ander,

they informed him that Bessus, satrap of Bactria, with Brazas, satrap of Arachosia, and Na-

small force of cavalry which remained as the royal body-guard, had conwho was actually spired against the unhappy prince, their prisoner.
barzanes,

commander of the

This intelligence inflamed Alexander's ardent and feeling mind. Without waiting the return of Ccenus, he ordered the companion and forerunner horse for

immediate duty, and selected, among the infantry 6 ,

the ablest for rapid progress. Committing the rest of the army then to Craterus, with orders to follow his chosen body to take leisurely, and commanding only their arms and two days' provision, he marched throughout the night, and till noon of the following
day.

he proceeded again throughout the next night, and about daybreak reached the ground where Bagistanes had left Neverthe satraps encamped ; but they were gone. The theless important information was obtained.

Allowing then

short

repose,

rebel chiefs

had gained the Bactrian

forces

and

all

the cavalry of the small royal army, except that With under the satrap Artabazus and his sons.
these the Grecian mercenaries, said by Curtius* to
Gronovius's note on this passage of Arrian perhaps may deserve the critic's notice. * [In preceding Editions Arrian stood here, and in the
6

margin

to the purpose

In that part of Arrian there is nothing but in that very book and chapter of Quintus Curtius the Grecian troops are said to have been four thousand : " Grsecorum erant quatuor millia, fide erga regem ad ultimum invicta." The fidelity of the Grecian mercenaries is also re'

Arr.

1.

5. c. 8.'

58
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
have been

now

collected to the

number of four thou-

sand, persevered in fidelity to the deposed monarch ; and though unable to prevent the revolution, had

together seceded from the revolted forces, and were marching for the mountains. Artabazus was the
father-in-law of

Mentor and Memnon

under the

Persian empire, while it existed, satrap of Phrygia, and the firmest still, as he had been
[Q. Curt,
I.5.C.9.]

Lower

among

the

oldest

of Darius's

friends.

The

unfortunate

sovereign was confined in a covered chariot; and it was said to be the purpose of the rebels, if they found

themselves

pressed

by

Alexander, and make they could ; but, should leisure be afforded them, to use their utmost endeavours for collecting forces, and

pursuit, to deliver him to for themselves the best terms

make common

cause for vindicating the possession

The command in chief, for the of their satrapies. was allowed to Bessus ; both because of his present,
former situation, as the immediate minister of Darius, and also because the circumstances occurred within
his satrapy.

ander.

This was new and vehement stimulation for AlexTired as his troops were, he would proceed
till

Again marching throughout the night, noon of next day, he arrived at a village which and the satraps, with their royal prisoner, had left but the preceding evening. Learning then that it was their practice to march by night and rest by day, it followed that, to overtake them, he must use the day. Inquiring farther concerning their road and the surimmediately.

rounding country, he gained information of a shorter Enway, but across a desert and waterless heath.
corded by Arrian : TOI/'TOU? rat yiyvo/Jt-Evat, ov Swaro
ui;

8^

mo-rovs itvai Aa/>/w, KOU iipytiv piv

ETT*

TO,

oft\

1'iva.i

/cara

"pyw.

Arr.

iii.

21.]

DEATH OF DARIUS.
couraged thus to hope that exertion might yet avail for his earnest purpose, but reckoning it important to have some infantry with his cavalry, he ordered
five

59
SECT.
_

latter to give their horses to as his of phalanx, and to follow themselves afoot. many Committing the rest of the infantry then to Nicanor

hundred of the

and Attalus, with orders to proceed by easy marches along the great road, he took himself the cavalry, with his five hundred dragoons, by the shorter way.
Having, in the course of the night, advanced between twenty and thirty miles, when day broke he saw the

enemy hastening

before

As he gained upon them assuming some order, attempted resistance but presently some were killed, and the rest dispersed. Alexander than continuing to press forward, Bessus and his associates
;

in disorderly march. in pursuit, a few,

him

despaired of being able, safely for themselves, to bear off their prisoner king. Apparently they had reck-

oned upon advantage to their purposes from holding him alive in their power, and apprehended an adverse use of his name and influence, should he fall living Satibarzanes and Barinto Alexander's hands. zaentes therefore, who had charge of his person,
their swords to destroy him, and with The wounds given in Bessus, rode off. then, their haste and confusion were not immediately

proceeded with

AIT. 1.3. c>21-

mortal,

but,

before Alexander

could

arrive,

the

unfortunate

sovereign of the Persian

empire

had

expired. Darius, at the time of his death, in the fifth or

sixth year of his reign, seems to have been about the of his age. Hitherto, in the historian's ac-

fiftieth

count of Alexander's conduct, there appears something of personal enmity to the unfortunate sovereign
of Persia.
sentiment,

But
its

if

he was ever actuated by any such

all

operation, as

collateral

circum-

60
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
was restrained by a temper of large and on his rival's death not the least of generosity, a revengeful disposition was manifested. He directed the dead body to be treated not only with decency,
stances show,

but with

all

honour.

Being carried

into Persia,

it

was deposited in the usual place of sepulture of the royal family, with all the pomp and ceremony formerly used at the burial of the Persian kings.

SECTION

III.

Alexander s measures for completing the reduction of the northern Surrender of several satraps ; of the Grecian provinces. troops in the Persian service; of ministers from Grecian republics to the Persian court. League of satraps against
Alexander) and acknowledgment of Bessus as successor Persian monarchy. Treachery of Satibarzanes.
to the

ARRANGEMENTS for the newly conquered provinces now required Alexander's attention, and in these he pursued his early principle of making his new subjects his friends, intrusting command to those among
them whom he might suppose most worthy of it. Ammynapes, a Parthian, had been in power in Egypt, and had concurred with Mazaces in surrendering that rich country to Alexander. His service on that
occasion was

now rewarded with

the appointment to

the satrapy of Parthia and Hyrcania, which seems to have been one of the greatest governments of the empire, and for situation and circumstances, of the

Am 1.3.

The precaution however, which we highest trust. have seen used elsewhere, was not omitted, but perhaps rather extended here ; a Grecian colleague was given
him, Tlepolemus, son of Pythophanes, one of the

band of royal companions. For securing the dominion of these northern parts of his now vast empire, two important objects yet

SURRENDER OF SEVERAL STATES.

remained
;

61
SECT.

to reduce Bessus,

who, assuming the name

or title of Artaxerxes, aspired to succeed to the sovereignty of the Persian monarchs, and also to bring to his obedience those of the late king's adherents who,

though seceding from the traitor, had not yet surThese had rendered, and especially the Greeks. betaken themselves to the lofty wooded mountains of Hyrcania, whose inhabitants, the Pagrans, affecting
independency of the Persian dominion, appear to Alexander then have admitted them as associates.
being joined by the bodies which, through the rapidity of his movement, he had left behind, took again, according to his custom, the service of fatigue and

Sending Craterus in command of an expedition against the Tapoors 7 and committing to Erigyius the conducting of the cavalry and greater part of the phalanx by a circuitous but better road, he himself led a chosen body of heavy-armed, with some
danger.
,

bowmen,

a most difficult

march over the mountains.

little

He

seems however to have found

beyond extended
Caspian.

tion than the country itself offered. great plain to the sea which Arrian calls the

other opposi-

Here he halted four days

[Arr.
iii.

and, before the

23.]

To

investigate accurately the

geography of these countries, so little known to the world of letters either in ancient, or even in these modern times, is a labour which I have been unable to undertake. Diodorus, attentive often to matters less within Arrian's purpose, relates that Alexander, in his way now through a most plentiful country,

Diod.
c'
'

1.

17.

which he calls Hecatontapylus, a be observed, and not a Parthian name, meaning Hundred gates. Thence entering Hyrcania, he subdued all to the Caspian, which Diodorus concurs with Arrian in considering
to a great city,

came
it

Greek,

will

the same as the Hyrcanian sea ; though modern travellers have ascertained that there are two seas, or immense lakes, which

by a wide

the ancients appear not to have known to have been separated tract of country. The historian then mentions a district in Hyrcania, called the Happy, singularly fruitful, with

vines and fig-trees especially productive.

62
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
body under Erigyius arrived, Phradaphernes, satrap of Hyrcania and Parthia, with Nabarzanes, and some others who had been in high situations under Darius, came and surrendered themselves. Proceeding then
toward Zadracarta, the capital of Hyrcania, he was joined by Erigyius, with the baggage of the whole
army, and by Craterus, who had brought to obedience the people through whose country he had passed.

The Grecian mercenaries had been supposed there, but no intelligence of them was obtained. Soon after however the satrap Artabazus arrived, with three of his sons, Cophen, Aribarzanes, and Arsames,
and
also Autophradates,
;

satrap of Tapuria,

all

sur-

rendering themselves

desiring to present, for

and they brought with them, his favour, some Greeks of the

Persian service, deputed to solicit his forgiveness for All the Persians were honourably the whole body.
received. Autophradates was restored to his satrapy. Artabazus, a man now of great age, of the first nobility of Persia, known to Alexander not only as

and by his various Grecian connexions, but also as having been at one time a refugee at Philip's court, was, together with his sons, complimented on their fidelity to their late sovereign, and all were immediately placed in situsatrap of the province of Bithynia,

honour about Alexander's person. But he peremptorily refused to treat with the Greeks they must surrender themselves unconditionally, or provide their own safety. Their deputies then, hopeless of better for themselves and their constituents, enations of
:

gaged

for

generosity ; might return with them, to

the required submission to Alexander's requesting only that an officer of rank

command

the march, and

This was granted ; and it provide for security in it. seems to have been a kindness that would be gratifying and encouraging to them that, in the commission

SUBMISSION OF THE MARDIANS.

for the purpose, with his

63
SECT.

own

officer,

Andronicus son
his family-con-

of Agerrus, the satrap Artabazus, their friend and

late patron,

was joined, who, through

nexions and habits, was almost half a Greek.

In his progress into Hyrcania Alexander had left behind him a horde of freebooters, the Mardians, holding a highland territory, so rough and so poor Ami.
c

3.

that the combined consideration of the difficulty of subduing them, and the worthlessness of the conquest,

had hitherto preserved them from invasion ; and they the more trusted they should continue to enjoy the immunity, as Alexander had already passed without 8 But for Alexander, it appears, noticing them. He would hunt a wild difficulties were pleasant.
horde of warriors among hardly accessible mountains, He had now as other princes the wolf or the roe.

formed a body of horse-dartmen, apparently

Persian model,

after the

probably
;

all

Asiatics, trained

from

infancy to the exercise

skill

in

which

is

not to be

acquired but while the limbs have the suppleness of Part of the country, it appears, the growing frame.

was fit for the action of cavalry. With this new body of horse-dartmen therefore he took also half the horse
of the order of companions: some chosen heavy-armed, all the bowmen, and all his favorite middle-armed, the

Agrians, completed his army.

so practised,

With a force so

various,

and so commanded the Mardians certainly were unaccustomed to contend. Wherever they attempted resistance they were slaughtered and flight, even to their highest and roughest mountains, gave
;

them but a precarious

security. Shortly they sent submission to deputies offering regular authority, and their country was added to that of the Tapoors, under

the administration of Autophradates.

8

Ma;#!"0' enl vy twig,

ij<rav.

Arr.

1.

3.

C.

24.

This phrase,

combined with all we learn of the Asiatic mountaineers, enough marks their character of freebooters.

64
CHAP.
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
Returning to his camp in the lowlands Alexander found the Grecian mercenaries arrived, under the conduct of Artabazus and Andronicus, and with them some eminent prisoners of a remarkable description. They were ministers from several states to the Persian court, who had followed the unfortunate Darius In preference to Bessus then, and while he lived. his associates, they had held with Artabazus and the Greeks and now, hopeless of other means of safety, An they threw themselves on Alexander's mercy. Lacedaemon consisted from of four, Calembassy listratidas, Pausippus, Monimus, and Anomantus 10 was commissioned from Athens from Dropides whose name would mark came Heraclides, Carthage him for a Greek ; possibly of a Sicilian town of the and from Sinope, on the Carthaginian dominion The SiEuxine shore, some deputies unnamed. nopians he immediately dismissed, considering them, though of Grecian origin and language, yet not of
,

the Grecian confederacy, but proper subjects of Persia, and therefore warranted to communicate by their
deputies with the Persian king.

The

others he or-

dered into custody ; the Lacedaemonians being agents of a state engaged in rebellion against the common
confederacy of the Greeks, and the Athenian not only so, but a rebel to the actual government of his

own city, which adhered to the general confederacy. Whether the original appointment of Dropides had
been regular, from the Athenian people under the lead of Demosthenes, or his mission was one of those irregular measures of an adverse party, of which Demosthenes himself furnishes an instance in describing his own conduct, does not appear. Taking then the
various cases of the Grecian mercenaries into con9
10

To

<TT|jaTO'7roi> ivOaTftp <yp/-oj#yj i$

TUV Ma'pSwv

rr/v

Dropides, Arr. Diopithes, Diod.

CONFEDERACY AGAINST ALEXANDER.

sideration,

65
SECT.

Alexander

freely dismissed all

who had

entered into the Persian service before the confe-

deracy was formed, to the presidency over which he had been elected to succeed his father. On the rest

he imposed no greater severity than requiring them

to enter into the service of that confederacy, with the same pay as in their former service ; and Arrian

gives his
liberality.

judgment on

this,

that

it

was clearly a wise

While Alexander was delayed by the difficulties of the mountainous country to be traversed, and of the season, which seems to have been winter, in a
climate where, for the latitude, the winters are of extraordinary severity, some principal Persian nobles

had assembled about the regicide Bessus. A just patriotism might animate some ; and the heinousness of the -crime of regicide would be diminished for Persian minds by its familiarity, not in Persian his-

tory only, but in the history of eastern courts altogether. Looking around then for means to maintain
themselves, they had negotiated with neighbouring nations, claiming assistance, as in a common cause,
against the invader from another quarter of the world. Alexander's successes and avowed ambition might

indeed well excite jealousy, however his pretensions, even if extending to universal empire, were no more

than the Persian kings appear to have asserted, after the Assyrian princes, who possibly claimed from the
first

patriarchs. Accordingly the combined chiefs were not unsuccessful in their negotiation ; and especially as the

hope of large support.

sures,

powerful nations of Scythia gave them To preside over their meato their negotiations, in con-

and give weight

one supreme head was become indispensable, and the imperial dignity was
formity to oriental notions,

VOL.

VIII.

66
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
allowed to Bessus.

He assumed then the upright tiara and the Persian robe, the customary marks of royalty, and with them the name of Artaxerxes, and the title
of king of Asia.

Alexander meanwhile, with his usual scorn of rest, bent upon revenging the murder of Darius, and, for
his

future quiet, preventing the murderer from enjoying the proposed fruit of his crime, crossed Parthia to the adjoining territory of Aria. At Susia,

own

a principal town, Satibarzanes, satrap of the province, surrendered himself, and, in reward for his ready

So disposed submission, was restored to the satrapy. then was Alexander to trust those of the Persian
nobility Aria a

whom

he received into favour that he

left in

body of only forty horse-archers, under the command of Anaxippus, one of his band of companions ; not to hold the people in subjection, but to ensure them against injury from his own troops in
Intelligence arrived passing through their country. of the lofty pretensions of Bessus, and of the expectation of a Scythian army to support them. Preparation for such events

had not been neglected. A considerable body of cavalry joined from Media ; and, with his collected army, Alexander was proceeding
Bactria,
at least

to invade

when information of
the
his
first

the

first

treachery,

perienced

among

new

of any importance exsubjects, reached him.

he had so readily received into Satibarzanes, favour and trusted with high authority, was of a timeserving character,

whom

No

sooner did his magnanimous

new

patron's departure from his province leave him scope than he began practising with the people to

revolt with him, in favour of the regicide Bessus,

and

he quickly succeeded to a great extent. Overpowering then Anaxippus and his small band, he put all to

TREACHERY OF SATIBARZANES.
death, and collected his utmost force at Artacoana, the capital of the country. There, should Alexander return against him, he hoped to maintain himself till
'

67
SECT
-

he might have
or,

relief

from his newly chosen sovereign,

sovereign.

should the enemy persevere in his course, to carry

assistance to that

new

Alexander was instantly decided by the urgency for suppressing and punishing such treason as that
of Satibarzanes.

main body of

his

Committing the command of the army to Craterus, he took himself

the lead of a select division, the best capable of rapid movement. By a forced march, in two days he

reached Artacoana

so before expectation that, in the

universal surprise and alarm ensuing, the greater part of those whom the satrap had assembled in

arms deserted him, and he himself, utterly

for

at a loss

measures,

fled,

with a few horse.

Rarely as

Alexander had yet been harsh, even against rebels, it was judged necessary to take measures of some

Not the chiefs only, as many as could severity here. be taken, suffered, but cavalry sent in pursuit of the
people (who, at the satrap's
in arms) killed
call,

had

left their villages

many, and made many prisoners, who were made slaves. Alexander's magnanimity however would still trust his new subjects, insomuch that he committed the satrapy of Aria to Arsaces, a Persian. Returning to the body of his army, he proceeded
into the province of Zaranga, held by Barsaentes, one of the accomplices of Bessus in regicide. This satrap,

who seeems
title,

to have

been yet but preparing means for

assumption of the royal

supporting his associate's

fled

on Alexander's approach.

Whether only

for better safety to his person, or hoping to find support for his cause, he went into the neighbouring

northern part of India.

But he had

so miscalculated

68
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
his interest there that

he was arrested and sent

pri-

who, reckoning him a proper subject for public justice, caused him, with what formalities we do not learn, to be executed for his
soner to Alexander
;

atrocious crime against his proper sovereign.

SECTION
Trials of Philotas

IV.

and

others

for high treason.

thus succeeding for Alexander in his exertions for completing the conquest of the Persian empire, a

ALL

matter broke out, of a character most severely to interrupt his immediate satisfaction, and to embitter
his following days.

In

this distant corner of that

empire, bordering on nations hardly heard of among

the Greeks, with his mind bent upon the prosecution of war against the traitor and regicide Bessus, his declared rival in claim of the Persian empire, he was

informed that Philotas, who had been among his most intimate and favoured friends from childhood, son of
Parmenio, his father's and his own most confidential general, was engaged in traitorous measures against
him.

Concerning
its

this variously interesting matter,

is

and

tragical results, our information

very

dis-

anywhere an account, circumstantial as well as trustworthy, of a political plot, where the criminal sufappointingly scanty.
history,

Here,

if

in ancient

Not

fered the penalty of the law, might be expected. that we can wonder if the historian o generals,

Aristobulus and Ptolemy, connected as they were with the parties, and probably interested in the event, were, as Arrian shows they were, in their published Yet, from other histories, cautiously concise upon it.
sources,
it

might be supposed, posterity would derive

DISLOYALTY AND TREASON OF PHILOTAS.

information of matters of such public importance, through trials so public as those which It is however evident that Arrian could ensued.

6Q
SECT.
'

trustworthy

find

no other guides

in

whom to

have any confidence

and apparently we may of any others deserving it, since, disposed as he gesuch matters, though, in nerally was to enlarge on undertaken to relate words has he his too usual way, spoken, the least likely to come to public knowledge,
trust Plutarch for the failure

Arrian's brief account yet he assists not with a syllable circumstances. of the very interesting public Aristobulus and Ptolemy, as Arrian assures us,

the

concurred in relating that disloyalty was not now for He had been first time imputed to Philotas.
so

accused of treasonable practices

long before as
the
;

when Alexander was

in

Egypt.
is

Then however
said.

accusation seems to have rested on

that any proof was ready

mere suspicion

not

Accordingly

Alexander's generous temper, on consideration of his intimacy from infancy with Philotas, his respect for

Parmenio, and the ground, in his mind, for believing both above suspicion, would not allow any formal
inquiry
to
:

the matter dropped, and Philotas continued

be trusted with high

command, and

to receive

favours, perhaps extravagant.

We

have had occasion formerly to observe faction,

In chafor ages, violent among the Macedonians. racter however it differed from that among the Grecian republics.

The contending

parties, as

in our

own country

formerly, supported different families,

competitors for the throne ; the constitution, being also, like ours of old, but more than ours, irregular

and undefined, yet having,

excellent principles

in

some degree

like ours, forcbii-

of freedom.

Among those,

merly of adverse parties, admitted to favour and F 3

70
CHAP,
fidence

HISTORY OF GREECE.
by the generosity of Alexander, we have seen some making an ill return of whom his kinsman Alexander of Lyncestis, accused by Parmenio, is said to have attended the army's movements as a In the Macedonian prisoner now for three years.
;

Diod.i.17.
c ' 80 '

court, as in

all

courts, rivalship, dissension, contest,

though of less violence than in republics, yet were weeds of growth not to be prevented. Even generosity would produce trouble, as in the case of Alexander of Lyncestis, and whether he was guilty or no ; one party imputing crime to the Lyncestian, another

envy and
menio.
It
is

false or

exaggerated accusation to Par-

remarkable, considering Parmenio's fame as a

general,

his eminence under Philip and under that concerning either his political or The liberal his private character so little remains. and perhaps reasonable inference would be, that in

and

Alexander,

politics
life

he was honest and moderate, and in private unexceptionable. But where party was rife, to be wholly clear of party connexions, and of their in-

The fluence on conduct, would hardly be possible. violence and indiscretion of either an adverse or a
friendly party might

make

that necessary which was

not within his inclination.

To mark

the private character of Philotas

we

are

In what rank Parnot equally without anecdote. menio was born is not said, but probably among the An over early promotion to the highest higher.

among

subjects appears to have been the misfortune In Alexander's first campaign against of Philotas.

the northern Europeans he held the

command

of

all

the Upper Macedonian horse, apparently the principal force of cavalry in the Macedonian service.

From

the

first

arrival

of the army in Asia

we

find

CHARACTERS OF PARMENIO AND PHILOTAS.

him
in

71
SECT.
_

military

rank, and in importance of comhis father.

mands, inferior hardly to any but

Thus

he had made his But his merit vanity and ostenconspicuous. military tation are said to have been yet more conspicuous ; and his profusion was such that though, as Alexsituated, with considerable talents,

Piut. v.

ander's generosity expanded with

his

acquisitions,

loaded with riches,

for his

he was sometimes without means

immediate needs.

Through

his generosity,

his vanity,

his high pretensions, he had also numerous enemies. but adherents,

and

numerous
in-

Among
' :

stances of his arrogance he

is reported to have said, What his father's deeds and his own of talking * would Philip have been without Parmenio, or Alexander without Philotas ?' Parmenio himself, it is
'

related,

apprehensive

of the
to

consequences
his
*
:

of

his

indiscretion,

though

partial

merit, reproved

him on some
*

occasion,

saying

My

son,

be

less

eminent.' 11

of Parmenio's family, in political as well as in military affairs, must have been great ; himself the

The weight

second

man

in the

army and the kingdom

his eldest son inferior only to himself;

sons,

and two other

Nicanor and Hector, holding high military rank. When Alexander advanced northward, Par-

menio had been

left

with the chief

command

in

Media ; a trust of the more importance, as Alexander had allowed himself little time for arranging the
of that extensive and rich kingdom, to which he must in prudence look for means of retreat, should
affairs

any adversity make retreat necessary. Parmenio, thus in the most critical detached command, was in the situation in which we have commonly before
11

XE/PWV p<u yivov.

Plut. v. Alex. p. 692. B.

4f

72
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
seen him.

But

it is

observable, in Arrian's narrative,

is

that, since the battle of Arbela, Philotas

less

men-

and Craterus was become the general in whom o Alexander showed most confidence. Probably the concurrence of Diodorus and Plutarch may be trusted for the enmity they assert to have existed between But family calamity, which Craterus and Philotas.
tioned,

Parmenio had been

suffering,

may have somewhat

lessened that family weight which arises from combined influence. One of his sons, Hector, had recently fallen in battle. Another, Nicanor, had since died of sickness. Alexander's disposition to a generous sympathy however did not fail on that occasion.

In

his

eagerness for the prosecution of war

against Bessus, denying rest to himself, he had given leave for Philotas to remain in Parthia, where his

brother died, to do, in funeral obsequies,

his
An-. 1.3.

all

honour to

memory.

Philotas had rejoined the army, when he was suddenly arrested on accusation of high treason. Caution

was evidently deemed requisite in measures, even the

most rigidly legal, against the heir of a family so eminent, and among a large party in the army so
popular.

have been

proceedings against him appear to strictly according to the Macedonian law.

to give the

The

But that law, though proposed

utmost

security to innocence against official power, being the law of an unlettered people, was favourable to hasty decision. Communication with Parmenio was avoided,

while Philotas, with others, accused as accomplices, The manner of the trial apwere brought to trial.
pears to have been nearly the same as in the Grecian kingdoms of Homer's age, and hardly differing, in
essential matters, from what, derived from the times of regal government in Attica, had ever since pre-

TRIAL OF PHILOTAS.
vailed
in

73
SECT.

the

donians

of the

Athenian republic. All the Macearmy were assembled as the jury.

have remained regular under the

The king

himself, as in our law, was the prosecutor,

and, as appears to

Macedonian constitution, though ours, consulting better both the dignity of the crown and the safety of the subject, has for centuries disallowed it, Alexander himself arraigned the accused, who himself pleaded his own defence. Witnesses were then heard ;
the

multitudinous
;

court

pronounced
appears,

sentence

of

death

and those who gave the verdict were the exeit

cutioners, proceeding,

immediately,

to
this

condemned with their javelins. hasty consummation only is marked a

pierce the

In

difference

from Athenian practice ; a difference not creditable to the Macedonian law, but on the contrary, a
striking relic of barbarism
;

yet, in character, so far

consonant with the rest of the proceeding as to mark 12 itself a feature of a free constitution.

Diodorus says that Philotas was put to torture, and, in his sufferings, confessed the crime imputed to him. Curtius, whether inventing himself, or profiting from the ingenuity of some one of the many Greek writers of Alexander's history, whose works,
12

in his

time extant, are

now

lost,

has wrought the

trial

of Philotas,

with attending circumstances, into nearly a complete tragedy. Plutarch also gives, in his way. some scenic representation, hardly of probability enough for tragic poetry, and utterly unfit
to be asserted as history. It is too well known that torture for the purpose of extracting confession from accused persons has been extensively used, to

the disgrace of almost every known sort of government and probably enough the Macedonian may have warranted torture.
;

tunity for applying torture to Philotas.

was no opporIndeed it seems to afford conviction that the whole story of the confession has been exaggerated by the ingenuity or the interestedness of some, and

But Arrian's account strongly implies

that there

perhaps altered by the carelessness of others, of the writers

whom

74
CHAP.
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.

Among

those brought to

trial

with Philotas were

Amyntas, Attalus, and Simmias, sons of Andromen.es, who all held high rank in the army. Polemon, their
brother, immediately on receiving information of the arrest of Philotas, whose intimate friend he was, had

This circumstance made very unfavourable imminds of the numerous jury yet pression upon the
fled.
;

the three tried so defended themselves that they were

acquitted.

Amyntas then requested

that he

might be

permitted to seek his fugitive brother, confident, he said, of his innocence, and of his own power to persuade him to return and stand his
assented
;

trial.

The assembly

Amyntas went, and on the same day returned with Polemon. Thus, says the historian, even the suspicion, that might have adhered to all, was done away ; and Alexander, whose great mind evidently was always averse to suspicion, continued to Amyntas the high command he
held.
13

Diodorus, Curtius, and Plutarch followed. Whatever confession Philotas made, Ptolemy and Aristobulus no doubt would have

known, and are not likely to have been backward to report for they were evidently not of Parmenio's party. Nevertheless they
;

concurred in relating that Philotas denied the imputation of having information of a plot against Alexander which he never revealed; and Arrian, who shows himself to have been anxious
to discover

be ascertained concerning appears to have given no credit to any account of any confession made by him. Concerning three most important points it is satisfactory to find all extant accounts
to relate all that could
this interesting transaction,

and

agreeing first, that the cedonians of the army

:

trial
;

was

public,

by the assembled Ma-

secondly, that the condemnation was a pronounced by majority ; and thirdly, that this majority themselves carried their own sentences into execution.

Arrian, more concise concerning the trial of Philotas, in speaking afterward of that of Amyntas, which appears to have followed immediately, confirms the description of the criminal court, given by Curtius, as consisting, according to the ancient Macedonian law, of all the Macedonians of the army. 'AXX'

13

CONDEMNATION OF PARMENIO.
In the usual
failure of Arrian, for such matters,

15

we

SECT.

have only, from Diodorus, a very succinct account of legal proceedings against Parmenio. That eminent

man, he says, absent, was arraigned before the same numerous tribunal which condemned Philotas. His
friends in the
fence,

army were allowed to plead in his deand there was much contest in speeches.

This length pronounced condemnation. was a mode of proceeding authorized by the law and practice of Athens, and probably of most, if not all, Grecian republics. It may therefore, on the authority
majority at

14

of Diodorus,

not unreasonably be believed of the

Macedonian kingdom, a branch from the great root whence the Grecian republics sprang. Indeed it is not wide in principle from our own law of parliamentary impeachment ; for the portion of the Macedonian
people forming the army, when regularly called together by the king, as a popular assembly, appears to have been, by the Macedonian constitution, a sovereign assembly. That, in Alexander's army, a powerful party desired the ruin of both Parmenio and Philotas is implied in all accounts.

Proof of guilt, against even the son, Arrian seems rather to have doubted ; and against the father he appears to have known of
nothing beyond suspicion.
ye
iv

What

authority Curtius

Q. Curt.

w
iv

ToJ$

MAKEAO2I
TTJ oi

eKKX-qa-ip,

qfciufftv

a.<f^^va.i

ol

lA0e*V
1.

napci TOV
3. C.

ov,

K<

MAKEAONE2
. . .

j-vyxupova-tv.

Arr.

27.

Diodorus, a century and a half before Arrian, expressed himself to the same purpose, T^v K/J/O-H/ roIV MAKEAO2IN (o 'AAsfaxfyoi;) More, to the same purpose, occurs in the tvfTpe^e. 1. 17. c. 79. next following note.
14

IToXXwx
/ca

pt]6evrtav

\oyuv,

ol

TUV
1.

Kara.trKX,6evr<ay

Sava-roV

MAKEAONE2 v.a.fkyvua-av rw h oT? virypxe Tla-ppevivv.

T. x.

Diod.

17. c. 80.

76
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.

may have had

learn.

for his different conclusion

we

fail

to

Arr. ut ant.

Those writers however concur in indicating that measures of severity against a man in Parmenio's situation were not to be taken without hazard,

7. c. i.
i.

requiring

much

ch.47.s.

of this Hist.

circumstances, formerly J
.

Indeed the caution in proceeding. noticed, of the arrest of

accusation,

on rarmemo s mark the necessity of deference to general

Alexander

or Lyncestis,

Macedonian

opinion, in army, on such an occasion. Arrian, in

Am
'

i.
'

3.

26

manner, reporting facts without that comment, says, Polydamas, of the order of royal companions, was sent into Media, with instructions
his usually simple

Cleander, Sitalces, and Menides, had been commanding under Parapparently menio. They were authorized now to command in
for the generals

who

chief; and,

in pursuance of instructions to

them,

Parmenio

suffered death. 15

From Arrian we
Ch.47. s.i.
of this Hist,

have no farther account of the

Lyncestian Alexander, son of Aeropus, than that, on accusation preferred by Parmenio, as formerly related, yyhen the king Alexander was in Lycia, he was

removed from a
15

situation of high military

command,

Diodorus, in his account of Parmenio's condemnation and

death, with his usual honesty, shows vacillation between different reports before him, from different parties, of the merits of which
felt himself unable to judge, and yet was unwilling to acknowledge so much. After having related that Parmenio was condemned by a vote of the majority of the army, (which, as a very public matter, was probably not denied by writers of any party,) he says, that Alexander, sending men upon swift camels,

he

to arrive before report of the execution of Philotas could reach Parmenio, Hafptviuva, &oXo<povqa-e. 1. 17. c. 80. This expression

enough marks

itself as derived from an adverse party, and yet not very falsely describes the manner of the business, perhaps which, however uncreditable for a regular government, may have had large warrant from such law as precedent may have

established

among

the Macedonians.

MEASURES TO QUELL DISCONTENT.

and imprisoned.

77
SECT.

But Diodorus and Curtius concur

remained a prisoner three was now he years, brought to trial before the same numerous tribunal which condemned Philotas ; and,
in reporting that, having

receiving sentence of death, was executed.

appear

community and ;

in crime
if

That any was imputed to them, does not credit, which there seems no reason
'

for denying, should be

given to the concurring accounts of those writers, the probability may seem to follow, that the son of Aeropus was a sacrifice required by the partisans of Parmenio and Philotas. Arrian's eminent situation, under the despotism of Roman emperors, might occasion for him no small

amount of necessity
litical

for

forbearance on

civil

and po-

in treating of centuries long subjects, past ; and thence it may be that we have so little light from him on such subjects ; a deficiency in his history

even

be regretted. There is indeed no aphe has suppressed any fact reported by pearance that those whom he has professed principally to trust ; but
greatly
to
it is

to be observed that they also

it

were in situations

to

make

not only imprudent, but highly improper,

might come to their knowledge. In the deficiency therefore of their accounts, what has been transmitted by ancient writers, less informed than Aristobulus and Ptolemy, and less judicious than Arrian, yet having before them what does not remain to us, may deserve some attention here. Dioto publish all that

dorus reports measures taken, as necessary to stem the ebullition, of discontent arising from the execution of Parmenio.' Those of the army, who by their con-

duct in the judiciary assembly, or otherwise, had manifested a disposition adverse to the king's counsels, were noted to discover the less openly indicated
:

purposes and sentiments of others, letters directed for

78

HISTORY OF GREECE.
Macedonia were opened.
munication of the

--

CHAP.

Thus, he

says,

the com-

spirit of dissatisfaction from the army to the people at home was checked. And to prevent the spreading of dissatisfaction in the army itself,

through daily conversation, the discontented were drafted from their several divisions, and formed into
one separate body, with an appropriate title ; a title not to be with certainty translated, but seeming to refer to their failure in constitutional deference to
the assembly of the army, constiheld to deliberate on matters of vital imtutionally 16 Of these matters no mention portance to the state.

the

decision of

is

made by Arrian
relates

his favourite authorities,

But he

and that the Macedonian generals, would avoid them, is likely. measures of a character to corroborate
;

Arr.

i.

3.

what the elder historian has reported. The command of that superior and numerous body of horse, called the King's Companions, was thought, he says, too
great a trust to be any longer committed to one officer. Being therefore divided, one division was given to

Hephaestion son of Amyntor, the other to Clitus, son

v retype*.

Diod.

1.

17. c. 80.

This

title,

according
himself.

to Diodorus,

was given, or warranted, by Alexander

authors of the ancient Universal History have translated it the turbulent battalion. It is rendered in Rhodoman's Latin

The

adopted by Wesseling, cohors extraordinaria, and explained, conjecturally, in Wesseling's note, fortasse quod seorsum cohortem hanc a ceteris tendere rex jusserit. The title
translation,

would have been ill fixed by authority, as would be rather to stimulate the turbulence which tendency of the measure to stifle. Possibly the word it was the purpose may have had reference to the military situation in which the drafts were placed, as the Latin translator and the learned annotator have imagined or possibly it may rather have been
turbulent apparently
its
;

in their civil applied, as supposed in the text, to their conduct of the army, failing capacity, as members of the general assembly

in constitutional deference to the decision of the majority.

REMOVAL OF DEMETRIUS.
of Dropidas
;

79
SECT.
'

both among Alexander's most con-

fidential favourites.

Not long

after, suspicion

being

entertained of Demetrius, one of the lords of the bodyguard, that he had participated in the councils of Philotas, or
fate,

perhaps was among those discontented at his he was removed from that confidential situation ;
historian, afterward

and Ptolemy, the

king of Egypt,

It gained promotion, being appointed in his room. is thus made evident that of the was not Ptolemy

Doubtful then as party of Parmenio and Philotas. as remains that has doubtful also left their history guilt,
of the Lyncestian prince, whose accuser Parmenio was,
it

difficult

seems altogether likely that Alexander, in very and hazardous circumstances, took nearly that course, which, as far as human prudence could
decide, those circumstances imperiously required, and the Macedonian law warranted.

80

HISTORY OF GREECE.

CHAPTER

LI.

ALEXANDER'S FIFTH * CAMPAIGN IN ASIA, WHICH COMPLETED THE CONQUEST OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE.

SECTION

I.

Natural and political circumstances of the northern provinces of the Persian empire. Rebellion of Satibarzanes. Paropamisan Alexandria founded. Asiatic recruits to Alexander's army. 1

CHAP.
'

AMONG
and

events so originating from party interests,

so necessarily distressing to

numerous

individuals,

irritation to the public mind could not fail, nor would Parties would remain adverse to immediately cease.

each other, and some

among them perhaps

adverse

to the king himself. To leave the army then in leisure to brood upon the past could not be prudent, even had it been Alexander's disposition, or had there

not remained an enemy holding means with inclination to disturb his yet unsettled empire.
[* See extract from Mr. Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, preceding
the Index.]
1

Arrian,

little

attentive to chronology, noticing neither the

Olympiads nor the years of Rome, yet relating events generally in the course in which they occurred, and sometimes mentioning
seasons, has pretty satisfactorily distinguished the five first years of Alexander's reign. The two next are less marked by him,

and those following less still. For Diodorus, the beginning of the Olympian year at Midsummer, dividing thus the principal season of military operations, has been a stumbling-block and his purpose of a concise abridgment of universal history would In failure ill allow him to give every event exactly to its day. of other assistance, nevertheless, we are often reduced to draw from him as we best may, and rejoice in what he affords.
;

NORTHERN PERSIAN PROVINCES.

The
views of Bessus and his associates were greatly

81
SECT.

favoured by the circumstances natural and political of that considerable portion of the Persian empire in which they had held the chief, and, some of them,
perhaps, hereditary commands. The mountain-range, which, under various ancient names, Taurus, Caucasus,
strab.
1.

15.

from the west, as Arrian has observed, through Asia, as far as Asia was in his time known, is supposed, from modern obothers, extends,

Emodus, Imaus, and

ai.

Ami.5.

servation, to complete its course unbroken, through China, to the Pacific Ocean. Comparatively narrow

within Lesser Asia,

Strabo's

it

spreads in

Armenia

which in

strab.

i.

n.

many mountains, and Contracted then, on the north many highland plains. of Media, it spreads again in advancing toward India ;
description consists of
parts so unbroken in its height as to seem a great island, or even a continent set upon a continent.

5
vei ?9i.

ed Cas a ub -

in

some

the narrower part, where it approaches the Caspian sea, a large branch stretches southward,

From

forming the eastern boundary of ancient Media and Persia. Eastward then of this extensive highland country is a sandy
ocean,
desert, not equalling those of Africa, but far greater than that often called the Great Desert, which divides

almost to the Indian

Mesopotamia from Syria. Extending fifteen degrees of longitude and ten of latitude, it reaches eastward to India, southward to the ocean. Report went that it had been the of every army attempting to grave cross it ; among which one of the great Cyrus, and, though not impossible, yet rather more against probability, one of his predecessor in the Assyrian empire,

queen Semiramis, are mentioned. Communication thus, from the body of the empire, and its three capitals, with the northern provinces was limited and hazardous.
the
great

VOL.

VIII.

8<2

HISTORY OF GREECE.

CHAP.
'

Those northern provinces were of great

extent,

and

variously important. Bactria or Bactriana, the satrapy of Bessus, while a subject, was a large country, popu-

lous

and eminently fruitful. Strabo says it gave abundantly all the most valuable productions of the earth, except olives, and whatever else could ill bear
Its
limits,

severe winter cold.

as those of all these

provinces, unless where a great river marked them, appear to have been but uncertainly known to the most inquisitive and best informed ancient writers ;

and the names of many, taken by Grecian ears from Asiatic mouths, or by Grecian pens from Asiatic
alphabets, are found so variously written as to leave it often uncertain whether, by names of different

orthography, the same country or another has been intended. Sogdia, or Sogdiana, north of Bactria, bordered on Scythia. Westward, the principal names
are Parthia, Daa,

and
its

Paropamisus,

for

Southward was Hyrcania. extent eminent among those

found in various parts of the world of the character which the concisely expressive language of Greece 2 described by the one word oripedion , which may be

Southward of this, in a translated a highland plain. line from west to east, were Zaranga, apparently the same which is found otherwise written Drangia and
Drangiana, and perhaps Dragogia, unless Dragogia were a name for the country of the Ariasps, beyond All which, eastward, Arachosia extended to India.
these countries partook of the character of Strabo's

though less lofty than Paropamisus, and all bordered southward on the Great Desert. "Westward then of Paropamisus was the large and highly fruitful province of Aria, Areia,
oripedion,

highland-plain,

'O/UV&MI.

Strab.

1.

11. p. 520.

PROVINCES OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE.

or Ariana, bordering, north-eastward, on Bactria, and in the opposite direction, reaching the Caspian Gate ;

83
SECT.

the Thermopylas of these parts, being the principal pass for communication with Media and the body of

By position therefore, as well as by and population, Aria was of great importance. produce In all these countries moreover the people, widely different in character from those of the south, were Nevertheless in universally bred to the use of arms. the lowlands they were civilised, and their country Aria, still more than Bactria, highly cultivated. was celebrated for fruitfulness, and especially for the
abundance and excellence of
people of the adjoining province of Zaranga, or Drangia,
as a civilised
its

the empire.

wines.

The

though a highland country, are marked

race, by Strabo's information that they lived in the Persian manner, except, as he says, that they had
little

wine, the climate, apparently, denying the pro-

duction.

have observed, in the account of Alexander's course through the Lesser or, as the Greeks called it, the Hither or the Lower Asia, the turbulent and
predatory character of the people of the extensive highlands of that country ; not widely different, it must be confessed, from what, in many lively pictures, from the candid pen of Xenophon, we have seen exIt may be tensively that of the Greeks themselves. of the to add account here Strabo's advantageous

We

mountaineers of the Greater,

Asia.

the Farther,

or the

Upper Westward of the Caspian Gate, toward the borders of Armenia, the Mards and other highlanders,
brought by Alexander to submission in his course through that country, have been already noticed. Southward, along the borders of Media and Persia,

G 2

84>
strab.
1.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
11.

the mountains dividing those rich regions from the Great Desert were held by various hordes, of which also some have already occurred for notice. Their
territories differing in fruitfulness of soil and temperature of air, their wants, and so their mode of life

and of policy, in some degree differed but they were all more or less freebooters. The Cossays, on the east of Media, were all bred from infancy to the use of the bow; and for the supply of their wants and luxuries, beyond what their soil spontaneously afforded, and what
;

they might get by hunting, they depended almost The Parastacs were not withwholly upon robbery.
out agriculture, but still they were robbers. Elymaea, southward, had, among its mountains, some fine vales, well cultivated : it was altogether the most varied

and most

fruitful of the

highland countries.

The

military hordes, holding these countries, had each its chief; for military hordes must acknowledge a chief.

However then

occasionally, or perhaps

some of them

hereditarily, at variance

with one another, they would also occasionally unite, when defence required, or
for profit invited.

when opportunity
strab.
1.

The

Elymaeans,

15.

and most practising hushad Their also the best policy. bandry, probably after is or chief said, at one time, whether before Alexander appears uncertain, to have been accomhaving the best country,
panied by thirteen thousand
-

strab. 1.11.
P. 524.

other hordes, n addition tp his own, in a march into Susiana and All these people had been brought to Babylonia. acknowledge submission to Alexander ; but a submission no longer to be depended on than while the strong hand of power was impending over them.

men from

provinces, which extended Aria to from eastward India, with Paropamisus on the north, and the Great Desert on the south, were held

Those highland-plain

MARCH OF ALEXANDER EASTWARD.

by people who,

85

more disposed

as more following agriculture, were to live in peace with their neighbours.

command of this country, while he northward proceeded against Bessus, was important for Alexander. Rugged highlands formed a line of
have secure
northern part of the empire and richer portion which more larger But it his patiently acknowledged sovereignty. The Indian appears that he had a farther object.
separation for
still

To

all

this

from the

free motion, as we have seen, prince who, of his own ., , P sent in bonds to Alexander the fugitive satrap or

.,

,.,..

CH.SO. s.3. of this Hist.

Zaranga,

Barsaentes,
for

marked himself

no friend

the associate of Bessus, thus to Bessus. Probably,

had been at variance; the advancement of the dreading satrap of Bactria to the sovereignty of the Persian empire, was anxious to cultivate the friendship of the
their territories joining, they

and the Indian,

great conqueror, his enemy.

Such seem
cited

to have

been the considerations which

induced Alexander,

as soon as the revolt of Aria, ex-

by the

faithless satrap Satibarzanes,

instead of returning western side of Paropamisus, into Bactria, to proceed first eastward, to the provinces southward of that sin-

was quelled, directly northward, by the

gular country. Zaranga or Drangia was first in his where the way, catastrophe of Philotas and Parmenio and the Lyncestian Alexander had occurred. But,
before matters were so settled that military operations
B. c. 330.

might be resumed, autumn was already advanced, and the country, though, according to the latest geographical inquiries, included within the thirty-fourth degree of northern latitude, and thus south of all

Europe, became early covered with snow. In the mild climate of our islands very few persons, comparatively, are aware of the degree of. winter G 8

86
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
cold on the continent southward, even in the countries nearest us, Germany, and a large part of France itself; though to those who have visited America or

China

vicissitudes of

temperature in the

air,

of a

violence hardly
familiar.

known anywhere

in Europe,

will

be

But even within Europe the account of

a country, not ordinarily visited either for business or curiosity, by a very intelligent modern author,

who had held high

Obs.
*

office there,

may

deserve notice.

int. la

X5dS?

In Wallachia,' which is in the latitude nearly of Lombardy and the south of France, 'the winter,' is says that respectable writer, long, and commonly In seven hunsevere. the one thousand very year dred and seventy-nine, though little snow fell, the
'

'

quicksilver
* f

in

Reaumur's thermometer stood

frost.
3

at

'

Spring begins April ; in July and August the heat is excessive. Excellent wines are produced in great abundance ;

twenty degrees below

in

but, as soon as the vintage is over, the vines are bent to the ground, and covered with soil, not to

Ch.23.s.4.
of this Hist.

be exposed to the air again till spring.' 4 Xenophon's description of a climate some degrees southward of
, Tr
,

'

Walachia, yet more severe, so as to forbid the cul-

^1-111

3 Twenty degrees of Reaumur's thermometer are equal to about forty-seven of Farenheit's : an amount of cold never experienced in any part of Britain.

Observazioni

storiche,

naturali,

politiche,

intorno

la

Valachia e Moldavia, printed at Naples in 1788. The author, Raicewick, by birth and family a Transylvanian, was counsellor of legation from the court of Vienna to that of Naples, where

he did

me the favour to present me with his book. He had been previously secretary to the Austrian embassy at Constantinople, and afterward principal secretary to Ypselanti prince of WalaWith a singular talent for acquiring languages, he chose chia.
the Italian for his book, and has had the approbation of Italian
critics for his style.

ARIASPS OR WELLDOERS.
tivation of the vine, of which he had experience in returning from Mesopotamia with the Cyrean Greeks, 5 will be remembered. Alexander had already had experience enough of the climate of Caucasus and the highlands branching from the great range, to be not unaware of what was to be expected among them. Eager nevertheless in his purpose, in advanced autumn he moved from Zaranga eastward. In the adjoining country he met
'

87
SECT.
_

with a

political

phenomenon of a very
was
small

gratifying kind,

of which

intimation.

previous of the Ariasps, or Agriasps, differed so in character from the predatory hordes of the Asiatic highlands in general that they

probably he

not without

The

nation

.... Aptzyya/; re KOI Apayuyovi; ev TJJ itapofttp 8e KOU rovt; 'Apa^urovi; . . . 'E7^JX0 Se KOI TKV 'l^Sv
pa^u-roi^.
Kctl
i>v

TOVI;

E^/x.'ffavTa

Se ravrot, i$vt\

8a

anoptqt,

TII

eTciTf^siuv, KOU

tSv (TTpomurtuv

Arr.

1.

3. c. 28.

The

learned

translator

of Arrian,
:

Rooke, would give no

'

credit to this passage of his author The country,' he says, in a note on it, ' lies between the thirty-fourth and fortieth ' degrees of latitude, and of consequence could not be much

colder than Greece or Italy.' Common as such error is, it seems strange that a man of learning and inquiry should so Not only any one acquainted with Virboldly maintain it. him inform could better, but, in Johnson's Dictionary, he ginia might have found admonition that he should have inquired farther before he so positively asserted. Under the article
'

Temperature, the great

lexicographer quotes
travels
'

the following
as

passage
' '

from Brown's

There

may be
air,

much

difference, as to the

Temperature of the

and

as to heat

and

cold, in one mile as in ten degrees

of latitude ; and he
better go up to the

'
'

that would cool himself in

summer had

top of the next

country.'

hill, than remove into a far more northern Brown's Travels quoted under the article Tem-

perature.

Rooke's numerous notes indeed, unless

lation of Curtius with Arrian, are rarely of

for his laborious col-

any value.

G 4

88
CHAP,
Arr. 1.3. c. 27.
strab.
i.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
were renowned for honesty and good
says,
faith.

Arrian

meaning

it

evidently as high eulogy, that they

is.
'

were equal to the best of the Greeks. According to tradition, the great Cyrus, when he marched through their country to make war on the Scythians, was so
sa ti s fi e d
title

1.

17.

with their conduct that he gave them the

which had prevailed so as nearly ; to have superseded their ancient name. 6 a small horde so situated should have acquired this superior
of Welldoers

How

character,
afford

and how, under a government so failing to due protection to its best subjects, as we have seen the Persian, they should have maintained it and

An-, ut ant.
'
'

preserved themselves, is matter of just curiosity, for which however, among ancient writers, gratification fails. Alexander, the historian proceeds to say, halted
in their country to celebrate a sacrifice to Apollo ; and their rulers, encouraged by his expressed satis-

c /8i*

faction with them, requested a small addition to their additional proof of territory, which he granted.

An

his favour

and confidence he seems

in
Diod.utant.

committing the government

to have given them of their country to

17.

el's,

a Persian, who, according to Curtius, had been secretary to the late king, Darius, not leaving any military

force under a Grecian

fidelity to engagements.

commander

to

ensure their

Ariasps of this country, as the learned examiner of the historians of Alexander has observed,

The

have been confounded by some ancient writers with

the Arimasps of European Scythia, eminent in fable as dwarf human monsters, with an eye only in the forehead, who waged continual war with brute monsters,
6

of mixed form, beast and bird, called

the
all

griffins,

Of

Persian word
using the

we

are

not informed,
into
their

the

Greek

writers

translation

own language,

Evepytrw.

ARIASPS OR WELLDOERS.

89
SECT.

Hence the existence of the Welldoers or gryphons. 7 has been called in question. Wherever fable is found
blended with history, under respectable assurance of its antiquity, some foundation in truth may not unreasonably be suspected.
tain,

Extensive tracts of moun-

their inhabitants, generally, the world over, are little known beyond their immediate neighbour-

and

hood.

Of

those in Europe, the Alps, whose valleys

alone afford thoroughfare to Italy, have become most familiar. There the disease of the swoln throat
prevails,

and with

it

often mental weakness.

Those

of

its

people not so affected are generally of good

persons, and strong in body and mind ; and even those labouring under infirmity of either have been remarked for that eccentric wit, which, in those ages

when
7

letters

were neglected and even despised by

If the learned examiner of the historians of Alexander has

given

to hasty fancy, the liberal reader, conthe merits of the work, and the author's early age when sidering ' Les historiens d'Alexpublished, will make allowance for it.
' *

way sometimes

andre saisirent avec empressement,' he says, le rapport qu'il pouvoit y avoir entre les Agriaspes ou Ariaspes, selon Ptolomee (1. 6. c. 19.), et les Arimaspes, peuple de la Scythie
'

* '

'

Europeene, celebre tant par les fables qu'en avoit debitees Aristeas de Proconnese (Herodot. 1. 4. c. 13. et seq.) que par le secours qu'ils donnerent aux Argonautes, et qui leur meriterent
le

'

d'Evergetes (Steph. Byzant.) les ecrivains . imaginerent, &c.' Exam. Crit. des Hist. d'Alex. p. 214. Strabo, as well as Diodorus, agrees with Arrian in sober account of the
; . .

nom

'

Welldoers of this neighbourhood of India. The concurrence of Diodorus and Curtius concerning the appointment of a satrap to
their country,
far that

though differing as to his name, yet agreeing so each gives him a Persian name, is itself considerable testimony. Altogether then, whatever of fable may have been mixed with accounts of the Ariasps by writers whose object has

been amusement for the fancy, their more sober history is so far warranted that it cannot but appear rather rash for a modern to
treat
it

with contempt.

90
C
*LI

HISTORY OF GREECE.
P
*

^ e higher ran ks,

was

in request, as

an amusement

of courts and great houses, that none would be without its fool. Hence, throughout the south of Germany,
the proper name Tyrolese has become the common word for that kind of witling ; as, at Paris, Swiss for
a porter, and Savoyard for a chimney-sweeper. But within Europe there is another country, less known, where the malady is more severe. * The people of Argis, ' among the mountains of Walachia,' in the account of

Observ.

int.

cMoid!

the respectable writer recently noticed, ' seem hardly * of human race : less than four feet high, such is the
fleshy protuberance
'

under their chins, that the large

'

misshapen head seems fixed on the chest, without the intervention of a neck ; and understanding fails.* Nevertheless Walachia is a valuable country,

and the people, not thus unfortunately affected, a Whatever then may be thought of respectable race. the European dwarfs, the Arimasps, objects of fable, and whether there may or may not have been any analogy between them and the Walachians of Argis, or between either them, or the Walachians, with the Ariasps between Media and India, it cannot but be
gratifying to the investigator of eventful history to find, among other testimonies, that of so able and
careful an inquirer as Arrian to the character of the Asiatic Welldoers.

In the northern parts of the Persian empire, though hardly reaching the middle of the great Asiatic continent, the character of the people, and of their government, appears to have differed from those of the south as much as the climate. In the south, the mass of the population consisted of husbandmen and
artisans, utterly

unused to arms, depending upon the ruling powers to ensure orderly conduct among themselves, and to protect them against foreign enemies.

CHARACTERS OF ASIATICS.
Here government was
careless

91
SECT.

whom

they

despotic, and subjects were served. But, in the north,

and war

verging on foreign nations, whose trade was plunder, their delight, circumstances, compelling every man to be a soldier, compelled also the rulers to

Where every man bears arms respect the subjects. there must be respect for the multitude ; there must,
whatever form the government may have, be a considerable amount of freedom ; and the conduct which
rulers find necessary will attach the people to them.

Alexander found early proof of

this.

Satibarzanes,

his late satrap of Aria, faithless in promise, but bold and persevering in enterprise, on being surprised by his rapidity, so as to

be obliged presently after engaging the Arian people in revolt, to abandon them, had fled to Bessus. While then Alexander was busied
with his various measures for securing his command of the countries southward of Bactria, Satibarzanes,
obtaining a body of two thousand horse from his new 8 sovereign, returned into Aria ; and, such was the respect for him among the people, or such their
aversion to a foreign dominion, that he engaged a second time in revolt.

them

it necessary now again to his concerted measures of the interrupt prosecution this new insurrection. to himself by returning oppose

Alexander did not judge

With two Macedonians, Erigyius and Caranus, he

appointed two eminent Persians, Artabazus, so often before mentioned, and Phrataphernes, his satrap of Satibarzanes Parthia, to conduct the war in Aria.

meanwhile had collected such a force as to venture to meet them in battle, and maintain sharp contest. Am c With that impatience, distinguishing Asiatic from European minds, he seems to have resolved to conquer
'

1.

3.

Areia

is

Strabo

it is

the orthography in our copies of Arrian Aria, but more commonly Ariana.

in those of

HISTORY OF GREECE.
HAP.
LI.

or die. Instead then of attending, with the just coolness of a general, to the conduct of those under him, who were yet maintaining an action of doubtful
issue,

he sought personal
:

conflict with the

commander
his

attacking Erigyius,

opposing he was killed by

then universally fled, and no farther resistance appears to have been made through-

hand.

The Arians

out their country.

Meanwhile Alexander proceeded eastward, through

Arachosia, to the confines of India, the whole way, according to the concurring accounts of historians, over snow. No opposition is mentioned, even in the Persian provinces. In India, as already observed, it

seems probable that his object was rather negotiation than war, and he appears to have succeeded. But he had now had sufficient evidence that, for these
northern countries, quiet could not be provided with the same ease, or by the same methods, as for the southern. The singular region called Paropamisus
divided Arachosia from Bactria. Probably his information was good on which he grounded his resoOn lution to proceed thither for winter quarters.
Arr.utant.

the higher grounds

projected

from the mountains

into the lofty plain he found a spot advantageous for the site of a fortress to command an extent of fruitful

country. There he employed his troops during winter in building a town, to which, as to his Egyptian city, he gave the name of Alexandria. 9
9

trees
is

Arrian says that here Caucasus produces nothing but firand masterwort, TEppivQovs and <riXptov, yet that the country

its
'

populous, feeding numerous flocks and herbs. S/X^iov, under Latin name, Laserpitium, is described by Ainsworth, ' an

herb, the
;

gum whereof
it

is

called laser;
:

some

call it

masteris

'

wort some take

assa fcetida.'

to

be benzoin

the worst kind of it

called

plant, Arrian proceeds to say, sheep are so fond that the Cyrenaeans, in whose country it abounds, and

'

Of this

who

prize the

benzoin greatly, protect

it

from them with

la-

PAROPAMISAN ALEXANDRIA FOUNDED.

have seen, in Xenophon's account of the retreat of the Cyreans, how unavailing ordinary Grecian discipline was to prevent the association of women and the growth of families, in a Grecian army, passing

93
SECT.

We

any time in an enemy's country, even in distressing circumstances. Hence, though the Macedonian dishave been, for other matters, more is to likely cipline as Alexander evidently had need much perfect, yet, to court his army, what indulgence for the society of women, in passing through such an extent of country as conquerors, would be expedient and even necessary, may, in some degree, be estimated. We have seen

ch.23.

s. 5.

Xenophon's purpose of colonisation with the Cyrean army. But his plan was proposed after a single year's absence from Greece, and not till all the greatest difficulties of the return,
long nearly hopeless, were overcome, and home was Very different were already almost within sight.
borious care.*

also the violence of opposition to

Elsewhere he mentions the name Caucasus as improperly, though frequently by the Greeks, extended to this

less here,

He uses it neverthepart of the great Asiatic highland chain. but seemingly limiting it to the mountains, ia 0^,

and not including under it the plainer highland country, which would probably give other produce than rep^fvOav/; and a-iXfuov. Strabo reckons Paropamisus within his Ariana, and thence
calls this the
title

Arian Alexandria, but, among later writers, the of the Paropamisan seems to have more prevailed.
:

ove, quando incidit pecus in spem nascentis, hoc deprehenditur signo ' comederit, dormiente protinus, capra sternutante. Plin. Nat. Hist. xix. 15. In the Quarterly Review (vol. xxvi. p. 220.) a fac-simile is given of an ancient coin, from Delia Cella's Viaggio da Tripoli, &c., on one side of which is an um-

[* Si

cum

belliferous plant, supposed to

the other

be the Cyrenaic silphium or laserpitium, and on To classical readers this combination the head of Jupiter Amman. will immediately suggest the lines of Catullus in Carm, vii.
is
:

Quam magnus
Et Batti
'
'

numerus Libyssae arenae

Laserpiciferis jacet Cyrenis Ordclum Jovis inter aestuosi

veteris

sacrum sepulchrum.

'

Cyrenaica,' says Pliny, illustratur CCCC.M. passuum.' Nat. Hist. v. 5.]

Hammonis

oraculo, quod a Cyrenis abest

94
CHAP,
LI
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
the

circumstances now, when, after an absence of

three years, the army was on the border of India, and a winter campaign in a most severe climate,
against enemies of high and even singular warlike fame, was in view. Probably numbers, if not with a

view to perfect satisfaction, yet as a very desirable immediate indulgence, would take the permission to
rest,

with their families, in the

for

new

settlement.

It

seems indeed likely that a large proportion had been

Persian subjects
AIT. 1.3.
f*

the

civil

government of the

9ft

colony was committed to a Persian, Proexes, with the title of satrap ; the military command however being reserved to Niloxenus, of the band of companions.
felicity with which the , , . was chosen and the arrangements made that the settlement prospered, as a Grecian colony, long after support from a Grecian empire failed, and flourishes yet, it has been supposed, under the cor. ,

Vincent on
Nearchus, v. i.n.7.

But such was the wisdom or

situation

rupted

name of Candahar.

Arrian's omission of notice of Asiatic recruits to

Alexander's army, even Greeks of Asia, has been formerly observed, and the probable cause suggested,
that the

Macedonian generals, whose reports he principally trusted, were not solicitous to mention them. What is related on this subject by other writers will
Plutarch says that,

therefore deserve consideration.

observing the hardiness of body and firmness of mind of the people of these climates, Alexander enrolled

no

less

than thirty thousand boys, to be trained in

the Macedonian discipline. Probably he has described them properly, calling them boys ; for men would be
averse to a change of habits to which they had been

whereas boys would soon become proud of arms and discipline, which gave them military imeducated
;

portance above the men of their nation, and equality with the conquerors of Asia. Associating with Greeks,

MEASURES OF BESSUS.
they would, more readily than men, learn the Grecian language, and, in other matters of habit, would be-

95
SECT.

come

effectually Greeks.

SECTION

II.

Measures of Bessus. Discontent in Alexander s army : pursuit of Bessus: critical circumstances of Alexander : surrender of
Bessus.

BESSUS meanwhile had been busy

in measures for

Of the obstructing Alexander's farther progress. northern satraps about him, of no small power, some were also of no mean abilities ; insomuch that hope
might be entertained, not only to defend the dominion they yet held, but to proceed to the recovery of some of the southern provinces, which it might be
supposed, only in want of due support from a superintending government, had submitted to a foreign
invader.
for

They removed

or destroyed

all

subsistence

an army, throughout the plain at the foot of Caucasus toward Bactria, and soon the season, coming to their assistance, had covered the country with snow. But for Alexander difficulties were inviting, and
rest annoying.

AIT. i. 3. c< 28>

Anxious

to reach Bactria while Bes-

might be yet incompletely prepared, he resolved upon moving while spring, in that severe climate,
sus

yet lingered. Probably his inquiries had been extenhis information sive, good, and his purpose founded on a just view of things ; for the result warrants the

But he had difficulties to encounter what the beyond enemy opposed. To Babylon, and perhaps as far as the treasury of Parsagardse, he was followed by most willing soldiers j eager for great
supposition.

rewards in promise. Even when, after indulgence of some months of rest and plenty there, the march was turned northward, in pursuit of the fugitive monarch,
the expediency

of thus providing permanence for

96

HISTORY OF GREECE.
p.
'

CHA

advantages gained would be so obvious to those of more thought, and impatience of rest, ordinary with

more

those habituated to action, would so stimulate the thoughtless, that zeal for the prosecution of the

But when monarch's purpose might still be ready. Darius was no more, and with him the Persian dynasty so far extinct that a pretender able to contend
with Alexander, for the richer part of the empire, was supposed no longer to be apprehended, yet war

Diod.

1.

17.

Q. Curt,
'

C 2'

pfu t
Alex.

was to be prosecuted in a most severe climate, against hardy nations, whose conquest would bring no obvious reward, a great change would be likely to ensue in the soldier's mind. Diodorus, Curtius, and Plutarch in concur nearly supplying what Arrian has left unnoticed ; probably because the Macedonian generals, hi s guides, would avoid report of the first ebullitions of discontent in the army ; and yet there occurs, in his narrative, what gives probability to their accounts.
It appears likely that, as Curtius relates, the ad-

verse

originated, or first became extensive and dangerous, during the intermission of military enter-

humour

while the new city, the Paropamisan Alexanwas The notion was propagated that, dria, building. Darius being dead, Alexander clearly lord of the Persian empire, and a new settlement prepared for those whom age or wounds disabled for the long march home, and for numerous others for whom, on
prise,

account of families grown in camp about them, or failure of means at home, such a settlement would be
acceptable, all desirous of returning would of course have free leave to return. In this temper of the

army, notice of the purpose of marching still northward, and with snow yet upon the ground, was received with such demonstration of discontent, and
such disposition to disobedience and tumult,
that

Alexander deemed

it

expedient to call the soldiers

DISPERSION OF THE BACTRIANS.

In an able speech popular assembly. together with the the then, mixing pathetic animating, he so wrought on their minds as to restore zeal for the
as a

97
SECT.

prosecution of a hitherto glorious, and largely rewarding, but yet unfinished war, and to produce a declaration that they would follow wherever he would
lead.

Diodorus adds that

this

zeal

was

politicly

rewarded with large donations immediately made ; and it seems indicated, by what Arrian adds, that it
was promoted by promises of dismissal for any who might desire it, when the expedition, which circumstances immediately required, should be ended. The threatening discontent of the army being thus

appeased, Alexander hastened to use the favourable temper which he had excited. Proceeding with the

AIT. 1.3. c ' 29 '

utmost speed that the season and the state of the country would allow, he advanced into Bactria.

Whether Bessus and

else

his associates disagreed, or

why

they were yet so unprepared to defend that extensive and populous region, which under their legitimate sovereign they had commanded as his satraps,

we

are uninformed

on Alexander's approach they

Probably his army was formidable, not by They however discipline only, but in number also. resolved to retire behind the great river Oxus, which
withdrew.
separated Bactria from Sogdiana, the satrapy of Spitamenes. But when arrived there, the Bactrians of
their army, refusing to
to the

number of seven thousand

horse,

homes

go whence

farther, dispersed to their several it may seem that Bessus, even in his

own province, was little esteemed. The Sogdians followed Spitamenes, and the Daans accompanied them ; for the way was homeward for both. But the
sequel shows Spitamenes to have been able, and conWhen all had crossed the river, siderably popular.

VOL.

VIII.

98
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
they burnt the boats, which had given them passage ; thus demonstrating hopelessness of support from Bactria, and abandonment of the Bactrians to the mercy
of the conqueror. Alexander allowed his army, in the town of Drapsaca, some time for rest and refresh-

He then proment, which were probably needed. ceeded against Bactra and Aorni, the two principal cities of the province ; and, these making little rewhole quickly submitted. In the citadel a of Aorni he placed garrison under one of his band of companions, Archelaus son of Androcles, and he
sistance, the

committed the very important satrapy of Bactria, a large, fruitful, and populous province, to his Persian friend, of tried fidelity in engagements alternately on
each side, the almost half Grecian Artabazus. It may have been policy, but it seems also to have

AIT.

i.

3.

been in some degree a passion of Alexander, to pursue Darius living, and not less so to revenge him dead. Coming to the river Oxus, the difficulty of The breadth was crossing seemed insurmountable.
great ; the depth various ; the rapidity of the stream, and the shifting of the gravel in its bed, made fordBut ing, in the most favourable season, dangerous.

with advancing spring, the snow melting on the mountains, fording was utterly denied and to make bridges, or repair the destruction of boats by

now,

the enemy, the country, to a great extent, afforded no material. The hazardous resource therefore was,

what we have

before observed in use for passing to use skins, the soldiers' beds, or streams, quieter

nightly covering, duly stuffed, as rafts.

With

his

mind

Alexander's

eagerly bent upon one object, circumstances were, at this time, va-

His new subjects, to whom he had dispensed favours, and committed great and confidenriously critical.

ARREST OF ARSAMES.
tial offices,

99
SECT.

able fidelity,

showing, in some instances, a most honourstill in others continued to prove that

trusting them was hazardous. Intelligence came that Arsames, raised, on the second expulsion of the
Satibarzanes, to the important satrapy of was Aria, misconducting himself; insomuch that Stasanor, of the band of companions, was sent to
faithless

arrest him.

Whether some

revival of discontent in

farther

the army, and unwillingness to pursue a flying enemy among boundless snows and deserts, were de-

monstrated, or it was simply in pursuance of promises given, when the former fermentation was stilled, some

of the most valuable troops of the army, in circumstances so pressing, were dismissed. All those Thessalians,

who had
all

together with

voluntarily renewed their services, Macedonians who could claim privi-

lege for age, wounds, or any disability, were, in this critical state of the expedition, allowed to return to

Europe.
history, cavalry,
it

No

others

are mentioned,

nor

is

cause

for the distinction stated, but,

in the course of the

may be

gathered.

The

Thessalians,

all

would all have either property or valuable connexions at home, and to Alexander popularity in Of civic troops Thessaly was of especial importance.

of the southern republics, probably few, if any, now remained with the army, Alexander's great acquisition of pecuniary means having enabled him to
dispense with their service, by increasing his merce-

nary Grecian force,

in

all engaged for adventure, and no small proportion exiles, whose republics would not receive them, and to whom therefore their discharge would be a most severe misfortune. The army then crossed the Oxus on the stuffed skins. If loss was suffered, Arrian has not mentioned
it
;

but he says the business, probably executed with

H 2

100
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
diligent care, employed five days. proceeded in pursuit of Bessus.
:

The army then The effect of the

bold measure was evidently great it appears to have decision the to of that brought policy pretender's

Dataphernes met Alexander, commissioned to inform him that Bessus was effectually their prisoner ; not indeed
associates.

A deputation from Spitamenes and

their
officer

under close restraint, but in would surrender him to any

power

whom

and they he would

send with a detachment, which need not be large.

Alexander chose

son of Lagus. not inconsiderable for

selection.

To

for the important mission Ptolemy, his orders a force was committed,

number,

The heavy-armed

but superior for consisted of the taxis, 10

still

which, having been that of Philotas, went his name, and one chiliarchy of hypaspists.

by

Of this

body we have no
its

farther information than that, with

of very uncertain meaning, it had eminently Alexander's confidence, and especially his preference among the heavy-armed, for rapid moveOf light infantry, all the Agrians were ments.
peculiar
title,

assigned,

and

half

the

bowmen

of the

army

of

and all cavalry, three troops of royal companions this With force horse-darters. the Ptolemy was directed to use the utmost speed, while Alexander
followed with the rest of the army, at an easier pace Such then was the vigour of the body than before.
selected that,

on the fourth evening,

having com-

the historian says, of ten ordinary pleted the space, marches, Ptolemy reached the ground which Bessus had quitted only the day before. Gathering reason
10

Whether

the

taxis,

in

Alexander's

army, more nearly

answered to our brigade, or

two or more brigades, appears uncertain. The chiliarchy would be something between eight and twelve hundred men.
to a division consisting of

SURRENDER OF BESSUS.
then for doubting, either the sincerity of Spitamenes

101
SECT.

and Dataphernes in their offer, or their perseverance in its purpose, he took the lead with his cavalry only, directing the infantry to follow, in order for action.
approaching a fortified town, he learnt that Bessus was there with a small force ; deserted by
Spitamenes, who would no longer support him, yet would not himself be the person to deliver him to
his

On

enemies.

Ptolemy sent a summons into the

town, offering immunity to the garrison and people, upon condition of surrendering Bessus. This found

ready acceptance, and Ptolemy, with his prisoner, hastened his return.

Approaching Alexander, he sent to ask mands for the manner in which the captive
into
his

his

comthe

chief,

pretender to the throne of Asia, should be brought

presence.

The answer

directed

that

he

should be placed naked, with a halter about his neck, on the right of the road by which the army

was marching. Alexander, in his when he came near, asked Bessus,

'

chariot,
'

stopping

Why

he had so

treated Darius, not only his king but his friend and benefactor, dragging him about a prisoner, and afterward putting him to death.' Bessus answered,
'

that
'

the measures were not of his single authority,

but concurred in by those then attending Darius, with the view to obtain safety for themselves from

Alexander's mercy.' Alexander then directed that he should be scourged, and that the herald should proclaim his crimes of treachery and murder in the same terms in which he had himself reproached him,
as

Arrian

the reason for the ignominious severity. says, was Ptolemy's own account.

This,

But

Aristobulus related that Bessus was sent by Spitamenes and Dataphernes under a guard, apparently

B 3

HISTORY OF GREECE.
CHAP,
'

meaning a guard of their own people, who delivered him naked, and bound with a halter ; seeming thus to differ from Ptolemy, yet not clearly contradicting him. This notice, by Arrian, of difference between
eminent writers, whatever farther may be thought of it, will be so far satisfactory to the modern inquirer, as it shows his care to investigate
those

and declare
Ami.
c.

authorities,

and

to

mark whatever might

Bessus

be doubtful.
3.

The

miserable

was sent to

29, so.

Bactra, the capital of the province of which he had been satra, there to await his farther doom.

SECTION

III.

Stubborn resistance of the Northern Asiatics. Negotiation with Grecian colony established among the Scythian kingdoms.

Scythians not subjects of the kingdoms. thians not subjects of the kingdoms.

War

ivith

the

Scy-

IN passing the mountains of Caucasus, and

in the

hasty marches over the snow-clad plains beyond them, a great number of horses had perished. Fortunately Sogdiana and adjoining provinces could furnish

supply of a valuable kind, both for cavalry and bagBut time would be necessary for collecting gage.
these,

and preparing them

the

for

service

to

follow,

while

army

rested

in

the

city called

by the
capital

Greeks Maracanda, the modern Samarkand,

of Sogdiana.

object of the next march, toward the Caspian no farther stated, than as it appears the sea, people were not disposed to the submission required ;
is

The

perhaps necessary toward the quiet of the more

lized country

civi-

sovereignty.

which acknowledged the conqueror's Nevertheless no opposition seems to

RESISTANCE OE THE NORTHERN ASIATICS.

have been yet met, when, while the army encamped near a great river, variously called Tanais, Orxantes, and Silys, a body of foragers was destroyed ; and the
natives, to the

103
SECT.
'

number of thirty thousand, assembling

hill

on the summit of a
defied assault.
11

on

all

sides

precipitous,

Alexander, indignant at his loss and their presumption, took himself the lead of his
lightest

troops

to storm

the post.

Such however

was the
its

difficulty of the ground and the energy of defenders that his men suffered in several unsuc-

cessful assaults,

and he himself received a bowshot

so far severe as

in the

leg.

The wound was

the

arrow-head could not be extracted without cutting ; but efforts were not relaxed for it. Resistance
being at length overborne, only about eight thousand of the enemy were reckoned to have escaped
death .from the sword, or the precipices by which

they attempted

flight.

warranted by Arrian, a circumstance, related only by Curtius, but in its nature open to extensive knowledge, may de-

Concerning Alexander's

wound,

serve notice.

A wound in the

leg,

it is

well

known,

for cure, requires rest of the limb. But Alexander's mind could not rest without personal observation of

things going
litter

He would be carried in a forward. men's hands, wherever he supposed his by attention wanted. The honour then of being his
river, according to Arrian, was ordinarily called the not that Tanais, he says, which, falling into the lake Maeotis, was reckoned by Herodotus the boundary of Europe and Asia ; for, rising among the heights of Caucasus, it runs
11

Q.Curt. I.7.C.6.

The
;

Tanais

into the Caspian, or, as he

to Aristobulus,

names it here, the Hyrcanian sea. he adds, the people of the country According called the river the Orxantes Pliny (1. 6. c. 16.) gives it the
:

very different name of the Silys.

II
4<

104-

HISTORY OF GREECE.
bearers
troops.

CHAP,
'

was contested with

cavalry, action, claimed the duty of attending his necessities

The

as

his

eagerness among his usual companions in

when unfortunately
contended against

disabled for action.

that, as theirs

The

infantry
office

this,

was the

to carry their wounded fellow-soldiers, cavalry as well as infantry, it could not be just to deny them the honour of carrying their king, when needing such
assistance.

Alexander

settled

the

dispute

by de-

ciding that cavalry and infantry

alternately.

should carry him

Not many days after, while he was allowing that rest to his army which he wanted for himself, but nevertheless was employing his mind diligently in
ordering regulations for all the country around, he was surprised with embassies coming to wait upon

Arrian menScythians. of that and tions, extraordinary people, two powerful great kingdoms, one in Asia, the other in Europe j
and, beside these,

him from the kings of the

portunity for
little
all

wild hordes, who, with opover immense plains of soil wandering productive, in a most severe climate, avoiding

many

certain settlement,

avoided
to have

all

ment.

They appear

resembled

regular governmuch the

borderers of England and Scotland in former days, and those of Spain and France ; differing chiefly as

they lived in a severer climate, and had an extent, very many times greater, of land uninviting for culti-

Ch.se.s.a.
of this Hist.

wander over. The embassies, now arriving, came together from the two great princes of the more settled and civilized Scythians, the Asiatic and the European. To the European the Greeks had been for ag. es known. Athens, we have seen, had com1-1 mercial settlements on their shores, which were a of its slave-market, and Macedonia principal source
vation, to
,

1-1

NEGOTIATION WITH THE SCYTHIANS.

had had wars with them, and probably treaties. To the Asiatic- Scythians communication with the Persian empire was familiar, in war and in negotiation.

105
SECT.

Both the princes appear to have supposed it of consequence for them to acquire some insight into Alexander's purposes ; and it was perhaps yet more important for him to have some knowledge of theirs.
Receiving both the embassies therefore in a gratifying manner, he avoided immediately entering into any specific treaty with either, by sending, as a compli-

ment, his ambassadors to their princes.

boundary of the late Persian empire against the Asiatic-Scythian kingdom, a Scythian horde, conquered, it appears, by the great Cyrus, had been allowed to retain its establishments, and to live in freedom, as subjects of the Persian crown. But to provide for peace and good order, that prince had fortified a principal town, which had from him its name, in the Grecian translation, Cyroriver, the
polis.

Within the great

War

with any of the Scythians appears not

;

at all to

have been Alexander's purpose

inviting
it.

nothing

among them

But

stability

for his ac-

quired empire, always prominent among his objects, and, with it, improvement of the condition of its
people, required consideration. therefore of his northern border,

time for
jects

For the security and at the same demeanour enforcing peaceful among sub-

disposed to turbulence, he pursued his own former plan, in imitating that of his great predecessor in conquest. On the river, whether to be called

Tanais, Orxantes, or Silys, a situation offered itself, recommended, not only by its opportunities for both protecting Sogdiana, and carrying war, should it

AIT. 1.4.

become

advisable, into Scythia, but also by various circumstances of promise for the growth of a great

106
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
and wealthy
ander's
city.

remarkable instance of Alex-

whether more for the political principles gathered from his habits with the free constitution of Macedonia and his education under
deference,
Aristotle, or for the free people forming the principal He summoned all strength of his army, followed.

the Sogdians, who held authority in their country, to a meeting for deliberation on measures for common

His purpose evidently was to conciliate his subjects of the north, as he had conciliated those of Egypt and the south of Asia but Arrian, who, himself an Asiatic, would know the general temper of Asiatics, indicates that it had a contrary effect expressing himself doubtful whether it did not excite more jealousy than the proposed new town, and afford
good.

12

new

more opportunity of advantage

Bessus.

for the partisans of

The Sogdians
11

generally,

and many of the

the Scythians within the Orxantes, engaged together in revolt. The Scythians were the first to act. Falling suddenly on those of the Maceall

Bactrians, anda

donian army quartered in their country, they put to death ; and then Scythians, Sogdians, and Bactrians

withdrew to their strong places. Such proceedings would of course call forth Alexander's energy. His first measures were directed the against Scythians. Cyropolis had walls of masonry, and a citadel : six other towns had fortifications, but only of earth. Among these towns their forces were
distributed
i

proportion to the estimated importance

; by far the greatest in Cyropolis. Alexander committed to Craterus an army sufficient to invest

of each

that city, while he took himself, in his usual way,

!.

'E? iva

ZvXXoyov iicrffyi^Kti
c. 1..

mX0eJV

rovi;

Arr. 1.4.

WAR WITH THE

SCYTHIANS.
i

107
SECT.
T r

the conduct of the more active and dangerous service.

a contravallation around Cyropolis was so far completed that no succour could easily issue to any

When

of the inferior towns, he attacked them one by one, and presently stormed three. 13 All the men were

put to death

the

women and

children were saved

for slaves, as part of the booty to reward his army. Measures were taken for preventing information of

the fate of these towns

from reaching those unattacked ; yet such alarm arose, either from intelligence or suspicion, that two were abandoned. Alexander, apprehending this, had so stationed his cavalry
that few of the fugitives escaped. His whole force was then assembled against Gyrowith battering polis. Assault, according to ancient art,
An-,
i.

4.

machines, was preparing, when the channel of a torrent stream running through the town, rough and narrow, yet not impracticable for armed infantry, was
observed to be neglected by the garrison, intent upon Thus an enterthe expected attack on their walls.
prise
offered, inviting for Alexander himself. a few chosen troops he entered without resistance ; and, hastening to the nearest gate, opened it, and admitted a large body prepared for the event.

was

With

Nevertheless the garrison, amounting, according to Arrian, to eighteen thousand men, surprised, but not

Alexander received dismayed, resisted vigorously. blows on the head and neck with stones. Craterus
and other principal officers were wounded with arrows. The Scythians however, unable to make head at the same time against the enemies within their walls and
13 Arrian says two of those towns were stormed in one day, and the third on the day following whence it may seem that the word -noXit; has not been intended to be taken in the elder Greek sense of the word, a city. .
;

108
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
entering over them, were overpowered. Eight thousand are said to have been slain ; but about ten

thousand made their retreat good into the citadel. There however (probably through incomplete execution of the great founder's purpose) was no provision of water ; so that, on the second day, they found it The seventh town was yet necessary to surrender.

held by its garrison, but yielded immediately on Alexander's approach ; according to Ptolemy by capitulation ; but Aristobulus reported that it was taken

by assault, and all the men within put to the sword. Arrian however seems to have thought Ptolemy's
account the rather to be trusted, as it proceeded to state, what must have been within that officer's means
of knowing, that the prisoners were distributed among the several divisions of the army, to remain in cus-

tody

for the historian says

apparently, to be finally led away to slavery; it was resolved to leave none

behind who had partaken of the revolt. Alexander's rapidity in his measures for reducing this small branch of the extensive nation of Scythians,
subjects, apparently, since its reduction by Cyrus, of the Persian empire, appears to have been of great Those holding the country on the farimportance.

An-,

i.

4.

ther side of the river, so variously

Silys,

named Orxantes,

and Tanais, on intelligence received of insur-

rection of those of their nation within the old Persian

boundary, had assembled in arms and already had With information of reached the neighbourhood.
this threatened hostility from that formidable nation, so eager in pursuit of gain by victory, with so little

to lose

to avoid

by defeat, and possessing such ready means and still annoy a foe whom they could not resist, intelligence arrived that Spitamenes had revolted, and was actually besieging Paracadi, where

WAR WITH THE

SCYTHIANS.

109
SECT.

Alexander had left a garrison. As however the force under Spitamenes was of the freebooting kind, neither regular, nor very numerous, it was thought
sufficient to dispatch

against

him

fifteen

hundred of

the

mercenary Grecian foot, with eight hundred horse of the same description, and sixty of that superior and confidential body, the
cavalry.

royal companion These appear to have had their several proper commanders, Andrdmachus, Menedemus, and Caranus. Whether then through growing favour to or on the supposition that negotiation might Asiatics, succeed with little support from arms, the chief authority was committed to Pharnuches, a Lycian,
familiar with the Scythian language, as well as with the Greek, of approved talent for civil business, but

without the qualifications of a military commander. Meanwhile the establishment of the proposed colony

engaged Alexander's own attention

all

and

in

twenty

the force with him, he raised days, employing works sufficient for its defence against the surround-

ing people ; formidable in the field, but of no skill in the assault of fortifications. He then offered choice
for

any of the Greek mercenaries, and those Macedonians who, from age or infirmity, were become less fit for active service, to establish themselves in the
any of the natives who might be willing. Matters of business being settled, he, according to his custom, engaged and amused the public mind with religious ceremonies and games, horse-races, and gymnic exerof the country
cises

place, with permission to associate

among sacrifices to the gods. of the farther side of the river Scythians meanwhile remained encamped near its bank, watchbeing exhibited

The

The stream, though ing what was going forward. not fordable,"was not there so wide but that words

110
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
might be heard across ; and the Scythian amused themselves with taunting speeches
*

soldiers

to

the

'

their king, as great a Macedonians, telling them, dared not as he invade their country, was, conqueror

'

or he would soon be taught the difference between Words not Scythians and the southern Asiatics.'

producing provocation enough, they proceeded to acts, and shot arrows, Arrian does not say over, but
into the river.

The

usual disposition to petulance,

among youths with arms in their hands, under a But loose discipline, may have produced so much.
the amount of force assembled appeared to indicate, that the Scythian chiefs entertained a hostile jealousy, not hostile purposes. Alexander therefore resolved to cross the river and at once chastise rather than
if

complain of insolence.
usual

way

to serve as rafts,

Skins were prepared in the and the usual sacrifices

for engaging the favour

and consulting the will of the

gods were performed ; Alexander's favourite seer, Aristander of Telmissus, presiding. It appears likely that the principal officers of his army, in concert with
the
seer,

who seems

to have

been an able man,

apprehended the consequences of their prince's impatience of insult and eagerness for adventure, with
the immense wild plains of Tartary before him. The symptoms of the victims however were declared quite unfavourable. Alexander, uneasy under the disap-

pointment, nevertheless acquiesced, so far as to defer his purpose. But, the Scythians, continuing their provoking conduct, he ordered another sacrifice. Still the symptoms were declared utterly unfavourable, and
clearly portending danger. then hold no longer : ' It
4

were

Alexander's temper could * to better,' he said,

after

risk the

extreme of danger than,

all

conquering
for the

'

almost

Asia, to

become a laughing-stock

WAR WITH THE

'
'

SCYTHIANS.

Ill

Scythians, as the elder Darius had been.' Aristander however the king might desire answered, that,
' '

another interpretation, he himself could only declare what was indicated by the divinity.'
Nevertheless Alexander persevered.

The

artillery,

for throwing darts and stones, was moved to the river side, to protect the passage ; some of the enemy were

wounded

his shield

and one, struck with a dart, through both and breast-plate, fell from his horse dead. In evident consternation at this event, all withdrew from the bank, and the Macedonian army passed, Alexander leading. The Scythians seem to have been all cavalry carrying missile weapons. Alexander that their not would enable them discipline knowing to withstand a regular charge from even an inferior
;

force,

hastened against them a division of the and four squadrons of the spear-bearing horse.
Scythians, approaching

allied,

The

enough

to give effect to their

missile weapons, avoided a charge

ing

Alexander, we have seen, to answer the exigencies of service against Asiatic cavalry, had formed a small body, trained,
after the Asiatic

then, taking a circuit, discharged their darts and arrows.

:

by rapidly wheelthey returned, and again

horseback.

manner, to use missile weapons on This he now dispatched to support his

;

suffering troops

more upon
darters,

but he seems to have depended numerous bowmen, slingers, and accustomed, on foot, to act in concert with
his

Hastening these forward, he followed himcavalry. self at the head of all the remainder of his horse.

The

Scythians finding that they could no longer attack with missile weapons but at the peril of wounds given at equal or greater distance, which disturbed
their wheeling,
precipitately.

and overtook them

in retreat, fled

Being pursued by the fresh cavalry,

112
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
about a thousand were killed, and a hundred and
taken.
fifty

In advanced summer now,

climates where winter
violent.
is

as not

uncommon

in

very severe, the heat was Alexander, with his usual eagerness, intent
loss

upon revenging the disgrace and

of the

first

onset, urged in person the pursuit of the fugitives, till at length, in common with others, he was op-

The country offered water, but pressed with thirst. of an unwholesome quality, of which he was unaware. Drinking therefore plentifully, he was quickly seized
with a disorder of the bowels, such that he was carried

back to the camp with his

life

supposed in danger.
re-

The

evil

however passed,

and the advantage

the credit of the science of prophecy, and the reputation of the seer Aristander, its prosulted, that
fessor, often

found of great convenience, were com-

pletely saved

for the danger to the king, supposed ; to have been portended, was not from the enemy, but from the draught of water.

Not long after, deputies reached Alexander from the king of the Scythians ; so Arrian qualifies him, not distinguishing of what portion of the extensive They came diScythian nation he was sovereign.
rected to apologize for the insults offered to his troops by some outlaws, they said, living by robbery, with-

out warrant of any authority which the body of the Scythian people acknowledged ; adding assurance
that

the

mands.
nerals,

king himself was ready to obey his comIt seems probable that the Macedonian ge-

Arrian's authorities, to magnify their prince, derogated somewhat from the dignity which the king

of the Scythians would maintain on the occasion

for

that historian proceeds to avow, what indeed the sequel of his narrative evinces, that it would ill have

DISASTER TO ALEXANDER'S TROOPS.

suited Alexander, at that time, to engage in war with the king of the Scythians. Accordingly the

113
SECT.

and, if the offer embassy was very civilly received to obey commands was a Scythian compliment, really expressed, it appears to have been judiciously taken
;

as such

mands

for the apology was accepted, and are mentioned to have been returned.
:

no comAIT. 1.4.

This accommodation fortunately was completed before intelligence arrived of the greatest disaster which had yet befallen the Macedonian arms. Spirison

tamenes, dispirited by a successful sally of the garof Maracanda, and informed that the force

under Pharnuches was approaching, raised the siege and retired toward the extensive Scythian downs. Pursued by Pharnuches, he avoided action till he was joined by six hundred Scythian horse for the
;

who occupied the Scythian downs, or, as the Greek word has been commonly expressed, desert, The Grecian appear to have been all horsemen.
herdsnren,
cavalry being then

worn with marching, and weak

through deficiency of forage, he could avoid their charges while he gave unceasing annoyance to the infantry, with the missile weapons which the Asiatics
used so dexterously on horseback. Defence now became the object of Alexander's officers ; and they re-

wood verging on a considerable river, the But among them there was neither Polytimetus.
tired to a

just

command nor proper

concert.

Caranus, ap-

parently a Macedonian, without communication either with the Lycian commander in chief, or with the

commanders of the mercenary Greeks, probably men of the republics, led his small body of horse across
the river.
serted

by

The infantry, seeing themselves thus dethat small but superior body of cavalry,
Spitamenes,

without command, hastened after him. VOL. VIII, I

114
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
and the Scythians, observing the disorderly move-

The ment, proceeded to use advantage offered. Greeks, some already across, others yet in the river, were so pressed with darts and arrows that they attempted to regain the wood ; but being intercepted,
they stopped on a small island. ever could reach them there.
Missile weapons howMany were thus killed,

and many others wounded.

all

The

survivors, feeling

themselves helpless, surrendered

at discretion,

and

were put to death. This appears to have been Ptolemy's account. Ari-

stobulus attributed the misfortune to the deficient

arrangement of command, on which, it may be supposed, Ptolemy, a favourite of Alexander, would avoid comment. When difficulty arose, Pharnuches, according to Aristobulus, avowing himself incompetent, as little versed in military affairs, and rather appointed
for a civil business, desired to

command

commit the military to the proper military officers. But these hesitated to take upon themselves, in circumstances
highly threatening, a responsibility, not regularly theirs ; and, before anything was settled, the enemy was upon them. Of the whole force, about forty
horse

only and three hundred

foot,

according to

Aristobulus, escaped. Intelligence of this event vehemently affected AlexWith the utmost of his usual zeal and activity, ander.

he took himself the command of a chosen body, and, understanding that Spitamenes was approaching Maracanda, to renew the siege, he hastened thither. By
extraordinary exertion, at the dawn of the fourth day he reached the city. Spitamenes, informed of his approach, had withdrawn toward the Scythian downs.

Alexander, urging pursuit to the utmost ability of his troops, was however unable to overtake him. His next

RECRUITS TO ALEXANDER^ ARMY.

care therefore was to find the field of battle in which

115
SECT.

the

force

under Pharnuches had

suffered,

and

to

perform those rites of burial for the bodies, the importance of which, in the opinion of the Greeks, we After this have observed so often strongly marked.
all the cultivated he c5 save a loose to revenge, wasting c* o river of the the banks on Polytimetus, whose country had was informed, inhabitants, he joined those of the

downs

in the destruction of his troops.

SECTION
Recruits to Alexander s army.
culties

IV.

Cruel treatment ofBessus. DiffiAlexander arising Jrom his successes. Embassies for
other northern princes.

from Scythian and

WINTER

then approaching, which in that country

Am
P-

1.4.

sets in early, and is often early severe, he moved for quarters to the city of Zariaspa, said by Strabo to be

strab.

1.

11.

514> 516 -

commonly called by Arrian, and other Grecian writers, Bactra. There he was presently joined by his satrap of Parthia, Phrataphernes, and
the same with that
his general

Stasanor,

whom

he had sent together to

quell the second rebellion of the Arians. They apto have been successful, pear bringing in completely

custody Arsames, whom Bessus had commissioned as his satrap of Parthia, and other chiefs, his associates.

About the same time powerful re-enforcements

ar-

rived, to supply the losses sustained in long and difficult marches and numerous actions, since the last

from the western countries joined at Susa. They consisted of three thousand foot, and five hundred horse, from Syria, commanded by Asclepiodorus equal num;

Arr.i. 4. 7

Curt

bers of each from Lycia, probably collected among the Greek cities of Asia, by Asander and Nearchus j
i

1.7. c. 10,

L6

HISTORY OF GREECE.
'

CHAP, L

seven thousand five hundred foot, and five hundred horse, sent by Antipater from Greece, where the
levy probably would be easier for the recently finished war with Lacedasmon. Beside these Ptolemy, di-

stinguished among the several of that name as general of the Thracians, brought three thousand foot and

one thousand horse

probably Greeks and others, raised in the provinces south of Lesser Asia. If, in
;

the failure of Arrian to mention the numbers, Curtius may be trusted for them, likely to be not exact, yet

not imaginary, but given from some authority, the whole would be sixteen thousand five hundred foot

and two thousand

five

hundred horse.

assemblage thus at head quarters would be numerous, of persons of all ranks of both nations,

The

when Bessus was brought, apparently

after the

Ma-

cedonian manner, before all in congress. The treatment of him however was rather after the Asiatic

manner, arbitrary and cruel. No mention is made of any form of trial. He was reproached before the numerous meeting with his perfidy to Darius then his nose and ears were cut off' ; and in that mangled
:

state

to

he was sent to Ecbatana, to be treated according the law or the pleasure of those Medes and Persians
apparently having been, or being sup-

there 14 who,

posed to have been, faithful to Darius living, had after his death been admitted to some favour by Alexander.

On
14

this

proceeding Arrian has declared his

own

r> M$uv TS KOU Uepa-Sv uXXo'<yo> onroGavovyisvov. Art. 1. 4-. Gronovius understands ZvXXoyoi; here to mean the same It seems to me uncertain and not very important ; as fu'voSo?. Arrian himself probably having known little of the Median and Persian constitution and law, and therefore not meaning to define any particular kind of assembly.
'Ev
c. 7.

PUNISHMENT OF BESSUS.
sentiment
*
:

H7
SECT.

I cannot

Such extravagant punishment/ he says, commend. Mutilation of the body in that

*

manner
*

is

of the spirit of barbarians

to

and

am
it

in-

clined to think that Alexander was led to

by a

growing disposition
*

emulate the Median and

pomp of power, and ostentation of superiority The historian, no doubt, will over vassal princes.' have credit here with the modern reader and, conPersian
*
:

sidering his situation in the Roman empire, he will also have excuse for overlooking the monstrous cruelties

Roman republicans to conquered fate of the king of Numidia, which the of princes, is a Jugurtha, prominent example, while he refers to
of the renowned

the practice, in no accounts more atrocious, of the Medes and Persians. But those crimes which we de-

nominate high treason, and especially the extreme of them^ regicide, tending to the most violent disturbance
of the quiet of nations, require, in mercy to millions, Hence the mode and measeverity to one or a few.
sure of punishment for those crimes, even in modern ages, in some countries by the law itself, (which nevertheless,

as in our own, practice has mitigated,) in others by arbitrary decision for the occasion, as in two memorable instances in France, have been car-

ried to a severity at which the philosophic mind is apt to revolt. Yet what should be the mode and measure

appears to be among questions proposed by Providence for trial of mankind, not to be by human wisdom

For the punishment said to have been ordered by Alexander himself, the historian's censure will hardly be controverted but, for leaving
exactly decided.
;

the regicide to Persian law or practice, if approbation be denied, excuse however apparently may with reason

be demanded.

Arrian has taken this occasion for noticing some other matters of Alexander's conduct, in his arduous
i

An-,
c-

i.

4.

118
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
on which opinions both ancient and modern have been divided. Nor can I,' he says, anyhow
situation,
' ' ' '

the Macedonian

approve his assuming the Median dress instead of he of the race of Hercules; and ;

changing, for the Persian turban, the covering which he, the conqueror of the Persians, had been accus-

Espr.des
l'

c.i3!

Against Arrian, an eminent modern, Montesquieu, has warmly eulogized, not indeed the cruelty to Bessus, but the adoption of Persian cusTo judge between toms, which Arrian has blamed.
to wear.'

tomed

them

it

must be considered that Alexander's circum-

stances were such as never before occurred, from the

beginning of the world, as far as history shows, nor

since.

When

the disposition of that extraordinary

in dress and manners, Arrian has not said. manifested, According to Diodorus, and Curtius, and Plutarch, it began

conqueror to
first

become Persian,

was

almost immediately on the acquisition of Babylon, and was not a little encouraged and emulated by some of
the younger officers in high situations about him, and especially by Philotas. Since the age of twenty Alex-

ander had seen

two,

little

of Macedonia, and from twenty-

when he

passed into Asia, to now, toward twenty-

His immense achad never been near it. of dominion and would be, clearly ought quisitions and the conto be, important in his consideration sideration was of a magnitude and difficulty such as That his prudence never occurred to any other man. in the business was consummate, as the sage Montesseven,
;

quieu's concise eulogy nerally admitted

made
LIT. i. 1

may imply, will hardly be gethat ; large allowance should be yet for failure of perfection, in the very difficult

4.

candour must allow. in which Bessus was put to death That it was cruel, it is at Ecbatana accounts vary. to be feared may be believed ; and if more light is
decision,

For the manner

EMBASSIES FROM SCYTHIAN PRINCES.

not to be obtained on the
particulars,
it

19

will

be

little

SECT.

regretted by the generous reader. During Alexander's winter residence in Zariaspa, his ambassadors to the Scythian courts returned, accompanied by an embassy from the king of the

European-Scythians. During their mission the reigning king of European-Scythia had died in the course
of nature, and the ambassadors

commissioned by
the throne.

his brother,

now arriving came who had succeeded to

such as
valuable,

They brought from that prince presents, among the Scythians were esteemed most

with a declaration, that he was ready to commands ; offering him, for cementing alliance, his daughter in marriage, or, should that be disdained, the daughters of his nobles, or, in

obey Alexander's

Arrian's phrase, his satraps, fidential ministers and officers

for

Alexander's con-

and adding, that if ; Alexander's will might be so signified, he would come himself to take his commands. Perhaps here,
perhaps also on other occasions, in translating a foreign language into Greek, the compliment may
as

have been somewhat exaggerated. Nearly about the same time Pharasmanes, styled king of the Chorasmies, came in person, with an

upon AlexHis country, he said, bordered upon that of the Colchians and of the Amazonian women, 15 (information marking how little it was before known to the Greeks,) and, if Alexander desired to subdue the Colchians and Amazons, and other people near the Euxine sea, he would himself guide his army through
escort of fifteen
to wait

hundred horse,

ander.

the country, and undertake for abundant supplies. Alexander received all graciously. The offer of marriages^he declined; but he concluded with Pharasmanes a treaty of At the same time friendship and alliance.
15

TalV

yvvettfr ra~?

'A/*aoW.
I

Arr.

1.

4. C. 15.

120
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
he declared that
* * *

his views

would not allow him im-

mediately to march himself westward : that he proposed first to bring India under his dominion ; and,

'

being so master of all Asia, (such is Arrian's phrase,) he would then return to Greece and thence direct his measures for the reduction of the people around
the Euxine
sea.'

For

that season he desired Pha-

rasmanes to reserve himself under the engagements * his Persian In the mean time,' he said, made. friend Artabazus, who was well acquainted with
* '

manes

that part of the world, should accompany Pharasin his return westward, and all the satraps in that line of country should be required to afford
friendly accommodation.'

him

epithet JUST, by which Homer, in earliest, and Arrian, in later times, have described the Scythians, and the philosophical character attributed to them by

The

authors of ages between them, may seem to be rendered doubtful by the indications of barbarism also

occurring in the imperfect historical memorials

of

Not simply however the epithet, but Arrian's narrative, who must have had knowledge of their descendants in his own age,
us.

them which have reached

seems to afford some warrant for the favouring reports. The passage of Alexander's ministers through the
country of the Asiatic, to the residence of the king of the European- Scythians, and their return, indiorder among the people ; and the apology of the Asiatic prince, for the unprovoked aggression on
cates

Alexander's

troops,

appears

to

mark government

and people more civilized, than the But the Scythian generally have been described. same writer's account of the Nomad-Scythians, and
regular,
especially the character asserted to have been given

more

nation, assist to

of them by the sovereign of a large portion of the show the ground of the differences

INSURRECTION OF THE SOGDIANS.

observable in different accounts of that widely-spread 16 For the Amazons, here first mentioned in people.

121
SECT.

Arrian's narrative, remark may best be reserved for an occasion on which we find him entering into some
discussion of the reports transmitted by other writers

concerning them.

SECTION
Different character of northern

V.
the

and southern people of

of
the

Persian
Sogdians.

empire.

New

rebellion

Sogdians

under

Spitamenes.

Death of Spitamenes, and final reduction of the

contrast between the stubborn people of the and the submissive millions of the southern north

THE

provinces of the Persian empire, who, while their

living and preparing to repair his to the conqueror without a struggle, losses, yielded

monarch was yet

and remained apparently

minion,
continues
yet

satisfied

with the

new

do-

marked.

The Sogdians

strongly again rose in rebellion. Re-

to

become more

An-. 1.4.
' '

fusing obedience to the satrap appointed by Alexander, a great proportion of them withdrew to strongIn these few words of Arrian is indicated holds. 17

16 *

the foundation of the striking difference of character.

16 It may seem likely, founding conjecture concerning a most extensive nation, of which we know of no historians, on the only ground afforded, occasional notice of their transactions with

other nations, that a superior polity among one or more portions of them furnished the military power of Gengis and the Turkish conquerors, and that, their conquests, inviting all the best of the
population to emigrate, the remainder fell into the barbarism of the wilder part of the nation, in which their posterity have remained.
17

...

si? TO,

Ipvpa.. Arr.

1.

4. c. 15.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
an immense population, in large proportion artisans and manufacturers, all wholly unpractised in arms, were in the habit of depending, for security of person and property, both against fellow^n

tne sou th

subjects and foreign enemies, upon others, to whom, under direction of their king and his officers, the

In the north, on profession of arms was peculiar. the contrary, a scantier population, husbandmen,
herdsmen, and hunters, were in the habit of reckoning arms among necessaries, and of depending for safety, Such men private and public, much on themselves. necessarily would be respected by those in authority over them, and thence would hold a considerable
not ensured, as far as appears^ by any regular constitution of government, but by the power which arms in their hands, and the need
:

amount of freedom

of their chiefs for their service, gave. Practice in have under arms, we observed, hereditary chiefs, had of the freedom the Macedonian people preserved

under their monarchal constitution.

state

of

things, not the same, yet considerably similar, appears to have maintained the independent spirit, and an
effectual freedom,

among

the northern subjects of the

If the Macedonian government was and undefined than that eulogized by irregular which our Teutonic forefathers established Tacitus,

Persian empire.

more

for the basis of the English constitution, that of the Asiatics appears to have been still more irregular and

An-,

i.

4.

from the freedom they enjoyed through the means which arms in their hands gave, seems to have flowed the attachment to their monarch, and aversion to a foreign dominion, beyond what was found among the people of the south. The Sogdian war thus required the employment of the whole army, with which, after subduing the
undefined.

Yet,

WAR WITH THE

SOGDIANS.

123
SECT.

Persian empire, Alexander had proposed the immediate prosecution of conquest beyond its bounds. For the example of the Sogdians immediately stimulated neighbouring people, actuated

by similar prin-

ciples. portion of the Bactrians presently joined in revolt, and the disposition was supposed extensive large force therefore was through that country.

under Polysperchon, Attains, Gorgias, and Meleager ; principally as a body of observation, for the Alexander led the rest of his rising yet was small.
left

army

against tne Sogdians. Arriving in their country, he divided his force into five parts. Under the com-

mand

Ptolemy son of Lagus, but and Ccenus, Perdiccas, associating in authority

severally of Hephagstion,

he placed four

with them his venerable Persian friend Artabazus, divisions, for reducing the towns and

by the insurgents. With the remaining division he went himself toward Maracanda, the had a garrison. capital of the province, where he The people of these countries were more skilful
fastnesses held

in desultory war in the field, than in the defence of walls or strong positions, against the Grecian art of

four generals soon reduced all the places of refuge within Sogdia ; but, of the people, many had fled, with or after Spitamenes, to the
attack.

The

This is not, like the southern Scythian wilderness. of deserts, an ocean driving sand ; but rather, in some parts, resembling Bagshot heath, in others the
Cheviot highlands or Salisbury plain ; affording firm footing for cattle, and not wholly denying pasture.

Alexander therefore detached Crenus and Artabazus

against

the Scythians, while, to ensure the future

obedience of the Sogdians, Hephaestion was employed in establishing colonies of his veteran soldiers and
others, in the principal

towns of the country.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
CHAP.

The

apparent inconsistency in

the

conduct of

so essentially served Alexander Spitamenes, to him, and then became Bessus by delivering pre-

who had

sently

and perseveringly

hostile, is

not accounted for

but that he was an

evident.

and able enemy is The Sogdians, who fled from Alexander's

active, bold,

arms, found,

among

the Massagete-Scythians, a kind

reception, which, pared for them.

apparently,

Spitamenes had prea plundering

The Massagetes were

generally ready for adventure. Spitamenes six hundred horsemen of tfiem to join his persuaded

horde,

Sogdians for an inroad into Bactria.

prised a

There he

sur-

Macedonian garrison, made the governor

all of inferior rank who could prisoner, put to death not escape by flight, because numerous prisoners were inconvenient, and then proceeded toward Zariaspa,

The garrison there, as Arrian's account was only about eighty mercenary horse, with implies, the a few of body of royal Macedonian youths, and some of the royal companions, left for recovery of health ; most however so far convalescent as to be able This slender to mount their horses and use arms. force then being found alert, the irregular enemy
the capital.

would not venture attack upon the town, but directed

their measures to plundering the surrounding country. Frequently in accounts of military operations by military

men, such

as Arrian,

(those of others would

find deficient arrangement of prove nothing,) we in Grecian armies and somegradation in command
;

times such a sort of republican equality that there was no proper commander. So we have seen it in
the recent disaster to Alexander's troops in Scythia; and so, in Arrian's account, it appears to have been The only persons, in Zariaspa, of consequence here.

enough

to be

named by

the historian, were Pithon,

WAR WITH THE

SOGDIANS.

125
SECT.
'

son of Socicles, entitled chief of the king's household, 18 The enemy was seen and Aristonicus, a singer.

On consultation dispersed for collection of booty. The bold them. to out and attack all agreed go
measure succeeded so
far that, killing many, they put the rest to flight, collected the booty, perhaps mostly But cattle, and returned with it toward Zariaspa. the Scythians, the able Spitamenes being with them,

their enemy's march, which,

soon recovering from the dismay of surprise, observed says Arrian, was disorderly, as being under no regular command ; and, on account of their convoy, it was necessarily slow. Getting before them, unperceived, they placed themselves in

ambush,

at

which they were expert,

of attack.

it

being

superior numbers .then, falling on the Macedonians by surprise, they killed sixty of the mercenary horse, and seven
their

common mode

With

of the royal companions : Pithon wounded was carried off' a prisoner : Aristonicus, acting, says Arrian, beyond what might be expected of one of his profession,
as a brave soldier,
or,

in the

Greek

phrase, a

good

19 The result, though not stated man, died fighting. by the historian, of course would be, that the booty before taken was recovered by the victors, and that

they might, without immediate danger, extend their

marauding. As soon as intelligence of

18

this

reached Crenus, 20
mark

AIT. 1.4.
c. 17.

a singer to the harp or lyre. This seems to the cf the minstrel of early modern ages. character nearly 19 Ot/ Kara KtOapfiov avyp ayaflo? yevo/AEVCx;. Arr. 1.4 . C. 16.
KiOapytio*;,
1

Polysperchon, Attalus, Gorgias, and Meleager were commanders for defence of Bactria Cosnus and Artabazus were sent
;

20

Considering what follows in Arrian, (c.17.) it seems nearly clear that for Craterus here should be read Ccenus ; yet Craterus is mentioned again (c. 18.) as if associated
against the Scythians.
in

command with

Ccenus.

12
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
Informed of he proceeded against the Massagetes. his approach, they hastened toward the desert but, their booty apparently making their march slow, he
;

overtook them.

Meanwhile they had been joined by

With this reabout a thousand Massagete cavalry. enforcement standing an action, they maintained it
stoutly

About a but superior discipline prevailed. hundred and fifty Scythians were killed the vigour of their horses and acquaintance with the country en;
:

abled the rest to save themselves by flight booty would be finally lost.

but their

B
328
'

29

01. 113. i.

TB C c 32 8
ci.*]

'

Winter now approaching, the known severity of the climate, and the daring and persevering activity of an enemy singularly formed to disturb neighbouring
countries in

protect their
followed.

though without strength to admonished to the measures which own,

all

seasons,

large experience, the powerful influence, and the tried fidelity and honour of the veteran
satrap Artabazus gave him a value which Alexander appears to have estimated justly, and cherished ac-

The

But the fatigue of the government of a cordingly. frontier province, like Bactria, with a turbulent population, exposed to the intrigues and possibly the
attacks of such enemies as Spitamenes and the Scythians, being too much for his years, he desired to

resign
.Arr. '.4.

and Alexander appointed a Macedonian, Amyntas, son of Nicolaus, in his room. His own winter residence he took at Nautaca in Sogdiana, the most northern province of his acquired empire. Meanwhile Spitamenes was in uneasy circumstances. There was no longer safety for him in Bactria or Sogdiana, but with an armed force and he could no longer keep an armed force together than while he
it,
;

[* See extract from

Mr. Clinton's

Fasti Hellenic!, preceding the Index.]

WAR WITH THE

SCYTHIANS.

127

could provide for it the allurement of plunder. bold attempt was therefore necessary, and without Within the Sogdian territory, but upon the delay.

SECT.

verge of the Massagete-Scythian downs, was a town, of name variously written by the Greeks, Gabre or
Bagae, strongly situated on the Oxus, where it divides There he induced the ScySogdiana from Bactria. thians to join him to the number of three thousand

Arr. utsup.
p.'si?.'

which, says Arrian, was not difficult, because that people having neither towns, nor any settled
;

horsemen

habitation, feared little for anything they had to lose, and were urged by want to use arms, always in their

hands, for gain.

Alexander had committed the military command,

within the two frontier provinces of Sogdiana and

and now oldest general, That officer, informed of the measures of A sharp conflict Spitamenes, marched to meet him. ensuing, the Macedonians remained conquerors, with
Bactria,
to his approved,

Crenus.

the

loss, it is

reported, of only twenty-five horsemen,

Above eight hundred of soldiers. the enemy, all cavalry, were said to be killed. In the flight of the survivors, Spitamenes was deserted by
and twelve foot
most of
his Bactrian

and Sogdian

followers.

They,

not disposed to the life of the wandering Scythians, or to change their fruitful lands for new settlements
in the Scythian wilderness, sent offers of submission,

which Crenus accepted. The Scythians then, disappointed of the plunder which they hoped to have carried off for their winter subsistence, deserted by
their allies, threatened with invasion of their country by a prince who could command the service of numbers, used, as

they were, to the rigour of climate, and

thus, for themselves

and their horses, which they valued almost equally with themselves, apprehensive

128
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
of starving, cut off the head of Spitamenes, and sent it, as a propitiatory present, to Alexander.

Thus was ended

the

little

yet

troublesome war

with the wild borderers, which had so long engaged the rapid conqueror of the Persian empire.

SECTION

VI.

Circumstances of Scythia. Country between Media and Scylhia. Siege of the hill-fort of Oxyartes. Marriage of Alexander with Roxana, daughter of Oxyartes. Conquest of the Persian

empire completed.

THE
enemy,

smallness of the numbers attributed to the

in all the

many engagements, mostly

is

allowed

to have been sharply contested,

warranty of the fairness reached us of these transactions.

ancestors of those

no inconsiderable of the reports which have

The

Scythians,

holding the same extensive country, are universally so described that the modern Tartars seem to have inherited
their

whom we now

call Tartars,

character

and manners,

transmitted

What we through so many generations, unchanged. desire to know of them, might principally beyond what has been transmitted, is the state of the two
great

kingdoms of Asiatic-Scythia and EuropeanScythia, indicated, as they are, to have been held by people more settled and more civilized than those who wandered over, rather than possessed, what the Greeks called the Desert. All accounts mark the Scythians of those two kingdoms for a free people ; and it may seem to have been a superior civilization, under a free yet regular government, which produced that superiority of character, whence some writers
have represented the Scythians altogether as a nation of philosophers
;

while others, led by the more

CIRCUMSTANCES OF SCYTHIA.
and manners of the have of the considered those pecuDesert, Scythians liarities as forming the general character of the nation.
striking peculiarities of character
It seems

129
SECT.

however evident

that,

though
out

times

Scythia

may

have

sent

in very ancient the hordes of

whose destructive emigrations uncertain rumour only reached the age of letters, yet no Scythian kingdom
ever was able to contend
for

superiority with

the

Persian empire. The establishment, in their country, of the great Cyrus's colony, which the Greeks, apparently translating the Persian name, called Cyro-

proves the successful exertion of his superior power ; and the subsistence of that colony, and of the Persian dominion over it, till it yielded to Alexander,
polis,

satisfactorily

shows the continued existence of very

superior

and
its

in that empire, among all its troubles, with all the occasional misrule and weakness of in later times.

means

government

Thus then we

find

four distinctions of Scythians clearly marked ; the European kingdom, the Asiatic kingdom, the wanderers of the Desert, and the people of the Persian That the freebooting Scythians were province.

always alarming, often highly annoying, to the Persian borders, appears not doubtful. That they were

and hardly to be bound by treaties, may also be believed. To them honesty was unprofitable ; war the source of wealth and enBut the Scythian kingdoms had within joyment. their bounds some of the most fruitful portions of the To them therefore peace was valuable, and a earth. reputation for good faith an important possession.
difficult

to be dealt with,

Accordingly it appears that they maintained peace and good faith with Alexander.

manded

In the course of the winter, Crenus, who had comagainst the Sogdians and their Scythian

An-. 1.4.

VOL. VIII.

130
CHAP,
'___

HISTORY OF GREECE.
and Stasanor, who had commanded in Aria, and Phrataphernes, satrap of Parthia, returned to
allies,

head-quarters at Nautaca, reporting the complete execution of the businesses severally committed to

them.

We

have seen

it

Alexander's policy in his

outset, apparently on just consideration, to intrust the highest commands under him, military or civil, But only to Macedonians, bred under his father.

early in his career of conquest in Asia, earnest to conciliate the conquered people, he had committed
to the great
thority.

among them high and even

critical au-

To

hold the attachment of the republican

Greeks was also evidently much in his consideration. At the same time then that he was liberal in favour to the Persians, he brought republican Greeks also forward, and put them more upon a footing with the That some of all descriptions Macedonian great. would disappoint his hopes might be expected. Phradates, a Persian, his satrap of Mardia and Topira, repeatedly sent for, had failed to come. Nevertheless Alexander employed a Persian, Phrataphernes, with whose conduct in Parthia he had found reason to be
satisfied,

to bring

him

to obedience.

Exodates, to

whom

the great and important of had exhibited Media, satrapy symptoms of dis-

he had committed

affection.

Another Persian, Atropates, was sent to Diodorus and Curtius have reported supersede him. some instances of mutiny among the republican Greek mercenaries, and the desertion of a consider-

able body, with

their officers, when, after having shared largely of the riches of the southern provinces, severe service in the northern was before them. Not

improbably Ptolemy and Aristobulus would avoid mention of such a circumstance, and therefore Arrian

might avoid

it.

But as among the Macedonians them-

REVOLT OF OXYARTES.
was not so universal, or so certain, but that some of those most highly intrusted had been condemned for high treason, it was perhaps altogether
selves loyalty

131
SECT.
'

the safest, as well as the most liberal policy, to divide high favour and high confidence among men of the
several nations of the empire. a Greek of Cardia in Thrace,

Accordingly Eumenes, whose superior talents

and

satisfactory

conduct had earned him Alexander's

favour in the confidential office of his principal secretary, was raised to high military rank, and intrusted
occasionally with great

commands. Stasanor, who had

in Aria, was a

executed

satisfactorily the business

Greek of

command
lonia

Soli in Cyprus. in Drangia. The

He was now

appointed to government of Baby-

becoming vacant by the death of Mazaeus, formerly in high situation under Darius, was given to Stamenes, apparently a Macedonian. Sopolis, Epocillus, and Menoadas, also probably Macedonians, were dispatched home, to conduct thence recruits for
the army. The countries
eastern desert

between Tartary and the great abounded in military posts of uncom-

strab.et
v

iJJj

mon

strength, such as in India our armies have frequently had to contend for ; small rocky hills, preci-

pitous on
fortresses,

all

sides.

Habitual confidence in these

to an

some of which, never known to have yielded enemy, were deemed impregnable, encouraged
parts, how otherwise to join in revolt against the

some principal men of those

incited does not appear,

Oxyartes, an eminent Bactrian chief, conqueror. had submitted to Alexander. Nevertheless, with many Bactrians, having engaged numerous Sogdians in his party, he took possession of a hill-fort in the
highlands of Sogdiana, introduced large store of provisions,

AIT. 1.4. ' 18 '

and placed

his family there as in a situation

K 2

132
CHAP.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
f certain security, while himself, without, took meaAbout the same sures for extending insurrection. time Chorienes, an associated chief, took possession of a post of congenial character in the adjoining pro-

LL

Arr. 1.4. c 21 *
'

vince of Paraetacene, while two others, Catanes and Austanes, excited the Paraetacs to a general rising.

The view
ways ander
:

of extraordinary

difficulties

appears

al-

to have stimulated the ardent

mind of Alexfor

easy enterprises

had

little gratification

him

to

overcome what

to others

had been insuper-

able was his delight. artes, in all seasons

The

siege of the fort of

Oxy-

an arduous undertaking, was

now
still

the

more
:

so,

lingered

when

in its lofty country, winter spring had invited to move from

as,

Nautaca on approaching the fort, it was found still surrounded by deep snow. According to the liberal practice of modern Europe, little known among the
republican

Greeks,
it
;

Alexander,

before

attacking,

summoned
if

they would

offering protection for those within, surrender and go to their several homes.

Such

liberality

seems to have been

as

little

common

among among the republican Greeks, and therefore perhaps was mistrusted. scoffing

the Asiatics as

answer was

returned,

signifying
;

that

Alexander

should seek some winged soldiers

feared no others.

for the garrison

imprudent joke sugcourse the that Alexander took. His means gested to reward were great, and, for obtaining a favourite He caused purpose, his liberality little bounded. proclamation to be made, that he who first of a
Perhaps
storming party reached the top of the rock should receive twelve talents, near two thousand five hun-

this

dred pounds, and who last, three hundred darics, about two hundred pounds. Zeal was thus enough and abounded. But Alexander volunteers excited,

ALEXANDER'S MARRIAGE WITH ROXANA.

would not leave the business
to blind zeal.

133
SECT.

Among

the multitude offering, diligent inquiry was made for those most practised in climbing mountains, and in

mounting the walls of places besieged, of whom three hundred were chosen. One side of the rock was so lofty and precipitous that, ascent being supposed imThere possible, no watch was kept by the garrison.
the chosen three hundred, supplied with iron pins, and short ropes, going to work early in the night,

Arr

c - 19 -

drove their pins ; here into frozen snow, there into crevices of the rocks, and, with their ropes assisting

one another, mounted. About thirty, losing hold and footing, fell, and perhaps perished the rest reached the summit before daybreak. Alexander,
:

assured by signal of their success, with his army prepared for assault against the less precipitous part of

the

hill,

again

summoned
that his

the Indians to surrender

soldiers

winged summit of their rock. surprise and consternation, on having ascertained that it was so, without waiting, and probably not having means immediately, to know the number of those who had so unaccountably mounted, the garrison surrendered at discretion ; and the family of Oxyartes became Alexander's prisoners.
possession of the

informing them

had already In extreme

seems probable that when the family of Darius were taken, none of his daughters were of marriageable age. His wife, as formerly mentioned, had reputation among the Greeks as the most beautiful
It

woman

of the empire ; and Alexander, with a sense of honour that has justly earned him universal eulogy,
her, while she lived, as a sacred charge.
;

had treated

But Oxyartes had a daughter marriageable

those of Alexander's officers

said,

by
to

who were supposed

have seen both, to have been, after Darius's queen,

K 3

134
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
the most beautiful of

women.

With

her,

as

with

the rest of her family, Alexander did not scruple to make honourable acquaintance ; and intercourse pro-

duced a passion which he proposed honourably to Inducement, beyond pergratify by marrying her. sonal beauty, not stated by the historian, seems yet, in the progress of his narrative, in some degree implied ; and, though the resolution were hasty, yet its connexion with political purposes, previously entertained, appears probable. Communicating on it with his friends, Craterus, to whom latterly he had most intrusted high and difficult military commands, dissuaded
in
it

strongly.

On

whom

he most confided
it.

the contrary, Hephaestion, as a personal friend, en-

couraged
it

To

some who had taken

was offensive
far

the Europeans generally, unless to or desired to take Asiatic wives,

but to Alexander's new and now ; most numerous subjects it was highly grateful. The lady's father was still in arms against him, yet the wedding was quickly solemnized. Circumstances followed which would assist, in

argument, the favourers of the connexion, though among the Greeks it could not be esteemed otherwise than irregular. Probably Alexander had good
Arr. 1.4.

information of the character of Oxyartes, who, pears, had confidence in that of Alexander.

it

ap-

Pre-

c-21 -

sently he offered submission, which was accepted, and he was received with honour and kindness. It remained then to reduce the revolters in Paraetacene, the most southerly of those provinces which had demonstrated a rebellious disposition, bordering on the richer countries of quieter population, to which the soldier chiefly looked for the reward of his dangers and sufferings among the rough people in the rough That war thereclimate where the army now was.

WAR WITH THE

fore
ness.

PAR2ETACS.
all,

135
SECT.

would

be, in the

mind of

an important busi-

The mountaineer
and confiding
in

Paraetacs are described

by

Strabo as a nation of robbers, living chiefly by plunder,

their fastnesses

for security

The lowagainst punishment for their aggressions. landers, or rather inhabitants of the more level highwere more numerous, and had more property to defend ; but were nevertheless addicted to prelands,

datory excursions,

These had joined

cipal in
it
;

and thence practised in arms. in the revolt, or perhaps were princonfiding for defence against the con-

queror of the Persian empire principally in the extraordinary circumstances of a hill-fort within their
plains.

The
is

number
correct,

in our copies of Arrian

height of the insulated eminence, if the may be taken for

j

the measure probably being intended not of the perpendicular, but of the slope, or, perhaps, of the ordinary way of ascent ; the

more than a mile

on all sides. One path only led to the summit, formed by art, narrow, and for a single person difficult, even though none opposed. To check military approaches, a deep ditch had been formed around the foot of the hill. For the engineer's art however to meet these difficulties the neighbouring mountains bore an inexhaustible supply of fir-trees. In felling and conthese the whole veying army, beyond camp-guards, was employed by reliefs. Galleries, framed in the day, were erected in the night, and covered with earth, for security against fire ; and shortly the edifice attained such a height that missile weapons from it reach from the besieged, assailants hid by might their defences. Then the garrison, who at first had scoffed at the work, became so seriously alarmed,
circuit

was about two miles

clift

that their chief, Chorienes, sent a request to Alex-

K 4

136
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
ander, that Oxyartes might be permitted to
to confer with him.

come

This was granted. Oxyartes his opinion that no Chorienes to declared place was impregnable to Alexander and his army, and no advantage not to be expected from his friendship and
generosity.

Upon

this the Parzetac

chief,

without

and prinnegotiation, taking went and with associates surrendered himhim, cipal self to Alexander, who did not disappoint Oxyartes's

more

some

of his family

remaining with some of his company, sent some back into the fort with orders for its surrender, which were obeyed. Alexander, curious to see the place, went himself, with an escort
promise.

Chorienes,

of five hundred hypaspists, to take possession. Rethe fort to then he him Chorienes, storing appointed also to the command of all the neighbouring country

which he had before commanded. This war against the revolted highlanders, with the sieges of the two extraordinary fortresses, and the intervening nuptials, for which some leisure

would be taken, appear to have consumed the summer*, so that before Chorienes surrendered much snow had fallen, and the besieging army was suffering from both cold and scarcity. Chorienes, in just return for Alexander's generosity,
supply from
the store in his fort,

gave a plentiful

and engaged to

furnish salted meat and other eatables for two months, if wanted, avowing, or perhaps boasting, that so not

a tenth of what had been prepared for the siege

Arr. 1.4.

would be consumed. Catanes and Austanes yet maintained, in Paraetacene, what they would call the cause of their country, Alexander sent a but the Macedonians rebellion.
[* See extract from Mr. Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, preceding
the Index.]

ALEXANDER

IN BACTRA.

137
SECT.

body against them under Craterus. Their force evidently was not large ; for, standing a battle, acknowledged to have been warmly contested, their loss in killed is stated at no more than a hundred and twenty horse and fifteen hundred foot. Nevertheless Catanes being among the slain, and Austanes among the prisoners, the rebellion was completely quelled, and thus ended resistance to Alexander's command of all that had been the Persian, now the Macedonian or Grecian empire. To establish order in the northern provinces, and to prepare for the farther conquests which he meditated, Alexander then returned into Bactriana, and
took his head-quarters in Bactra, Zariaspa, the capital.
otherwise
called

138

HISTORY OF GREECE.

CHAPTER

LII.

CONTROVERSY ON THE KINGLY OFFICE AND DIGNITY: TRIALS FOR HIGH TREASON. WAR PROSECUTED BY ALEXANDER BEYOND THE BOUNDS OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE.

SECTION
Republican

I.

Greek philosophers following Alexander's court: controversy on the kingly office and dignity.
it is

CHAP. LIL

considered that, with such scanty Alexander's conquests now expower and rapidity of achievement, in extent both ceeded, all that history reports before him, and all that, in
in the outset,

WHEN

more than two thousand

world
since,
it

years, has occurred in the

may

rather appear matter for admira-

tion that, at his early age, now but about his twentysixth year, he preserved so long so much moderation

and prudence, than if, at length, moderation and prudence failed. But, far as those conquests had led him from Greece, among people of very different manners, policy, and prejudices, very many times out-

numbering the conquering nation, it seems obvious that a reasonable policy might urge him to assume to be, in all points, as great as those before him on the Persian throne, or rather greater ; and this, not on his own account only, but, for the sake of establishing,

for

the

comparatively few

thousands

of

Greeks about him, a permanent command over the almost numberless millions become, with them, his At the same time subjects, but their inferiors.

POLICY OF ALEXANDER.
the constitutional freedom, the habits of simplicity,

139
SECT.

the accustomed familiarity with their kings, and the constitutional control over them, which all accounts mark to have been established among the Macedonians,

would make the pursuit of this policy difficult. Nor would the difficulty be lessened by the conflictThese were ing politics of the Grecian republicans. numerous about him ; and, in stationary quarters, not only military men, but others, and especially men eminent in science and literature. Alexander's policy,

in his

first

invasion of Asia, led him, as

we have

seen, to profess himself the patron of democracy ; less probably fearing inconvenience to result from

such a policy, not so much because his master Ari- Aristot. held democracy to be the kind of government f ^'*' most congenial with tyranny, but as he would know Ch. 40. s. 2.
stotle
*

Greece, some of the Pehad democracies been most attached to loponnesian his father, and even extravagant in court and adulathat, "of all the republics of

Demosth?

tion to him.

choice of line then for him to pursue, when become master of the Persian empire, was of difficulty,

The

such that perhaps the ablest of modern politicians would be at a loss to say, either what was the course

most for

his

own

interest,

or what for that of the

Grecian confederacy of which he was the elected head ; and, perhaps yet more, what for a just per. formance of the weighty and quite new duty incumbent on him, the protection of uncounted millions

become

his subjects by his conquests. On ascending the splendid throne, in which he superseded the long list of the Persian, Median, and Assyrian dynasties, tracing their pretensions from the first conqueror

known
habits,

and assume

in history, to adopt in some degree oriental oriental state, was a policy which

140
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
a view to interest, and to the welfare of all about him, probably would concur with inclination to press

upon him.

In making the hazardous change how-

Arrian does not, ever he did not proceed hastily. like some other ancient writers, more careless of just
authority, assert that Alexander himself was the first to promote the requisition, either of that form of salutation, in approaching him, too nearly in the

manner of adoration to the Deity, which had been, from time immemorial, rigorously required of all in approaching the Persian kings, nor that he himself first broached the absurd notion that he was the son,
not of Philip, but of Jupiter Ammon. Among the Greeks, whom the fame of his conquests, of his libeof his patronage of arts and literature rality, and

had drawn
its

to his distant court,

and who had followed

wanderings, opposition of sentiment,

much

arising

from opposition of interest, had produced division into parties ; and some recommended and applauded,
perhaps too
oriental

much without

reserve, the adoption of

manners and customs, while others too rigorinsisted upon the strict maintenance of Grecian ously habits and practices, in circumstances in which they would never have arisen, and for which they were so utterly unadapted, that perhaps they could no

way be

established.

But

in his earnest purpose of

conciliating his

new

subjects

Alexander had

clearly

made

a progress of no small importance to all those, his old subjects, who looked to profit from the of

establishment of his
ever,

new empire.

Macedonians,

his subjects

Greeks of the republics, his election, between whom he seems

least distinction that

howby inheritance, and subjects by their own

Among

these

to have

made the

might

be,

sonable attachment of some,

by the perhaps reaand the unreasonable

PHILOSOPHERS IN ALEXANDER'S COURT.

prejudices

141
that

and extravagant

desires

of others,

purpose was thwarted. We have, from Arrian, report of discussion on this important and curious matter, said to have occurred in Alexander's presence, and given as the best
selection that historian could

make, among varying and contradictory reports in his time extant, derived from persons present. The care which Arrian continually manifests to use his best judgment in comparing accounts, and the evidence his work altogether
affords of his desire to maintain a just impartiality, The illustration therefore of the are here eminent.

manners of Alexander's

court,

which

his

report

affords, especially marking freedom of communication and conversation in the king's presence and with

himself,

makes it highly interesting ; and the more from the consideration that the author held high office in the Roman empire, in an age when science and philosophy most flourished, and when nevertheless for a previous century and half divine honours had been attributed to the sovereigns; nor were discon1

tinued
ligion

till

of the

the adoption of Christianity, for the restate, extinguished the impious abAW.
9' pj u t

surdity.

Anaxarchus and Callisthenes, both subjects of the Macedonian monarchy, the former as a citizen of 2 Abdera, the latter of Olynthus, were the most , ., / eminent among the philosophers of Alexander s tram,
'

i.

4.

Alex p. 694. E.

Virgil's flattery in this

fulsome and impious

way

is,

I think,

the earliest that has reached us. Horace has preserved so much more of a better school as to reflect credit on his patron Maecenas,
2

and on Augustus himself.

Curtius, unscrupulous in assertion, says, on another occasion, that Callisthenes, as an Olynthian, was not entitled to the benefit of the

Macedonian law.

Observation upon this will occur

hereafter.

142
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
leaders of the two adverse political sects. Anaxarchus represented as a courtier, a flatterer of the great,
qualified to

is

become the favourite of an Asiatic despot Callisthenes, who had studied under Aristotle, as a
;

rough republican, extravagantly disposed

himself.

to

flatter

Of

his insolent vanity

Arrian mentions a

remarkable instance, which, though of uncertain authority, yet, as having been popular, marks the popular
opinion of the philosopher's character.
An-. 1.4.

He

claimed

for himself to be greater than Alexander, and for his literary works to be more glorious than all Alexander's

deeds of conquest and political regulation ; for, he said, he did not follow that prince to be indebted to him for glory, but to make him glorious among men ;
Alexander's connexion with the godhead had credit, it did not come from what others falsely re-

and

if

ported of his birth, but from what he, the philosopher,

his writings, persuaded men to believe. To illustrate this eminent man's politics also, Arrian fur-

by
Arr. ibid,

nishes an anecdote.

Philotas,
'

it

was

said,

once in

conversation with him, asked, whom he reckoned to ' ' be held most in honour by the Athenians.' Har* *
' and Aristogiton ; because modius,' he answered, they killed one of the two tyrants, and procured

the overthrow of the tyranny.' Philotas then asking, where a man who killed a tyrant might find surest refuge among the Greeks ;' Callisthenes answered, if nowhere else, he would be safe among the Athe* nians.' Alexander having the magnanimity (for if imprudent, it was yet a magnanimous imprudence)
*
*

to admit a

of formidable talent, so avowing the king-killing principle of Demosthenes, to his counsels and his table, he may surely at least be excused the

man

CEREMONY OF ADORATION.
admission also to his society of the courtly philosopher Anaxarchus, as well as of the poet Agis, said to

143
SECT.
'

have been not

less

a complete courtier, though

citizen of the democratical republic of

Argos. Concerning then the requisition of the ceremony called adoration, which consisted in bowing to the ground, on approaching the royal presence, Arrian says that, among various reports transmitted, what he Alexander invited to an enterpreferred was this.
tainment the principal Persians and Medes, together with the principal officers of his army, and the prin-

and eminent men attending him from various Grecian republics. Wine circulating, the philosopher Anaxarchus began a preconcerted * Alexander might be more discourse, stating that * treated with divine honours than either reasonably
cipal philosophers
*

Bacchus or Hercules

'

not only on account of the superiority of his deeds, and the greater extent of his conquests, but also because Bacchus was a Theban,
;

'

Hercules, an ancestor indeed of Alexander, yet not a Macedonian, but an Argive ; and surely it would be more consistent
j

unconnected with Macedonia

'

'

honour their own king. That after death such honour would be paid him there could be no doubt. How much better then
for the

Macedonians

so to

to give

it, in the eyes of his new while than wait for his death, when subjects, living,

him importance by

that advantage would, for him, be gone by

!'

philosophy, the extravagance of such a proposal obviously would be lessened by familiarity with Grecian religion

For Grecian minds, however enlightened by

and that called mythology, which taught that of the Grecian gods had been fathers of men, many and warranted the claim for very many Greeks, and
eminently for Alexander, to be of a race descended

144
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
from a
Accordingly other philosophers of deity. Anaxarchus's party supported his proposal, some with But the matter was speeches, all with applauses.

not a question simply either of compliment, or of It might not unreasonably be religious concern. ap-

prehended that the change from Grecian to Persian habits, but especially if honours were added to the living prince as to a Grecian deity, would produce, or even seem to warrant, a claim to that unlimited authority over all subjects, which those of the Persian empire had been habituated, from time immemorial, to admit in their sovereigns. The Macedonian officers therefore were very generally dissatisfied, yet
AIT. 1.4.

held silence.

The

philosopher Callisthenes under-

and the speech will deserve attention ; ; whether pure from his day, or mixed and tempered with sentiments of Arrian's own age, a century and half within the Christian era when, on one hand, the attribution of divine honours to the most worthless and vicious of men had been carried to the most absurd and abominable extravagance, and, on the other, even philosophers had condescended to gather from Christianity purer notions of the Godhead. Of honours,' said Callisthenes, which men pay to a ' man, I think none too great for Alexander. But human and divine honours are many ways distintook reply
; * * * *

guished.
'

To

the gods

we

sacrifice,
*

we pour

libations.

consecrate temples, we Hymns are sung to

'

the gods : praises are given to the ceremony of prostration.

a kiss
:

men

but not with

We

salute

men

with

'

'

but to reach the gods, living beyond us, we worship them with prostration. Dances are practised in honour of the gods, and paeans are sung to them.
Different honours are paid to different gods, and to heroes again honours different from godlike honours.

CEREMONY OF PROSTRATION.
It cannot be proper to
*

145
SECT.

ing

men

confound all these ; honourextravagantly, and derogating from the

c
' '

dignity of the gods, by giving to

It would, others,

men

equal honours.

' 4

become you, Anaxarchus, beyond who for your learning and wisdom are admitted to continual communication with Alexander, to recommend to him these considerations, and divert him from contrary purposes. Recollect that you
are not advising Cambyses or Xerxes, but the son of Philip, of the posterity of Hercules and ./Eacus.
An-. 1.4.

'
'

' '

*
*

His forefathers passed from Argos into Macedonia, holding the sovereignty of the Macedonian nation, not by violence, but under law. Hercules himself, while living, was not worshipped as a divinity ; nor even after death, till the god at Delphi had clearly
declared that
it

'

should be

so.'

Curtius, as superior in dramatic arrangement as inferior in all the most essential qualities of a historian,

makes Alexander withdraw during the discussion, to re-enter with effect when it was concluded.
Arrian's account, after some writer apparently earnest
to put forward the causes of philosophy
cracy,

and demo-

makes him present during the whole ; thus exhibiting more eminently the commanding boldness But thus he marks of the democratical philosopher. also the character of the Macedonian constitution, which enabled a subject to use such freedom with the
After the preceding argument, directed sovereign. to the meeting at large, Arrian represents Callisthenes
* And if, because addressing the king himself thus : * we are only a few thousands in a wide continent of

millions of barbarians,
*

it

may be

in

any degree ne-

cessary to adopt barbarian sentiments, nevertheless I conjure you, Alexander, to be mindful of the

Greek nation
VOL. vin.

for

whose sake wholly the expedition

L

146
CHAP.
^_
* '

HISTORY OF GREECE.
*

was professed to be undertaken, with the purpose of subjecting, not Greece to Asia, but Asia to Greece.
Consider, then ; when you return to Greece, will you require of the Greeks, bred, beyond all people,
to reckon

'

upon a

liberal equality

between man and

will

man,

this servile

ceremony

Or
?

'

degrading difference for the Macedonians,

you make a and put

fitter

upon them alone

this

dishonour

Is

it

not
?

that

the distinction should be otherwise

made

That the

Greeks, including the Macedonians, should pay you human honours, according to Grecian customs, derived from remotest antiquity, and that to the
barbarians should be left the practices transmitted

'

'

from their forefathers ? Humiliation seems to await the proud. Xerxes was put to shame by the Athenians and Lacedaemonians ; Artaxerxes by Clearchus and Xenophon ; and recently Darius has been
levelled with the dust
as a god.'

by Alexander, not then wor-

shipped Arrian, still avoiding, with his usual just caution, to answer for words, though reported to have been
delivered in his

own

pany, on a subject of great

language, in a numerous cominterest, proceeds to de-

monstrate his opinion of the freedom used, not less by republican Greeks than by the Macedonian great,
in

Arr. 1.4.

communication with Macedonian monarchs, even with Alexander, in the zenith of his triumphs. These and similar arguments, he says, were very grating to Alexander ; who nevertheless would not directly
express dissatisfaction.

freedom had been gratifying to the Macedonians present was

Callisthenes's

That

Intimation nevertheless being given that obvious. the ceremony of prostration would please the king, and was expected by him, all the Persians rose, and,
in

order,

made

the

obeisance,

as to their

former

CEREMONY OF PROSTRATION.
monarchs. One of them appearing to humiliate himself more than the rest, Leonnatus, an eminent Macedonian, previously, and afterward, much favoured by Alexander, indecorously enough laughed at him. At this Alexander did not scruple to express displeasure. But, however swoln with pride, or bent upon a favourite purpose, possessing, with a generous forgiving temper, much of his fathers talent to engage the
willing obedience of men, he would use no compulsion, and yet, for the moment, succeeded. It was cus""

l^
SECT
T-

tomary, among the Greeks, to drink in circle from the same cup. Alexander directed a golden flagon
to be filled with wine
;

and, drinking from

it

himself,

sent

it

to

one of several who had previously expressed

purpose of adopting the cereThis not named by the historian, rose mony. person, and drank, gave the flagon to the cup-bearer, prohis approbation of the

strated himself, and, on rising again, proceeded, after the Grecian custom, to salute the king with a kiss. Others, also prepared, followed the example ; and

thus

those averse to the ceremony were led to He drank, and procomply, except Callisthenes. but without ceeded, prostration, to offer the kiss.
all

Alexander, talking at the time with Hephsestion, did not observe the omission ; but Demetrius 4 son of Pythonax informing him, he refused the Grecian salutation from Callisthenes. The philosopher withdraw* ing then said aloud : I put up with the loss of a kiss.' If Alexander resented this insolence, it seems that he had the temper not at the time to show it.

Surnamed Phidon. Plut. v. Alex. p. 696. A. This story is related nearly alike by Arrian and Plutarch. The latter informs us that its authenticity rested on the report of Chares, of
4

Mitylene, whose authority,

it

appears, Arrian respected.

L 2

148

HISTORY OF GREECE.

SECTION
Death of

II.

Clitus.

C HAP.
'

AMONG
particular

the Macedonians, by ancient custom, a day of the year was sacred to Bacchus.

Arr.i.4.

j n the winter-quarters at

Bactra Alexander took the

to perform the sacrifice fancy, instead of Bacchus, in honour of Castor and Pollux. feast the and hold
It

might seem that he meant thus

to

declare his

esteem of the warlike character of which those heroes were esteemed patrons, and his disregard of the luxury which, perhaps not in the origin of the
worship, was supposed the care of the fabulous conqueror of all the countries from Greece to farthest
Arr. 1.7.

but in process of corruption became so. Among Alexander's virtues a general temperance is, on the best authorities, attributed to him. 5 In eatIndia,
i

piut.symp.

ng

Plutarch says, he remained always

moderate

to his faring, according

reported by Arrian, like those under him, and even less luxuriously than some, studious of delicacies. But in drinkassertion,

own

ing, latterly, he sometimes deviated from his early sobriety, giving, according to Arrian's phrase, into

the barbarian habit of excess. 6

Yet, according to Plutarch, his pleasure was in conversation more than in wine, so that often when he sat long he drank little.
the feast of the twin gods however the cup circulated over freely. The company in general was heated, when question arose about the history of Castor
**

At

incertauct.
c. a.

'H$ovv

SE

TV
Arr.

Ka< yap KOU

TO,
1.

ply TOV crufAaroi; lyKpotTta-TctTQi;. Arr. 1. 7 C. 28. ruv KQTUV ij&n) 'A^.e^di/^py ? TO j3a.pa.piKUTEpQV
4. c. 8.

DEATH OF CLITUS.
was that they were reputed sons, not of Tyndartis, their mother's husband, but of Hence the discourse turned on their acJupiter. tions ; and at length some, disposed to flatter the king, and urged by the fumes in their head, insisted
it

149
SECT.
'

and Pollux, how

that, in greatness of achievement, those of Bacchus were not comparable to those of Alexander. Clitus, brought up with Alexander from childhood, and now among his most favoured generals arid

most
those
his

confidential

friends, nevertheless

was among

who saw with

uneasiness his growing vanity,

growing ments, and

partiality for oriental manners and sentihis disposition to abandon the character

of a Greek as contradistinguished from a barbarian. Himself heated with wine, he reproved warmly the
flattery of the

king to the dishonour of divinities. All This urged the others to greater extravagance. * that was reported of Hercules himself,' they said,
'

compared with what had been done by But human envy denied to the merit * Clitus retorted, and of the living its due honour.' at length, with the altercation, so lost his temper and judgment, that, turning from those with whom he
*

was

little,

Alexander.

had been arguing, he addressed the king himself

in

Alexander, heated like the very offensive terms. rest with wine, and irritated by the conversation he

had witnessed, became so provoked that he rose, and was advancing with marks of vehement anger toward Some of the more sober and prudent maClitus.
naged to stop him, while others forced Clitus out of the room, and led him to a guard, where Ptolemy commanded. Being however not strictly watched, he slipped away, returned to the company, and immediately addressed Alexander with evident purpose
of provocation.
Aristob.ap.
"

c jj.

The

king,

unfortunately not in a

L 3

150
CHAP,
*'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
condition to

command

himself,

snatching a weapon
killed Clitus

from one of the attending guards,

on

AIT. 1.4.

the spot. Alexander's almost immediate repentance for this atrocious deed has been allowed by all writers, however differing about particulars, to have been signal. For three days he kept his chamber in the deepest would neither eat nor drink. His friends, grief, and

him

highly uneasy, at length, with difficulty, persuaded to take refreshment, and resume his former

Some priests of daily meals. Bacchus are said to have assisted ; representing that the anger of the god, for the neglect of customary
habits of business

and

honour, produced the catastrophe.

To

this repre-

sentation Alexander so far yielded that he performed a sacrifice to Bacchus ; glad, says Arrian, to have

the fatal event attributed rather to the god's anger with him than to his own disposition. The philosopher Anaxarchus
'

took occasion to use an anaIt

logous argument. ' from wise said,

* *

was a saying transmitted,' he of old, that justice sat on the right hand of Jupiter, and whatever Jupiter decreed was just.' He is reported to have proceeded to

men

urge the inference, afterward actually adopted by the Roman emperors, that * whatever the king does is

may have been added by some Greek among the enemies of Anaxarchus ; ingenious for it seems uncalled for by the occasion, and, on the contrary, rather weakening the arguments drawn
*

just.'

Possibly this

from the supposed pleasure of one deity and anger of

another.
I'lut. v.

P. 694.

in

Plutarch's account of the death of Clitus, differing some particulars, is so far of the same tenor with
it

Arrian's that

may be

rather than contradicting

it.

considered as confirming But Plutarch has added

PARTIES IN ALEXANDER'S COURT.

151
SECT.
_.

what

assists

to

mark the character of Alexander's

court and the state of parties there at the time. Envy was not between Greeks and Persians only.

Alexander treated the reGreeks generally, and the honours with publican which he distinguished some, inflamed the vanity which was not an uncommon Grecian failing and
respect with which
;

The

the

men

of letters, almost

all

men

of the republics,

began to assume occasionally an offensive superiority over the Macedonians, less generally educated to * Do not the Greeks appear among the letters. * Macedonians like demigods among wild beasts ?' is a speech reported, no doubt on the authority of republican writers, to have come from Alexander himCallisthenes was admired for a singularly ready self.
eloquence.

On
an
so

immediately
either
side

any proposed subject he could speak interesting treatise, and defend

question

of any
far

with

ingenious argu-

ments.
that

Yet

he kept this talent in reserve

he rarely entered into general conversation ; oftener indicating silently a sullen disapprobation of the sentiments of others, than declaring any of his own. In a numerous company once, the merits of the Macedonians being proposed to him by Alexander for a topic, he spoke so as to gratify all ; and
the Macedonians most highly.
*

a phrase of the poet Euripides, said

'

Alexander then, in On an ad*

:

vantageous subject words will be ready

but now, Callisthenes, show your powers in representing the faults of the Macedonians, so that hearing they may mend them.' Callisthenes, immediately taking
;

the other side of the

question, abused the

Mace-

donians grossly, vilified the king's father, imputing his successes, not to his talents, but solely to the
divisions

among

the republican Greeks

and con-

L 4

152
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
eluded with a verse, probably from some tragedy then familiar, < The wicked wretch through discord
present showed offended. themselves highly Alexander himself sim* Callisthenes had been less showply observed, that
*

honour won.'

The Macedonians

'

ing his powers of eloquence than his ill-will toward To this anecdote Plutarch has the Macedonians.'

given value by naming his authority for it ; Hermippus, a contemporary of Alexander, he says, related that Stroibus, reader to Callisthenes, reported it to Aristotle. Another anecdote, also furnished

by Plutarch, marks the freedom which Callisthenes would take and Alexander would bear. On some
occasion the philosopher, finding or fancying himself
less well received

than formerly, turned away,

re-

peating in Alexander's hearing, twice or thrice, this verse of Homer : ' Patroclus died ; a better man
1

than thou

:'

which, adds the biographer,

observation, that

is

enough

to justify Aristotle's

Callisthenes

was great and powerful in eloquence, but wanted just 7 judgment.

SECTION

III.

Conspiracy of the band of Pages.

AFTER
still

the death of Clitus, in the winter-quarters of Bactra, a conspiracy against Alexander's life,

The of a very extraordinaiy kind, was discovered. 8 manhood sons of of , boys approaching body-guard
ch.43. s.4. of this Hbt.

the

first

men of the state,

has been formerly described.

it

They were the king's companions,

?

will

be re-

Neuv

8e OVK sT^iv.

8 "00*01 if r^Ktav l[*e^en(t<ravro.

Arr.

1.

4. c. 13.

CONSPIRACY OF THE PAGES.

membered,
and by turns they mounted guard nightly in the antechamber of his bedroom. Arrian mentions, but as a report for which he
in hunting,

SECT.
'

An-,
'

i.

4.

would not answer, though he seems to have thought Q. c urt> c 6 it probably true, that Alexander being on a hunting pfut v Alex. party from Bactra, and going to strike a boar, Her'

'

molaus, one of the youths of the body-guard, insolently or indiscreetly struck the animal before him.
father, Sopolis, was of high military then rank, employed on the recruiting service in Macedonia. Nevertheless, for such a breach of order

The

youth's

and
with

discipline,

respect,

Alexander ordered Hermolaus

perhaps more than for personal disto be chastised

in presence of the other youths, deprived of his horse.

stripes,

and

The

king's anger was passing,

but the youth's

He was re-admitted, it is indignation was not so. evident, to the former honours of his situation, or his chosen opportunity for revenge would not have
said to have been a diligent and favourite scholar of Callisthenes ; who, according to

occurred.

He

is

report, as

we have seen, which appears entitled to was a preacher of the doctrine of the lawcredit, fulness and merit of tyrannicide. It seems indeed
conceive that, without some such stimuwhat followed could have happened. Herlation, molaus, the more his own master as his father was
difficult to

absent, engaged four other youths, sons of eminent

Macedonians, together with the son of Carsis, who, though a Thracian, appears to have ranked among
those of the Macedonian court most honoured, in the

For horrid plot to murder their king in his sleep. was chosen when Antiexecuting this the night
pater,

command

one of the conspirators, whether alone, or in of others, was to hold the watch in the

154
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
antechamber.

The

father of Antipater,

Asclepio-

dorus, was actually satrap of Syria, perhaps the most Aleximportant command within the new empire. ander, however generally a model of temperance, yet

and

of a constitution to bear long tension of the faculties, to be uneasy in rest, would in the leisure of

winter-quarters, even after the catastrophe of Clitus, and perhaps as medicine for his severe feelings re-

indulge sometimes immoderately in The chaprotracting the pleasures of the table. racter of the company he most encouraged favours the
it,

sulting from

apology for him, that liberal and instructive conversation was altogether his object yet it appears on
;

hands acknowledged that he would sometimes drink to excess. Arrian, on the authority of Arihas stobulus, thought what follows worthy of a place
all

Syrian woman, pretending to inspiration, had followed Alexander from her own country, and was admitted occasionally to his presence
;

in his narrative.

first

as

an object of ridicule for himself and

companions; but, her forebodings being often justified by the event, at length she gained great estimation, insomuch that access to him was denied her neither

day nor night, and she frequently watched him sleepThis woman, meeting him, on the night proing. posed for his assassination, as he was retiring from

At her conjured him to return. his capressing instance he did so, and, continuing rousal till daylight, escaped the danger prepared for From a man of the rank and means of inhim.
his

company,

formation of Aristobulus, if only as marking the manners and opinions of Alexander's court, this

could not but require the modern historian's notice. Next day one of the conspirators revealed the He told another, who secret to a young friend.

PUNISHMENT OF THE CONSPIRATORS.

hastened to declare
it

155
SECT.

to

Ptolemy son of Lagus, and

the five youths were presently arrested. Being put to torture, according to the Macedonian law, they revealed the whole plan of their conspiracy ; and declared

ptoi. et
St

b ap '
]

Arr

Callisthenes

to

have been their instigator.

to trial before the

c - 13 >

4.

They were then brought

Mace-

donians of the army. According to some writers, unnamed by Arrian, Hermolaus boldly confessed and gloried in the plot, telling his judges that it could

not become freemen to bear the indignities put upon them by Alexander. Proceeding then to particulars,

he noticed the unjust condemnation of Philotas the of Parmenio ; the murder still more illegal execution
;

of Clitus in a
adoration

fit

of drunkenness
;

the assumption of

the Median dress

;

the requisition of the ceremony of

not however saying it was insisted on, bat only not abandoned ; the drinking by night, arid sleeping by day, of the man who, beyond all others,

ought to watch for the good of all. If credit should be given to this account, it however proves that freedom of speech was largely allowed
to the accused.

But indeed

so far all accounts con-

cur, that the trial was according to all the forms of law required by the free though rude constitution of

the nation

that the assembled

Macedonians con-

demned Hermolaus, and the youths engaged with

him, to death

and that they proceeded to execute ; the sentence, according to the national custom, known as also that of the Jews, by overwhelming them with
stones.

The philosopher Callisthenes, accused of instigating the plot, was apprehended. Aristobulus related that he was carried about a prisoner, with the army, and
died of disease in the course of nature. %
trary

On the con-

Ptolemy

asserted that he was put to torture,

156

HISTORY OF GREECE.
and then hanged. 9 So widely,' observes Arrian, * have those who ought to have been most worthy of ' confidence, and who, as present with Alexander, * must have had all opportunity for knowing such * This, it must be confacts, differed about them.'
*

fessed,

is

an extraordinary difference

hardly to be

accounted for unless upon the supposition that, among the distractions which followed Alexander's
death, with opportunity for either, in the situation where he then might be, to obtain credit for a matter

happening

interest instigated one,

in a very distant country, some private and we are without means to

decide which, of those eminent writers. Thus much however appears from all accounts of Callisthenes,
that he was a turbulent and mischievous preacher of

democracy, long favoured by Alexander's liberality

beyond prudence. His imprisonment and death, as, from the utter uncertainty of the circumstances, they were a most convenient, so they became a favourite
subject for following democratical writers ; who appear to have made large use of the opportunity afforded, by the impossibility of absolutely proving

falsehood, to assert, very variously, anything to their

purpose.
There has been controversy among the moof the continent about the exact import of the word, as describing a capital punishment, decision of which I will not
9

KpspMo-Oivra.
critics

dern

undertake.

DISQUIETUDE OF ALEXANDER.

CHAPTER

LIII.

WAR PROSECUTED BY ALEXANDER BEYOND THE BOUNDS

OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE.

SECTION

I.

Force of Alexander's army. Natural and political circumstances of India westward of the Ganges, March into India, and conquests there : Grecian colony established in India : Indian
cattle sent to Greece.

ALEXANDER, having set out for the conquest of Asia, as we have seen, with a land force of less than
men, and with a revenue too scanty to maintain the fleet wanted for co-operation with it, now, with the income of the Persian empire, commanded a corresponding army. With guards and garrisons in all the provinces, and administration so
forty thousand

SECT.
_
'___

arranged that disturbance of the new order of things arose nowhere, or nowhere so as to engage the notice of historians, those provinces enjoying a freedom

from commotion and from the private wars of satraps, unknown perhaps since the defeat of Xerxes in Greece, unless in the latter years of Ochus, Alexander's moving army, under his immediate com-

mand, according to Curtius, who alone of extant writers has given the number, was a hundred and Exactness in the round sum twenty thousand men. will not be supposed ; yet the amount is no way
beyond probability, nor does anything from Arrian

158
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
Doubtless, in a new emimply contradiction of it. to maintain a pire, large disposable force would

be necessary, and in so wealthy an empire means abounded. To maintain satisfaction with quiet in
for army would be the difficulty Alexander the greater from the very rapidity, extent, and value of his conquests, in which the soldier was accustomed to have all fall before him, and to find large reward, if not with little labour and danger, But his latter campaigns, though yet in little time.

a conquering

everywhere

still

victorious, could not have been gra-

tifying, like the earlier, to either soldier or officer. Instead of a great battle splendidly successful, or an

obstinate siege once or twice in a season, followed

by

the ready submission of the richest countries and largest cities in the world, there had been continual hard fighting, in a climate of the severest alternacy of heat and cold ; and though the success so hardly

obtained was most important for the quiet and stawith what bility of the empire, yet, in comparison
little ensued of either glory for the the soldier. or for chief, profit But the passion for adventure and impatience of

had preceded,

rest, common in youth, had been, in Alexander's ardent temper, stimulated by extraordinary success and fixed by habit in exertion ; holding all his fa-

culties

now

for years

almost unremittingly on the

this, to a

tible

mind highly suscepof fine feeling, reflection on things recently past could not but be greatly uneasy. If Parmenio and
utmost stretch.

With

Philotas were guilty, that those whom he had so esteemed and honoured and trusted should so prove, must have been of bitter consideration. If they were

innocent, or if their guilt, as in all accounts it seems to have been, was, at least in the imputed amount,

DISQUIETUDE OF ALEXANDER.
doubtful, reflection on the catastrophe would be still more biting. His poignant grief for the death of
Clitus, though, after three days' most acute suffering, smothered so far as no longer to interrupt his public functions, could not so end. Pondering on all these

159
SECT.

matters would contribute to chasten his generous yet over ardent temper, and prepare it to bear the dis-

appointment, which apparently he found

it

expedient

to bear, of failure in the purpose in which at first he seems to have been keenly earnest, to establish the in approaching his person, together with the opinion, or the acknowledgment, that his dignity, if not his nature also, was supra-

ceremony called adoration,

human. The idea of a man partaking of divine nature and dignity was familiar among the most cultivated and the estimation of such supeof ancient nations of mankind would be not simply bulk to the riority
;

gratifying to

human

and perhaps

vanity, but probably important, indispensable, toward obtaining that

respect among subject nations for the conqueror of the Persian empire, with which the conquered dynasty

had

for ages

been treated

and

desirable, not for the

prince only, but for all who were to share with him in profit from the conquest. That a powerful party therefore would favour the extravagant idea is not

wonderful, and under this view

certainly
is

much

consideration

due

to

Alexander himself.

These circumstances of sorrow and disappointment appear to have been among stimulations for Alexander to seek new conquests. But there were
was evidently in his nature to desire to show the Macedonians that, with the wish he had manifested for extravagant honour as a divinity, it was
still

others.

It

not his purpose to seclude himself, like some of the Persian monarchs, among the pleasures of his palace,

160
CHAP, Lin
-

HISTORY OF GREECE.
avoiding in future the labours and dangers and privations of the common soldier. But he had still farther

and greater views. For some time now we have been engaged with transactions in countries imperfectly known from
either

ancient

accounts

or modern, yet

known

to

have remained always very deficiently civilized. The of art in the and science the divider of sea, infancy
beneficial to mankind by affording security weak against oppression from the strong, became in their advancement otherwise beneficial, giving means for advantageous communication between the most distant. Thus while a large portion of the

nations,

for the

Persian empire, nearly central in the greatest continent of our globe, has remained, still for us, in

much

obscurity, countries of vast extent

beyond that

empire, against the ocean, have become in large proportion even familiarly known. Interest and curiosity together inciting, the talents of seamen, soldiers, mer-

and laboriously exerted, and the

if,

chants, geographers, philosophers have been largely results of their in-

quiries have been ably given to the world.

Formerly,

anywhere among the learned, suspicion was entertained of romance in even the gravest accounts of
Alexander's transactions in that distant part of the world, whither we are now to follow him, such suspicion could not, on sure ground, be controverted. But the new and certain light, in modern times obtained, affording much confirmation of the best ancient accounts, often deriving assistance from them,

and rarely finding them

in

error, tends to establish

widely the faith of ancient history : not simply as it establishes the credit of Alexander's historians, espein countries at length laid cially Arrian, for matters

open to European

curiosity, but farther as

it

reflects

NATURAL CIRCUMSTANCES OF
credit

INDIA.

101
SECT.

on the most authentic, and assists estimation of the more questionable accounts of things and transactions in countries less admitting observation and
northern part of western India, to a great extent watered by the numerous streams issuing from the boundary mountains
ascertained that the
inquiry. It is

now

of Scythia, which, at intervals uniting, form the great river Indus, is among the most productive in the world, and thence, in ancient as in modern times,

Of wars beextraordinarily populous and wealthy. and the Persian empire tween the Indian princes
accounts remain
;

but scanty and uncertain, nor

is

any great result from them indicated. Probably the limits of the Persian empire, on this side, were not
very steadily
exactly decided.

maintained, and perhaps never very But with Alexander's views it would

be an important political object to establish a certain

boundary, and to provide for its being respected. Doubtless he would have intelligence of the wealth of India ; nor would information fail him of the
worthlessness of a great extent of country between India and Persia Proper, barren, nearly as the desert he had traversed in Africa, but affording refuge for

wild

hordes

in

its

neighbourhood,

whence they
Arrange-

avoided submission to any government.

ment of some sort for this eastern boundary of his new empire was obviously, in various views, wanting
;

and Alexander's views, always great, were often directed to extensive benefit for mankind. Whether the learned Vincent had ground for the supposition when he founded his city of Alexandria in that, Egypt, he had already conceived the idea, not only
of carrying conquest to the Indus, but also of establishing a commercial communication between the

VOL.

VIII.

162
CHAP.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
Indian
that,

___
LIII

shores and that city,

it

seems not doubtful

having completed the conquest of the Persian empire, he resolved still to prosecute con-

when,

quest eastward, such contemplation was in his mind. In Arrian's account of India, not only natural but
political part, as

circumstances also are described,

in

large

they exist at this day.

1

The country was

divided into numerous principalities, to several of whose chiefs he gives a title indicating allegiance to some paramount sovereign ; yet shows that they possessed power to make war and peace for themselves. and proContests between these chiefs abounded on this eastern of the Perbably among them, verge sian empire, as among the Grecian republics on the western, it had been the policy of some to obtain whence, on their consupport from that empire
; ;

queror's

arrival

with

his

victorious

army

in

their

neighbourhood, a disposition to court him was ready. Such was the climate of Bactria that it appears to have been necessary for Alexander to wait in the
[B. c. 327.

winter quarters there till spring* was considerably advanced before the roads were sufficiently open for

Even then conveniently marching in any direction. the extent of the Indian mountains eastward was forAn. 1.4.
c ' 22 '

bidding, in no season affording an easily practicable road. Alexander therefore, leaving ten thousand foot

and

fifteen

hundred horse, under the command of

Amyntas, for the security of the northern provinces of his acquired empire, directed his march, with an
f,

seeming

to

mark nearly the modern, perhaps

also

ancient RAJAH.
'

'

Mr. Mitford, although he rightly dates the Indian expedition in the spring of B. C. 327., yet in the detail has made it a year later.' Clinton. See the proofs of this in an extract
[*
<

from his Fasti Hellenici, preceding the Index.]

PROGRESS IN INDIA.

163
SECT.

army of probably more than a hundred and twenty thousand of all arms, first southward. Crossing, in without the that course, difficulty ridge of Caucasus,
the southern boundary of Bactria, in ten days he reached his colony of Alexandria in Paropamisus. That colony he strengthened by allowing those of his

army

less fit for active

service to remain there,

in

houses already provided ; and he associated with them some of the neighbouring natives who were willing
to

become

their fellow-citizens.
officer

Dissatisfied

with the conduct of the

governor, he

whom

then he had left

removed him, and, committing the military command to Nicanor of the band of comhe appointed Tyriaspes, apparently a Persian,

(panions, of
From

to the chief civil authority,

with the dignity

satrap.

the border of Paropamisus eastward a great extent of valuable country, held by people of the Indian nation, seems to have been claimed as a portion of the Persian empire ; perhaps conquered by the first

Darius, or perhaps by Cyrus ; but latterly, in the weakness and troubles of the imperial government, the chiefs of districts appear to have assumed an inde-

pendent authority. Nevertheless Alexander found no resistance, or none noticed by the historian, in his inarch to a city which the Greek writers call Nicasa ;
probably translating a Persian name, commemorating a victory. peaceful transaction only is mentioned

Whether or no there there, a sacrifice to Minerva. may have been any farther view in this, it would of
course be a regale for his army.
Still

unopposed

then he proceeded without opposition to the river

Cophen. Here the historian indicates that, though he claimed sovereignty beyond that stream, (whether
as successor to the conquests of Persian kings, or in

164
CHAP,
[I1 '

HISTORY OF GREECE.
pursuance of the Grecian claim against all barbarians, or if any other ground might be, does not appear,)

he was doubtful of the acknowledgment of his claim. herald was sent forward to the chiefs of districts,

with orders for them to attend the paramount sovereign, as, in his progress, he might approach them.

time Taxiles, a bordering chief, powerful by his interest among neighbouring states, was at enmity with a still more powerful chief, Astes, prince
this

At

of a district
Peucelaotis.

still

Under the

eastward, which the Greeks called lead of Taxiles, all the chiefs

westward of Peucelaotis came to wait upon Alexander, bringing large presents, as the custom in India still is, and offering all the elephants they possessed.
These, only twenty-five, were apparently not the produce of their northern country, but obtained from
the southward.
Arr. 1.4.

submission of Taxiles and his associates aphave determined the opposition of Astes, with to pears a powerful party adhering to him as their chief.

The

Hephaestion therefore and Perdiccas were sent with Astes a strong division of the army against them. shut himself within his principal town, to which siege
laid, and, after a resistance of thirty days, it was taken by assault, in which himself was killed. All the more level country then submitting as far as the

was

instructions,
difficult

Indus, Hephsestion and Perdiccas, according to their proceeded to prepare means for the

passage of that great river.

Meanwhile Alexander was pursuing labours and dangers, perhaps with more than former eagerness, Three obscure nations, to relieve a troubled mind. the A spies, Thyrees, and Arasacs, confident in the strength of their rough and mountainous country, and in their own valour and skill in arms, refused sub-

SUCCESSES OF THE
mission.
difficulty

ARMY

IN INDIA.
T

165
SECT.

After a troublesome march, having; with crossed the river Choes, he found a country
in which cavalry

before

him

might

act.

Expecting
all

then that the inhabitants would remove

lands, he put eight foot on horseback,

portable valuables to their fortresses or to the nearest high-

hundred Macedonian heavy-armed and with these and all his cavalry he hastened forward, leaving the main body of his

But, as he apinfantry to follow at an easy pace. a fortified the town, proached large people, observing the smallness of his numbers, and confident in their

meet him in the field. His experience enabling him to estimate, better than they, his own strength and theirs, he proand the charge ceeded immediately to attack them of so considerable a body of regular cavalry, of which
superiority, quitted their walls to
;

they had no previous idea, drove them within their In the short yet sharp conflict however Alexgates.

ander and two of his most active young generals, Leonnatus and Ptolemy son of Lagus, were wounded ;
but the injury to himself, which was in the shoulder, through the excellence of his defensive armour, was not severe.

was made on the town, which was surrounded with two walls. The outer was mastered with little difficulty : the inner was at first defended

Next day

assault

bravely. But the Indians, feeling soon their inability to resist, in close fight, the Grecian weapons and discipline,

issued by the gates which afforded best op-

portunity,

and

fled

for the mountains.

The Mace-

donians, pursuing, angry, says Arrian, that their king

had been wounded, gave no quarter

and Alexander

himself appears to have sanctioned this illiberality by The proximity of the moundestroying the town. tains however gave present safety to the greater part
of the people.

166
CHAP.
.

HISTORY OF GREECE.

The
had

success nevertheless, and the severity together,

their effect.
;

The

next town, Andax, presently

difficulties for

surrendered

and the principal

the re-

Am

i.

4.

duction of that part of the country were so far overborne that nothing inviting for Alexander's fancy remained. The business therefore of accepting or compelling the obedience of those who had not yet professed it, and of taking the measures necessary for the future administration, he committed to Craterus ; who

seems to have been judiciously selected

as, after

Par-

menio, the ablest of his generals. For himself he continued to prefer the business of most labour and danger. With a chosen portion of the army, infantry

and

cavalry, he proceeded to a town, described only as the principal city of the Aspies, where the principal strength of the
chief.

country was collected under

it

its

By

a forced inarch he reached

in

two days.

The
and

inhabitants, in

fled to the mountains

extreme alarm, burnt their town, not so timely but that ; yet

many were killed by the pursuing Macedonians. The multitude however soon recovering in some degree from their first alarm, their chief, who did
not want personal courage, collected a force about him on a hill, projected from the body of the highlands into the plain, and thence observed his enemy's
motions.
as

Under

a prince, so

little

sparing of himself

Alexander, there would of course be emulation of his conduct. Ptolemy son of Lagus, having, in the
division

called
2 It

command, a part of that select body the hypaspists 2 , led them against the Indian
his

under

has before been observed that satisfactory information of what characterized the viratfiria-Ta,} fails. It might seem indicated here that they were cavalry, carrying larger shields than those found most convenient for the general cavalry service, and thence more capable of acting with the heavy-armed foot; but in other instances they are clearly marked as infantry, and neither here

nor elsewhere clearly as cavalry.

STUBBORN RESISTANCE OF THE INDIANS.

prince. Protected by their armour, and powerful by their discipline, they soon compelled the very supe- _ rior number of the Indians, though very advan-

167
SECT.

Ptolemy followed ; and tageously posted, to fly. when the steepness and roughness of the ground made farther progress with his horse difficult, he alighted and pursued afoot. The Indian prince, whether
checked in retreat by increasing difficulty of the ground, or reckoning upon advantage from that already reached, engaged those about him to turn
against his pursuing enemy, and himself drove his long lance against Ptolemy's breast. The point how-

ever was effectually resisted by the armour

it

met,

and Ptolemy, directing

weapon against his assailant's thigh, pierced it, and the Indian fell. Those immediately about him then fled in dismay, and the

his

Macedonians proceeded to carry off the wounded But by this time the Indians had collected prince. in great number, on the nearest heights, and, on seeing the distress of their prince, a general effervescence of grief and indignation among them produced a strong
effort to relieve

him.

It

was however too

late

for

Alexander, hastening with his mounted heavy infantry to the foot of the hill, and there making them alight,
Nevertheless the valour and obpresently arrived. Indians of the had been so excited that not stinacy
driven back, and the wound whose appears to have been prince's body, 3 with remained the Macedonians. mortal, Alexander then crossed the mountains to Arigaeum, a town which he found deserted and burnt.

without difficulty they were

Arrian has not said whether

lated

by himself; but

his narrative

dicate that this part of it,

of Ptolemy was reseems in some degree to intogether with what immediately follows,
this exploit

was from Ptolemy.

M 4

168
CHAP.
]__

HISTORY OF GREECE.
Craterus, with the main body of the army, rejoined him, having brought the province of Peucelaotis to

Here

complete obedience.
driven

Sangaeus,

an Indian
territory

chief

who had been

from

his

by

Astes, being connected in friendship with Taxiles, had been introduced to Alexander's protection, and so gained his esteem that he was now appointed to

the government of the country which had been his enemy's principality. Neither the policy by which

conquest should be maintained, nor that by which the fatigues of service (great indeed were those he
often required) should be relieved, and cheerfulness under them promoted, seem ever to have failed in
situation of Arigaeum apa pearing favourable for colony, he appointed Craterus to superintend the rebuilding of the burnt town ;

Alexander's mind.

The

directing him meanwhile to encourage the fugitive inhabitants to return with any neighbouring people

who might be disposed to accept the settlement, in which he joined with them any soldiers of his army
less fit for fatigues to ensue,

who were

disposed to

rest there.

But the people of the Arigasan country, far from yet showing any disposition to a general submission, had assembled themselves and their cattle in a strong situation. Alexander, with some imperfect information of their measures, leaving Craterus to his ap-

pointed employment, marched himself towards them with a chosen force. Ptolemy, on a foraging party, his observation far, came in view of the -extending
,

enemy's station : and, on his return, reported that, from the extent of the height they occupied, and also from their fires, it appeared probable that their numbers far exceeded his. Alexander, having considered the circumstances, resolved upon three simul-

CONQUEST OF ARIGJEUM.
Committing one division of his and another to Leonnatus, he took army Ptolemy, himself the immediate command of the third. To who had made the he observation, Ptolemy, assigned the attack where was the greatest difficulty of ground. For himself he took that where it was supposed the But the greater opposing force might be expected.
taneous
assaults.

l6Q

to

Arr. 1.4.
'

25

'

smallness of his numbers, descended into the plain to meet him. confidently Thus disadvantage of ground remained only for
Indians,

observing the

Ptolemy's division.
bers then was so

The

bravery of superior

numarms

and

skill

and

availing against superior science that victory was easy.

little

prisoners, according to

Ptolemy's account,

The women

and children probably included, were no less than Neat cattle, to the amount of two forty thousand. hundred and thirty thousand, were the farther fruit of the contest j perhaps an exaggerated enumeration, rather to be attributed to the error to which, in repeated transcriptions, reports of numbers are so obviously
liable,

than to the real testimony of so informed and Here again Alexander showed, eminent a writer. in a matter generally of small interest among conquerors,
his

attention

still

to his native country,

and, what he was frequently, among his military exertions and the conquests resulting from them,
evincing,
his

attention

to

the

mankind.
peculiarities

Reviewing
of their

the

cattle,
:

general welfare of he observed the

and being assured of their superiority to those of Europe, especially for working, he ordered a selection of them to be sent

make

Modern to Macedonia, to improve the breed there. to Alexander's does credit observation judgment in
this matter,

querors, and

so out of the ordinary course of conto Arrian's information concerning it ;

170
CHAP, LIU
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
the Indian cattle being found, at this day, of a form admired among our breeders for beauty, superiorly disposed to ready fattening, and, as Arrian says of them, of extraordinary strength, activity, and power of perseverance in labour ; though found inferior for

The judicious another great public purpose, milking. reader, it may well be trusted, will find gratification
rather than
disgust
in
this
little

familiar episode,

which the eminent

officer,

afterward founder of the

Grecian monarchy of Egypt, and Arrian's guide,

his sovereign, the greatest conqueror

thought not unworthy of a place in his history of the world had

known.

SECTION
War
with the Assakene Indians.

II.

Indian mercenary

troops.

Questionable deed of Alexander. Siege of Conquest carried to the river Indus.

Mount Aornos.

CRATERUS, having completed,

occasion

as far as

immediate

and fortifying of and the necessary arrangements for the Arigaeum, new settlement there, joined his king with the main body of infantry of the phalanx and the besieging Next in the proposed progress was the artillery. of the Assakenes ; who, Arrian says, could country bring into the field thirty thousand foot, two thousand horse, and thirty elephants ; which he mentions
required, the rebuilding
as comparatively a great force among the small nations No offence from that people is menof these parts. tioned or intimated, unless that they declined to acknowledge themselves subjects of the conqueror of

the Persians.

Whether any former conquest of their Persian country, by kings, afforded a pretence to

WAR WITH THE ASSAKENE

INDIANS.
SECT.

But claim dominion over them history does not say. the Indians were barbarians, that is, not Greeks, and therefore, according to the common Grecian
tenets, fair objects

of subjugation.

ceeded

still

as if fatigue

Alexander proand danger were his chief

all

delights.

Taking the lead of a small body, but of

arms, the river Guzseus crossed his way. Rapidity of current, and a bottom composed of round stones,

denying sure footing for man and beast, made the passage, even without hostile opposition, so difficult

and hazardous that the Indians, assembled on the opposite bank, supposed it would not, in face of an Alexander's troops however enemy, be attempted.
advancing in regular order to the bank, dashed, withProbably the fame then on the minds of the of his. invincibility operated Indians, and enhanced their alarm. Without waiting
out hesitation, into the stream.
to see the event of the struggle with the difficulties

of the passage, they fled, and betook themselves to Alexander proceeded immediately to their towns.
Massaga, their
capital.
AIT. 1.4.

In that age, in India, as in Greece, and as in India still at this day, war was a trade, so that a mercenary force was always to be procured for hire. The Assakenes had strengthened themselves in Massaga with
such a force, to the amount of seven thousand men. Alexander, with his small advanced body, encamped Confident in superior numbers before their walls.
they sallied to attack him.

piu t .' v . Ale *-

He, confident in superior arms and discipline, desired more space for pursuing them when he should have put them to flight and
;

accordingly he led hastily away from the town.

The

Indians, encouraged thus, pursued in much haste, and in no order. As soon then as their bowshots

reached his

troops, he ordered to face about,

and

HISTORY OF GREECE.
CHAP,
advance speedily against them.
self led the phalanx.

The

horse-darters, the

bowmen, and the Agrians preceded; Alexander him-

The
after

Indians,

astonished at

the unexpected event,

having borne the attack

of the light-armed, took to flight on the approach About two hundred were killed ; of the phalanx.
at the

the rest found safety within their walls. Alexander, head of the phalanx, approaching these, re-

ceived an arrow in his foot, but the wound was slight. Next day the battering engines were brought
against the fortification, so little adapted to resist such machines that a practicable breach was quickly

made.

resistance was such that

Assault was immediately attempted, but the Alexander ordered retreat.

Next day a wooden tower was advanced, whence bowmen, in shelter, discharged their arrows with effect, and machines threw more weighty weapons. But Grecian discipline did not give the same advantage
against numbers, behind the rudest fortiSuch was the resistance of fications, as in the field.

the garrison that the besiegers could not penetrate. On the third day therefore a bridge was thrown from the moveable tower to the broken part of the
wall,

and the hypaspists, who, through similar arrangement, had taken the great and powerful city of Tyre, were the troops sent to storm. But through
assault,

their eagerness to be forward in the

their prince's eye, the bridge was overloaded,

cArr.i.4. - 7-

under and

g ave wav
distressed

the Indians pressed upon their enemies, not only with missile weapons

Then

from the

walls,

but issuing by small sallyports, came

even to close action. They were driven back, but Alexander then prudently ordered retreat.

Against the next day however a more perfect bridge was completed, and assault was renewed.

WAR WITH THE ASSAKENE

The
resistance
still

INDIANS.

173
SECT.

was again obstinate, and the event the chief of the Indians was Then the mercekilled by a shot from an engine. naries probably began to doubt whether they were equally sure, as before, of the stipulated reward for
doubtful,

when

however being already killed, and many more wounded, those yet able, no longer acknowledging any authority but that of their own chiefs, sent out a proposal to capitulate. Alexander,
their service.

Many

says Arrian, admiring their bravery, rejoiced in the The opportunity to save them from destruction.
that they out accordshould pass into his service. Marching a hill near ingly with their arms, they encamped on For what followed, Alexthe Macedonian camp.

town was surrendered with the condition

ander has been variously censured, as the facts have been variously related and believed. According to
Arrian,
averse to
to

he was informed that these mercenaries, serve against other Indians, had resolved

move

Upon

in the night, this, in early

and desert
darkness,

their engagement. surrounding their

camp with his whole army, he put all to the sword. Proceeding then to the town, he took possession of
as if there had been no capitulation, and the mother and daughter of the chief of the Assakenes became his prisoners. 4
it
4

Of different

accounts of this business Arrian seems to have

;

selected that least uncreditable to Alexander

and Diodorus,

who

delighted in glaring colours and strong light and shadow, that most so ; for which the eighty-fourth chapter of his seven-

teenth book may be seen. Plutarch, adverting to the fact, without naming either people or place, observes upon it, TOUTO Tfl2$ 'TroXsjfcWKflJ's Efyotq avrw, raXXee, vo[4,i/^uf KOI fiex,<TikiK.$ V. Alex. p. 698. It is for the iroXsjw.ijfrai'TO?, w? /ojX<{ irpoVfcmv.
credit of Alexander's history altogether that,

among

the often

174
CHAP.
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
have had
several

The numerous small nations of India seem to much of the obstinate attachment of the
Grecian
cities

each to

its

separate

inde-

pendency, and a consequent disposition to hostility among one another. With no concert, or none of
material efficacy, they persevered in resistance, each confiding in its own means ; among which the singuafforded by the nature of the country, were principally encouraging. Beside these however they had towns, of which some were conlarly

strong posts,

siderably

Bazira and populous and well fortified. Ora appear to have been the most important. Against

the former Alexander sent Ccenus ; against the other Attalus ; expecting, says Arrian, that information

of the catastrophe of the Assakenes would produce If however such was his expectaready submission.
tion,

he was disappointed, for the

effect

was the

re-

The Bazirenes trusting in the natural and verse. 5 artificial strength of their town , the Orenes in support from some neighbouring people, both resolved
Alexnot to commit themselves by a capitulation. ander then led his main body against Ora, leaving only a small force under Coenus before Bazira. Indian walls were unavailing against the Grecian
art of attack,

and Indian numbers against the Grecian discipline Ora was quickly taken, and then
:

the Bazirenes began to despair of the defence even of their stronger situation.

But there was, within their country, an insulated mountain called Aornos, of very extraordinary advarying ancient accounts, the most favouring writers have not represented him blameless, while the most adverse have acknow-

ledged great qualities and even great virtues.

5

'AxpiGui;

TTt%ur[Aevw. Arr.

1.

4. c. 27.

IMPROVEMENT OF FORTIFICATIONS.
Its circuit at the base vantages for a military post. miles the lowest height of its was said to be twenty ; One practicable precipitous sides more than a mile.

SECT.

path, formed by hand, led

to the champaign top, where were woods, land fit for tillage enough to employ a thousand men, and running springs of fine water.

making their way to this place by were night, quickly joined by the population of all Aornos had the fame of the surrounding country.
Bazirenes,

The

Report,' says Arrian, goes, being impregnable. * that even Hercules, son of Jupiter, failed in attempting to take it/ 'But,' he continues, 'whether
'

'

Arr

1-

4.

'

Theban Hercules, or the Tyrian, or the ever reached India, is more than I can Egyptian affirm. Indeed I am inclined to believe the coneither the
trary.

'

The

disposition of

men

to express, rather

'

beyond than short of the

would describe

reality,

whatever they
has
led
to the

'

as extraordinary,

'

common
it

'

phrase concerning difficulties, that even Hercules could not surmount them ; and I think
likely

Hercules has thus been implicated in the of this mountain/ history But with or without the passion to emulate or exceed the deeds of Hercules, Alexander's purpose being to hold the country as far as the Indus within
'

his dominion,

and connect

it

by navigation with the

such a passion could hardly be needful to admonish him that a post like Aornos, in the midst of a populous and fruitful country,
rest of his empire,
left behind him in the possession of Those previous measures then which, with these views, prudence would recommend, he pro-

should not be
enemies.

ceeded to take.
of

Improving the Indian

fortifications

Ora and Massaga with Grecian garrisons in them simply as military

he placed But he posts.

art,

?
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
gave Bazira other importance. Improving its fortifications also, he replenished it with inhabitants, and

gave

a constitution as a city. 6 During these transactions Hephaestion and Perit

diccas had restored the deserted town of Orobatis, and, leaving a garrison there, had proceeded to the Indus and completed the projected bridge. Mean-

Cowho had and attached themselves phasus Assagetes, to Alexander, the principal city of Peucelaotis had surrendered ; and then many smaller towns hastened to profit from opportunity afforded to obviate greater In Peucelaotis evils by following the example. Alexander placed a garrison, and appointed Philip,
while, at the persuasion of the Indian princes,

son of Machatas, to the command. The northern part of India, as far as the Indus, Aornos only excepted, being now reduced to quiet
subjection,

Alexander committed the command of

the whole, with the title of a satrapy, to Nicanor of his band of companions, and then proceeded to At the measures for reducing that formidable post.

town of Embolima, not

far distant

from

it,

he

sta-

tioned Craterus, with a part of his army, to collect magazines, with a view to a protracted blockade, if, through the failure of effective means for assault, that

mode of siege must be resorted to. Himself, with a select division, undertook the lead of measures for a quicker execution of the purpose.

The

animosities

among

the Indians, together with

facilities for

Alexander's reputation for generosity, and his means

for rewarding largely,
6
to,

made everywhere

Ta

fMv 8j
E

tya KOI

Maa-o-a-ya fpovpnn iitoirpiv

. . .

liti

TJ

Xupp'

Bafypa

vofav l^erfi^ia-f.

Bazira in URBis nwdum

excoluit.

I suppose this, Vulcanius's translation, is as near the original as could be in the Latin language without circumlocution.

SIEGE OF AORNOS.

177
SECT.

Some natives of the enterprises. country now undertook to show a way, not generally known, by which active men, with arms, might reach
him among
difficult

commanding part of the mountain. was accordingly put under the orders
a

A chosen body
of

An-, i. 4. ' 29>

Ptolemy

son of Lagus. Moving by night, they succeeded in the indicated gaining post, unperceived by the enemy.

whence, though in some degree detached, access to the body of the mountain was easier than from the country below. Ptolemy proIt

was a small

hill,

ceeded immediately to fortify his station ; and, when all was duly prepared, gave information by a concerted signal.
assault,

Next day Alexander attempted an

hoping that the sight only of Ptolemy's troops, already in possession of a fortified post on the mountain, would so alarm and distract the enemy

make his way good against the diffiwhich nature offered on the other sides. But the Indians profited so ably and boldly from the
that he might
culties

abandon

advantages of their situation that they obliged him to his purpose, and, not resting there, proceeded

to direct nearly their whole force against Ptolemy. His situation became in consequence critical ; for no

from friends could readily reach him. His light troops however, which were of the best of the army, with advantage of ground and from behind
assistance

weapons so efficaciously, that the enemy, without coming in contact with the heavyarmed, at the close of day withdrew. In the following night Alexander sent orders to
lines,

plied their

Ptolemy, by a trusty Indian intimately acquainted with the ground ; for their quarrels among themselves made Indians trusty for Alexander. He had
resolved,

on the morrow, to endeavour himself, with

a powerful body, to reach Ptolemy's station by the

VOL. VIII.

178
CHAP,
T

HISTORY OF GREECE.
path by which he had ascended. To obviate interruption from the enemy in this difficult attempt,
difficult

TTT '

Ptolemy was directed, not to keep his force, as before, merely in a threatening attitude behind his lines, but to issue against the enemy, and force attention the farthest that might be from the part by which it was This was accordproposed the army should ascend. Yet the Indians resisted with a executed. ingly
valour and
skill which compelled Alexander repeatrelieve the assailing body with fresh troops. to edly Till mid-day the contest was quite doubtful ; and not
till

near night, by great perseverance, with judicious conduct, the junction with Ptolemy was effected. But even thus the business was far from completed. The first assault, from the army united on the hill occupied by Ptolemy, was unsuccessful, and it became Next necessary to encamp there for the night.

morning

man

daybreak orders were issued for every to provide himself immediately with a hundred
at

which the growth of wood on the hill sides In this business they were abundantly furnished. The next day was uninterrupted by the enemy.
palisades,

employed in forming, with the assistance of the 7 which palisades, a causeway across the bottom separated Ptolemy's hill from the body of the mounAlexander himself superintending the work, it tain.
was,

before

night,

completed to the length of a

Am 1.4.
c ' 30<

furlong, of such height that missile weapons might be efficaciously delivered from it, either by hand or

by engines, against any endeavouring to interrupt the work. During the two following days therefore
Better described in the old language, preserved in the north of England, where the thing is oftener found than in the midland or southern parts, by the terra DEAN, on the eastern side of
the country, and GILL on the western.
7

SIEGE OF AORNOS.
the business proceeded still more rapidly ; and, on the fourth, it afforded such advantage for reachin^ a kind of promontory projected from the mountain

179
SECT.

body of Macedonians, seizing an advantageous opportunity, by a bold exertion reached that projected height, and established themselves on it. Alexander presently joined them there, and thence
that a small

urged the completion of the causeway. The Indians now saw their means of effectual
resistance

gone.

They

sent

therefore a herald to

capitulation, begun. their conduct excited suspicion that their purpose was only to obtain a suspension of attack during daylight, and in the night to withdraw with their

propose

and negotiation was

But

Alexander therefore, instead of measures of removed his troops from all situations accommodated to intercept their retreat but, carefully watching them, when their ill faith became fully
arms.

hinderance,

manifest by the actual beginning of their flight, then, with his body-guards, and a division of the hypaspists, he led the way himself to the height they

had occupied, and directed pursuit of the fugitives. Many perished by the sword, and many among the precipices ; which made flight by night, even had no enemy pursued, hazardous, and even to those best
acquainted with the ways. If then, on this occasion, the army was gratified with the imagination of having accomplished what Hercules, with whatever force he commanded, had

been unequal to, it could not be politic for Alexander to check the amusing fancy. Perhaps he promoted historian mentions to have it a the which sacrifice, by been performed next day, though to what deity is not
said.

new

instances of infidelity among those of his subjects to whom he had intrusted confidential

The

N 2

180
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
situations did not dissuade

him from persevering

in

Placing a garrison in the mountain rock, the command to Sisicottus, an Indian ; committed he who, driven apparently from his own country, had
that policy.

with a body of troops passed to Bactra, and engaged, attached to him, in the service of Bessus ; on whose downfal, being admitted with his troops into that of

Alexander, he had, on all occasions, so conducted himself as to win his new sovereign's esteem. While Alexander was engaged in the siege of

Aornos, the brother of the prince of the Assakenes, under the hope that it would certainly detain him
last, long, and perhaps might a with considerable excited a rebellion, and, force,

baffle

him

at

had

taking all the elephants in the country, had withdrawn When therefore Aornos was reto the mountains.

duced, Alexander marched for Dyrta, the principal In his way he found the territory city of Assakene.
also without

deserted, and, arriving at the city, he found that inhabitants. Satisfied then with this
little

evidence that the insurrection was

threatening,

he committed the reduction of the rebellious Assakenes to his generals Nearchus and Antiochus, and resumed his own march for the Indus.

But the way was difficult, principally from its woods, and afforded great opportunity for an enemy
to obstruct his progress. strong body of pioneers was therefore sent forward to open the way. Pro-

ceeding thus, he was met by a deputation from an Indian army, bearing the head and arms of its chief,
as a peace-offering, which not allow him to refuse. 8

Alexander's policy would

8 For this, unnoticed or obscurely noticed by Arrian, the concurring testimonies of Diodorus and Curtius (Diod. 1. 17. c. 86.

ELEPHANT HUNTERS.
Not yet arrived in the climate where elephants were commonly bred, those animals, scarce and highly valued among the natives, were greatly prized by Alexander. Desirous therefore of recoverino- those which had been carried off by the Assakenes, he had
about
directed Nearchus and Antiochus, among inquiries all circumstances of the country, to be
diligent

SECT
II.

in search for them.

Information then was obtained

that the Assakenes,

when they
;

deserted their city

had turned their elephants to pasture on the banks of the Indus and it was farther found the Indians in Alexander's service, some that, among were professional elephant-hunters. These being
plains,
Curt.
1.

and

8. c. 12.)

may

be admitted, being consonant to both

Indians.

ancient and

modern accounts of the

The
it
*
' '
:

compilers of the ancient Universal History observe upon How Arrian came to omit this event, we cannot pretend

to say, unless

we suppose

that he doubted the truth of

it,

because

it

was omitted

in the

Memoirs of Aristobulus and

It appears to me far from clear that Arrian has Ptolemy.' wholly omitted the event, though he has mentioned neither the chief's name (Aphrices in our copies of Diodorus, Eryces in
'

torians.
lion

those of Curtius) nor his catastrophe, as related by those hisIt is observable that in Arrian's account of the rebel-

of the Assakenes the name of the prince their leader is unmentioned, and that, in the accounts of the other two historians of the opposition of Aphrices or Eryces, the name of the is unmentioned. It seems therefore at least possible

people

The it clearly follow that, if Nor does important. the catastrophe of that prince was unnoticed by both Ptolemy and Aristobulus, therefore such a fact, so consonant with Asiatic
that Aphrices or Eryces

was the leader of the Assakenes.

matter

is

little

manners
credited
;

in general,

and Indian

particularly,

should be dis-

the principal object of those writers having been, as Arrian's after them, a military history of Alexander and of themselves. The conjecture, in the Universal History, that the army of Aphrices was composed mostly of mercenaries, may well be admitted, as consonant with Arrian's account of the

Indian military.

N 3

182
CHAP,
[IL

HISTORY OF GREECE.
sent in pursuit

of the animals brought

as

all

to

the

they camp except two, which, down precipices, had perished.

reported,

falling

SECTION
Fancies of the
to

III.

Greeks

concerning the expedition

of Bacchus

India.
to

Nysa

Ready submission of the city and province of Alexander, and conquest as far as the river Indus

completed.

WHILE

the

army was within the extensive bounds

of the Persian empire, though among various nations, differing in speech, as in manners, habits, traditions

and superstitions, yet the language of government would be everywhere Persian everywhere, even be among the natives, would many who could speak Persian ; and, as many among the Greeks were conversant with the Persian, means for information about any matter of extensive notoriety would not wholly
;

any who desired it. Nevertheless, concerning those Persian provinces which lay beyond all ordinary resort of the Greeks, some of their writers,
fail for

whether more indulging in their fancies, or pursuing a view to profit from popular curiosity and credulity,

And published some very extravagant stories. a more favourable field for them was opened.
terpreters

now
In-

principal officers

Am

Alexander and his means to commu; nicate with the natives would be rare and scanty.
still

would be found

for

but, for others,

i.

4.

Arrian indicates a suspicion that Alexander himself, /> the profiting from these circumstances,
*

/>

promoted

belief of

some

fictions calculated to assist his

purposes

and

especially to reconcile the army to his ulterior views.

Grecian part of his

SUBMISSION OF NYSA.
Tradition was old

188
SECT.

among

the Greeks that their

god Dionysius, called also Bacchus, was taken from the womb of his dying mother Semele at Thebes in
Boeotia, and placed for maturity of birth, -r f 1_ 1 father Jupiter, his own thigh, whence he livered in due time at Nysa, in that

Arr.i.s.
c>1>

by J his was de-

cum mult
ai. script.

Gr

'

&

country westward of the Red part of Egypt, but anciently attributed to Arabia. Tradition also was old that Dionysius, at the head of an army from Greece, penetrated to India, and even

part of the Sea, now reckoned a

conquered a part of that extensive country. Concerning however all circumstances of this conqueror
traditions greatly varied.
writers,

c - 38 -

]-

3-

Hence, among the Grecian

1/4. c.s.

comparing those traditions with one another, and with matters of more authenticated, still 7 though t>
obsc-ure, history,

Dionys.]

some supposed there were three of

;

the

name of Dionysius

one Grecian, one Egyptian

;

or Arabian,

one Indian

while others inclined to

believe Dionysius and Bacchus but additional names or titles of the famed Egyptian conqueror Sesostris.

In the country where Alexander now was, between Am Cophen and Indus, was a principal city to which the Greeks, probably following as nearly as
the rivers

1.5.

they could the Indian pronunciation, gave the name of Nysa. Alexander, on his march toward this city, had just entered the tent prepared for him, when the
arrival of a deputation

from

it

was announced.

With

his

helmet and armour

still

on, and covered as he

was with dust, he directed that the deputies should be introduced. Struck with the sight of so renowned a conqueror, in habit so unceremonious yet so warAlexlike, they fell on the ground and held silence.
ander however kindly greeting them, they rose, and ' The Acuphis, their chief, addressed him thus :
*

Nysseans,

O king

through

us,

beseech you, for the

45

184
CHAP.
L1Ih

HISTORY OF GREECE.
sake of the

god Dionysius,

whom

you revere, to

of their actual free grant them the continuance constitution. For Dionysius, after he had conquered
India, before he returned toward the Grecian sea, it with his invalid and founded their
city,

peopled

soldiers,

who were

perpetual
'

congenial with himself , for a memorial of his victories ; as you have

founded Alexandria in Egypt, arid Alexandria at Caucasus, and are now founding other cities, and will found still more ; your achievements far ex-

'

'

That deity, in honour ceeding those of Dionysius. of his nurse Nysa, gave our city its name, and its and from his having, as territory he called Nysa3a ;
our mythology and yours teaches, grown to maturity for birth in Jupiter's thigh, he gave to the

'

neighbouring mountain the name of Meron, which, in our language, as in yours, means a Thigh. From

him we derive that under which we have

free

lived.

and regular government If farther proof were

needful that Dionysius was our founder, we have it in this singularity, that ivy, the plant sacred to
that god, flourishes here, throughout India.'

and

is

found nowhere
<

else

AIT.

i.

5.
'

'

This speech, the historian says, was grateful to Alexander, who desired that the traditions of the expedition of Dionysius to India, and of his being founder of the city of Nysa, should have credit j
that so he might himself obtain the estimation of

'

*
.

having already equalled the extent of conquest of Dionysius, and soon of having surpassed it ; for thus
1

O? 89 airy KOI B/c%o

ipsi et

faav.

Vulcanius has translated

this,

which the learned annotator Gronovius has allowed to pass without comment. [< Hoc nomine non ' Bacchus tantum appellatur, sed ejus cultores quoque, et qui ' hujus numine agitantur.' RapMius."]
erant,

Qui

Bacchi

CONSTITUTION OF NYSA.
'

185
SE CT.

he thought the Macedonians would be led to have the same zeal with himself for farther

'

He

conquest. therefore readily granted to the Nysseans the

privileges they solicited.' It seems here clearly indicated that official report was made to the army of what passed at the audience

bable that,

and it appears highly pro; related really passed, it was preconcerted with the heads of the Nysaean governof the Nysa3an deputies
if

what

is

ment.

Nevertheless

it

is

clearly possible

that the

speech of Acuphis
that reported.

may have differed widely from For no Greek would understand him
it

speaking his

own language

open for representing

ander's purpose.

so opportunity was such as might best suit Alex;

and

The Nysaean
aristocratical
;

constitution,

we

are informed,

was

a senate of three hundred holding the

In confirming this principal powers of government. constitution Alexander declared his approbation of it, and of the system of law and mode of administration of the Nysaeans. Probably in all his conquests he took some contribution of force to his army. Of

the Nyseeans he

demanded three hundred horse ; but whether through jealousy, or whether proposing honour, he required that one hundred should be of the This distressed senate, with Acuphis at their head.
Three hundred horse, they the Nysaean leaders. or would more, said, they willingly furnish ; but deprived of one third of their most efficient members, they could not answer for the consequences : double

the

number of another

description they could well

In the Nysaean, as in all free governments, spare. there would be parties ; but whether the subtraction of one third of the senate would have endangered the
preponderance of the actually ruling party, or only

8f)

HISTORY OF GREECE.
suc h a

CHAP.

number of the

senate were averse to the active

and hazardous service which Alexander would expect Alexander however conof them, no account shows. took remonstrance the to ceded ; only the three hundred cavalry which he had demanded, not requiring that any should be senators, and he appointed Acuof the province ; accepting his phis his lieutenant and his son, grandson by a daughter, as his substitutes for military service.
10

Alexander would not quit Nysa without visiting the antiquities, which were said to prove the foundation of that city by the Grecian Dionysitis, or Bacchus,

In
able

his visit to

and the mountain Meron, where ivy grew. them he was attended by a considerof horse

escort

and

foot;

and

the

soldiers,

in ascending the mountain, delighted with the ivy, which they had not for a long time seen, (for in India, says Arrian, even where vines flourish ivy is

not found,) eagerly gathering it, made themselves crowns ; singing hymns to Dionysius, and calling on

him by

his various

names.

Farther then to establish

the credit of the traditions, (which possibly may have been reported to the army in the Greek language

somewhat

more accommodated

to

former Grecian

belief or fancy than they were delivered, if at all deAlexander sacrificed there to livered, in the

Indian,) Dionysius, and entertained about him with a banquet.

the

principal

persons

Thus far Arrian appears to have credited the accounts in his time extant. If some writers, he adds, should be believed, some of the eminent personages, entertained on that occasion the of
by
conqueror
title, not occurring in Arrian's account of the Persian empire, we find commonly used by him to designate
u

"TfVapxov.

This

chiefs of provinces in India.

SACRIFICE TO DIONYSIUS OR BACCHUS.

Asia, emulated the extravagances of the bacchanals at the festivals of Dionysius in Greece ; running about with wild gestures, as if under inspiration from the

187
SECT.
IIL

god, and uttering the, exclamations and invocations 11 I leave this,' commonly used at those festivals.
says the historian,
* '

AIT.
c ' 3-

i.

5.

to every

one's opinion

but I

cannot entirely agree with Eratosthenes of Cyrene,

who

asserts that the disposition of the

Macedonians

to gratify Alexander's vanity

produced or spread

and confirmed the

the gods.

stories of conquests attributed to

'

Finding a cavern, if we should believe him, among the mountains of Paropamisus, and,
either hearing

'

some story current in the country, or themselves combining fancies and rumours, they amused themselves with asserting that the moun-

'

'

tain there in India was Caucasus, extending thus far from the Euxine sea, and that the cavern was

that in which, according to mythology, Prometheus

*

was chained, on whose bowels an eagle

fed,

till

<
*

Hercules, in the course of his eastern conquests, passing that way, killed the eagle, and set the sufferer at liberty.

So

also seeing, in the

same part of
their skin

India, neat cattle with a

mark burnt on

they took this for proof that Similar matters concernHercules had been there.

resembling a club,

ing the expedition of Dionysius are treated by For myself, all that relates Eratosthenes as fables.
to both those deities I leave to the discussion of
others.'

'

i 1

For these

may be

seen Potter's antiquities of Greece,

c.

20.

of the Religion of Greece.

HISTORY OF GREECE.

SECTION

IV.

Circumstances of the northern part of India beyond the Indus alliances formed by Alexander beyond the Indus, and war
.

: the dominion of Porus concolonies established on the Hydaspes. Grecian quered:

carried beyond the Hydaspes

CHAP.
[IT '

CURIOSITY appears
ander hardly
less

than ambition.

to have been a passion of AlexBut with both, as

we have

before observed, were connected extensive

views for benefit to mankind, yet not limited by a much stricter regard for the rights of any foreign people than were usually acknowledged among the

republican Greeks. With such views he was especially desirous of seeing the Indian ocean, and exploring its shores; and he had accordingly directed Hephaestion to construct a bridge over the Indus for the passage of his army, that he might command both

banks, and to build a

port of necessaries of supporting the army on either side from the other.

number of vessels for the transdown the stream, and for means

The inducement
the purpose of
directly stated

to postpone this favourite object for

still

extending conquest eastward, not

by Arrian,

may

yet, in his

common

deficiency of political information, be in some degree gathered from his military narrative ; which often
affords assistance for estimating the political

informa-

tion furnished by writers less judicious, or less careful

of authority.

The
less

people beyond the Indus appear to have been divided into small states, hostile to each other,
side.

than those on the Persian

at this time,

There was however

extensive apprehension of among them, the ambition of Porus, the sovereign of a large do-

ALLIANCES BEYOND THE INDUS.

minion beyond the next great boundary river of the To them therefore the arcountry, the Hydaspes. rival of a conqueror like Alexander, famed for generosity as for invincibility, was an auspicious event.
SEC T.
Iv
-

The

principal city in these northern parts, between

Arr. 1.5. c' 8'

the Indus and the Hydaspes, is called by Arrian But it appears from Taxila, and its chief Taxiles.

Diodorus and Curtius that Taxiles was a title ; and the name, in our editions of the former, Mophis, of the latter, Omphis. According to the probable account of Diodorus, when Alexander was in Sogdiana, an embassy from Taxiles had attended him, soliciting his imperial protection ; and Curtius adds the information that, to engage his favour, provisions were furnished, and all friendly offices done, to Hepha3stion, while employed in preparing for the passage of the

Dk>a. 1.17. c ' 86

Q.Curt.i.s.
'

12>

But, according to all the writers, it seems probable that Alexander's resolution was not decided till he had crossed that Taxiles then great river.

Indus.

came himself

to wait upon him, and the result was, that Alexander undertook to give him security in his dominion, by invading the territory of Porus, whose

ambition he dreaded.

bank of the Indus the army halted some time, and a solemn sacrifice was performed there,
the
left

On

Arr. 1.5.
'

sacrifice for the according to the Grecian ritual. the a feast for the army, army being purpose of Alex-

ander's piety, obviously, was to infuse cheerfulness under the view of new difficulties and dangers to be
all might have been supposed and glory, beyond common with wealth already ended, The march was then measure, already acquired. resumed for Taxila. There the disposition of the

encountered,

when

people seconding that of their chief, all was made Pleased satisfactory for the army and its commander.

190
CHAP,
LIIL

HISTORY OF GREECE.
with their conduct, Alexander granted a desired addition to their territory ; at the expense of what other
the historian has not said. The fame prince or people with that of his his of however liberality, combined
victories,

At produced advantageous consequences. of DioTaxila, where, according to the chronology in marking dorus, (for Arrian is often deficient

his winter quarters, the brother of seasons,) he took a principality in the Indian held Ambisares, who

at the head of an embassy, solicithighlands, arrived, the custom still ing friendship and bringing presents ; those to whom, fearing, they would of the Indians

honour
ares,

and a similar deputation arrived from Dox12 as chief of the law ; designated by Arrian
;

brahmans. perhaps a chief of the Leisure then, on account of the season, occurring, Alexander gratified the army with another sacrifice,

and added the entertainment of gymnic games, and equestrian military exercises ; whether simply horseraces, or
tilts

perhaps rather contests in arms, like the

and tournaments of our forefathers. The disposition of prince and people to admit his sovereignty,
for the sake of his powerful protection against the pretensions of one to whom they were averse, appears

to have in

as a colony, those of his

fatigue, service to ensue.

some degree invited him to leave here, army, become by wounds or since his last measure of the kind, less fit for

To superintend the establishment a Macedonian, Philip son of Machatas, was appointed

12 No/*ap%ov. [By this title Arrian more probably meant to denote the commander or praefect of a district. Cf. v. 18. iii. 5.

Ihus Aristotle:
peXXovruv

Ei3ao-j$ Ztpof, Alyvirrov a-arpairEvuv,

afi<7ra,a-6a,i

ruy

vopapxav

am'

av-rov,

K. r. A.

In reference to

Herod, ii. 177. iv. 66. the word is thus explained in the Lexicon Herodoteum of Schweighaeuser : ' Nomi e. Provinciae vel (i.
Pagi) praefectus.']

PASSAGE OF THE HYDASPES.

to the dignity and authority of satrap, with a military force under his command.

191
SECT.

The great king Porus, whose ambition the Indians between the Indus and the Hydaspes dreaded, seems to have been checked in his purpose of invasion by information that they had gained, from a country
before unheard
of,

so extraordinary a conqueror for

their protector. Instead of crossing the Hydaspes, for which he had prepared, he sat down with his

army behind that boundary river. Alexander resolved upon what is often the most effectual mode of defence for a country, attacking the enemy and, in the actual circumstances, it seemed the only way to give security to subjects who had voluntarily adopted his empire. With this view he ordered a sufficient number of the boats, which had been prepared for
;

the navigation of the Indus, to be brought by land have seen, in the authentic to the Hydaspes. narratives of Thucydides and Xenophon, entire ves-

We

sels

of war,

of the ancient construction, with the

scanty means of the Grecian republics, conveyed some miles over land. For easier carriage the far
greater distance for Alexander's purpose, the vessels were cut in two, and some in three, to be put toge-

ther again on their arrival. 13

14 Spring was advanced , the rainy season in that part of India, when also the melting of the snow on the range of mountains which Arrian still calls Cau-

casus,

assisted to

fill

the rivers.
is

In summer and

autumn the Hydaspes

13

in parts fordable.
is

Alex-

Cutting vessels in two, to lengthen them,

a well-known

practice of
14

modern times.

*Hv yap upa. TOt>$, vj pera, tfotca/; jwaXrra tv Sepet TptTcereit o Arr. 1. 5. c. 9. [That this passage is wrongly interpreted by Mr. Mitford, is shown in the examination of dates preceding the Index.]
vpuo?.

192
CHAP,
LIII
1_

HISTORY OF GREECE.
ander gave out that he meant to wait for that favourable season,

and collected

stores in his station ac-

Nevertheless he made movements for the cordingly. of alarming, as if he would attempt the purpose About fifteen miles above his boats. with passage

enemy's station circumstances afforded opportunities of which he thought he might avail himself. The shores on both sides were woody, and in the
the

stream was a wooded island of some extent.

Boats

then were so conveyed by land, and so deposited, as

not to be seen by the enemy, though watchful, on Skins also, the soldiers' bedding, the opposite shore.

were prepared in the way usual for

rafts.

Preparation being completed, the command of the camp, with the main body of the infantry, was com-

mitted to Craterus, while Alexander himself, as in ordinary course, undertook the business of most

Am

i.

5.

and danger, the passage by the Midway, between the camp and the island, a strong body was stationed under Meleager, Attalus, and Gorgias.
critical

difficulty

island.

c.i4, 15.

Arrian seems to have reckoned the Indian king's force toward forty thousand foot, about six thousand horse, four hundred and twenty chariots, and more
than two hundred elephants
;

and he

says

it

was in

15 good condition and well disciplined. numbers are mentioned by none, but

Alexander's
it is

evident

that his

means were great and Arrian sufficiently shows that his force on the bank of the Hydaspes
;

15 Diodorus, in our copies of his work, reports Porus's army above fifty thousand foot, three thousand horse, more than one thousand chariots, and a hundred and our

copies of Curtius give

elephants.

him only

thirty elephants : thirty thousand foot, three

hun-

dred chariots, without notice of other cavalry, and eighty-five

PASSAGE OF THE HYDASPES.

was powerful. In addition to his Grecian numbers, and those from the southern part of his new empire, he had cavalry, probably the best of Asia, from Arachosia, Paropamisus, Bactra, Sogdia, Scythia, and Daa. Probably his Asiatic infantry, in consideration
of the extent of country he had in view to traverse, and his desire of quick progress, was not proportionally

93
-

SECT. lv

numerous.
his cavalry, his fear

Depending then much on

was

of the enemy's elephants, which horses, unused to To provide facility therethem, will not approach.
fore for landing

where he proposed, under his own he directed Craterus to make all demonstration lead,

of the purpose of crossing near the enemy's station, with the view to retain his elephants there ; but not
actually to cross
till it might be ascertained that the were elephants moving toward where the crossing had been effected. thunderstorm, on that night, with heavy rain, assisted the purpose of concealment,

Arr.
c*

i.
4

5.

and, ceasing toward daybreak, did not interrupt the Alexander, taking with him passage of the river.
latter as

Ptolemy, Lysimachus, Seleucus, and Perdiccas, (the agent of the empire, the three former afteras sovereigns of powerful kingdoms,) led in a triaconter. As they passed the island

ward known

the way in the river, they came unavoidably in view of an outpost of the enemy ; not of force to resist, but

Reachintelligence was hastened to Porus. and Alexander was the first to ing land, leap ashore, of the instead all the cavalry debarked safely ; but, main land, it was found to be an island of consider-

whence

extent, with a channel intervening, not broad, but, with the rain of the night, become so deep that
able
it

reaching opportunity be given for Porus to bring up his elephants, which VOL. VIII. O

was apprehended the boats would be wanted for would Thus the desired shore.

194
C HAP.

HISTORY OF GREECE.

With impossible to land the horses. diligent trial however a ford was found, which even the infantry could pass, though with the water breast
must make
it

high. horse

Thus
and

the whole force, about five thousand

six

thousand

foot,

without

opposition

reached the enemy's side of the river. As soon then as arrangement for the business in

view was completed, Alexander hastened forward with his cavalry ; satisfied that, if Porus came against

him with overbearing numbers, he could avoid conhe might be supported ; if with a smaller The bowmen, under the force, he might defeat it. command of Tauron, were ordered to follow with
test
till

the utmost speed, and the heavy-armed, as heavyarmed best might ; all having to encounter the difficulties

of marshy ground which, to a great extent,

bordered the river. He had not proceeded far when, over the flat, a hostile force was at a distance seen approaching. Uncertain whether this might be a part or the whole
of the enemy's army, he sent forward his horse-bowmen to check them. Assured then, by his scouts,
of the hostile numbers, and of their kind, about two thousand horse with a hundred and twenty chariots,

he hastened at the head of his regular cavalry against them. They hardly stood a charge, to which indeed they were unequal ; the chariots, from the swampiness of the ground, being little capable of acting, and the cavalry too inferior in number. 16 In pursuit about four hundred were slain, and, among them,
their

young commander, the son of Porus.

All the

chariots were taken, with their horses.

This, Arrian tells us, was Ptolemy's account, which he preferred; Ptolemy having been present, and about Alexander's Aristobulus, he says, reported somewhat differently, person. and others, he adds, related circumstances which seem to have
16

been known to neither.

BATTLE OF THE HYDASPES.

Porus was quickly informed of this disaster. To his actual situation was hazardous, because of the threatening aspect of the force under Craterus.

195
SECT.

move from

Yet, after short consideration, only leaving a small body of foot with a few elephants to disturb the
landing,
if

that general should cross the river, he

hastened, with his principal force, about thirty thousand foot, four thousand horse, three hundred chariots,

and two hundred elephants, immediately against

his imperial opponent. Knowing the country, or well informed of it, in a tract extensively marshy he halted on a sandy plain, sufficiently firm for the

action of both cavalry and chariots, and there formed His elephants he placed in front, in order of battle.* at intervals of about a hundred feet ; his chariots on

the -same
elephants,

line, in

the wings

his infantry

behind the
Arr. 1.5.

and his cavalry behind the chariots. Alexander approaching, and viewing the ground and the enemy's order, presently observed their In front, assault would be obviously rash. defects. Horse would not approach the elephants, and his infantry was not sufficiently numerous for the attempt. But the wings were very infirmly supported by the ground on either side. He had acquired extensive experience of the marshes on the banks of the Hydaspes, and he judged that, swampy now with heavy rain recently fallen, they would impede the action of the enemy's chariots, yet would not deny action for his own horse. Presently therefore he determined, without waiting for his main body of infantry under
Craterus, immediately to use his superior force of With this view, taking himself the lead of cavalry.

the greater part of

it,

he committed the infantry to

* be [By Elphinstone the place of encounter is thought to Julalpoor ; by Burnes Jelum, about twenty -five miles higher up the Hydaspes.J

196
CHAP.
Seleucus,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
Antigonus, and Tauron, with orders to __ avoid engaging till they should see the arrangement

ment.

of the enemy's infantry disturbed through his movesmaller body of horse he put under the

command
his

of Crenus, directing him to turn the ene-

my's right, and, if possible, proceeding rapidly behind whole line, to attack the rear of the cavalry of

his left,

The

which he proposed himself to attack in flank. action was begun in front by Alexander's

horse-bowmen, in number about a thousand, against Their weapons disthe chariots of the enemy's left. and the charioteers, reaching the cavalry tressing

Arr.i.5.

beyond them, engaged the attention of both, while Alexander, with his choicest body of horse, gained their flank. Observing this, they were changing their
front to receive him, front thus

when Ccenus, having

ably exe-

double cuted his orders, appeared in their rear. became necessary for them, and, before they could complete the arrangement, Alexander, who had watched the opportunity, made his charge.
Presently thrown into confusion, they retreated toward
their elephants, as to a friendly fortification. Thus arose opportunity, for which Alexander

had

prepared

his generals of infantry to

make advantage.

phalanx, it appears, was furnished for the occasion with darts, as the Roman legionaries with the
for the long spear, ordinarily its only weapon, formidable against men and horses, would be highly of no efficacy against elephants. Their darts, the his-

The

pilum

torian says, disabled many of the riders, and annoyed the beasts themselves. But whenever an elephant went forward against the phalanx, in however close

made

order with protruded spears, he broke the order and his way. The Indian cavalry, meanwhile ha-

bituated to elephants, went familiarly among them, and, thus gaining protection and encouragement,

DEFEAT OF PORUS.
formed again in a body, and again met Alexander. But Coenus had now joined him numbers and dis:

SECT.

cipline together gave preponderance, and the Indian cavalry fled again toward the elephants for protection. Then, in the Indian army, all became confusion.

Some Infantry, horse, and elephants, were mixed. of those formidable beasts, raging with wounds, became ungovernable.

Some had

lost those riders

who

should have governed them, and then were no less formidable to friends than foes. Some wounded, all

by consent, refusing farther enemy, bellowing in concert, they withdrew. Alexander, observing this,
tired,

at length,

as

if

efforts in the direction against the

directed the phalanx to take its proper formation, with closed shields and protruded spears, and press

upon the no longer formidable enemy and, the cavalry at the same time charging, the victory was
;

quickly complete. Meanwhile Craterus had crossed the river, and, with fresh troops, intercepted the already fatigued

Arr. 1.5,
c<

Three thousand of the Indian caretiring troops. valry are said to have been killed ; mostly on the field
and near twenty thousand foot all the and all the chariots not destroyed were elephants second son of Porus was among the slain, taken. and most of his principal officers. Porus himself, while any remained to fight about him, was, on his He wore a elephant, in the thickest of the contest.
of battle
j
:

coat of mail of

uncommon

excellence

but that, ac-

cording to the universal practice of generals among the ancients, he might be an example in action for
his soldiers, his right arm must be free for the use of weapons, and his right shoulder was therefore less

protected.
cially

Eminent among

his troops

he was espe-

an object for the enemy's aim, and in his right shoulder he received a wound. Disabled thus for the o 3

198
CHAP, 111! ^
office

HISTORY OF GREECE.
of a soldier, and, through the slaughter of flight of most of the rest of his troops, the

many and

business of a general no longer remaining for him, he at length allowed his attendants to turn his ele-

Alexphant, and, among the last, he withdrew. ander, informed that he was in danger from the indiscriminate fury of pursuers, and generously desirous
who, on a swift horse overtaking him, said he brought a message from the Macedonian king. But the indignant Indian
to obviate
it,

sent Taxiles after

him

prince, seeing an ancient enemy, continued his way, and, disabled as he was, threatened him with his

Taxiles upon this withdrew, and hastened weapon. back to report the occurrence. Alexander, not thus driven from his purpose, sent several others, and

among them Meroes, an Indian, long known to Porus, and always upon friendly terms with him. Porus, at length overtaken, was suffering severely from fatigue, and especially from thirst. Persuaded then, or rather,
inability to proceed, necessitated to stop for refreshment, he at length consented to return and

through

surrender himself.

Alexander, informed of his approach, advanced toward him on horseback, attended by his band of

Admiring his form and size (he is said handsome man above common 17 height ) and still more the unbroken majesty of his demeanour, he desired him to speak his wishes. Porus
companions.
to have been a very
17

More than

five cubits

(Arr.

1.

5. c. 19.).

Plutarch says

most writers allowed him more than four cubits and a palm. V. Alex. p. 639. B. Plutarch mentions letters of Alexander

How it (p. 638.) giving account of this victory over Porus. has been that numerous letters of Alexander reporting his progress in conquest, mentioned by Plutarch, have remained wholly without notice from Arrian, is a question that apparently should have engaged the attention of critics, but of which I have never met with discussion. [See the fifth note on the following chapter.]

FUNEREAL HONOURS TO THE

answered
*
*
:

SLAIN.

199
SECT.

Alexander,
sire
'

To be treated as a king.' That,' replied shall be on my own account but I de* ;

you to speak your wishes on your own.' Porus answered All I desire is what I have already said.' was thus concluded. Alexander restored Treaty Porus to his throne even enlarged his dominion, and
: ;

ever after found in him a faithful friend. Arrian's account

;

Such

is

and for

he may perhaps be spoken Ptolemy, his principal guide, if he did not hear them, having been in a situation to have all information from those in the way of hearing.
;

his general scrupulousness trusted here, even for words

After the battle, among the victor's earliest cares was the burial of the slain. Perhaps official accounts, Arrian's authorities, would exaggerate the loss on the If Indian side, and extenuate that on the Grecian.

our copies of Arrian should be trusted, of six thousand infantry engaged, only eighty fell ; but it may 18 Of seem not unlikely that he wrote eight hundred.

acknowledged that two hundred and killed, of whom twenty were of the body 19 Without distinction they entitled royal companions. seem to have been esteemed entitled to extraordinary honours, or Alexander's policy led him to bestow such.
the cavalry
it is

twenty were

18

those

From OrAOHKOSIOI to OFAOHKONTA, the change, who have observed the various forms of Grecian letters
will

as
in

writing and engraving,

be aware, might be

less violent

than

the differences often found in different manuscripts of the same

work.
19 I am induced to hope and believe I have given fairly the sense of Arrian's succinct account of this celebrated battle; though some of his phrases have been so disturbed by careless or ignorant transcribers (a misfortune to which the ancient military writers have been, more perhaps than all others, subject) that I would not undertake to give an exact translation of them, even with allowance to admit the learned Gronovius's proposed corrections
;

which however are valuable.

o 4

100

HISTORY OF GREECE.
funeral, in addition to the ordinary rites, was celebrated with gymnic exercises and horse-races, in

CHAP.

The
the

manner of the
little

funerals of eminent

men

in the

heroic ages, described by

Homer.

importance, yet, for the extensive celebrity of the animal, and for the honour testified by Arrian to have been paid to his memory, it must not
real

Of

be omitted to mention that Alexander's favourite horse

On this occasion only he is found mendied there. tioned by that writer, whose words on the subject, as
nearly as they may be rendered, will, among all that has been transmitted on it from antiquity, be perhaps

most worthy of the reader's attention,

alone
*

if

not even

fit

for serious history.

'

On

the field of the

battle fought with Porus,' says Arrian, ' Alexander built a town, which he named Nicaea, Victory-town ;

'

and, where he crossed the Hydaspes, another, which he called Bucephala, in honour of his favourite horse, 20 Bucephalas, which, in his thirtieth year, died there.

'

'

That horse was tall, and of generous temper, and would admit none but Alexander to mount him. From a mark of a bull's head imprinted on him, he had his name Bucephalas, bullhead though some say that a natural white mark on his forehead, re;

'
*

sembling a bull's head, his general colour being black, gave occasion for the name. This horse being in the Uxian country missing, Alexander caused proclamation to be promulgated, that if the horse was not brought to him he would put the whole nation to the sword ; and presently the horse was brought. Such was Alexander's estimation of the animal, and such the fear of that prince among the barbarians/
20

*
*

'

Error

in transcription

of the numeral here, according to

all
it

accounts of this famous horse, should be thirteenth.

may be

suspected.

Perhaps

ARRANGEMENT WITH PORUS.

SECTION

V.

Constitutions of Indian states: subordinate sovereignties: free cities: trade on the Indus: war prosecuted by Alexander in

India.

THE conquered Indian prince's magnanimity, and Alexander's generosity, have been, from their age to
this,

SECT.

themes for declamatory writers. Alexander's policy for his Indian conquests, how he accomhis political arrangements to his generosity, so that his acquisitions remained, not to him only, but long to his successors, has not been with equal Nevertheless Arrian's nardiligence transmitted.
rative,

modated

checked, as apparently

it

was,

by

his situation

under a despotic government,

serving attention
;

affords indications de-

and, events within our own times circumstances of that great and vahaving brought riously interesting country more within the sphere of

European information, the diligence and learning and talents of recent inquirers, some visiting the
countries, others comparing all accounts, have warranted the exactness of ancient reports, especially Arrian's, of Alexander's transactions there.

completely independent powerful Indian chiefs of modern times, owed a degree of fealty to some paramount sovereign, seems uncertain but the latter
prince,
or,

Whether Porus was

like

many

Thus he would be the more preappears probable. in his restored dominion, to to be satisfied, pared as a superior, holding, as he Alexander acknowledge
appears to have done, perfect friendship with him. Arrangement with that prince then being settled,
An-. 1.5.
c

Alexander committed to Craterus the business of

-U2

HISTORY OF GREECE.
superintending the building of the newly founded towns, and giving order to the population established there, while he proceeded himself to farther conquest.

CHAP,

Bordering on the kingdom of Porus was the of no great country of the Glausees, or Glaucaneeks
;

extent, but highly fruitful, and, through diligent use of great opportunities for commerce, more than ordinarily populous

and wealthy.
is

Of thirty- seven
had
five
;

towns

within

it,

the least
;

said to have

thousand

some above ten thousand and of numerous villages, some were hardly inferior in population to the towns. Popular government is meninhabitants

by Arrian, as not uncommon among the Indian nations, and such seems to have been that of
tioned,

With the too ordinary carelessness of the Glausees. the ancients about just cause against those they called barbarians, the historian has omitted mention of any
war with this people ; unless it may be understood from him that they had been enemies to Porus,
for

who, with
bitious

all

his great qualities, evidently

an am-

prince,

may

have put forward pretensions

Alexander adverse to their claim of independency. however, determining that they should be his subjects,
terms he offered were
led a select body into their country. Probably the in the liberal, spirit of the

and probably the Glausees felt need of a protector, and were more disposed to trust Alexander than any neighbouring

Macedonian

free constitution

However, without battle or siege, they potentate. came to a composition with him. Of the terms we are uninformed ; for, from ancient writers, whether
themselves living under monarchies or republics, we have, on such subjects, rarely more than sparks of
intelligence.

The

historian's expression

here how-

REVOLT OF THE ASSAKENES.

ever implies some compact for their benefit, under which the country of the Glausees was put under the

203
SECT.

superintendency of Porus. The fame of the victory, and of Alexander's generosity towards the magnanimous defeated prince,
operated
battle,

extensively.

Abissares,
to join

who, before the

had proposed

Porus,

now

sent his

brother to Alexander, with a present of money and Alexander, not satisfied so, comforty elephants.

manded
was an

that he should

come

himself.

Meanwhile

it

object, for the future peace of this portion of his now vast empire, to reconcile Porus with Taxiles.

This was

effected,

and then the

latter

was dismissed,
his also in-

to resume, in peace, the

government of

creased dominion.

and populous, and warlike country, there was not at all the ready disposition to though submission which had favoured Alexander in the
In
this rich,

western and southern provinces of the Persian empire, yet the divisions of the people among themselves
evidently

much

facilitated

his

suggested

the policy which

should make

conquests, and also the ac-

The highlanders, everywhere in quisition lasting. the habit of looking upon their mountains as sure The people of Assarefuge, were readiest to rebel.
kene, a portion of the extensive highlands whence flow the various streams which meet in the Indus, assassinated the commander of the forces which had

been

But

secure their obedience, and rose in revolt. an Indian who had been appointed satrap of that
left to

and hastened countiy, Sisicottus, remained faithful, About the same of the circumstances. intelligence O
time Alexander was gratified with assurance of the of a Persian, Phradaphernes, to whom he had
fidelity

intrusted a highly important office, that of satrap of

204
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
the two great border provinces of Bactra and HyrWith a body of Thracians, which had been
to attend the king.

cania.

put under his command, he came, according to orders, Against the revolted Assakenes then, to support his Indian satrap, Sisicottus, he joined a Persian, Tyriaspes, in command with Philip son of Machatas,
a Macedonian.
stances of his

For himself the

political

circum-

new

Indian friend, Porus, furnished

pretence for continuing that activity in war, to

which

he had now, from the age of twenty, been so habituated that it seems to have become as necessary
to his enjoyment as to a keen sportsman the pleaThere was another Indian prince sures of the chace.
called Porus,
Arr.1.5.

whether

it

were name or

title,

hostile

to the great man, his namesake, now Alexander's This prince had been forward, as we have friend.

seen Taxiles, to declare his submission to Alexander ; not indeed personally, like Taxiles, but by a deputation.

Yet when, having done nothing

farther to earn

friendship, he learnt that his enemy of his own name not only was restored to dominion, but to enlarged dominion, and had gained high esteem with the con-

queror, he took alarm.

His principality was separated from that of the other Porus by the great river Akesines, and from nations farther eastward by another great river, the
Hydraotes. Throughout India, or at least the western part of that great country, if there was anywhere an
extensive empire,
J ec t
it

was, like that of the

its

Mogul

lately,

unable to maintain
c. 20.

potentates.

As

claimed superiority over subwe proceed we still find the

country divided into governments under numerous chiefs, like the rajahs and soobadars of modern India.

Among

the various people beyond the Hydraotes,

WAR

IN INDIA.
Arr.
c'
i.
'

the Cathayans had obtained reputation for superior In alliance with courage and military dexterity. them were the Oxydracs and Mallians southward ;

5.

22

whose country the great Porus, before his war with Alexander, had invaded, and, though assisted by Hence their powerful allies, yet with no success. was to be to likely friendship open any who would

The other Porus therefore, whether be his enemy. more decided by policy, or, as Arrian says, by passion,
being vehemently hostile to his namesake, resolved to embrace the ready alliance of those people, rather than maintain his engagement with Alexander. Deof to defend his nevertheless own dopower spairing
minions, against which invasion was ready, he withdrew into their country, with all the military force

he Could engage. In this decision he seems to have

failed either of

courage or judgment ; for the river Akesines, the boundary of his territory on the threatened side,
afforded

uncommon advantage

for defence.

It

was

the only Indian river of which, Arrian says, Ptolemy had stated the width and depth. According to that

eminent eye-witness, if remaining manuscripts may be trusted, the width was fifteen stades ; which, according to the lowest computation of the Grecian stade, would be seven furlongs ; perhaps however spreading so in the rainy season only, or with the

melted snow from the mountains. 21

With

this

it

was

21

Credit to the

MSS.

for

such a width of the

river, in

the re-

port of such an author as Ptolemy, Dr. Vincent has been disposed to deny perhaps having never had opportunity to see
;

how

streams, by whose channels the melting snows of extensive mountains have their vent, occasionally spread wherever the

confinement of lofty banks of rock ceases, and permanently mark

the extraordinary space over which their waters occasionally

iOO

HISTORY OF GREECE.
'

CHAP,

of great rapidity, and abounding with interruptions To cross this forof rock, producing whirlpools.

midable stream, a large body of Alexander's army, was embarked, some in boats, the rest on stuffed Of the boats, many, skins, or on rafts borne on such. and skill in swimwere on the rocks, lost, splitting

ming

availing little

among

the whirlpools,
skins,
less

many men
injured by

were drowned.
collision,

The buoyant
their freight

carried

more

safely.

This

struggle with nature however was so far successful as to give footing on the enemy's land, and then

Porus, in whose cause the expedition had been professedly undertaken, was sent back to raise forces,

and to Coenus bring as many elephants as could be obtained was directed to superintend the passage of the main body of the army, and to collect necessaries from the subdued and friendly territories. Alexander himself,
of the best kind that India could
furnish,
:

conformably to his usual choice, took the laborious and hazardous business of pursuing (according to
Arrian's description
fugitive prince,
it

might be called hunting) the

historian distinguishes here

whom the
Hydraotes,

2 by an epithet, the bad Porus.*

equally broad with the 23 Akesines, but less rapid, crossed his way. Eager
river
roll.

The

Possibly Ptolemy may have meant to describe the width of the channel so indicated, and not of the water which Alex-

ander actually crossed. Nevertheless the frequent doubtfulness of numbers stated in ancient MSS. must, as the learned and
able commentator observes, be acknowledged. 22 Porus, according to Vincent (on Nearch. p. 19.), was not a name, but a title, having only the Greek termination added to

the Indian word Poor, meaning a prince or sovereign. 23 Vincent, in his variety of diligent investigation, has bestowed much care on that of the names of the principal Indian
rivers
;

which are found,

in the old

language of the country,

WAR
to pursue his purpose,
stances,

IN INDIA.
yet provident of
all

207
circumSECT.

to co-operate with Ccenus in the collection of supplies to the greatest

he appointed Craterus

extent that might be

hostile

and, desiring to leave nothing behind him, he committed two phalanges 24 ,

; ,

and two brigades of cavalry 20

to

Hephaestion,

to

[An-. 1.5.

bring to obedience that part of the country between the rivers which had been under the dominion of
the fugitive, called the bad Poms ; with direction that all should be placed under the authority of the
the Hydraotes, friendly prince of the same name. to were some Arrian, according independent cities. means in our Through days it has been asopened
certained that a great trade has been carried on for many centuries (in the opinion of the able commen-

On

on Nearchus, greater in ancient than in modern ages) upon the Indus, and the rivers communicating with it. Alexander would be supreme wherever he could carry his arms but he required those cities to acknowledge, under him, the dominion of Porus. Nevertheless, if the sovereignty of Porus over those Indian small republics was only as liberal as that of the Persian kings over the Greeks within their emtator
;

Vincent on

generally to have had analogy with those given by the Greek writers ; but, in many instances have been totally changed by
later conquerors. The modern name of the Akesines he as in our gives, orthography, Chenab, of the Hydraotes, Ravee. 24 I do not recollect any former mention by Arrian, any more

some

than by any older writer, of the phalanx as a determinate di. of the heavy-armed infantry of an army. ic^Sv [. In the following passage here. <pdX<x.yya/; $vo is Arrian's phrase and >aXa<y! seems employed to signify both a definite division
vision
.

the whole line

Tys

ryv

8e

/pdhayya rav

TCS^UV, KOU T^V

iirvjyc,

XX>jv

tpa.Xayyo/; ntxparetvai;, KCITO,

/A(Tov<;

x. r. A.

iWcv, icpo Arr. 1. 2.

eKarlv xal twoa-i.

aico Eustathius says that a phalanx consisted of 120. paAayf Eustath. in Horn. II. A. p. 357. ed. 1560. Others make the complement eight thousand.]

25

208
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
they would probably not be sufferers, but rather gainers by the establishment of such superintending
pire,

authority ; and, allowing the credit which seems due to the arguments and opinions of the very able and
careful

inquirer just noticed,

it

could not be with

the purpose of abridging their just freedom, and so checking their commerce, but, on the contrary, of
assuring protection, equally to both, that Alexander directed all his regulations.

His arrangements for the conquered countries being made, he proceeded on his proposed expedition,
Arr.
c.
i. e. 22. 23.

with a small army, but carefully chosen. Informareached him that the Cathayans and their a ]}i es were assembled at Sangala, a principal city,
tion

where they proposed to wait for him. In the second day's march from the river he came to a fortified town of the Adraist Indians, who submitted under a A day's rest was here given to the capitulation. army. Proceeding on the morrow, he came in view of Sangala. There he found the Indians encamped without the town, on a hill surrounded with a triple
26 Alexander, after carefully rampart of waggons. observing everything, and forming his estimate of the

He enemy's force, resolved upon immediate attack. sent forward first his horse-bowmen, to annoy from a
This not provoking the enemy to advance, and the other cavalry, with which he usually charged,
distance.

being, in the circumstances, useless, he dismounted, and took the lead of his infantry. Quickly he be-

came master of the

first

line of carriages.

At

the

second the Indians made a stouter resistance ; but the soldiers of the phalanx, better armed than the
Indians, for defence as well as for close action, and able, with their large shields, to defend one another,

removed some of the

26

carriages,
1.

and passing through

'A/*ay,
c.

'Apofcf, AIT.

5. c. 22.

23.

SANGALA ATTACKED.
the intervals, drove the There no stand was made

209
SECT.
it

enemy
;

to their third line.

but the check

for

gave to

pursuit was successfully used safety within the town walls.

reaching present Alexander, from ex-

perience of Indian practices, suspected that the town would be deserted by night ; and he judged the attempt would be made where a lake near the wall,

though fordable, interrupted the investment, which he had begun. His suspicion, according to the historian's account,

information from deserters.

seems to have been corroborated by To obviate such a pur-

pose he placed a body consisting of three thousand hypaspists, all the Agrians, and one taxis of bowmen, und^r the orders of Ptolemy the historian. That
general, in prosecution of the duty thus committed to him, collected the carriages deserted in the action
AIT. 1.5.
c-

24

before the town

in the
take.

and,

in early night, placed

them

way

As

which it was supposed the Indians would was expected, the Indians issued about
;

the fourth watch

but quickly falling in with the impediments prepared, and hearing the hostile trumnot without consipets sound, they hastened back,
derable
loss.

Presently after Porus arrived with a re-enforcement of five thousand men and some elephants, and

by

time engines for battering the walls were But before they could be put in action, completed. a part of the wall was ruined by mining, and the town was taken by storm. Seventeen thousand Inthis

Arrian may be trusted, were slain on the occasion notwithstanding which, the thousand. surviving captives were more than seventy Five hundred only of these being stated to have been
dians, if our copies of
;

cavalry,

and yet three hundred chariots of war being

VIII.

VOL.

210
CHAP,
[II<

HISTORY OF GREECE.
said to have

been found 27 ,

it

may seem

probable that

a large proportion of to escape by flight. 28

scribers,

mounted men had found means Whether rather error of tran-

or exaggeration in report from authority, which the historian, always scrupulous of authority, followed, may be most suspected in the account of

the slain and prisoners, not less there appears ground for supposing a politic concealment of lives lost on the victorious side ; for only about a hundred being
said to have been killed, the

wounded,

living objects

of public observation, are acknowledged to have been twelve hundred ; several of them officers of high rank 29, and one of the highest, Lysimachus, who
afterward attained regal dignity. Immediately after the sack of Sangala, Alexander dispatched Eumenes, with three hundred horse, to

two

free cities in
if
ill

alliance with its people,

with as-

surance that,
a friend, no
27

they submitted and received him as should befal them, but they should

The carriages of which the Indians formed "Ap^ara. their triple rampart are four times mentioned by the name of "Ajwafa*, waggons or carts. The Latin translator has confounded
these with the a^/xara, by rendering both equally currus ; and the learned critic and editor Gronovius, insultingly severe upon

him on many occasions not more important, has left this con["A/*aa< might mean war-chariots. Curtius Ceterum barbari vehihowever uses the term vehicula, ix. i.
fusion unnoticed.
' '

culis inter se junctis dimicaturi occurrerunt.']

28

the voyage of Nearchus has stated not to have Arrian only the 17,000. slain, but supposed the more than 70,000. prisoners, together 87,000., as the Arrian's expression is ruv number of TROOPS in Sangala. 'lySwv, Indian people, leaving it uncertain how many were

The learned commentator on

That historian's account however, as Dr. Vincent soldiers. has remarked, clearly indicates a great and wealthy population.
29

FARTHER PROGRESS OF ALEXANDER.

be liberally treated, as
all free

21

Indian

states, so

con-

SECT.

ducting themselves, had been. Information however of the catastrophe of Sangala having reached them
before

Eumenes could

arrive,

town.

Alexander pursued them.

they had deserted their In the historian's

account reasonable cause does not appear ; but the result of his anger (it may be hoped not of his direct

command) was, that, though the greater part were too far advanced to be readily overtaken, about five hundred of those who had less ability for rapid flight
were
All the conpursuing troops. he to free cities which those quered territory gave had readily accepted his offered terms. Porus was
killed

by

his

detached with his

own Indian army to

place garrisons

might be judged expedient ; the expediency being, apparently, to be measured by the need which the people of the friendly towns might have for proit

where

tection against hostile neighbours,

30 army should be withdrawn.

when

the imperial

SECTION

VI.

Growing extrav&yance of Alexanders purposes. Discontent of the army. Forced concession to its wishes. Arrangementfor
the conquered

Indian provinces.
i.

IN proceeding southward and eastward from the vast body of highlands whence the many great rivers of India flow the country still improved in richness and population. The Hyphasis was the next stream
have seen such a measure often necessary for the secuof towns of republican Greece. But Arrian's conciseness rity in some here, as sometimes elsewhere, leaves the modern reader of doubt his meaning.
30

5.

We

P 2

HISTORY OF GREECE.
in the way.
31

Beyond

it,

according to

all

reports,

the land was

nearer prohighly cultivated. vinces were, according to Arrian, under a well administered aristocratical government ; the people orderly
;

The

good husbandmen and good soldiers. A but great sovereign was said to reside far eastward whether the nearer countries were within his claim of empire seems uncertain. Thus far Alexander may have pursued conquest on principles more justifiable than the republican Greek maxim, that it was lawful for Greeks to subdue, enslave, or even extirpate, any people not of Grecian blood and lanBut here the better principle, if ever reguage. seems to have been thrown by. garded, Curiosity and thirst of conquest were so become settled passions, and a view to rest so intolerable, that, without
;

any other motive indicated by ancient writers, he would now prosecute conquest into that populous, rich, and quiet country ; and accordingly he marched
to the Hyphasis.

Apparently he thought the fame of that country for wealth would suffice to reconcile his army to his views. War in Lesser Asia having been always inthe Greeks, war in a country richer than for viting Lesser Asia, he might suppose, would now be inviting ; and, as he himself delighted in laborious and hazardous adventures, others would have the same

Perhaps, for his new recruits, and the of the army in general, he may thus have reasoned well : to return home and have forpropensity.

younger men
still
it

tune

But
81

to seek would be little alluring for them. was not so among the older men, and espe-

cially those

of the higher ranks, already possessed

Vincent's

Now,

in

English orthography of the oriental

name, the Biah.

DISCONTENT OF THE ARMY.

Issuing from Macedonia with uncertain hopes, rising rapidly to great wealth and
splendid circumstances,

21
SECT.

of great riches.

when only Lesser

Asia, Syria,

and Egypt were reduced, already many would be

looking earnestly toward the enjoyment of their advancement, in other kind of leisure and other kind of independency than military service could admit.

Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis, with their treasuries, being now added, and the rich kingdom of Media having fallen without a blow, an end to the protracted war
fierce

in the

rough climate and among the

nations of the north could not fail to have been anxiously looked for among all ranks. There the soldiers could neither however, though clearly see nor would greatly care for a reasonable object,

whence, in parts of the army, vehement discontent appears to have arisen, which the military historians,

whose authority Arrian generally limited his narrative, would avoid to report, yet to the officers generally, and especially the superior officers, the
to

expediency or even necessity of that war, for securing the advantages beyond calculation already gained,

would be obvious. But a new scene was now opened. populous and wealthy continent was found to be

yet before them, of extent utterly unknown ; upon the conquest of which their prince was bent, among labours and dangers utterly incalculable, with the
final

object utterly undefined.

Dissatisfaction

grew

among men

ranks, even Alexander's greatest The Macefavourites and most confidential friends.

of

all

donian constitution, as we have seen, warranted to

a Macedonian

army a great degree of the authority The civic troops of the of a popular assembly. Greek republics not less claimed the same privilege ;
but Arrian mentions the Macedonians particularly as p 3

>14

HISTORY OF GREECE.

CHAP,
'

now meeting

to debate on the king's purposes.

In

dissatisfaction with these,

and some, he adds, went

says, all seemed agreed ; so far as to declare that, if

he

the king required them to go into new wars, his command should no longer be obeyed.

Alexander, informed of the dangerous discontent, appears to have taken, with great good temper, the
course becoming the sovereign of a people claiming the rights of the Macedonian kingdom and the Gre-

Without distinction between them, cian republics. he assembled the generals and taxiarchs of both, exclusively of the officers of the mercenaries,

who

served

Reports of words spoken in in miscellaneous conversation, or in the or private, heat of military action, must always be subject to

on quite other terms.

much doubt
less

but as

it

customary,

among

appears to have been hardly the Greeks of Alexander's

age, than with us at present, to note and publish of eminent men in deliberative assemthe

speeches

blies,

what Arrian has given as delivered on this occasion, though he has not precisely named his author, yet scrupulous of authority as he always
shows himself, will well deserve notice. 32 Alexander, he says, began the deliberation by * Macedonians and addressing the assembly thus * are that no allies you longer disposed, Observing 6 as formerly, to accompany me in hazardous enter: !

prise,
*

either persuading,

I have assembled you with the purpose that, I may engage you to proceed
or,

' '

being persuaded by you, we may If either our together return toward our homes.
with me,

32 Arrian has not precisely said that he had these speeches from Ptolemy, but he nearly indicates so much, quoting Ptolemy for attending circumstances, and mentioning him shortly after as the guide whom he chiefly followed.

DELIBERATION OF THE ARMY.

*

21
SECT.

joint labours hitherto, or

my command under which

'

'

they have been undertaken, are matter for complaint, I have no more to say. But if through those and all Lesser labours, Ionia, Asia, Phenicia, Egypt, the Grecian settlements in Africa, part of Arabia, Coelesyria, the Mesopotamian Syria, Babylon, Susa,
the whole empire of the Persians and Medes, and more, the country beyond the Caspian gates and
as
far as

the Hyrcanian sea, are ours, and

the

'

'

Scythians are driven to their deserts ; if, beyond this, the Indus and the Hydaspes and the Ake-

*
*

'

and the Hydraotes now flow through our empire, why should you hesitate to add to it the Hyphasis, and the country beyond the Hyphasis ? Are you now afraid that barbarians will be able so many nations as you have seen to- resist us of them, some willingly submitting, some flying yet overtaken, some completely abandoning their country to us, some becoming voluntary subjects ? For
sines
;

'

myself I reckon that the labours of a brave man should be limited only by the failure of objects worthy of them. If it be asked what is to be the

'

end of our warfare,

small to the river

I answer,

the space

is

now

'
*

' *

This evidently is I desire sea ; for the ocean surrounds the earth. inform and to Macedonians allies, then, you that with the Persian the Indian ocean communicates gulph on one side, as with the Hyrcanian sea on the
the Persian gulf our fleet will circumnavigate Africa to the gates of Hercules, at the western end of the Mediterranean sea. The interior
other.

Ganges and the Indian ocean. connected with the Hyrcanian

From

'

of Africa will thus be at our command, and the bounds of our empire will be those which God has

'

made the bounds

of the earth.'

Adding some argu-

p 4

2lO
.CHAP,
L1II

HISTORY OF GREECE.
ments drawn from the disposition of the northern
people subdued, but not yet such willing subjects as those of the south, the gratification to arise from glory, the examples of Hercules and Bacchus, the

comparatively small part of Asia (according to his very deficient notion, which the reader will have
observed, of its extent) remaining to be subdued, and the difference to all whom he addressed, if, the

conquest of the

Persian

empire not having been

attempted, their rewards in wealth and fame were limited to what arose from wars with the Thracians,
Arr.i.5.

Triballians,
* *

'

If he concluded thus and labours indeed, you undergoing dangers, I, as avoided commander, them, and, yours being the trouble, the reward was all for others, reasonably, I
'

and

Illyrians,

'

your disposition to exertion might slacken. I have shared with you in labours and dangers, and you have shared with me
admit,

But you know that

in reward.
it
;

The empire

is

yours

'

some
is

in the dignity of satrap,

you preside over all in eminence

of rank and power 33 ;

and a large portion of the

revenue

the conquest of Asia then yours. be may completed, your desires, by heaven, I swear, not only shall be fulfilled, but exceeded. Those

When

wishing to return home I will discharge, or conduct myself; but those who will abide with me shall be
the envy of those

who

quit the service.'

c.

27.
.

Alexander ending, a long silence ensued. None had that knowledge of the extent of the Asiatic continent which could enable them to controvert his widely erroneous representation of it, and show the extravagance of his views, yet none were disposed to
"fy2? a.vTy<; a-arpa,ifsvT. This Persian-Greek phrase is not be exactly rendered in modern language. The learned reader will judge how far faithfully I have rendered the sense.
to
33

THE ARMY

IN COUNCIL.

217
SECT
-

concur with him in the purpose of at all prosecuting Nevertheless none was willinoconquest eastward. to be foremost in declaring opposition. Repeatedly the king desired that any who differed from him would speak freely, yet still all were silent. At the oldest length Ccenus son of Polemocrates arose
;

of the generals, since Parmenio was taken off, and, as we have seen, among the highest in esteem and confidence with Alexander. He began with an apofor and then adding assurance of his himself, logy

own and

the army's attachment to their king, he

proceeded to say he would declare, as he reckoned might become one of his age and experience and services, what, though it should be agreeable to none,

he thought most advantageous for all. The more and the he are the achievethen, said, greater/ ments the army, under your command, O king,
'

'

has accomplished, so

becoming ad expedient
and dangers. and Greeks who
the

'

more I reckon it end to its labours Of the thousands of Macedonians

the
to put an
set out in the expedition

much

with you,

number remaining you know.

Already, when

in Bactra, perceiving the Thessalians 34 less ready to proceed to new labours and dangers, judiOf ciously, in opinion, you dismissed them.

we were

my

the other Greeks, numbers have been

there 35

left in

the

towns you have founded ; not very and the rest, who, with the Macedonians, ; have persevered in the course of fatigue and peril,
willing settlers
34

The

Thessalian cavalry were

foot.

men

of property

not so the

Grecian
36

Probably these were, in large proportion, exiles from various settlers in so distant republics, and yet many perhaps unwilling a country, surrounded by people of different language and manners many having the hope, through Alexander's favour and
;

and perhaps to power, to be restored to their several republics, hold command over the party which had expelled them.

>18

HISTORY OF GREECE.
F

CHAP.
T TT
' '

*
*

some have fallen in battle, some are disabled by wounds, some have been necessarily left behind in numbers have died of sickdifferent parts of Asia and they, in body ness ; of the many few remain as in mind are still more broken. not able formerly, indeed and great Advantages splendid they have from are become wealthy ; poor, they acquired from obscure, the renowned of the earth. Hence the desire, naturally keener and therefore more deserving consideration, advanced as they are, under your lead and by your favour, in riches and honours, to revisit parents, wives, children, and native soil.'
; ;
:

own

Coenus then proceeded to observe, that the king's family had a right to expect him ; that the

people of the Grecian republics, by whose choice he was their presiding magistrate, had, for the troubles arisen in their country, in his absence and in con* When sequence of it, a claim to his attention. * are performed, duties thus obvious/ he added, * then you may lead a new army, at your choice, to eastern India, or to the countries about the Euxine
' '

Carthage, and the regions of Africa beyond Carthage. Young men, with fortune before them, will be ready, in any number, to go with
sea,

or to

'

willing minds on any enterprise, when they see those who have been serving under you return to

enjoy, in their acquired riches

to

homes and with their families, their and honours. It is honourable, O king, With your present be moderate in prosperity.

'

army, you commanding, nothing is to be feared from an enemy. But the ways of Divine Providence are not to be foreseen, and therefore not to be
36 guarded against by human power or wisdom.'

Ti

8f IK rov

tatl.

Arr.

8a*/*Wou a&o/ojra ]. 5. C. 27.

T,

xat TOUJT-Q Kai

MEASURES FOR RETURN OF THE ARMY.

%

219

arose.

Coenus ending, a general murmur of approbation Ami. 5. 2 So were minds affected by the question before

them, such were the conflicting feelings of attachment to the king, their successful commander, and aversion to his purpose, that some even shed tears.
Alexander, seeing the general disposition expressed
so decidedly, dismissed the assembly. But the keenness of his disappointment

on the

occasion was more than he could patiently bear. His conduct then will deserve observation. It was clearly

not that of one habituated to despotism,

or,

however
with un-

he might desire, at convened the same

easiness of

all

claiming
again

it.
;

Next day he
and,

officers

mind
*

declared
*

that

strongly marked in his manner, he would himself proceed in his

Forbearing then to notice the republican purpose.' Greeks, but directing his reproach to the Macehe would not command donians only, he added that * of Macedonian with him ; not service the any
'

doubting but enough would be ready to follow

their king
;

and,

for those

who

desired to return

home, they might go, and tell their friends that ' they had deserted him among his enemies.' Not waiting then for reply, he went to his tent, and admitted nobody for two days.
*

Arrian here quotes, (and Ptolemy, we have seen, was before among his most favoured friends, and, we shall find, continued so,)

According

to Ptolemy,

whom

he hoped that some change of mind, common among soldiers in rest, would take place, of which indication would reach him. But, on the third day, perfect
regularity being maintained throughout the army, and a general regret for the king's dissatisfaction

no change of the general clearly manifested, but aversion to his purpose, he took the course best

220
CHAP,
|__

HISTORY OF GREECE.
adapted, in yielding to the circumstances,
tain his
to

mainto be

own
to

dignity.

He

ordered a

sacrifice

consult the gods about crossing the performed river ; as if that remained his object. The symptoms

were declared completely adverse. Assembling then his principal officers, he told them that as the divine
powers were favourable to his army's wishes and not to his own, he should abandon his design, and they might communicate his intention to move homeward. This being done, a universal shout of joy arose ; and
the soldiers crowded about the king's tent to testify their gratitude, for that he, invincible to all others, had yielded to them. Harmony being thus re-established,

A " f}

'

5'

he directed twelve

altars to

be erected, of

the height of the highest towers ordinary in fortifications, and of more than their usual size, as thanksgiving offerings to the gods, and monuments of the extent of his victories. Rest being given to the
troops while these were completed, he then sacrificed on them with the solemnities used among the Mace-

donians from times beyond memory, and added, as had been his custom, the amusement of gymnic and
equestrian exercises.
countries, he

In arranging then the affairs of the conquered added to his former presents of dominion

to his once
Asiatics,

magnanimous enemy, now apparently, of

most esteemed
friend,

his

Porus, placing

under

his protecting authority all the territory last conquered, as far as that river, the Hyphasis, which

the decision of the

his

army had made the boundary of

all

empire.

But

his presents

India,
his

equally as elsewhere,
;

empire
its

entitled to

its

of dominion in he reckoned still within protection, and therefore

liable

to its control,

and

towards

support.

Nor

required to pay tribute thus does he seeni to have

ARRANGEMENT FOR INDIAN PROVINCES.

imposed any thing upon the conquered princes or people beyond what they were subject to under the old constitution of their country ; commanding as
only,

221
SECT.

by right of conquest, the transfer to himself of that allegiance which had been before due to some once
powerful, but

now

37 decayed, empire eastward.

37

Arrian describes

many

their submission to Alexander,

of the Indian princes, previously to by the title of virup^og, clearly

thus indicating that they acknowledged some superior. Who that superior was, and where he resided, we fail of any direct information. The able commentator on Nearchus has reckoned it indicated to be within that country about the Ganges where
the

Mogul sovereigns of India chose their residences. The compilers of the Ancient Universal History, whose

dili-

gence and also whose judgment (though more that of the writers of some of the notes than of the text) I have heretofore found occasion to commend, have imputed fiction to Arrian, in
reporting the speeches, injuriously, I think, both to the author and to the history. ' Arrian and Curtius,' they observe, ' have
'

*
'

'

both given the substance of Alexander's harangue but they and the frame of each of the speeches agrees differ widely That in Arrian is exactly with the genius of the author. grave, solid, and at the same time very specious whereas that
;

in Curtius
<

'

and full of strong rhetorical amaze than to persuade. We figures, which may therefore reasonably suppose that Arrian and CurThe characters here tius composed each his harangue.'
is

copious, florid, serve rather to

given of the speeches are just; but the conclusion, as far For the as regards Arrian, is false, I think, within proof.

speech

marks

Alexander by that careful historian an utter ignorance of the geography But before of the countries beyond Alexander's conquests. Arrian's time, and indeed soon after Alexander's, as Arrian himself shows in his account of India, the defective and erroneous notions before entertained of those countries were largely corrected. The speech given by Arrian therefore seems clearly derived from writers of Alexander's age, uninformed, equally with himself, about those countries. Nor do I think that even Curtius has been here wholly an inventor. He had before him, apparently, the same authorities as Arrian, but he used them
attributed
to
in the

speaker

222
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
moreover
of notice
differently, as to
;

with different purpose. Occasionally he appears have used those which Arrian thought unworthy and, in reporting the speech in question, as on too

many
move

other occasions, he has evidently been rather aiming to his less considerate readers by what might have momentary

on their imagination, than careful of any authority, or at follow the best. His apology for his account of some wonders of nature may deserve his reader's recollection on many occasions Equidem plura transcribe quam credo nam ' nee adfirmare sustineo de quibus dubito, nee subducere quae Q. Curt. 1. 9. c. 1. It may indeed be suspected that accepi.'
effect,
all solicitous to
' :
:

'

he has not always limited himself to authorities, though the best have evidently been within his means, but that, for scenic effect, he has frequently exerted his talent, which appears to have been
considerable, of invention for himself.

BEGINNING RETURN OF THE ARMY.

223

CHAPTER

LIV.

ALEXANDER'S RETURN FROM INDIA.

SECTION

I.

Care of colonies in Northern Beginning return of the army. India. Ancient law of nations. Eulogy of Alexander. War with the Mallians : Alexander dangerously wounded.

retrograde march was at length begun, with perfect good humour in the army, and Alexander more than ever its idol. The space from the Hyphasis to the Hydraotes was retraced, and from that river to the Akesines ; where the construction of the

THE

SECT

town, the superintendence of which had been committed to Hephaestion, was found so advanced as already to afford convenience for the residence of

numbers.

Offer was

made

for the less able

men

of

the mercenary and, on a view ; of the immense distance of their native homes, and of
forces to settle there

the advantages which the new settlement promised, many accepted the offer ; and many of the natives of the

neighbourhood, on permission given, became their voluntary associates in the colony. During the
halt,

on the occasion, the brother of Abisares, with Arsaces, chief of a bordering province, came to wait upon Alexander, bringing presents of great amount.

From

Abisares, with

other

valuables,

were thirty

elephants, accompanied with an apology for his inof ill health, to pay his personal ability, on account
respects.

pointed

Alexander, accepting the apology, apAbisares and Arsaces jointly his satraps

224.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
*

CHAP, LIV

over both provinces, and settled the tribute to be paid by them to the empire to which they had submitted. Here the indication concurs with what is

elsewhere found, that these princes had been subordinate to some such great paramount sovereign as the late Mogul; and that, in failure of due protec-

paramount sovereign against other subordinate princes, and against the foreign conqueror, they were prepared for submission to any foreign conqueror, of power to inspire terror, and of Alexander character to afford them better hopes. then proceeded from his new town on the Akesines to his new towns of Nicaea and Bucephala on the Hydaspes. There he employed his soldiers in reafter pairing damages, which the buildings, probably the present manner of the country, of unbaked earth, and hastily erected, had suffered from weather, and
gave his attention to whatever might be requisite toward the administration and defence of the country
around.

tion from that

But, in yielding to the desire of his army to return homeward, he had not engaged that it should be by

On the contrary, it the shortest way, or the easiest. had been among his declared and most earnest purposes to explore the shores of the Indian ocean ; and the project of conquest to an unknown extent eastward, which had so alarmed his army, being aban-

doned,

it

seems to have been understood that south-

ward, so as at least to include within his empire all westward of the great river Indus, all should be

compelled to submission ; for so much we find the army was yet willing to undertake.
If then, according to the better maxims of modern times, a just occasion for Alexander to carry war even into the northern Indian provinces, is not very

ANCIENT LAW OF NATIONS.

clearly declared
licitous

225
SECT.
,

by ancient

writers, mostly little sostill less

about such matters,

clearly

is it

found
to

for his invasion of the south.

Nevertheless

it is

be observed, as at least probable, that the conquests of the Persian kings had, at some time, extended to the Indus, or perhaps beyond ; and that all the westward had once held by princes been country

acknowledging the paramount sovereignty of Persia.

The claim

as successor

then of right to revindicate the sovereignty, by conquest to the rights of the Persian

empire, would perhaps not appear any great violation of the ancient law of nations, or of the notions of
political justice

which we have observed

to prevail

among

ancient minds.

Alexander's conquests were so extensive, so rapid,

and altogether

so extraordinary, that they may seem to have left opportunity for writers, who may hardly seem also to have supposed hardly desire in their

readers, to view

any other character than as a some of the violent party conqueror ; unless, authors of his own and presently following ages, to
in
after
revile

him

him

as a tyrant, a drunkard,

even a

madman

the freedom of the

tunity,

Greek

republics affording opporparty-spirit

and the violence of

among them

providing incitement, for such opposite extravagances. To estimate then the merits of Alexander's administration,

not unavailing to look a little to that of other conquerors, and especially of the greatest
it

may be

of

all,

the

Roman

republic.

Its conquests, less rapid,

i This latter epithet I believe however has been ventured only From Maceunder the quidlibet audendi prerogative of poets
:

<

donia's

madman

to the Swede.'

Two

characters so different
;

were hardly ever besides offered as parallels but Pope had imbibed much of the French political philosophy derived from Callisthenes and others before him.

VOL.

VIII.

>26

HISTORY OF GREECE.
were however altogether so great and so splendid, and its able writers have so engagingly portrayed the
great

CHAP,

men who

led

its

triumphs, that

it

satisfied following authors, as well as readers,

has generally to ad-

mire the

Roman

senate as directors, and the people

of its extraordinary successes, little the result to the rest of mankind. If kings heeding then only were exhibited in chains to the scoffs of
as instruments,

the

Roman populace, or, like Jugurtha, starved to death, the philosophy which has been transmitted from the school of Callisthenes through all succeeding
times over modern Europe, might teach to regard it But the dewith complacency or even with pride.
struction of nations,

Greece reduced

to

desert,

Sicily depopulated, and, with Italy itself, excepting the imperial city, occupied almost only by slaves,

and therefore defectively indicated and fearfully by Greek historians, but inby Roman, cidentally shown in clear light when the predominant
facts reluctantly

purpose has not been flattery either to the Roman great or the Roman people, will hardly be acknowledged as praiseworthy by any modern
2

school of

philosophy.
Strabo has described, but with cautious pen, forbearing remark, the wretched state of Greece and Sicily, as he saw them, In describing Italy he seems to have in the age of Augustus.
2

thought still more caution and forbearance necessary; having avoided to notice the miserable condition of that fine country under Roman sway. Our historian of the Roman republic, Hooke, has diligently investigated and ably remarked the characters of the civil contests of the Roman people, but has afforded little information of the condition of the countries subjugated by
them, and of the state of their population under the rule of the It has remained for a writer of the present day, in a work where it would be little expected, and which, on account of the necessary expensiveness of so splendid a publicaimperial republic.
tion, (the third

volume of publications of the Dilettanti Society,)

ANCIENT LAW OF NATIONS.

Nevertheless, differently as the rights of humanity and the due to our neighbours have been estimated in ancient and in modern ages, the law of nations and of peace and war has thence so differed, among the ancients, from that acknowledged by the states, in modern times, forming what has been not unaptly
called the

227
SECT.

European commonwealth, that

it

may

be

of any ancient or the of ancient war, strictly conqueror, justice any by that law. Among the great men of Rome Julius
Caesar has been reckoned the

unfair to estimate the moral merit

with Alexander.
liberal

fittest to be compared he was among the most Certainly and noble-minded of any who, at any time,

led

Roman triumphs. Yet, for his invasion of Britain, may it be allowed to go so far for illustration, neither
obvious.

justification,

very people that he had carried their conquering arms, in the phrase of the day, beyond the bounds of the earth, and to increase

nor any
tell

sufficient

temptation

is

To

the

Roman

the splendour of that always cruel and truly barbarian ceremony, the triumph, by exhibiting in chains prisoners of a nation before unseen in Rome, though
unjust,

might be powerful motives. But a principal object, pressed upon him by his situation as servant of a republic, and by the circumstances of that republic, seems enough marked to have been to
seize prisoners for the supply of its slave-markets.
3

Css. Bell.
strati. 1.4.

cannot have the extensive circulation desirable for so important a portion of history, to collect from unquestionable authorities, and show in clear light, the real character of the Roman republican dominion.
Strab.
slaves,
4.

1.

it

seems, as indeed from

In large amount of various plunder, here indicated, all information of the state of the

country would be likely, were alone what the geographer reckoned of importance enough to be specified.

Q 2

228
CHAP.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
find the desired, perhaps even necessary, gratification for his soldiery ; and a plentiful and unexpected supply for those markets, with of

By

their sale he

would

course a reduced price of what, in the circumstances of Italy, under Roman policy, was a commodity so

necessary for persons of all ranks, of the greatest property and the least, would be extensively gratifyYet, in justice to Caesar, it should be observed ing. that, though such was his conduct when servant of a
republic,

and dependent upon the favour of a demoeminence, yet,

cratical party for his

acts,

among

his first

the opposing party, was a law to limit slavery in Italy, by commanding the employment of freemen in husbandry.4
slavery under the Persian empire we have The learned commentator hardly any information. on the voyage of Nearchus has supposed that among

when he had overborne

Of the

the Indians there was no slavery, properly so called

In Caesar's own account (so I venture to call it, notwithstanding the questions on the subject) the mention of prisoners, I think, has been avoided, except in describing his final departure from
Britain, when, in accounting for the number of vessels wanted} and with difficulty collected, (apparently to obviate the supposition that his military force was larger than has been owned) a

multitude of captives is noticed. The purpose of transporting these could hardly be any but to supply the slave- markets.

Altogether his invasions of Britain seem strongly marked for

slave-hunting expeditions.

qui pecuariam facerent, minus tertid parte puberum inter pastores haberent, Sueton. Jul. c. 42. The value of this short but important passage, imperfectly seen by
hi,

Neve

ingenuorum

the learned annotator Casaubon, stands noticed, according to its just estimation, in the introduction to the third volume of Yet that learned and publications of the Dilettanti Society.
diligent annotator has, in a following note, shown his sense of the value of a passage of Livy, marking, in a few words, most strongly the desolation of Italy under the Roman republic, and

the need for such a law as that of the great dictator Plerique enim de plebe in re faciendd omissiores irapa TWTO facti sunk
:

ANCIENT LAW OF NATIONS.

though he has admitted the
and,
division of the people
;

229
SECT.

into castes to have been then of old establishment

among

the castes probably would be one, then

as now, hardly above slavery. But Alexander, bred under Aristotle, who, with many other Grecian

phi-

losophers, as we have formerly observed, esteemed slavery natural and necessary among mankind, would

not be likely to scruple condemning Indian prisoners,

for

what he reckoned

offences, to that miserable state.

In perfect consonance thus, not only with the practice all the Grecian republics, but of the Roman after a them, oppressing portion, what he did for extensive
of
benefit of

mankind, being peculiar to himself, will for a just estimation of his character, as well as on

its

own

account, especially deserve consideration.

In pursuing this subject then I desire allowance to avail myself of the very able work of the author whom I have already found occasion to quote, and,
in beginning, to use his words : < It is perhaps im* puting too much to that extraordinary man, Alex* *

Vincent on
earchus -

ander, to assert that he had preconceived the comprehensive scheme of commerce with India from

the

first

c
'

certain
success,

it

foundation of Alexandria in Egypt ; but is that, as his mind expanded with his

his information increased in proportion to the progress of his arms, the whole plan was

and

*
*

matured.

the foundation of

Whatever vanity then may be attached to cities, and however this passion
utility still

might operate upon Alexander,

was the

neglectum negotiandi studium, spreta agrorum cura, et servis vinctisque commissa : ex quo ilia Livii gravis querela libro sexto :
*

Olim multitudinem innumerabilem liberorum capitum in

eis

'fuisse locis,
1

quce nunc, vix seminario exiguo militum relicto, servitia Romana ab solitudine vindicant.' Casaub. annot. in Suet.
c.

Octav.

42.
ft

230
CHAP.
IV
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
It has been juprevailing motive in his mind. that observed most of the cities founded diciously
after

<

' '
*

him, by the Syrian kings, existed little longer than their founders ; and, if we except Antioch on

the Orontes, and Seleucia on the Tigris, there was perhaps not one capable of existing. But the Paro-

* ' *
*

pamisan Alexandria, and that on the laxartes, continue to this day cities of importance ; and Alexandria in Egypt, after surviving and greatly flourishing through the revolutions of empires for eighteen
centuries, perished at last,'
'

or rather
in

its

singular

importance
*

'

only consequence of a discovery which changed the whole system of commerce throughout the world.'
perished,

Alexander's way from his colonies of Nicaea and Bucephala to the ocean was nearly limited to the
course of the river Indus, both by the expediency of holding communication with his fleet, and by the cir-

cumstances of the country.

The

great vale, through

which that

river flows,

sandy desert,

bounded westward by the or by intervening mountains. Eastward

is

a similar character of worthless country is found, though of less extent. The vale between, like the

region of the

five rivers,

in

which Alexander had

been engaged northward, was of extraordinary ferand the abundant population was famed, tility ; among neighbouring nations, for skill in arms and But it was divided into many small for courage.
to one another. Thus their war was and small, opportunity power for war against them abundant ; yet numerous postates,

often

hostile

for offensive

in their country, of extraordinary natural strength, gave to all great means and great consitions

fidence against invasion. It seems, as before observed, rather probable that

TRADE AND NAVIGATION.

all

at

this country, westward of the Indus, had been some time conquered by Persian armies, and had

SECT.

not ceased to be claimed as a portion of the Persian

empire

though,
it

if its

princes

superior, appears sovereign, residing far eastward. On this supposition, Alexander's pretension to be, by conquest, the rightful successor to all the dominions of the Persian

to have

now acknowledged any been some great Indian

monarchs might perhaps, according

to

Grecian and

and, against the Mallians and Oxydracs, the most powerful of the people in his way, he had moreover the ground of quarrel formerly noticed, that they were the allies
principles,
;

Roman

be admitted

Ch.53.s.s.

and protectors of his enemy, the prince called by Arrian the bad Porus. ft is the opinion of the commentator on the voyage of Nearchus, whose professed object has been geography, but whose observations, to which his geographical researches have lead him will rank him
the ablest historical critics, that, long before Alexander's age, a great trade was carried on from the upper provinces of India, by the Indus and the

among

communicating with it, to the ocean little, thence westward the barren shore of the Desert, for some hundred leagues, repelling but much along the coast of Malabar, where the
rivers
;

if at all, directed

commodities of the rich countries in the cool climate of the north of India would be desirable, as those of the torrid regions of the peninsula would reciprohas even supnorthward. cally be in request, in that trade turned vessels the that employed posed

He

the southern cape, and proceeded northward along the coast of Coromandel, toward the Ganges ; but that the eastern shore of the great Indian Gulf was
little if at all

known

to the western Indians.

0,

Thus,

232
CHAP,
.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
on the information that Alexander could acquire, his supposition that India was the extreme of the Asiatic continent, and that the ocean bounding it was connected with the Caspian, which was also supposed a portion of the farthest northern sea, may seem not
utterly unreasonable.
5

At

his

new towns on

the Hydaspes Alexander had

provided that, while he was engaged on his expeditions eastward, a fleet, very numerous, though of
Beside the labour of small vessels, should be built. he could command, he the conquered country, which
Arr. i.e.

his. army, many Carians, Phenicians, Egypand tians, Cypriots, practised, some in ship-building, 6 Arrian mentions here a much greater, indeed an almost

had, in

Alexinconceivable, deficiency of the geography of the age. ander, no doubt, would have all the geographical information that the best informed Greek could give. Yet, crocodiles
being found in the Indus, and that kind of bean which had been reckoned by the Greeks peculiar to Egypt, being observed on the banks of the Akesines, he is said to have imagined he

had discovered whence the Nile had its source ; supposing it to flow through immense deserts from India to ^Ethiopia, whence it was well enough known to pass through Egypt to the Mediterranean sea.
in writing to It
is

added that he actually mentioned

;

this idea

Olympias, his mother

but, before the letter

was

dispatched, getting better information, he effaced what he had written about the Nile. (Arr. 1. 6. c. 1.) The historian neither quoting authority here, his common practice for extraordinary matters, nor mentioning how it became known what the effaced

passage expressed, it may seem not too rectness of his information about it.

much

to doubt the cor-

numerous

letters of

ters political

Plutarch quoting Alexander, as authority for important matand military. It has not fallen in my way to find

We find

noticed,
history.

the authenticity of those letters discussed, or, I think, at all by any of the numerous commentators on Alexander's

That they should have been unknown to Arrian, contemporary, or nearly so, with Plutarch, seems hardly to be supposed. If then he believed them genuine, that he should
have noticed, among them all, only some blotted lines concerning a question of geography, would be somewhat extraordinary. [They have been appealed to but a little earlier by a writer

PORUS DECLARED KING OF INDIA.

233
SECT.
I.

more
of a

in navigation, all capable,

assisting

men, of

fleet.

Of

beyond mere landstoward the building and equipment

the historian proceeds to say, his crews ; no Greeks,

these,

Alexander principally formed

either

the continent, either of Europe, or of Lesser Asia being mentioned ; whence it seems probable that all were of the new levies, and that the

of

Greeks, engaged in the first of the expedition, had mostly been discharged, either to return home, or to
settle

among

the various
in

new

colonies.

The

vessels,

mostly boats, ships, were of various kinds, adapted for different some purposes
:

our phrase, rather than

infantry, cavalry, some for Of the latter, no hosstores, and some for battle. tile fleet being to be apprehended, none exceeded
for

for carrying

some

the triaconter, or galley of thirty oars, the smallest of those commonly used among the Greeks, for action by water. Of every description the whole

number was
sand.

said

by Ptolemy

to have been

two thou-

During

these
;

Coenus died

preparations the veteran general one, as we have seen, most trusted by

Alexander with great command, and, as Arrian's phrase bespeaks him, of his most confidential friends. The funeral obsequies were performed with suitable
magnificence,
stances

apparently the

utmost that circum-

would admit.

Mitford would have considered much more trustworthy than Plutarch. Among the 'Auctores Exterm enumerated by Pliny as authorities for the sixth book of his Natural History,
appears the

whom Mr.

name ALEXANDER MAGNUS.

In the nineteenth

chapter (ed. Harduin.) he attests a fact merely by the words ' Alexander Magnus prodidit ;' but in the twenty -first he refers

Having stated certain distances of expressly to the Letters. places according to the measurement of Diognetus and Baeton, f ' Epistolce quoque Regis ( itinerum ejus mensores') he says:
ipsius consentiunt his.']

234"

HISTORY OF GREECE.
was ready for the proposed movement Alexander called together all the attendsouthward,
all

CHAP.
-

When

ing ministers of Indian princes, together with all the his army ; and, in their presence, principal officers of
declared

Porus

king of

all

the conquered part of

An. 1.6.

The Nysagan cavalry, India, westward of the Indus. which seems to have been the only Indian force he had used, excepting that under Porus, he dismissed Of his remaining army, one divito return home. sion, under Craterus, was directed to march by the another, the larger, under right bank of the river Hephaestion, with all the elephants, in number two hundred, was ordered, on the left side, to make the utmost speed to the capital, unnamed, of a prince Alexander himself took the imcalled Sopithus. mediate command of a chosen force of horse and foot to go by water ready thus to give attention and support to either side, and also to strengthen either fourth body, under Philip, whom from the other. he had appointed satrap of all the country westward
; ;

Ch.53.9.4.
Arr. L5.
c' 8 *

of the Indus, as far as the confines of Bactria, probably the same person formerly described as son of

Machatas, was to remain four days, apparently to manage some business not indicated by the historian,

and then

follow.
sacrifice

was performed. Then the bank and for the river navigadivisions for the left tion embarked. Alexander, on reaching his galley, a from golden flagon a libation into the Hypoured daspes, invoking the deities of that river and of the Akesines, which it joined at some distance, and of

At daybreak

the Indus, which receives their united waters.

this

After

ceremony, he poured to Hercules, to Ammon, and, as ancient Macedonian custom prescribed, (so the historian describes it,) to other gods. This pious

ceremony being concluded, the trumpet,

at his

com-

PROGRESS OF THE ARMY AND FLEET.

mand, gave the
a

235
SECT.

number of

Such signal, and the fleet moved. vessels passing along the river in regular

order, with signals of trumpets

mand heard on

and words of comthe shores, and occasionally reverberated by rocks and woods on the banks, the effect was greatly striking even to the Greeks ; but still

more

to the multitude of Indians, led by curiosity from the populous neighbourhood on each side of the river, to whom every thing seen and heard was new, and whose wonder, the historian says, was particularly excited

by the sight of horses conveyed by

water.

songs, on

Singularly given to singing, he adds, their this occasion, heightened the extraordinary
An-. i.e.

chorus.

On

the third day of the voyage the fleet arrived

where Craterus, on one side of the river, and Hephasstion, on the other, according to orders, met it. Alexander directed them to proceed immediately, and still by the river's course. With the fleet he waited himself two days, while Philip, with his diThis body, probably with a view to vision, joined. the more easily finding provisions for all, he ordered
across the country to the Akesines, with instruction to follow the course of that stream to its junction

with the Hydaspes, on which he himself pursued his voyage, in a width of water, according to the historian, nowhere less than twenty Greek stades,

which on no computation would be so little as a In five days he reached the confluence of mile. 6 There a contraction of the channel, the two rivers. through which the combined waters were of neceswhat our seamen call a race, sity to flow, produced and of very dangerous violence. Of this both Alexander and the army had previous intelligence from
6

Ou'Sajwau fjiftovx
1.

Iv

rS

/carairXw

co<n

araS/wv TO

tiJ/w?.

Arr.

6. c. 4.

236
? C LIV
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
e countrv people ; but, for the fleet to proceed, the passing must be hazarded. On approaching the strait, the roaring of the waters was such that the

Am 1.6.

rowers, appalled, as if by consent, without command, rested on their oars. Orders were issued to proceed with the greatest and most unremitted exertion ;

assurance being added, that so the force of the whirlThe round pools might be overborne or evaded.

of burden, ocean navigation,) though the irregular violence of the current alarmed
vessels,

(as the

Greeks

called

vessels

nearly such as the modern

those aboard,
all

for

passed safely.

But the long

vessels,

with low

sides,

adapted to

swift rowing,

and espe-

cially those

of two benches 7 , the rowers of the lower

bench, whose rowloops were little above the level of the water when smooth, being unable to disengage
their oars
tressed.

from the rising billows, were greatly

dis-

Two

of these

and many .Fortunately it happened that, presently below the rapid, on the right bank of the river, was a shore advantageous for receiving and refitting the damaged fleet. Alexander, attentive to the danger and sufwere
lost,

falling against each other of the men they bore perished.

fering of his people,

to the injured vessels

having himself passed

safely,

landed there, and diligently superintended assistance

this place Hephaestion,

and those they Craterus, and

carried.

At

Philip, with

had mostly been submissive, and the few refractory were with

their several divisions, joined. Hitherto the people on either shore

effort

But more compelled to obedience. powerful states were next in the way, those of the Mallians and Oxydracs ; people, according to Arrian, living under republican government, and eminent
little
? *0(ra,i

WicpOTOi

avruv.

AlT.

1.

6. C. 5.

REFUSAL OF TERMS BY THE MALLIANS.

the Indians as military people. 8 Assurance in that received were these, determined alliance, being

among
upon

SECT.

was judged expedient to increase the force on the right bank of the river, where their
resistance,
it

territory lay.

Philip's division,

and Polysperchon's,
all

and

all

the horse-bowmen,

and

the elephants,

such was Alexander's opinion of the power of that animal in battle, were conveyed across the river, and

Of the rest put under the command of Craterus. of the army, one division, under Hephaestion, was sent forward a five days' march ; another, under
Ptolemy, the historian, was ordered to remain three The immediate command of a chosen days behind.

Am i.e.
'

5*

body of foot and horse Alexander took go upon the most active service. The

himself, to
fleet

he

di-

rected to proceed the space of a three days' march down the river.
object is not indicated by historians to require these measures, which yet possibly may have been ably adapted to circumstances ; and Arrian, from

An

whom

most

is

always
his

to be expected,

though he

rarely goes beyond purpose of a military history, has stated, as cause for war with the Mallians, only, that they declined acknowledging Alexander's imthem ; whether perial authority on terms he offered

claiming their allegiance as once subjects of the Persian empire, or only considering them, like all other people, out of compact, and so, according to the ordinary Grecian principle,
as
fair objects

of conquest.

an addition to his vast dominion, their Simply But all the country could be but a small object. Indian tribes, like them of warlike reputation, were
predatory J people. ? ?
8

Whether the Mallians might have

Vincent on Nearchus.

Memorials of these people, whose names the Greeks wrote has observed, remain in the 'OfrtipdKai, Vincent modern names of their countries, Mooltan and Ooche,
MaXXoJ and

238
CHAP,
*

HISTORY OF GREECE.
means
to interrupt the trade on the Indian rivers,

supposed eminent among Alexander's objects of protection and encouragement, we hardly have ground to judge ; but that security for the peaceful cultivators
the provinces would be precarious in the neighbourhood of a people of that character, holding complete independency, cannot be doubtful.

of the

soil in

But

if just

cause for engaging in the war

may be

supposed, neither the following severity against the enemy, nor the prince's rashness in the exposure of

own person to dangers even for him beyond the common, appears at all within excuse. It may seem that, in smothered ill humour with his army, of which he knew himself, notwithstanding the recent ophis

position to his fancy, highly the favourite, and whose favour it greatly behoved him to cultivate, venting his

spleen

small, for

on the foe, he would waste the exertion upon which great enterprise was denied him.

sandy waterless desert divided the rich country

of the Mallians from the river Akesines.

Marching

in the morning, from his camp on the bank of that river, at the distance of about nine miles he reached

a smaller stream, where he gave his troops midday rest. Proceeding then in the afternoon and throughout the night, and himself hastening with his cavalry before his infantry, in the morning he approached a
principal

town of the Mallians.

people, refusing tribute to the mighty con-

That

queror of the continent from the Hellespont and the African desert to the Indus, confident in the security of their situation, were found unprepared to expect

an enemy. Many about the fields, unarmed, fled toward the town for safety : those overtaken were put to the sword. The horse then were stationed around the

town to prevent egress. The foot arriving, the assault began j and the Indians, after some vain efforts at

WAR WITH THE MALLIANS.

defence, withdrew to their citadel.

239
SECT.

This was then

attacked, and being carried, those within, about two No reason is menthousand, were all put to death.

tioned by the historian for such severity ; nor for what ensued. Perdiccas had been sent against an inferior

town.

At

his

approach the inhabitants

fled.

He

pursued ; and his light troops, practised in running, overtook many, whom they put to death. Neighbouring marshes afforded refuge for those who could
reach them.

Alexander, resting only

till

the

first

watch of the

Arr. i.e.

night, proceeded, by a forced march, to the river Hydraotes, where, at daybreak, he overtook the flying

and scattered Mallians. Most had crossed the river, but many were killed by his cavalry in the water, and marry more in the continuation of pursuit. Some were

made

prisoners

of course for profit of the troops by

sale to slavery.

The greater part however were enough

advanced to reach a town strongly situated and walled. 9 Against these Python, son of Agenor , was detached,

who

presently took the town by storm. the survivors here were spared.

The

lives

of

Meanwhile Alexander himself went against the town of the Brahmans 10 thus only the historian describes it. The Brahmans were then, as now, the wise
:

men

11 or philosophers of the Indians. They seem to have encouraged the people in opposition to Alexander, as afterward the Druids, who were of nearly

and character among the ancient Britons, encouraged them in opposition to the Romans. But the Grecian art of sapping, used against their walls, such alarm quickly produced effect, which caused
similar rank
that, without

attempting to defend the breach, they withdrew into their citadel ; yet in such deficient
9
10

Hvduva

TOV 'Ayqvopo$. Arr.

1.

6. C. 17.
C.

C.I.

ll

"Softffrai.

16.

240
CHAP, LIV
order
that

HISTORY OF GREECE.
some of Alexander's troops, following, These however were presently overand driven out with loss. powered Twenty-five were to have been killed. Alexander then acknowledged ordered the sappers to the wall, and the scaling-ladders to be ready on all sides. A tower being reduced
entered
also.

and part of the adjoining curtain 'falling with Alexander himself led the forlorn hope. Zeal it, thence becoming vehement among the troops, the
to ruin,

Most of the Indians died place was quickly carried. The less able set fire to the houses, where fighting.
whole families perished : a few only, such, observes the historian, was their fortitude, were saved for
been this passive courage, chaof the Indians, that provoked the They could not resist him, yet youthful conqueror. would not yield. Nor was this stimulation single in
racteristical still

slavery. It seems to have

his

mind. Angry yet, though no longer avowing anger, with his army for refusal to follow him against the
this

powerful kingdoms of eastern India,

centive

new

in-

came upon him from those whom, in contempt, have left behind him, could he have prowould he
secuted the greater object of his desire. Allowing his troops therefore only one day's rest, he detached Python and Demetrius, with a force suited to the
purpose, back to the thickets on the bank of the
draotes, whither

Arr.

i.

6.

Hyin

many

Mallian families had

fled,

hope of security which they found their towns could not afford them. His orders were sanguinary. Any
Mallians

who came
all

to surrender at discretion

might

be spared, but sword.

others found were to be put to the

Meanwhile he proceeded himself against the prinBut the Indians of the Mallian country. cipal town had already so experienced the weakness of their for-

WAR
he could

WITH. THE MALLIANS.

Grecian art of attack
that, before

2
SECT
'

tifications against the

people, with those of many inferior towns, having crossed the Hydaspes, occupied the farther of its lofty banks, in
it

arrive, the

town was deserted.

The

thousand armed men, with the purpose of disputing the passage. Alexander, after a rapid survey, rode into the river at the head of his cavalry. He had hardly reached the middle of the channel when the resolution of the Indians failed

number,

was

said, fifty

them, and, with hasty steps, but in good order, they withdrew from the bank. He followed. But they his then, seeing infantry yet afar off', stood, and so resisted his charges that he found it expedient to wait

armed

for his infantry. The Agrian and other select lightarrived first, with the bowmen. 12 These, to-

gether with the cavalry, began a desultory action, Which they maintained till the phalanx approached ;

and then the Indians, of wounded, presently fled. town strongly situated was
suing horse killed many.

whom many were already At no great distance a

their refuge, but the pur-

day, committing one division of his army to Perdiccas, leading the other himself, Alexander assailed the

Next

town

in

two

places.

a gate entered

first.

His own division forcing Apparently the fortification was

very imperfect. defence of the

Indians, no longer attempting town, withdrew into the citadel,

The

Imstronger by art as well as by local circumstances.

Atrian here distinguishes the ^<Xo and the -rolo'rat. I think bowmen among Xenophon and Thucydides always reckoned the the i//*Xo, though a distinguished and superior branch of them. Arrian's i|/<Xot seem to have been the ve^aa-Tal, middle-armed, of the elder writers and indeed probably Alexander would not
i

take with

him

to the farther

end of Asia any of what Thucycl

'
1

has called o%Xo{ i VOL. VIII.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
CHAP,
'

mediately

lie proceeded to storm it. At the same time was sapping begun, and scaling-ladders were applied.

But the

efforts of his

men not satisfying his impatience,

he took a ladder from one bearing it, placed it against the wall, and mounted, under protection only of his
shield carried over his head.

Peucestas, the bearer

.

ch

s
:

, ;? of this Hist.

of the sacred shield, taken, as formerly mentioned, from the temple of Minerva at Troy, immediately
.

followed
third

Leonnatus, a lord of the body-guard, was ; Abreas, ; apparently a common soldier, but of those who, for merit, received double pay, mounted

The nearly at the same time by another ladder. 13 to have seem attended Alexander's , hypaspists (who
person in every action in which infantry could join,) zealous to follow, overloaded the ladders and they

Alexander thus, with three others only, was on the top of the wall, and for the splendour of his armour, the principal object for the enemy's missile Within the wall the soil was raised, so weapons. that he might leap down without other danger than
broke.

In adexposing himself still more to the enemy. vancing the hazard thus was of one kind, in retreating In advancing there might perhaps equal of another.
be glory, in retreating shame. With a moment's consideration, he leaped down into the citadel, and, for The defence, stood with his back against the wall.
Indians, seeing him alone, closed upon him. The excellence of his armour, with his skill in arms, protected
13

'YiracrTTKroj?.

body

Failure of desirable explanation concerning the distinguished by this title has been formerly observed*
satelles,

Taylor's edition

peatus

Scapula,

who

of Hederic's Lexicon gives for version, Clyquoting the Glossaria Veterum, and agreeing with may probably have drawn from the same source.

But
is

this,

clearly defective,

leaving the distinguishing VTTO unnoticed, as a version and as explanation nothing.

ALEXANDER DANGEROUSLY WOUN DED.

7

243
SECT
'

him, while he killed an Indian

several.

chief,

and wounded
wall with

The

three

who had mounted the

him
An-, i.e.

presently joining him, the Indians no longer dared to close, but plied them with missile weapons. Abreas, wounded in the face with an arrow, fell. Alexander

and the

himself received a shot, which pierced his breastplate, effusion of blood following was such that he
presently fainted. Peucestas and Leonnatus remained to maintain the unequal contest.

But the troops, whose eagerness to prevent had enhanced their prince's danger, so indiscreetly insoon succeeded in relieving it. The wall was only of earth, or unbaked clay, and, even without ladders, some of the soldiers found means to mount. gate at hand was so infirm, or so ill guarded, that it was presently forced. Attack, from powerful
curred,
1

ensuing, was, at first, withstood by the Indians vigorously ; but they could not long maintain close fight against the superiority of Grecian

numbers,

arms and
arrived
all

discipline.

Before

however

the

relief

Alexander's supporters were wounded, and nearly disabled. He was himself borne away, There was then uncertain whether to survive.

no

woman, and
sword
;

Every man, restraining his victorious soldiery. child found in the place was put to the
his

own

latter

some

occasions,

afforded too

conduct having indeed, on much encouragement

for such illiberal revenge. Such an adventure as this, of the conqueror of

Asia, would be likely to be variously dressed by the numerous writers of his age, and ages following,

14

' . .

/xvj

TI.

ai3T~s

/3a<nXi<

irdQy,

eu

vv

vou

Arr.

1.

6. c. 10.

R 2

244
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.

man mentions candidates for public favour ; and among other instances, one remarkably showing
excess of carelessness,

some among them,

not rather impudence, of while, in the scarcity and dearif

ness of copies, examination and comparison of accounts could be within the power of a very few.

Some

authors, he says,

historian,

Alexander,
* *

was one who and protected

reported that Ptolemy, the mounted the ladder with

him when

disabled

* whereas/ he proceeds, Ptolemy in his own narrative relates that he was not then present with the army under Alexander's immediate orders,

but

commanding
all

service.'

detached body on a distant however would have full means Ptolemy

a

to

learn
;

circumstances, so as to give an exact

this

account
An-.

and

Arrian appears to have carefully

followed.
1.

6.

danger put the army, through all What ranks, upon serious and anxious consideration. of his the for which be death, consequences might no provision had been made, and who should succeed to the command in chief, were questions most seriously involving the interests of all, and for which none had a ready answer. Since Parmenio no one had been so distinguished by the king as to be at all marked for such pre-eminence ; and the troops were
rather, in their several
divisions,

Alexander's

attached to their

several leaders, than generally disposed to allow to any one the command over all. What then would
result

among the conquered nations? Their chiefs had been not only subdued by the arms, but gained by the favours of Alexander whose name also the people revered, as of the most glorious of sovereigns, under whose rule they enjoyed all their former ad;

RECOVERY OF ALEXANDER.
vantages,

245
SECT.

with less apprehension, than before, of a troubled government. Who would be for settling in the and empire gained, fighting still, if necessary,
for
its

maintenance

and who

for the return

home,

the extensive earnestness for which had recently so And for either settling in grieved their lost leader ?

the conquered provinces, or for a length of march, before so unheard of, as the return through so many
provinces, which to be friendly, which hostile, none

could know,

who was

to decide,

and what were

their

means

reaching the army remaining, under HepliEestion's command, in the camp whence Alexander had set out for his expedition against the
Mallians,

The news

produced even greater and more lasting

anxiety than where he was present. The first report Contradiction soon arrived, was that he was dead.

but did not obtain immediate credit suspicion arising that it was an artifice of interested leaders, desirous
;

Even when at of gaining time for their purposes. wrote to himself for unable come, length Alexander, be a forgery this that assurance, apprehension might
still

gave uneasiness.

Informed of all circumstances, as soon as he could bear the motion of a litter, Alexander proceeded to On that stream a vessel bore him the Hydaspes. without fatigue to the station where his fleet, under Nearchus, lay, with the main body of his army, under The litter was hard by. Hephasstion, encamped
ready for him again at the landing-place ; but, feelhe ordered his ing himself beyond expectation able,
horse
and, mounting, to the joyful surprise of the surrounding anxious soldiery, though apparently not without hazard, and perhaps injury, rode to his
;

dismounted. tent, and, without assistance,

Universal

R 3

M'G

HISTORY OF GREECE.
'

CHAP,

acclamation, gratulation, and, the historian says, So does personal valour tears of joy attended him. of the multitude, espethe esteem commonly engage and more especially in of valour station, cially high

where exerted of free But from necessity.

as

choice, without
still

any pressure more, with the added

opinion of talent capable of directing multitudes, so both to lead them to glory, and provide for their

better than they could do for themselves, or any other for them, an enthusiastical attachment arises ; and such Arrian describes as prevailing towelfare,

ward Alexander.

Among

his

more judicious

friends

however, universally dissatisfied with his rashness, some took the liberty to admonish him, that the merit of the lowest soldier should not be the object

and that one whose life was so important to so many thousands, and even Alexander millions, should not so waste his safety. bore this, but with some demonstration of impatience ; which an old Boeotian officer, more a soldier than a
of the general's ambition
;

general, observing, exclaimed, in his Boeotian dialect

'
* '

O Alexander, such deeds become men.

says, Bear, the evils

The

proverb

enjoy theTglory.' of the more T private life of Alexander, authentically transmitted ; Arrian having given it from the narrative of Nearchus, the commander of the fleet ; who added, that the old Breotian was thenceforward in
^rr.1.6.

which great actions bring, and This is among the few anecdotes

with the king. in the Mallian country appears to have remained to complete its subjugation, and then proceed against the Oxydracs ; represented as a powerful nation, whose purposed junction of forces with
the Mallians had been disappointed by Alexander's Terrified now by experience, both of the rapidity.

much favour The army

SUBMISSION OF THE OXYDRACS.

force
afar,

2'J.7

and of the severity of the conqueror come from

;

SECT.

both people sent deputations, offering submission and soliciting pardon the Mallians for their resistance, the Oxydracs for having failed of an earlier submission. The latter seem, on information received, to have devised a mode of flattery grateful
to Alexander.
* *

of desirous/ they said, freedom and independency ; to which, if any people, they were entitled, having enjoyed them from the
: but, underthat Alexander also was of the race of the standing if it was his to gods, pleasure appoint a satrap

'

They were

'

time when Bacchus came to India

'

'

over them, they would submit and pay such tribute as he might require.' The terms, on their comwith which he were not mild. He insisted, pliance
*

would have a thousand of the principal men of the two nations sent to him, to be held as hostages or
;

at his

pleasure,

to be

employed

as

soldiers in his

Again proposed subjugation of the rest of India. they seem to have had politic consideration of his character. They sent him a thousand men, selected
and comeliness of person, with assurance also, true or otherwise, of their eminence of rank and, with them, five hundred armed chariots, with the necessary horses and drivers, as a voluntary tribute
for size
;

Pleased with this, he accepted of auxiliary force. the chariots with their appendages, and dismissed the hostages ; but appointed a satrap over the counPhilip, apparently the guished as son of Machatas,
try,

same formerly distinand already of satrapal

dignity.

R 4

248

HISTORY OF GREECE.

SECTION

II.

Alexanders navigation of the Indian rivers: conquest of southern provinces : division of the army for the return homeward : establishment of a naval station in the Indus : arrival at the ocean : establishment of a naval arsenal at the western mouth
of
the Indus.

CHAP.
'

ALEXANDER, checked by
of his army

the reasonable opposition in his wild purpose of extending conquest

(wild certainly, yet in his very extraordinary circumstances at his yet early age, demanding consideration)

and apparently somewhat sobered by the severity of his last wound and the length of confinement required for the cure, again directed his uncommon powers of mind and body and fortune to projects useful to mankind. His purpose, formerly conceived, of exploring the course of the Indus, and making

known

to the western nations the navigation of the ocean, from the Indian to the Persian gulf, em-

During his confinement he ployed his attention. had caused a considerable increase to be made to his
river-navy
[B. c. 326.
;

principally of the larger' vessels

and, as

soon as his convalescence was sufficiently advanced,

he prosecuted the voyage down the Hydraotes to its confluence with the Akesines, and thence onward to
that of their united streams with the Indus.

There

1'

6'

^Ts

he awa

te d the arrival of Perdiccas,

who had been

ssnt with a division against a refractory Indian nation. In this leisure examining the opportunities of the

and finding them inviting, he resolved to found a town there, and provide it with conveniences for a naval station. During his stay Perdiccas, successful
place,

in the business

he had

been

sent

upon, rejoined

NAVIGATION OF THE INDIAN RIVERS.

Oxyartes, father of the queen Roxana, also arrived, sporting some misconduct of Tiristes, Tiryestes, or Tyriaspis, (for the Greeks varied in their ortho-

219
SI.CT.

1L

graphy of Persian names,) satrap of Paropamisus ; who was in consequence removed, and the satrapy was committed to Oxyartes. Philip's satrapy was then declared to extend to the confluence of the Akesines and Indus, including the new town and
arsenal, the completion of

which he was directed

all

to

superintend. Thracians of the army, was

quiet in his province.

body of troops, including

left

the

with him, to ensure

For proceeding still downward, the ground on the left bank of the river being incommodious, and hosthreatened on the right the tility being more
1

'',

greater part of the division under Craterus was transported across, with all the elephants, there to continue the march toward the sea ; Alexander himself,

with a chosen body, being again borne on the stream. 16 Reaching the capital of the Sogdians , apparently without resistance, he formed there again a subsidiary
naval arsenal, and provided for
fications.
its

security

by

forti-

Already, though much remained

yet to

be subdued, he took upon himself to dispose of all the river-side country, some hundred miles from the confluence of the Akesines and Indus to the sea,
declaring
it a satrapy under the joint authority of and Python. Oxyartes Directing the march of Craterus then by the right

15

'Ap7T/j.

For the interpretation here, note

17. is

proposed

to account.

Possibly these may have been a branch of the nation formerly noticed, (ch. 51. s. 5.) of the same name, near the Caspian sea, or possibly the name here may have been corrupted in tran16

scription.

250
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
bank of the
historian
17

river,

describes
,

as

through the country which the that of the Arachotes and

still

Drangies

he proceeded himself

by water to

the territory said to be the richest of India, the dominion of a prince called Musicanus. That prince had not waited upon him, to offer submission for

himself and his country, nor had even by an embassy sought friendship, nor had either sent those presents which common civility required for a great king, or

These are the causes anything for himself. him for as an enemy. Such Arrian treating by then was the rapidity of Alexander's movements that,
solicited

stated

before Musicanus obtained notice of the armament's

it was already within his territory. Appahe had information of Alexander's however rently With the most character, as well as of his power. he could collect he hastened magnificent presents to meet him, and especially with all his elephants. Being admitted to audience, he began with acknow-

approach,

ledging himself wrong

18
;

which, says the historian,

commonly weighed
obtaining favour.

most with

Alexander toward

pardoned ; and and his country, admiring both, continued him in

Accordingly his delinquency was Alexander, having viewed his capital

By this description it seems made sufficiently evident that Arrian, for distinguishing the banks of a river as right and left, traced the water upward, whereas, in modern Europe, it seems
17

now agreed

to

source downward.

name them as they stand in tracing it from its The country of the Arachotes and Drangies,

stretching westward on the north of the great Desert, was of great importance to Alexander, being that alone by which, from

was any ready communication with all the west of his empire. But whether and Media, Persia, Arrian was clearly aware of the geography here, or whether rather some deficiency may not be in the extant MSS. of his work, perhaps not unreasonably may be doubted.
his actual situation, there
18

Arrian 's expression

is

strong,

TRANSACTIONS

IN

INDIA.
:

251
the capital
citadel,

the presidency, but not in independency

SECT.

being in a commanding situation, he built a

and placed a garrison there. Musicanus however, though sovereign over subjects, like many now in India, was not an independent prince, and therefore apparently had it not properly in his choice to submit to another. But Alexander's
claim of paramount sovereignty extended to the dominion of Oxycanus, to whom Musicanus acknow-

ledged fealty; and Oxycanus, like his subordinate, had omitted the required acknowledgments. Alex-

Am KG.

ander therefore hastened to proceed against him, leaving the superintendency of the building of the new citadel, with the command of the forces there, to Craterus. So, it appears, he had now learnt to contemn the boasted Indian military that, without

any infantry of the phalanx, he took, for the expedition against Oxycanus, only the cavalry which had been conveyed on the river, with his favourite middlearmed, the Agrians, and his bowmen. Nevertheless in the field he seems to have found no resistance and presently, with a force so unfit for sieges, he took the two principal towns, in the second of which
;

Oxycanus himself was made

19 It

19

prisoner.

has been observed by Vincent that the name Porus sigThe termination Canus, may seem to have been, in another language, a word signifying the same title, to which
nified Prince.

the Greeks prefixed the proper name, and added, in their usual is found vaway, a final syllable to denote the case. This title

even by English writers, riously spelt, Can, Khan, Chan, Cham, to too who, any foreign orthography of commonly, bowing Asiatic names which foreign writers may reasonably have en-

deavoured to adapt to their several languages, misrepresent them, often grossly, for an English reader. By the more judicious the same title has been written Cawn or Khawn which I ap;

the prehend, according to English orthography, best represents

252
CHAP.
LIV.

HISTORY OF GREECE.

Meanwhile information arrived that Sambus, an Indian, satrap, under Alexander's appointment, of a
word
though to indicate exactly all Asiatic sounds by any European alphabet is impossible. Vincent, distressed by confusion and uncertainty often thus arising, has taken pains to
;

collate various spellings of eastern

names, with the purpose of

ascertaining what should be the English orthography ; but, in the evident want of familiar acquaintance with the pronun ciation of any language but his own, he has succeeded little
farther than to furnish

some ground

for

any who may follow

him

On the other hand, modern fashion has better prepared. tended variously to increase this inconvenient confusion. French

modes, puzzling for the English reader, have been adopted for foreign words, even for some which had become classical in our This spelling, which language, as the Turkish title Bashaw.

Johnson has followed, represents regularly, in our orthography, the sound indicated by the Italian Bascia. and both concur exactly with the French Pacha, except for the first letter. Gibbon's diligent curiosity leading him to inquiry, he learnt that in one
;

extensive portion of the Turkish empire the people failed, as the Welsh with us, of the faculty of pronouncing the B, and in another part that of pronouncing P ; whence has arisen the difference, in regard to that first letter, which alone directs to a difference in pronunciation, between the French and us, with whom the Italians concur. Gibbon, so far concurring with the

French, lias chosen for himself the peculiar orthography, Pashaw, which possibly may be, as he has supposed it, the most warranted by the best Turkish custom. But it may probably have occurred to many to have observed some English speakers, and not uneducated, misled by the modern fashion of French orthography, strangely to pervert the proper sound, pronouncing as if the word were written Paka. Thus also the fashionable

French orthography of the name of an Arabian people, Bedouin, variously puzzles Englisli readers who have no difficulty when they find it written by Shaw, and other English travellers, Bedoween thus properly representing the Arabic letters, and indicating the Arabic pronunciation, as far as English letters may. Legislation in orthography, and also in phraseology,
;

rests

now

principally with the daily newsprinters, as those with

whose works the public eye

sively familiar.

And

is far most continually and extenconsidering the rapidity to which they are

TRANSACTIONS IN INDIA.
neighbouring mountainous region, had absconded. Alexander on this hastened to Sindomana, the prinArrian here giving the name, which often cipal town
:

253
SECT.

fails in his

narrative, for cities in India, even the re-

sidence of princes. He was surprised to find the gates open, the principal friends of Sambus ready for surrender, the treasury untouched, and not an ele-

Those left in authority pleaded, in phant removed. excuse for their chief, that he had no purpose of hostility, or of any disobedience to Alexander; but, being informed that his enemy, Musicanus, had been received into favour, he feared the consequences to himself, and on that account only had withdrawn. Alexander seems to have been satisfied with this
apology for Sambus, but some brahmans, accused as instigators of revolt, were put to death.

Musicanus however, urged by the brahmans, probably misestimating the value of Grecian arms and view of the smallness discipline, and encouraged by a of the numbers actually attending Alexander, had
unremittingly urged,
as
in

a race, their general correctness

ought perhaps more to excite admiration than any occasional A large proportion of their failure of it should induce blame. materials coming to them in French, it is not wonderful if, in
their necessary constant haste, they frequently relieve themselves by adopting French words, French idioms, and all the torture
to

which the French, scrupulous of nothing which may make

:

names while modesty, overevery thing French, put foreign strained with us, (what the French call mauvaise honte,) produces scruple of whatever may make anything English. Thus an change is rapidly working in our language, to
injurious

which even the government gazette, not excusable as the daily its authority newspapers, has sometimes contributed; lending for the intrusion of words and phrases out of all analogy with the English language, and needless for any purpose, unless to amuse those who are aware how English voices far mostly mispronounce them.

15%

HISTORY OF GREECE.
revolted.
'

CHAP, LIV

soon took

all

Python, sent in command against him, his towns some were destroyed, and
:
;

the surviving inhabitants condemned to slavery

in

citadels were built and garrisons placed. Musicanus himself, brought prisoner, was by Alexander's order, sent back to his own country, to be there

some

hanged, together with some brahmans, his advisers. The terror of Alexander's arms now extended to
the ocean
;

much

divided

the intervening country being indeed too among small sovereignties, often hostile

to one another, for any to have reasonable hope of successful resistance to such a force as he could com-

deputation waited upon him from the of the insular territory, inclosed between sovereign the two principal channels by which the waters of the Indus reach the sea. Bringing the assurance of

mand.

his reach

submission, which Alexander required from all within who desired to live in peace, the deputies
carried back with

them

his promise of protection for

power and dignity ; but, at a the town of Pattala, the it, requisition that, at the point of of his situated dominion, capital separation of the two great channels of the Indus, all convenience should be provided for his fleet and army
their prince in his present

with

against their arrival. It seems, from Arrian's omission, nearly evident that the historian-generals, Ptolemy and Aristobulus,

beyond whose authority he shows himself generally

unwilling to pledge himself, declined to report even those accessions of strength to the army which continued to be received occasionally from Europe, and
still

more would be disposed to avoid acknowledgment of the greater numbers of Asiatics, whom they

styled barbarians, now forming a very important part of that nevertheless, for its general title, called the

TRANSACTIONS IN INDIA.
But what is not found in his of the history expedition remains stated in his account of India, that, when Alexander embarked on the
Hydaspes, dred and twenty thousand men, exclusively of those auxiliary troops of the Indian princes and states which he afterward dismissed. Between India and
the centre of the empire were yet objects for military measures, but not requiring such numbers, nor in countries capable of maintaining them. To divide the
his

Q55
SECT.
IL
Arr.imi.
c<

Macedonian army.

army, in that country, was of a him-

19>

army therefore being necessary, a large body was committed to Craterus, consisting of three divisions of the phalanx, commanded by Attalus, Meleager, and Antigonus, with some bowmen, and all those Macedonians, among whom were some of the band
of companions,

who for age, wounds, or state of less were able for severe service. Craterus health, was directed to march for Persia Proper ; not by the shortest, but the easiest and safest road ; first returning up the course of the Indus by its right bank,

and then proceeding through Arachosia, a fruitful country already explored, and where nothing hostile was apprehended. At the same time Python was sent back northward on the left bank, with the Agrians and horse-bowmen, to inspect the state of the colonies established, and inquire concerning the conquered countries on that side of the river ; with
to return
orders, after having made all necessary arrangements, and follow the motions of the largest of the bodies retained for service southward, which was

to proceed,

under the command of Hephaestion, on Alexander himself emthe right bank, to Pattala. barked for that place, with a chosen division.

Having proceeded on the water two days without any remarkable occurrence, information met him, on

256
CHAP.
LIV.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
the third, that the chief of Pattala 20 had deserted his country, leading the greater part of the inhabitants

with him.

Accordingly, on arriving, he found the and town Severity, neighbouring country deserted. overstrained, he seems now to have learnt, would

Sending in pursuit of the he gave orders not to kill, but to fugitives therefore, bring prisoners ; and these he sent back again after
defeat
its

own

purpose.

their

them and securely occupy their might return, This had, in houses and till their lands, as before.
still

flying fellow-countrymen, to assure

that

all

considerable amount, the desired effect. 'Pattala then was presently observed to be a place of critical imArr.
1.

6.

c. 18.

Vine, on Nearchus.

portance for its command of the two branches of the river, and of a country abounding with valuable pro-

duce ; fruitful of cattle, especially of camels, and, for grain, of the best rice. Works were therefore it a naval station, and seforward for making put
curing that station for a citadel. Observing farther that much of the neighbouring country was uninhabited only from want of fresh water, though springs

might be found in digging to a moderate depth, he employed parties of his troops in that service. Altogether this southern part of India appears to have been less civilised, and less well governed, than the

The northern, which had been already subdued. inhabitants of the neighbourhood of Pattala, through
ignorance, jealous
20

of the beneficent works going

this chief,
6. c.
9.

On

the

first

mention of
1.

-Hfc

%upai; ap%uv.

occasion on which Arrian gives of wap/ps without mention of a superior. This, and indeed the whole of his narrative, marks his uncertainty about
is

not said
title

a,pw^ Ib. nor is this the

s.

him O tSv Here he calls him 17. s. 4% Under whom he was upxuv
Arrian
calls
C

first

the

the political state of India.

PROGRESS DOWN THE INDUS.

forward, killed some of those employed, but were soon repressed by a force sent against them. The question arose now by which of the branches

257

of the great river, which here divided, the fleet should proceed to the ocean. Alexander resolved
himself to examine both, and to begin by the western. For escort on the water he took a select squadron of the vessels which had been found the swiftest, and

he put eight thousand foot and one thousand horse under the command of Leonnatus, to attend his

The season was motions, marching on the left bank. of that the adverse, being stormy monsoon,

blowing

from the ocean ; and pilots failed ; those Pattalians most practised in navigation, perhaps informed of previous severities, and therefore less confiding in promises of protection, not being found among those who had returned to their homes. Nevertheless Alexnot probably without information of what be might expected, yet not believing it in its full extent, and of a temper indisposed to yield to any
ander,

conquerable

persevered in his purpose. of the day voyage passed smoothly. But, on the second, a violent adverse wind not only preobstacles,

The

first

vented progress, but meeting the stream which favoured the fleet's course, produced so troubled a
surface that the vessels laboured greatly : some were so injured by collision as to be rendered useless ; but

the crews

all

reached the shore.

Parties then pur-

skilled suing still the fugitive natives, in the river navigation were taken, and, being well In the farther treated, were found highly useful.

some prisoners

widened to the extent progress of the fleet the water of some miles, and here another storm came on ; but, a bay near, capable of affording the Indians
showing
shelter,

damage was avoided.

s

VOL. vni.

258
CHAP. L1V
-

HISTORY OF GREECE.
Already here the river was affected by the singular
tides of the neighbouring ocean.

To

the astonish-

ment of the Greeks, accustomed only to the Mediterranean and Euxine seas, the ebb left all the vessels
aground
;

lowing flood
21

and then again to their surprise the folJ1 Information was set them afloat
.

Very early in the course of this work, occasion occurred to animadvert upon the too common practice of critics, ingenious as well as learned, but who, speculating much, have seen little, to assume judgment on matters of which their information has
been very deficient. The commentator on Nearchus has also The surprise of the found occasion for such animadversion. Macedonians, and their ignorance of the tides,' he observes, have been ridiculed by Voltaire, who thinks it incredible that Alexander should not know the nature of tides as he must have seen the Euripus when in Bceotia, and must have known that Aristotle wrote on the subject. Major Rennell has correeled this petulance, by showing that the tide in the Indus is runs in the the Bore, which operates along the whole coast,
'

'

'

'

'

'

'

Hoogly
five feet

'

river seventy miles in four hours, rises at Calcutta, Vine, on in an instant, in the Megna twelve feet.'
2.

Nearch. b.

p. 171.

The

learned commentator might have

added, what Voltaire, with modest inquiry, might readily have learnt, that the tides on the coast of his own country, as of England also, especially on the western coasts, are so much
greater than those of the Euripus, that these would hardly Lord Lytfurnish a conception of what was to be expected.
telton, in his

History of Henry the Second, has wasted labour to

refute Voltaire's at least equal petulance, in contradicting the report of historians, that the first William made Newforest.
' '

'

Les historiens,' he says in his essay on general history, ' ne font pas attention qu'il faut au moins vingt annees pour qu'un nouveau plan d'arbres deviennent une foret propre a la chasse.

'

On

lui fait

semer cette foret en 1080.

Quelle apparence,' &c.
its

II avoit alors

soixante-

'

trois

ans.

Those who know the

every

country and

history will see

it

way

when William

subjected his

new

forest to the

same

probable that, forest laws

and government, or nearly the same, which he found already established for many forests in his acquired kingdom, it was already prepared by nature to be a forest, differing little, if anything, in general character, from that it bears at this day.

ARRIVAL AT THE OCEAN.

obtained that near the river's mouth was an island
called Killuta, affording advantageous harbours. Two light vessels were dispatched to ascertain the circumstances.

259
SECT.

On

their return, their

encouraging, the

squadron proceeded thither

commander's report and

;

Alexander himself, eager to explore the great expanse before him, went on, with some chosen vessels, some leagues, till he came in sight of another island. But he had neither vessels fit to proceed far on the ocean, nor means to be sure of his course beyond
sight of land.

Returning therefore to Killuta he

there sacrificed to the gods, to whom the oracle of Ammon, he said, had directed him to address such

the following day however he ventured worship. to proceed as far as the island last discovered, and there sacrificed to other gods with other ceremonies ;
still

On

asserting that
is

all

was done

in conformity to in-

In large tracts oak

without

human

but
soil,

still

weed of the soil, coming every where and protected in early growth by holly, more advantageously by hawthorn, also weeds of the
the
care,

even against deer. Intervening large tracts, bearing nothing but heath, deny equally the growth of indigenous trees and advantageous return for tillage. That these tracts, or much of them, were then wild, cannot be doubted ; and that William afterwards made large additions from cultivated private estates,
has been given to general knowledge since Lord Lyttelton's time, by the publication of Domesday Book, compiled by William's order. Most of those estates were granted again to
individuals in presently following reigns, and mostly hold, to this day, the same names by which they are recorded in Domesday

Book, or so nearly the same as not to be mistaken. All of these, with hardly an exception, are at this day still so wooded, among their cultivated fields, as to be perfect for all the purposes of a
forest.

ingenious French poet-historian-philosopher's with these matters of fact, can be contrasted argument then,

The very

matter only for ridicule. This, wide as it is from the subject, it is hoped may be allowed in a note, for its tendency to warrant observations offered in former notes, and perhaps some yet to come.
s

260
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
structions from the oracle of

__

Directing his course then eastward beyond the mouth of the Indus, and finding no land southward, he celebrated a magnificent
sacrifice

Ammon.

ashipboard

to

the

The

carcasses of bulls,

slain

with

god Neptune. due ceremony,

were thrown into the sea. Golden cups being then filled with wine, from a golden flagon, he himself, after pouring libations upon the waves, threw in both
cups and flagon.
object worthy of this hazardous expedition in a distant corner, so separated from the body of the empire, where most important matters of regulation
necessarily pressed for attention, is so obscurely and deficiently indicated by ancient writers that the pomp

An

with which its success was celebrated, and the pretension to the favour of divine admonition concerning it, might appear even ridiculous, if the petition,

which Alexander is stated to have addressed to the deity on the occasion, did not open light upon he prayed that the large policy, the spring of all the fleet, which he was about to send from the Indus, by the ocean and the Persian gulf, to the
:

'

That voyage,
navigation,

Euphrates, might prosperously make the voyage.' for vessels wholly unadapted to ocean

and seamen wholly unpractised in it, whether indeed ever before performed being apparently unknown, was evidently enough of extraordinary hazard, and might well want extraordinary encouragement and stimulation for those to be employed on it.
Arrian, prosecuting his purpose of a military history of Alexander, has been often led, as here, to
notice important facts beyond that particular object; and these, in the part with which we are now en-

gaged, have attracted the just attention

of the com-

OBJECT OF THE VOYAGE.

26 1

mentator on the narrative of his admiral Nearchus. Vincent on * That Alexander/ says that diligent inquirer, had JlsJpS. * conceived a plan of the commerce which was after* ward carried on from Alexandria in Egypt to the Indian ocean, I think capable of demonstration by
*

his

conduct after his arrival at Pattala. In his passage down the Indus he had evidently marked
that river as the eastern frontier of his empire. He had built three cities, and fortified two others on

'

and he was now preparing for the esta; blishment of Pattala, at the point of division of the river, and planning other posts at its eastern and
this line

western mouths.

Upon

his arrival at Pattala

he had

'

dispatched light troops in pursuit of the fugitive

people, who, upon promise of safety and protection, His next care was to explore mostly returned. the deserts, to find water, and to dig wells. This

evidence rather of a commercial than a military purpose ; for so all who have travelled the deserts
is

will

esteem
it

it,

and such was Arrian's opinion, who

'

was to render the country habitable.* says Reckoning Pattala then the advantageous place

great emporium proposed for the east, as Alexandria in Egypt for the west, he enlarged his plan for making it a naval arsenal, and resolved to
for the

Informed that the leave a part of his fleet there. eastern branch of the Indus, having a less rapid current, afforded a more advantageous communication
with the ocean than the western, he would himself In approaching the sea his pilots pointed explore it. out an extensive lake, with a convenient harbour, or

and good communication from the river. Leaving there the greater part of the land force which had attended him, with all his smaller vessels, he proceeded with the larger only. Reaching s 3
landing-place,

262
CHAP,
'_

HISTORY OF GREECE.
the ocean, and landing on its shore, he employed three days in examining that part of the country, and then returned to his haven in the lake. Having
directed there whatever his purposes appeared farther to require, he pursued his way back to Pattala.

of the imprudence of undertaking in that season of the adverse monsoon, with the means possessed by the ancients, and vessels
satisfied

He

was now

adapted to such deficient means, the navigation of the Indian ocean. He therefore directed the collecting of four months' provisions for the force intended for that service. Even the river navigation

had been found

in that season hazardous.

Never-

theless, in returning to his main army, he would share, with his navigators, the peril of going by water. In his extensive survey of the shores, and as far as

time and circumstances would allow, of the country, having observed its wants, and the opportunities for
relieving them, he sent additional parties to dig wells in various places, that water, that indispensable necessary, of which his vessels could not carry a

supply for
passing.

many

days,

might abound

for his fleet in

SECTION

III.

Arrangement for the return of the army to Persia, and for exploring the means for navigation between India and the Persian
Difficulties of the proposed march; colony gulf. the coast. Failure of ordered preparation. Sufferings
settled

near
in

traversing the desert.

THE northern countries, which now separated the recent conquests from Persia and Media, Alexander knew from having traversed them ; the southern only
by report. Before he detached Craterus by the known way, he had large assurance that the other was, from

ARRANGEMENT TOR RETURN OF THE ARMY.

natural circumstances, of difficulty, for the march of an army, extraordinary, of a numerous insurArr.
'

263
i.

G.

c 24 '

mountable.

Nor were

these circumstances

army unknown

to those selected for the expedition, but, on the conrather trary, exaggerated in report and in fancy. Several armies, which had attempted to cross the
it was said, had wholly perished there, even of the commanders, only two had survived ; and, Semiramis, queen of Assyria, celebrated in earliest

wilderness,

profane history, and the great Cyrus ; the former reaching her own dominion with only twenty attendants, the latter saving only seven. Alexander never-

an undertaking, however hazardous, indispensable toward the completion of his great design of providing advantageous communicatheless persevered in

tion

and connexion, for the body of his empire, with the highly valuable newly acquired eastern provinces.

Without co-operation and occasional support from a land force, it were beyond hope for a fleet, of the ancient construction, and with only the ancient means for navigation, to make the proposed voyage
along such
desert, and,
his liberality,

an extent of unknown coast ; mostly where inhabited, hostile. So however

his reputation for piety, the historian Arr 1. c. 28.
.

7.

says, toward the gods, his pretensions to assurance of divine favour, supported by his extraordinary and

constant successes, but especially his profuse unsparingness of himself, his readiness upon all occasions

any privation, and every danger, had gained the attachment and confidence of those under him, that no unwillingness appears to have been
for

any

fatigue,

finally

shown, either in the army or in the

fleet,

to

in proceed upon the expeditions proposed for them ; which he was to accompany the one, with promise of
all possible

support to the other.

s

264
B. c. 326. Ol 133 3 Vincent on

HISTORY OF GREECE.
It was, according to the

founding
from
set out
fleet to
first

his

tra|j

commentator on Nearchus, combined information anc[ Arrian, early in September that he

calculation on
force, leaving his

from Pattala with his land

await there the season for navigation.

The

to requisite toward his great object being the the ocean between facilitate communication by river Indus and the Persian gulf, his purpose was to

march the nearest to the coast that the circumstances of the country would allow. Always then ready to take the business of most fatigue and danger, he committed the main body to Hephaestion, to proceed
less forbidding road, higher up the country, with a chosen division, he diverged himself while, toward the barren shore, where he caused wells to be

by the

dug, and other provision to be made for the welfare of his fleet when it might pass.
generally in India, so in proceeding now westward, the population was found divided into com-

As

On yet unwilling to obey. the army's approach, the Arabites, (called so by the Greeks from their river, the Arabis,) quitting their
munities unable to
resist,

cultivated lands,

had

fled to the

neighbouring wilds.

The

river

difficult.

was not of depth to make the passage Beyond it was a desert ; of extent however

not requiring

much more than one

night for the

march across it, so as to reach, soon after daybreak, the cultivated country of the Orites. The disposition of that people being hostile, insomuch that they were
ful,

prepared, not only for emigration, should it be needbut first for resistance, Alexander hastened for-

ward with

his cavalry ; and, attacking those found in Enarms, killed many and made many prisoners.

camping then on the bank of a small

river

which

crossed the way, he was there joined by Hephaestion,.

OPPOSITION OF THE GADROSES.

and the united army proceeded to Rambacia, which Arrian, though describing it as the largest town of
the Orite territory, calls nevertheless a village. Apparently it was unfortified ; but the advantages of its
situation,
soil,

265
SECT.

and the

fruitfulness

of the

surrounding

engaged Alexander's attention. Not on the coast, it was yet so near that a fleet might have easy

communication with

it;

and being, by

all

circum-

stances, says the historian, singularly promising for a great and flourishing city, he resolved to establish

colony there, and took measures accordingly. Beyond the Orite country was Gadrosia, a province of that formerly the Persian, now his own empire, where his Grecian satrap, Apollophanes, commanded. The western part of that extensive region,

bordering on Carmania and Persia, with exception for the coast, is fruitful the middle an immense ;

sandy wilderness the people of the eastern part thus, under the lax rule of the Persian satraps, had been
:

little

habituated to civil restraint. For the number of important offices to which, his extensive and among
rapid conquests, Alexander had often, in necessary haste, to appoint, that selection should be always for-

tunate would not be to be expected from the most of mankind, even if also the most expepenetrating rienced. Apollophanes, according to Arrian's phrase,

had done nothing of what had been commanded him, The eastern Gadroses, whether through his failure,
or otherwise, not only gave a friendly reception to numerous fugitive Orites, but concurred with them
in occupying a strait,
this reached

c-

Arr I 27 -

on their

frontier, with

the

Information of purpose of disputing the passage. Alexander at Rambacia. To be quick,

and not to commit to others what he could do himself, seem to have been always his maxims in all difficulties.

He

gave to Hephaestion the comparatively

2G6
CHAP,
,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
easy office of superintending the projected works there, while himself, with a select body, proceeded Nor was against the united Orites and Gadroses.
his

toward an easy success. Assured that Alexander in person was come to attack
presence
unavailing

them, and that, on the spot, proposal or solicitation might be addressed to him, the united people deserted
their strong post ; and shortly the chief of the Orites arrived at his camp, surrendering themselves, and This being offering the surrender of their nation.

precisely what, for his objects at his new colony, he desired, he dismissed them, with direction to inform
their people that * all who would go home should * have his protection for person and property.'

Returning then, he

constituted

Rambacia the

To the charge and capital of a surrounding satrapy. of he satrap dignity appointed an officer named, in
[Arr.1.6.

our copies of Arrian, like the satrap of Gadrosia, perna P s through error of transcribers, Apollophanes 22, and he selected a body of horse and foot to remain His there, under the command of Leonnatus.

22 The circumstances stated by Arrian indicate that this Apollophanes was a different person from him recently mentioned by the same name to have been satrap of Gadrosia, and it seems more likely that, for the description of one or the other, transcribers may have been careless, than that Arrian would have failed to add some such distinction as that of the father's name, usual with him on other occasions, had the names of the

two persons been the same. [From a passage in the Historia Indica of Arrian it would appear that this is the same Apollophanes for there, speaking of the defeat of the rebellious Oritae by Leonnatus, he says ruv SE a~vv heavi/dry irir<V P-M a wevTE/ca/Sf/ca' TUV Kt^uv aXXot Tt ov TroXXo* KOU 'Air eXXo <p d
;

r a,$p us- tav e-aTpdwyi;. c. 23. Thus Arrian still designated by him the title of satrap of Gadrosia, though deprived of that
1

office,
s. 3.

and associated with Leonnatus

55. inf.]

in another

command. See

c.

DIFFICULTIES IN THE MARCH.

acquired in these eastern parts, to use the advantages it offered for the benefit of the whole empire, and, with that
view, to assure the safety and success of his fleet in exploring the coast, are among numerous other
indications, not lightly

2&

earnestness

to maintain

the dominion

SECT.

marked

in the

amount and

in.

the selection of troops for the station of Rambacia. Beside a large body not particularly described by

the historian, he left there all the Grecian mercenary horse, those middle-armed, the Agrians, whom he had distinguished as his chosen companions in dashing

The enterprises, and a complete division of bowmen. whole was directed to await the passing of the naval
armament, and meanwhile to support the satrap in measures for its relief and welfare. In the march from the Indus, thus far, rivers had been found at no very great intervals. But, in the
country next to be traversed, in the way to Persia,
the inconveniences of a very extensive sandy wilderness were to be encountered. The heat of the air
there
sultry
is

climates.

beyond that ordinary in other the most Myrrh-bearing trees, and the

nard plant in great abundance, are the only produce

noticed.

Some

Phenicians,

who had

followed the

army in this perilous march, with mercantile views, loaded their cattle with these, in such quantities, that the abundant nard, bruised in carrying, perfumed the
air.

Alexander's view to the encouragement of com-

merce, and his earnestness in it, are, in this incidental information from the historian, clearly and strongly shown ; for the merchants could not have engaged in

such an undertaking without, beyond his permission, In this wilderness here assurance of his support. and there only a very scanty population was found ; food and water were everywhere scarce; and the nearer the coast, where Alexander's great object re-

!08

HISTORY OF GREECE.
quired his course, every deficiency and every inconvenience greatest. It seems indeed indicated that

CHAP,

were greater than might have been, had his satrap of Gadrosia executed, ably and diligently, the duties expected of him.
all

Under
his

necessity therefore to diverge inland with

main body, Alexander detached Thoas son of Mandrodorus, with a small division of horse, to exThat officer, on plore the country toward the sea.
rejoining, reported, that he found inhabitants only

on the
fish,

coast,

in huts

and those few and miserable living on formed of shells and fish-bones, with
;

water in .very small quantity, to be had only by digging in the sand near the shore, and all brackish.

As

the

army proceeded,

difficulties

and
'

distresses

Increased.

Hills of accumulated sand, crossing: O the

way, yielded to the step as mud, or, says the historian, rather as snow. Progress for wheeled carriages soon became impossible. Horses and mules, though not drawing, with difficulty got forward, and, through
fatigue

and hunger and

thirst,

many

perished.

The

march, regulated necessarily by Night was ing water, was sometimes very long. for it ; both to avoid the heat of the always preferred
singularly scorching in that country, and to obviate as far as might be the misery of excessive
sun,
thirst.

opportunity for find-

Food also was scanty and bad. The summits of palm-trees, used by the few inhabitants of the desert as a culinary vegetable, were resorted to by the

when the rare opportunity offered. But, as the urgency for hasty progress, and of course for bodily exertion, increased, the strength of many
troops,
failed.

Carriages then being necessarily

still

left

behind,

cattle, fainting through hunger and thirst, relief in conveyance, for sick and wounded, and weak, was impossible. In necessary

and

more than men,

DISTRESSES OF THE ARMY.

care for
says the historian, regard for individuals and, through the urgency for every one to the greatest possible speed, the disabled were
all,
;

2(19

SECT.

was

lost

make
left to

In the need of provisions and unavoidable laxity of order, with this haste, and among such distresses, numbers of horses and mules,
perish unattended.

lean as they were and exhausted, were killed by the

soldiers for food.
it was always pretended and and though hunger fatigue in was and this, disbelieved, many cases, report was made to Alexander accordingly, he judged it, says again the historian, better to seem still ignorant of

On inquiry

that they died of

the irregularity than either to punish that for which necessity would so plead excuse, or, as knowing, yet not punishing, to appear to warrant it.

Many

days these

distresses

had been

suffered,

when, from a new cause, apprehension of worse arose : the guides declared they could no longer discern the
the sand, driven by the wind, having obliterated every beaten track, and the country furnishing no

way

landmark

not a tree, nor even any permanent

irre-

gularity of ground ; while, contrary to what had been experienced in the outset, when the scorching ray had been a principal grievance, the sky was become
so constantly clouded, that neither sun could be seen by day nor star by night. And this is ascertained,

vine, on

by modern
change
certain

observation, to occur regularly toward the Should they proceed, in of the monsoon.

Nearch -

these circumstances,

even

in

they might soon become unwhat direction they were going.

all

Alexander,

having considered

information,

re-

solved, while yet the direction was known, to seek Thus far his anxious desire to explore the the sea.

coast

had yielded to the urgency

least delay,
if

for conducting his

army, with the

water.

to a land of food

and

Now

the surest,

not the shortest course to

270
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
that object concurred with the other.

Probably the

guides, knowing yet where they were, knew that the sea was not far off'. Alexander would himself lead

the party for the search ; though, on inquiring for horses, only five, of the whole army, it is said, were

found able for the undertaking. Fortunately however, within an easy distance, he was gratified with a view of the Indian ocean. Returning then with the best
speed,
its

and conducting his suffering troops to the had the farther good fortune, in following he shore,

direction, to find everywhere, by digging in the sand, a sufficient supply of wholesome water ; an ad-

mon on a sandy shore,

to the coast.

vantage not probably unlocked for, as not only com. but having been recently found

by the detachment, under Thoas, which had been sent In this course, after some days' profarther a Objects came advantage occurred. gress,
in view, so giving character to the face of the country, that the guides declared they could now safely quit the coast, and lead the more direct way toward that

Soon then an distinguished as the fruitful Gadrosia. was came in found. Cultivation advantageous change
view, and presently corn was obtained in sufficient
plenty.
AIT. i. 6. c 24 '
'

accounts, Arrian says, in his day in asserting that the sufconcurred extant, mostly losses of and the army, in passing the Gadroferings
sian desert,

The numerous

were greater than in

it

all

years since

crossed the Hellespont.

the preceding Whether the

march was indeed rashly undertaken, or whatever amount of the disaster may have been owing to the
failure of the satrap

Apollophanes to provide expected

supplies, that the king should escape blame from the vulgar tongue, or from a party adverse to himself, or

to his ministers,

would not be within reasonable exthat, in the distresses of that

pectation.

But

march,

RELIEF TO THE ARMY.

Alexander bore
agree.
riages was lost,

his share admirably,

all

testimonies

QJ SECT
'

Early in its course,

when the

relief of car-

and those disabled by

disease,

wounds,

deficiency of food, or its badness, or by excessive heat, were, in the urgency to reach the station where
relief

might be obtained, necessarily

Alexander,

left

bably to perish,

instead

behind, proof riding, as

Am
26
tr a b

i.e.
"

usually, with his cavalry, dismounted,

the head of his infantry. party was advanced before the army to seek water, attended with pioneers to dig for it where anything

and walked at Throughout the march a

might afford a promise of success

of which the growth

Arr.
i.

of palm-trees is said to be sure indication. In one march of in course of the day's extraordinary length,

G.

which, under a scorching sun, no water had been and all were suffering!;, found, * O o some of the light-armed discovered a very small pool remaining in the bed of a winter-torrent. Proposing from this to make a
7

grateful offering to their king, in failure of another Alexander vessel, they carried him a helmet full.

taking the helmet, and commending the intention of those who brought it, poured the water on the ground. The effect, says Arrian, in encouragement to the troops, was as if every man had been refreshed with a
*

draught
* *

And I commend Alexander/

he proceeds,

for this, as

an eminent instance of forbearance, and

of conduct becoming a general.' Having at length reached that distinguished from the desert by the title of the fruitful Gadrosia, where

army would be presently beyond want, his fleet became his care. It appears probable that he may
his

have had information of

its departure from the Indus before the appointed time ; but of the delays, which in the sequel we shall find occurring, intelligence is not so likely to have reached him. Anxious therefore

c. 23.

for its welfare,

he sent a quantity of corn, in packages

HISTORY OF GREECE.
sealed with his signet,
arrival

CHAP,
LIV.

under an escort, to wait its on the barren coast, distinguished as the land of the fish-eaters, which extended from the Orite

country nearly to the mouth of the Persian gulf.

On

this desolate shore the provision for the escort

was consumed, while no fleet yet appeared, or of. Hunger then pressing, the store in charge was invaded ; and, nearly all being used,
itself

could be heard
while

still no intelligence of the fleet arrived, the In its report, the necessity escort rejoined the army. of its situation was made so evident that Alexander,

says the historian, forgave the irregularity. But, as he proceeded, he found farther proof of what Arrian, in his commonly concise way, sums up to
in saying, that his satrap of that extensive province, whom he looked for relief for his fleet, his army,

and himself, Apollophanes, had done nothing of what had been commanded him. Failure to provide food
been at least among his deAlexander therefore, taking on himself, as usual, any office for the duties of which he was anxious, rode around the country to superintend and which be enforce the collection of corn and flour committed to Telephus, of his band of companions, and Cretheus, another confidential officer, to escort to
for all seems to have
ficiencies.
;

different parts of the coast,

arrival.

there to await the

fleet's

Meanwhile

others were directed to procure,

flour,

from the northward, which should follow.

and

dates,

and sheep,

Proceeding then, it was, according to Arrian and Strabo, about the sixtieth day after the departure from
the Indus, and, according to Vincent's careful computation, toward the end of October, that the army
arrived at Poora, the capital of Gadrosia, situated in a plentiful part of that province so extensively a barren wilderness. Here Alexander gave his wayworn

ALEXANDER MARCHES TOWARD CARMANIA.

troops the rest they so much needed. Apollophanes was dismissed from the satrapy, and Thoas, whom we

273
SECT.

have seen lately successful in a critical military command, was appointed to it. Probably that deserving officer had suffered from his exertions in the severe
service of the desert
;

for he died presently after.

The

Gadrosian government including Arachosia, for extent, together with its critical situation, must have been a very important trust. It was committed to
Sibyrtius,

previously held the satrapy of the smaller neighbouring province of Carmania, where Tlepolemus son of Pythophanes succeeded him. It

who

seems to have been at Poora that a large supply of horses and camels arrived from the northern provinces,
provided by the diligence of Stasanor, satrap of Aria and Zarangia, and Phrataphernes, satrap of Parthia
to repair the loss of troop-horses, and baggage-cattle, which had been foreseen as hardly avoidable in crossing the desert.

and Hyrcania,

then being refreshed, supplies obtained, and necessary arrangements settled, the march was

The army

when

Some progress had been made, arrived of a mutiny in the army in intelligence India, wherein Philip, commander in chief there, a
resumed westward.
apparently much esteemed by Alexander, had with the satisfactory addition however, ;

man
that

lost his life

it

had been completely quelled by the surviving supported especially by the Macedonians of the commander in chief's body-guard, and that the
officers,

principal mutineers, mercenaries of various nations, had been put to death. The steady and animated
loyalty of the Macedonians, left in that distant province, would be the more gratifying to Alexander on

account of his late difference with

all

the Macedonians

of his army. VOL. VIII.

Such was the assurance of complete T

274-

HISTORY OF GREECE.
order restored that he judged
.

CHAP, LIV
'

it

sufficient to

send a
a

written commission for

Eudemus, apparently

Matill

cedonian, and the Indian prince Taxiles,

jointly to

superintend the

affairs

of the Indian dominion,

he might appoint another satrap. The province he was now approaching, Carmania, bordering eastward on Gadrosia, westward on the Persian Gulf, northward on proper Persia, was to-

ward the

coast a continuation of the Gadrosian sandy intervals only of a soil somewhat, and with desert, not greatly, better ; but within land an elevated

country, of a

more tempered heat of atmosphere, and

eminently
Strai>.i.i5.

fruitful.

The
is

people were in manners,

habits,

and

language Persian.
till

Though

difficulty in

the march from Poora

seems not

he

not specified, yet Alexander had reached Carmania to have

his

reckoned that the troubles of

painful

march

were decidedly over, and that he was completely returned to the body of that rich empire, so rapidly
conquered, whence, separated by a range of mountains the longest in the world, and among the loftiest,

and by a desert among the largest, he had been abIn Carmania Craterus was to sent near six years.
join him with that large portion of the army which, for avoiding the desert, had been directed to march

In Carmania Stasanor came to through Arachosia. wait upon him from Aria, and Pharismanes, deputed by his father Phrataphernes, from Parthia ; apparently to report circumstances of the important go-

vernments over which they presided. In the rapidity of his earlier successes, having allowed but a few weeks of his presence in any one
place of his extensive

conquests,

for the establish-

ment of

his

his return

dominion, it cannot be wonderful if, on now, he did not find the negligence of

PUNISHMENT OF GENERALS.
his satrap of

275
SECT.

Gadrosia alone a cause of dissatisfaction, but rather that, in such an absence from so new a
dominion, so extensive, so rich, and so populous, great troubles, and of difficult suppression, had not
arisen.

Deficient as our information

is

of particulars,

the result enough shows that he employed able ministers,

and that

his

own judgment

in selection

and

direction was excellent.

to

Nevertheless the distance

and roving temper had led him, his purpose declared to carry conquest to an unhis ambitious
still eastward, his frequent serious danoccasion sometimes to reports even that gers, giving he was dead, encouraged those left in command, if

which

known

extent

inclination at

all

prompted, to malversation

in office

some only for private lucre, to the oppression of those under them, others with revolutionary purposes. Craterus arriving, according to orders, with the largest portion of the army, and all the elephants, brought

with him, as a prisoner, an eminent Persian, Orsanes ; who, among the people between northern India and Carmania, had been exciting revolt. In of commands also the pursuance generals Cleander,
Sitalces,

and Heracon arrived from Media with part

of the forces, formerly under Parmenio, and, since

under their command. The names indicate Sitalces to have been a Thracian ; the two others Greeks, whether of Macedonia or the republics. Accusation had been preferred against all for opAlexander ordered their pression and peculation. trials and, evidence from the army itself confirming that of the people of the country, Cleander and SiHeracon was talces were condemned and executed. severe jusof Alexander's But the fame acquitted.
his death,
;

tice,

for the welfare of all

confirming former assurances of his anxiousness under his empire, and of his

T 2

276
CHAP,
1
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
determined impartiality in providing for it, encouraged the Susians to institute accusation against Heracon. Among other matters, robbery of the
treasury of one of their principal temples was proved These just against him, and he then suffered death. historian the were severities, says, highly consolatory
to Alexander's

new

subjects,

and powerfully conof the

trials

ciliated their attachment.

is

The manner

not mentioned ; but, considering Alexander's recent

j.

Ch.so.s.4.
of this Hist.

concession, or rather submission, to the Macedonian p ar Q f j^s army, together with the circumstance
that,

in these accusations the

army

itself

concurred

with the people of the country, no dissatisfaction among the old subjects being noticed, it seems every

way probable
to the

that, as in the trials of Philotas

all

and the

Lyncestian Alexander,

was conducted according

Macedonian

law.

pressing for

reassembled, and business, immediate attention, being settled, the usual ceremonies of piety toward the gods, and gra-

The army being now

tification for

the troops,
sacrifice

followed.

magnificent

thanksgiving
tories,

was offered

for the Indian vic-

for the preservation of the king, and his surviving companions in arms, among the perils of
;

and

and this was followed by gymnic and theatrical entertainments. Rewards to deserving officers at the same time engaged Alexander's attention. Among these Peuto whom indebted for he reckoned himself cestas, the preservation of his life, when he rashly leaped within the Mallian fortification, was eminently disthe wilderness
exercises

tinguished.
officers

Hitherto the number of those great of the court, entitled body-guards, had been

limited to seven.
tas,

This number being

eighth.

full,

Peuces-

now

added, made an

FABULOUS REPORTS.
Falsehoods, affecting the character of eminent men, they have obtained any extensive credit, may be objects for historical notice, not only in justice to
if

77
SECT.

those men, but as they assist to mark the character of the times in which they were published and held credit. Arrian has mentioned the report of some
authors,
that
in a vehicle

Alexander traversed Carmania lying formed of two of his ordinary chariots,

surrounded by his favourite companions, with music continually playing, while the troops marched, as in a procession of the festival of Bacchus, with licentious
merriment, by short stages, at each of which luxurious fare was provided for them. Among the promulgators of that report we find Diodorus; and it was too inviting for the taste of Curtius, and perhaps
of those to
Diod. 1.17.
c'im.i.9. 10 -

c>

whom

principally he looked for readers,

the contrary Arrian, c I do not believe it ; after reporting the story, says, * as it is noticed neither by Ptolemy son of Lagus,
*

to be omitted

by him.

On

An-.i.e.

nor by Aristobulus son of Aristobulus, nor by any For my account I other author worthy of credit.
have followed Aristobulus.'

T 3

HISTORY OF GREECE.

CHAPTER

LV.

VOYAGE OF NEARCHUS.

SECTION
Authority for the narrative.
taking.

I.

Deficiency of means for the under-

The fleet to

be employed.
difficulties

of officers.

Foreseen

Appointment of the undertaking.

The monsoon.

CHAP.
Lv>

ALEXANDER was
the
satisfaction

still

in

Carmania when he had

to receive information of the safe

arrival of his fleet,

the Persian Gulf ;

from the Indus, at a harbour of and soon after to see his admiral,

Nearchus, coming to report to him the circumstances of the voyage.

and singular, yet formerly of ancient history, neglected apneglected portion parently because difficult and doubtful, it is no ordithis interesting,

For

nary advantage, for the writer of the present day, to have it before him elucidated by the learning, talent, and devoted diligence of the late dean of
Westminster, Vincent.
narrative,

Of

his

commentary on the
from
that of

derived,
1

through

Arrian,

Nearchus himself
use will be

as of a gift to the world, free

taken
1

for

while nevertheless liberty will be any animadversion which the duty of a

;

made

We have
i\v

Arrian's express testimony to this in his history

:

of Alexander
iii

"Oiru<;

enXtva-Oy

avry

to,

aico

rov

'Ivftov

Trora/xoiT

%a.Xa,<r<ra,v

i\v TIspa-iKyv,
~Nedp%(p

/caw

TO (no/to, rov TiyptjTOi;,

ravra
1.

*8/p.

dvaypd^u, av-ry

siro'/Afvo?.

Arr. de Exped. Alex.

6.

c. 28.

VOYAGE OF NEARCHUS.
the public may If appear to require. thus the account, here following, should, in some places, have more of the character of a dissertation
writer for

279
SECT.

found,

than were desirable in the flow of history, it will be it is not more than the circumstances hoped,

demand.

To begin then with the words of the able commentator 'The voyage of Nearchus is the first
:

'
*

event of general importance to mankind in the hisIn the first instance it tory of navigation.

opened

'

a communication between Europe and the most distant countries of Asia. At a later period it was the origin of the Portuguese discoveries, the foundation of the greatest commercial system ever intro-

duced into the world, and consequently the primary cause of the British establishments in India. The
of this voyage has been preserved to us whose peculiar felicity it has been to Arrian, by rise in estimation in proportion to the attention
narrative

f
'

'
'

bestowed on the transactions he records.

As

our

knowledge of India has increased, the accuracy of his historical researches has been established ; and,
as the limits of

geography have been extended, the

'

exactness of his information has become daily more conspicuous, and the purity of the sources, whence

'

he drew, more fully established. 2 At this day we 2 The authenticity of that narrative, which has been preserved

his able

to us as Arrian's is proved, I think, almost superfluously by commentator; for to me there seems never to have

existed reasonable cause to question it. Yet among those who have endeavoured to throw doubts on it is a critic to whom I have found occasion formerly to acknowledge no inconsiderable of whom however Vincent says that he obligation, Dodwell has been apt to be extreme in scepticism, as some others in crean assertion which I will not undertake to controvert, dulity I do not recollect that it has formerly occurred to me. though
; ;

But

I think scepticism

has been not a

little

a prevailing passion

4f

280
CHAP.
'
*

HISTORY OF GREECE.

may deem lightly of a voyage which required so much preparation to accomplish, and which a single sloop would now perform in a tenth part of the time.' The able commentator however would

be aware,

as will also the reader, that the great the modern navigator is owing to the of advantage of powers in nature, and the possession of discovery

instruments to profit from them,

unknown
;

till

near

two thousand years

after

Alexander

without which

hardly could the voyage be rationally undertaken at all, in any of our vessels adapted to the navigation Vincent accordingly has well added, of the ocean.

but the merit of the attempt is to be estimated by the originality of the conception ;' and, it may be farther added, by the difficulties and dangers of the
undertaking, and the judgment which saw it, with not absolutely imall its difficulties and dangers,
practicable, age afforded.

even with the scanty means which the

For the fleet to be employed, a small portion only was wanted of that, mostly adapted to river had borne a large division of the navigation, which
army, cavalry as well as infantry, with stores for
not a few of
all,

among critics ; may be found arrogantly, and for the matter often ignorantly (as in the instance of Voltaire on Newforest, mentioned in a former note, p. 258.), and altogether
mischievously, controverting ancient authority. For the voyage of Nearchus, three accounts of it having, beyond question, been published by persons who performed it, and a fourth, in the

whom

same language, by Arrian, abridging that of Nearchus himself, that it should, with any imaginable view, in any imaginable
age, have been attempted to impose on the world a spurious account, pretending it to be Arrian's, and especially one so

simple and concise as that which has been transmitted, appears so strikingly improbable that the attempt to disprove its authenticity seems to me hardly more mischievous than extravagant and absurd.

VOYAGE OF NEARCHUS.
down
shore.

281
SECT.

the Indus, and wafted elephants from shore to Of the two kinds of ancient vessels, dis-

tinguished by the names of long ships and round ships, we have observed the former, though utterly
unfit to

keep the

sea,

alone used as ships of war

being the best adapted to naval action with ancient arms, and alone capable of action in the calms to which the Mediterranean is subject. Experience of
a

more stormy atmosphere, with shores varying twice daily with the tide, and in some parts greatly, led

the ruder people bordering on the Atlantic to a difThus those of that part of ferent construction.

Gaul now
to

their sea,

called Brittany, with vessels better adapted long distressed the invader of their c.

J. Caes.

country, the great Julius ; and though his numerous fleet would combine the improvements of the Carthaginians with those of the Greeks, yet the able use

Gall. 1.3.

of a fortunate occurrence of very calm weather seems alone to have enabled him at length to overcome

them.

Alexander proposed his expedition had had no experience of the kind ; and even the Roman navigators

When

on the ocean,

his naval advisers

remained so attached to their old ways that, for the commerce between the coast of Gaul and the mouth
of the Thames, the trading vessels, to avoid the North Foreland, threaded the narrow and shallow

channel which formerly made Thanet an island, but now remains distinguishable hardly as a ditch.

apprehended on the seas, capable of contending with the force which Alexander might give to the expedition, seems no way

That an enemy was

to be

probable ; but, for a survey of the coast, perhaps not less than for battle, the long ships were, with the ancient art of navigation, best adapted ; able always to hold to the shore, to make way without wind,

18%

HISTORY OF GREECE.
or,

CHAP,

not over violent, even against it, and to land without the intervention of boats. For a voyage of
if

any length however they had very considerable inconveniences. To so many hands as were wanted
as
*

for giving sufficient impulse with oars they afforded, Vincent has well observed, * neither space for
'

motion nor convenience for rest ; so that continuing on board at night was always a calamity.' Beside

the proper crews therefore, liable to great fatigue with rowing, a military force was wanted for a nightly camp ashore ; and thus the vessel was still the more

encumbered.

But neither of the number of the

vessels

employed

has clear information reached us, nor of the quality, farther than that they were all of the galley or rowboat kind. In the fleet on the river were some of

the most powerful commonly yet used in battle by the Greeks, the triremes ; and some of the second
rank,

Vincent seems clearly right in that none of these were allotted to the supposing fleet for discovery. Even the penteconter, or vessel of fifty oars, which was to the Greek fleets of
the biremes.

our frigates to line-of-battle ships, is not mentioned, but only the triaconter, or vessel of
triremes
as

thirty oars, the smallest used for war, as our sloops. And this vessel seems clearly to have been best

suited
it

to

the purpose.

The seamen would know

to be better adapted to bear a rough sea than the bireme, or any of the vessels which, with more than

of oars, were more powerful in battle ; and so much we have seen proved even for the landsmen, It was also more conin the voyage on the river.

one

tier

venient than

even

the

penteconter,

for

frequent

landing, and for being lodged in beyond reach of waves or surf.

safety

on a beach,
of

The number

THE MONSOON.
vessels
site

283
SECT.

to carry the force requior deterring, hostilities to be expected, not on the waves, but ashore. Thirty-three triaconters are mentioned as of the river fleet, and for resisting,

would be calculated

Vincent has not unreasonably reckoned all to have been probably assigned to the expedition on the ocean. Storeships attended ; but these, for power
to

accompany a
rowboats,

fleet

also

their

of rowboats, being necessarily room for stowage would be

It is indicated, in the course of the narrascanty. tive, that the fleet altogether could carry water for only five days, and food for ten.

Of that extraordinary circumstance of the Indian ocean, and most important for navigators, the regularity of the winds, known by the name of Monsoon,
some experience had been acquired, and no doubt much information. That the wind blew nearly six months of the year regularly from the north-east, and six from the south-west, would probably be
ascertained. to Japan,
it

Its extent, which none then could know

is
;

from Madagascar and even whether

held throughout the proposed course along the coast of the ocean, complete assurance would hardly be gathered. For its fluctuations, ordinary for many
days about the seasons of change, and the various disturbance to which it is liable, in approaching the coast, from mountains, capes, and bays, intercepting or directing its course, and, in nearer approach, the
occasional but uncertain prevalence of the land and sea breezes, which alternate every twenty-four hours,

any undertook to know, yet whom to trust for knowledge, and at the same time for fidelity, would be difficult to judge ; and then to find interpreters able to explain clearly the information given might be a second and not less difficulty. The existing
if

284

HISTORY OF GREECE.
adverse, not only as opposing the proposed course, but as enhancing another adverse circumstance, of which, in Alexander's voyages to the

CHAP,
.

monsoon was

only information would have been obbut On tained, something would have been seen. the shores of the Indian seas, generally, the surf is
ocean, not

greater than in most other parts of the world ; and this inconvenient agitation of the water would be

stimulated by the wind of the monsoon, then existing, blowing from the sea ; abated by the wind of the
to come, blowing from that land along which was to be the course. Accordingly Alexander ordered that the fleet should wait at Pattala, where he had provided great advantages, till the
irr.1.6.
.

monsoon

promised change of the monsoon were completed.

j?or

20, 21.

had

comman(j er O f the proposed Earnest upon the difficulty.

a
its failure,

expedition, he
enterprise,

he

dreaded

not only for the disappointment of his great purposes, but as it might tarnish his already acquired glory, and deprive him of the advantage, not a small one, of his reputation for neverfailing success. Among the ancients, Romans as
well as Greeks, the duties of the land and sea service,

we have had occasion formerly to observe, were not allotted to different establishments of officers ;
as

a general commanded the fleet, as a branch of the military of the state, and the captain of a trireme had

commonly

his equal

command

in

the land

service

a combination of military and naval rank, which with all its far greater inconvenience for modern naval war, remarkably enough subsisted, till of late days, in the

French service. For the importance of the trust, and the glory to ensue from success in it, Alexander was desirous of committing the command in chief to one
of his most favourite and confidential generals
;

for so

APPOINTMENT OF OFFICERS.
much, though not avowed, appears enough marked in the account which Arrian seems to have <n V en
in Nearchus's

285
SECT.

own words.

But, for a voyage of

discovery, a nautical skill was necessary which none of those generals had had opportunity to acquire. For directing the navigation therefore two others

had been principally

typalasa

in

view

Onesicritus of As-

in the island of Cos, and Nearchus son Andromenes, born a Cretan, but become, by Both settling in Amphipolis, a Macedonian subject. appear to have been bred seamen of the ^Egean ;

of

though Onesicritus

is said, at one time of his life, to have studied in the school of the celebrated Cynic

The view, ordinary among philosopher Diogenes. the Greeks, to profit from military service in Asia, seems to have been the inducement for both to engage in the army, for the invasion of that inviting country ; and Nearchus, whether for previous reputation, or

recommending himself in the course of the expedition, had been chosen to command, under the king only, the immense fleet in the voyage on the
rivers.

Onesicritus, as

the better educated man,

probably the pleasanter companion, had been preferred to command the vessel in which the king

Nearchus, with talent, activity, and not to be doubted, has put it equally becourage that had much vanity and self-imdoubt he yond
himself sailed.
portance, with
little

liberality.

His own account,

invidiously directed, in exalting himself, to vilify the Macedonian generals, may alone justify their un-

willingness to

most

critical

undertake a highly important and command, for the most essential busi-

ness of which, the direction of a difficult

and hazard-

ous navigation, they must be dependent on such a man, commanding under them. All declined it, and

HISTORY OF GREECE.
none appear
so to have lost anything of Alexander's The command in chief then,

estimation or favour.

according still to his own account, as reported by Arrian, was committed to Nearchus alone ; but Strabo, who appears to have compared all accounts
in his time extant, mentions Onesicritus as having had a joint authority with him; though whether as

equal, a

mode common
is

with both Greeks and Ro-

mans, or only second,

not clearly said

but even

Arrian's narrative, in the sequel, indicates that he had a share in the command, and moreover that there

was a third in the commission, a Macedonian of disThis tinction, Archias son of Anaxidotus of Pella. person had held the. rank of trierarch in the river voyage ; probably a young man, and little a seaman, but willing, for the honour and emolument, to share In adthe dangers and troubles of the expedition. verting to Alexander's former policy, it seems every way likely that a Macedonian would be joined with Nearchus however, the islanders in such a trust.
with
all

his

haughty pretensions, having the supart to gain Archias, appears to have held through a majority in the triumvirate,

pleness and

what

effectually, his own

account has claimed for him, the com-

mand

in chief.

For the success of the expedition nothing within The Alexander's large means had been omitted.
was not only fitted well but splendidly ; a matter not indifferent toward conciliating and encouraging
fleet

The crews were mostly practised seamen, from the army, among recruits from the various shores of the ^gean and Propontis, Cyprus, and, as the project appears to Phenicia, and Egypt
the many.
selected,
;

have been long in Alexander's view, likely to have been engaged for the purpose. These would all have

PREPARATION FOR THE VOYAGE.

become, in some degree, practised soldiers ; but, with a view to probable urgency, a chosen body for land service was also put aboard. The officers appear to
have been mostly such as Nearchus approved, inasmuch as he has given them general praise for zeal

287
SECT.

and

activity in preparation for the voyage, though for nothing farther. seems indeed to have had more talent for commanding the cheerful obedience

He

of those under him, necessary to his own credit and interest, than disposition either to agree with his superiors or equals, or to give merited praise to his
inferiors,

when he no longer wanted them.

as

theless readier,

Neveron some occasions he has shown

himself, for illiberal slander, than just commendation, yet he has so far done justice to his king as to ac-

knowledge, not only the excellent condition of the fleet committed to him, but also the advantage he derived from Alexander's example in venturing himself among the first to enter the ocean,

of the Indus

by each branch and he has added, that the confidence,

thus excited, was strengthened by the solemn ceremonies of thanksgiving and prayer to the gods, per-

formed on the occasion, and by the consideration of Alexander's never-failing success in whatever he had undertaken which Grecian piety was ordinarily dis;

posed to attribute to the favour of the gods toward the successful adventurer.

had been found for the river, as far as the ocean, and perhaps they might have been found for proceeding along the coast of Malabar ; where cirPilots

cumstances certainly afforded great invitation for trade, which Vincent, though without any direct information from antiquity, has supposed already

But for the long and hazardous course along the barren and ill-inhabited coast, repelling for
flourishing.

288
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
'

LV

the merchant, from the mouth of the Indus to the entrance of the Persian gulf, no man, according to the narrative, was found who could serve as a pilot ;
and, probably enough, no the voyage.

man who had

ever

made

Nevertheless there appears large indication that Nearchus would not be unattended by persons acquainted with the land along the coast as far, at

country of the Arabites and Orites extended, Alexander, in passing, had reduced to obedience. For the long desert shore of Gadrosia,
least,

as the

whom

which were only scattered habitations of the fisheaters, there would be some greater difficulties, but
in

Gadrosia, a satrapy probably also some advantages. of the late Persian empire, had now been years under His satrap there indeed had Alexander's dominion.

own

not duly executed orders ; but this deficiency, on his arrival, we have seen him active to repair. Guides
for the army's

had been found

way

across the desert

so that, though reduced, by the circumstances of the season, to difficulty for the course in the sandy plain,
yet,

having reached the coast, and followed its direction for some days, as soon as they could perceive

the highlands, they again

knew where they were. Means then hardly would be wholly wanting for

Alexander's power to extend communication to most would not fail parts of the shore, and his will clearly
to provide information
its

and

assistance for his fleet in

progress.

NARRATIVES OF THE VOYAGE.

289

SECTION
Published narratives of
tJie

II.

Remarkable The voyage begun during the adverse monsoon : delays in the river : early and long delay on the sJiore of the ocean. Arrival on the coast of the Orite
omissions in the extant narrative.
country.

voyage of Nearchus.

THE
far as

account of the navigation on the rivers, as Pattala, and down the two channels of the

II.

Indus to the ocean and back again, have been already given from Arrian's history of Alexander, drawn from the generals Ptolemy and Aristobulus. But
their narratives of naval measures are not likely to have gone farther than they accompanied the fleet. Of the adventurous following voyage on the ocean however three accounts were published by persons who served on it ; Nearchus, the commander in chief, Onesicritus, either his associate or second in

command, and Androsthenes, of the

sos,

island of
like

Tha-

become, by settling in Amphipolis,

Nearchus,

a Macedonian subject. He had held, as well as Arthe naval rank of trierarch on the rivers 3 , and chias,

now probably was commander

or, as that

of one of the vessels,

rank might rather require, of a division of them. All these works have perished of the last only one passage remains noticed by Strabo ; of the
:

and others
his guide,

second, several by the same eminent writer, and Pliny, : of the first, Arrian having chosen it for

the

essence

served,

and probably

fortunately has been preall that was valuable in it ;

unless that, as a singularity,

among

relics

from the

3 This, on comparing the passages, in Arrian, twice mentioning Androsthenes, appears the probably just description of the writer of the voyage.

VOL.

VIII.

290
CHAP,
ancients,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
a seaman's journal,
as
it

came from

his

LV

"

hand, might have been an interesting curiosity. The form however given it by Arrian, little differing from that of a journal, and his known judgment and scrupulous adherence to authority, afford every likelihood that in using generally his own, yet sometimes, apparently, the original words, he has given everywhere
fairly the original sense,

omitting nothing important,

and even

Strabo, referring freabridging little. to the of Nearchus for geographical quently original to adds Arrian's in regard to account information, one important matter, confirms it in others, and contradicts
it

in none.

The
Pattala,

accounts then of those two eminent writers

fleet

concurrently show, that the

quitted the port of

and proceeded

for the ocean, in a

most un-

favourable season, near two months before the ordi-

nary time of the change of the monsoon, for which Alexander had directed that it should wait. Arrian
without mentioning any cause for this, begins his narrative of the voyage with stating, that, in remission of the etesian winds, his phrase for the monsoon, the fleet set out, not then from Pattala, but from
a port unnamed, hardly so little as a hundred miles lower down the river, being within ten or twelve miles

of its mouth ; and after this he proceeds to add the remarkable circumstance, that Nearchus had previously solemnised a sacrifice to Jupiter the preserver, and treated the armament with the amusement of gymnic
exercises. 4
4

But Strabo has mentioned, what

erojina irvtvfAOtTa
eKOifffjO-q
. . .

is

not
AlT.

"li? 8e

ra

TCT

8^ uppqvTO.

In prosecuting the account he shows in clear terms, that the stormy and adverse monsoon, blowing from the ocean, was not even near its end : imt//*Ta /wsyaAa IK T<,V iroWov
Ind. c. 21.
Kcti <rvve%ia.

Ibid.

OMISSIONS IN THE EXTANT NARRATIVE.

291
SECT.
II.

some publication, Nearchus, stated a cause for his measure, which necessity only could justify. The Indians, he said, desirous of throwing off a foreign dominion, and
in

found

in Arrian, that

resuming courage

after the king's departure with the army, came against him in arms. But here also the place, where he was so attacked, or threatened, is unnamed and this
;

failure, in

as

the

both the accounts, is the more remarkable, name of every the most insignificant place
at

afterward, and of some which are stated merely passed, by Arrian, and several are also noticed by Strabo. As far as ground then is
fleet
it

touched

by the

when it is considered that even the mutiny in the army, which produced the catastrophy of the governor-general, Philip, shook Alexander's Indian dominion but for a moment, it seems
offered for conjecture,

Nearchus
art,

utterly unlikely that any Indian force could compel to quit Pattala, fortified as it was by Grecian

prepared with care for a naval

is

station,

and plen-

tifully provided.

Nor
which

this

important failure the only one in the

narrative requiring notice, and the

will

more

for causes

appear in the sequel.

The

naval station

provided by Alexander at Killuta, as subsidiary to that of Pattala, and on the same side of the river, the eastern, or left, appears marked by its distance from the ocean for the place of the sacrifice offered and games exhibited by Nearchus, and whence the fleet took its departure. Yet Vincent, in his careful comparison of ancient with modern accounts, has expressed a doubt whether that place was not on the opposite bank. Thus altogether we are without any information of the circumstances of the voyage, perhaps more than a hundred miles, down the river, from Pattala,

where Arrian's

narrative, derived

from the generals

u 2

292
CHAP.
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
Aristobulus and Ptolemy, leaves it, till the moving of the fleet from the station within ten miles of the bar
his narrative, following, against the ocean, with which as he professes, that of Nearchus, begins. Where then the hostilities occurred, as reported by Strabo, seems

was the place of yet more doubtful ; and where even mentioned and the sacrifice by Arrian, is far games,

from clear

yet so far not likely to have been the

same, as such ceremonies and festivities indicate secure if not in perfect peace with all possession and leisure ;

around, yet at least such as might have some assurance within good fortifications with a strong garrison.

The

time of the departure from that station seems

well ascertained, by Vincent, to have been about the beginning of October, and a month or six weeks after
across the desert.

Alexander's departure with the army for the march But then occurs farther difficulty.
progress was of a dilatoriness not accounted In an acknowledged remission of the adverse wind, with opportunity therefore to be supposed, and in no degree denied, to profit from the tide's alterfirst

The

Arr.ind.

for.

nacy, the first day's course was of only about six miles. For the measure, Vincent's calculation, the result of

unsparing pains, amid indeed extraordinary is followed here, and will be in the sequel.

difficulty,

The

fleet

then reaching a large creek, entered landing, remained ashore two days.

it,

and the crews,

of the

The name

place, though that of the more important previous station fails, is here given, Stoora* ; but neither of in-

habitants

is

anything

said,

nor of cause for the

stay,

nor

is it

in

any way shown on which

side of the river

Stoora

lay.

that, if Killuta

Circumstances only suggest the supposition was the place whence the fleet took
Arr. Ind.
c.

21.]

DELAYS IN THE RIVER.

departure, the shelter of a lee-shore, and the advantage of a shorter course by that shore toward the point to be turned at the river's mouth, would comits

293
SECT.

binedly invite to cross the river at the earliest opportunity. the third day the fleet

moved again, but to advance only about two miles, to another similar

On

creek.

Here again the name of the place is given Caumana but reason still for the smallness of the
;

progress

fails,

though the station

as

have

been

disadvantageous,

acknowledged to affording no water

is

The progress uninjured by the tide from the ocean. then on the next day was of only one mile, to a third All these inlets are inlet, at a place called Coreatis.
marked, by the phrase describing them, to have been 5 canals, partly at least artificial ; and Vincent seems justly to have supposed them such as are, at this day,

numerous among the

banks of Indian
indicate population,

flats

rivers.

Names

widely spreading from the of places commonly

commerce and wealth

and such works moreover indicate ; yet no people are mentioned,

Whether nor any produce of the places but water. then, after Alexander's protecting presence was withdrawn, exaction or other ill treatment had been suffered by the people here, or accounts from other parts had so excited apprehension that, like those of Pattala,

on the
fled,

first

must be

approach of the fleet and army, all had left for such conjecture as the narrative

itself,

without farther help of ancient testimony,

may

afford

ground

for.

to progress now made in six days, according Vincent's careful computation, was of only about nine miles. He has supposed the opposition of the wind

The

bnapvxit;.

u 3

Q4
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
sufficed to prevent better speed. been violent, if it denied opportunity to have _ " indeed use the ebbing tide for progress, under protection of a lee-shore ; yet, though on several following occasions

LV

may have

It

must

hindrance from violence of adverse wind is mentioned in the narrative, it is wholly unnoticed here.
the seventh day however the wind, as the circumstances related show, was not violent. Early on the fleet reached the bar at the river's mouth, that

On

day

now

called

the

bar of Sindi

a feature of nature

which, though liable to great alterations, is yet of a kind so far permanent as to afford some sure assist-

ance for geographical calculation, which Vincent has In proceeding toward the ocean, not failed to use.
with the view to a westerly course along its shore, it would be highly desirable for row-boats to hold to
the western side of the river.

But on

that side,

it

This however, seems, was no channel across the bar. a trade hindrance for with westward, though great
vessels

deep with bprthen, and, for economy, carrying few hands, was little for Nearchus, whose vessels were floaty, and hands numerous. Any natural channel
indeed, the course crooked, and depth varying, and

both

liable to alteration

difficulties
fleet,

from every storm, might have and obstructions, hazardous for such a

under guidance of the most practised pilot. Nearchus therefore, using the opportunity of low
water, caused a strait

and even-bottomed channel to

be dug through the easily moved sand, and the fleet passed on the supervening balanced flood without

Wind then being still evidently moderate, turned the western headland, and, in a course of nine or ten miles, reached the channel between the mainland and an island, whose name, written by the
accident.
it

Greeks, Crocala,

is

nearly preserved to this day in

ENTRANCE OF THE OCEAN.

that of a bay of the opposite coast, which our fellowto survey the oriental it, proposing pronunciation as nearly as might be with our letters, has written
to indicate

295
SECT
'
-

countryman Robinson, who was employed

Crotchey-bay.

any notice that the country passed, and so often landed on, was Hostility is avowed to have been apprepeopled.
first,

Here

in the narrative, occurs

hended.

within, this

Mostly barren toward the coast, but fruitful was the territory of the Arabees ; a pre-

now
to

datory horde, like the Belooches or Bloachees who hold it, and reduced by Alexander, in passing,

but uncertain order.

For better security there-

fore the desert island was preferred for the repose wanted by the crews after their labour, and they staid Proceeding on the day folthrough the next day. lowing, the fleet turned the headland called by Arrian Irus, by our navigators Cape Monze. Here, first, violence of wind is mentioned. Fortunately a little onward a haven was found, most commodious for
vessels of the galley kind, protected by a small island The against the assaults of the adverse monsoon.

haven was called Sangada, the island then Bibacta, In three days the now, by our navigators, Chilney.

had yet advanced hardly twenty miles on the ocean, when such was the threatening aspect of the
fleet

weather that, in apprehension of necessary delay, Nearchus fortified his station ; and not merely in the
of a wayfaring camp, but strengthening the outer face of the rampart with stone, which the neighbourhood fortunately afforded. No less than

common manner

twenty-four days the

violent

was detained here by storms Notwithstanding the mention of apprehended hostilities, no actual communication
fleet

and continual.

with inhabitants of the country, friendly or hostile,

2Q6
CHAP,
LV>
is

HISTORY OF GREECE.
noticed
;

nor

is it

said that the place afforded anyshellfish,

of thing of value but an abundance

with

perhaps other
brackish.

fish , and water, which however was all Yet Nearchus, in honour of his sovereign,
6

the harbour itself being excellent, Alexander's haven.

named

the place

No

doubt as soon as the

fleet,

having crossed the

bar of Sindi, was fairly on the ocean, the adverse wind blowing, and the adverse waves rolling, without

check from the farthest point of Africa, would affect rowboats very differently from what had been experienced within the river,

were

ill

calculated to bear.

manner they Surely the pressure must

and
in a

have been severe that could drive the admiral from

the advantages of Pattala, even to proceed

down the

river ; and it must have been actively and strongly maintained, apparently on both shores, if it could compel him to abandon all the shelter which the river afforded,

and meet certain

still

peril

from adverse

gales on the ocean, or seek

fort

on a
fish

but

temporary and affording nothing and brackish water. The learned comcoast,
hostile,

safety in a

mentator, in his report, anxious for the reputation of the commander of the expedition, which he so zealously devoted himself to illustrate, has imagined

what seems to deserve notice only for the high character of its proposer. In Strabo's age, he observes,
powerful pirates, such as in modern times have infested the Indian seas, were formidable on the coast

of Malabar; and supposing that, already in Alexander's age, a rich commerce was carried on between that coast and the Indus, piracy, having there its

may already have been also flourishing. But on the coast eastward of the Indus evidently there
object,
6

Mce?

SaXdo-ffHtt.

[Muscles.]

DELAY IN THE VOYAGE.

was no maritime commerce
himself has stated
it
;

297
SECT.

insomuch that Vincent

doubtful whether a single had ever the performed ship voyage which Nearchus had undertaken. Robbery by land, such as, accordas

the histories of Alexander, was practised by many Asiatic hordes, required little preparation and little expense ; but piracy much of both.

ing to
so

all

that the fleet under Nearchus could carry, were gold, the plunder of injured nations, could be an object for piracy ; and the prospect of hard blows and no profit will not allure to that crime unless
it

No cargo

But hostility on the sea, had any against nations. or pretence for apprehension of it existed, ground
would have been
atta'ck

so

much more an interesting

than the

matter
fear

for the narrative

by enough to prove that none existed. When Alexander, on moving with his army eastward, left orders with his admiral Nearchus to await

land, that the failure of

of acknowledged mention of it seems

the change of the monsoon for moving, it could not be in his contemplation, or that of his council, that,
before the fleet had advanced twenty miles from the mouth of the Indus, it would be in distress for provisions.

Nevertheless, considering that the object of

and painful march was to assist his fleet, and considering moreover all that is indicated in Arrian's accounts of the march and of the voyage, it may seem probable that a supply of provisions, furhis perilous

nished through Alexander's care, though not acknowledged in the narrative published after his death,

was found

at that place which,

with the purpose of

compliment

to him, while living, the admiral

named
An-. r n d. c' '

Alexander's haven.

After so long a stay at a place so little inviting, the adverse season was not yet ended, when, in a re-

HISTORY OF GREECE.
CHAP,

LV

'

mission of the gales, the fleet moved ; but proceeded with only about six miles to a desert island, which, winds and waves, afforded also the protection against Here however only one water. sweet of comfort morrow the advance was the On night was passed. of near twenty miles, and in the evening the fleet

vine, on Nearchus.

reached a good situation, where sweet water was These, and found within half a mile of the shore.

H ow ing circumstances, are interesting only as, through their accordance with modern accounts, they

SQme

evince the accuracy of the narrative, wherever the narrator are not involved. private interests of the

On the following day, after nearly an equal progress, a passage between two rocks, barely leaving room for the oars, led into an extensive haven, with deep
water, and shelter against
all

winds. 7

Here however

In issuing on the again only one night was passed. morrow by the same outlet, the swell was such that
exertion,

the rocks were with difficulty cleared ; but, with just damage was avoided. In proceeding then

choice was offered of a channel, sheltered by a woody island, but so narrow that, the narrative says, it

might have seemed a work of

ever sufficient for such vessels,

the open sea, and the fleet night within it. Moving at dawn, the mouth of the Here river Arabis was reached early in the day.

Appearing howwas preferred to seems to have rested the

art.
it

was shelter against wind and waves,

7

but no fresh

Vincent assumes two days here ; and of course a greater unascertained yet progress ; not without some, though as he has For his purpose professed, doubtful, ground in the narrative.
of measuring both the time and the space of the course, it has been necessary to state precisely his best conjecture where cerFor a merely historical account tainty has been unattainable.
it is little

important.

CHARACTER OF THE COAST.

water.

299
SECT.

The
up

two

miles

therefore proceeded immediately the river ; and, having supplied itself,

fleet

returned, in the afternoon,

to

the

station

at

the

This procedure seems to strengthen the probability that Nearchus had the assistance of per-

mouth.

sons aboard with him, acquainted, if not with the sea, yet with the shore, at least as far as this river, and

who could inform him where

the needful

supply,

denied at the river's mouth, could be so obtained. An abundance of shell and other fish, found here,
afforded farther refreshment, but inhabitants remain

immentioned.
country of the Arabees, and with it Indian race and language and (that people being of in ancient estimation, extended. On manners) India,
far the

Thus

Arr.ind.
c ''z<2"

the western bank of the Arabis the land was claimed

by the Orites, who were not Indians. Their country, as appeared in Alexander's march, within land was good, but toward the shore, as it has been ascertained
not everyby modern navigators, a barren sand where absolutely unproductive, nor wholly, as mo;

dern accounts show, denying habitation, but having

much
the

of the wilderness character.

Along

this coast

having proceeded about twelve miles, a party was sent ashore for water ; but good anchorage being found, the crews passed the night aboard.
fleet

Moving

again at day-break, the progress was of

c.23.

hardly twenty miles, when, night already approaching, such a surf broke on the shore that it was thought
advisable to
lie

at anchor again.

Uneasy

in this

situation, though the weather was unpromising, the course was resumed at dawn. Such then was the
completely admit, and gratefully accept, Vincent's interConpretation of Arrian's word fowly or pijx/ij, as the surf. firmation of this interpretation will be noticed hereafter.
8 I

300
CHAP,
Ly>

HISTORY OF GREECE.
and one of the supervening gale that two long ships, kind called kercurus, apparently a storeship, were lost ; nigh enough however to land for the crews
by swimming. Nevertheless the advance made was of twenty miles, but to reach only a desert shore, where still a surf deterred landing.
to save themselves

moved again, and, twelve about after proceeding miles, found a place where landing was safe, and the vessels might ride at
About midnight
therefore the fleet

anchor safely near

rest that

it.

So the rowers now wanted

fortified a

Nearchus here

against hostility apprehended from

for security the Orites.

camp

SECTION
Slowness of the
fleet's progress.

III.

Supply

to the

fleet

from

the

Inhabitants mentioned to have been seen : passage army. along the coast of the Fish-eaters : supply obtained by faithless violence : town deserted on the : entrance fleet's approach the Persian arrival at in Harmoza Carmania. of Gulf:

IN about forty days, now, from Killuta, or from whatever port from the mouth of the Indus the fleet took its departure for the ocean, the progress, according to Vincent's reckoning, on a careful comparison of modern accounts with ancient, including the delay of twenty-four days at Alexander's haven,

had been of only eighty miles. Had the change of the monsoon been waited for, the narrative itself, in its sequel, appears enough to show that, unless circumstances more than commonly unfortunate intervened, the voyage might have been completed in two, or at most three In no calculation therefore days.
that Alexander or his council could have reason to

make would

it

be necessary for the

fleet

to carry

SLOWNESS OF THE FLEET'S PROGRESS.

stores for the time actually

301
SECT.

employed ; nor probably could such vessels, even including those provided for the purpose, as it has been already observed, carry

them

for

more than

a fourth of the time.

Hence

arose Alexander's determination, at extreme hazard

and the army attending him, to march near the coast, instead of going the secure way by which he sent the larger division under Craterus ;
for himself

and thus

his

foresight

and indefatigable

diligence,

stimulated by his anxiety for the success of his naval expedition, had provided that on this desert shore

food should be found.

Rambacia, the

capital of the

Orite country, had, according to Pliny, a seaport. It does not follow that Pliny supposed the town situated on the haven ; as there has been frequent
with the Greeks, and it appears to have held equally with the Romans, the seaport of a town was any with which it could comoccasion to observe that,

mand Thus

ready communication, either by water or land. Piraeus was the port of Athens, Nauplia of Argos, Ostia of Rome ; the latter, though conits
it,

siderably most distant from

water-communication with
small vessels.

and that only

port, alone having a for very

Rambacia, as Arrian shows, not itself a seaport, was however not far from the coast. It seems probable that, among advantages of its situa-

which recommended it to Alexander, may have been opportunity for water-carriage to its port. To civil the of Rambacia, it government superintend will be remembered, he had established a Grecian
tion,

satrap, Apollophanes ; and, to ensure the obedience of the people, and thence a friendly reception for his fleet, when it might pass, he had left a chosen mili-

tary force, under one of his most approved generals,

Leonnatus.

302
Arr. Exp.
C'
27.'ind'.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
Nevertheless,
after his departure with the

body of his army, the Orites,

main some neighengaging

c - 23 -

bouring people in their cause, revolted; and, in an ensuing battle, the contest, as Diodorus seems on

good ground
lophanes
it.

is

to have reported, was severe ; for Apolstated by Arrian to have been killed in

Leonnatus however gained a complete victory, with slaughter said to have been of six thousand of the Orites and their allies, among whom it is added
were
bable
all
;

their chiefs.
it

for

Nor does this appear improseems to have been eminently required,

the Asiatics, for the chief officers, especially in adverse fortune, if they would have those under them

among

example of desperate valour ; and misfortune of defeat, they appear under the indeed, to have becu often in no less danger from their prince
fight,

to set the

and their people than from the enemy. On the Macedonian side fifteen only of the cavalry are
acknowledged to have been slain, with a few, unnumbered, of the infantry and, considering what troops Leonnatus commanded against those whose irregular discipline would not probably be better than that of Asiatics at this day, and allowing for
;

wounded, the account may not be very extravagant. Through this important success Leonnatus was enabled to give the attention expected from him to the arrival of the fleet on the Orite coast, and to relieve its immediate needs. There seems indeed every
tive,

probability, though not acknowledged in the narrathat it was a place appointed for the purpose.

Nearchus however was not only soon freed from apprehension of an enemy, but supplied with corn sufficient to serve the

armament ten

days.

Alexander's

great means, and his earnestness for the welfare of his fleet, being considered together with the neces-

CHANGE OF THE MONSOON.

sary construction of vessels to make way with oars, it seems probable that the supply was limited to that

303
SECT.

quantity only by the failure of stowage for more; means however being in view for furnishing a fresh

But imsupply before this should be exhausted. kind is of another relief acknowledged in portant
the narrative.

Under Alexander's munificent encoua

sufficient

ragement, and through his popularity, number of men had been found willing

to risk the

future difficulties of the voyage, in relief of those already disabled in body by its hardships, or indis-

posed in mind, for rewards in prospect, to bear a All such therefore were now continuance of them.
dismissed from the sea-service, to follow Leonnatus by land. What his course afterward was we do not
learn.

Alexander was already engaged in the perils of the desert, whether to survive or perish among them none could tell. Possibly report of them, and
probably exaggerated, might promote a disposition, among those arrived with Leonnatus, to exchange service with any desirous of relief from the experienced severities of the sea-service at the hazard of
uncertain troubles and dangers by land. The shore, where Nearchus chose his
station,

principal

seems to have forbidden the common practice of hauling the vessels on it, common whether for
their greater safety or for giving the crews completer rest. Yet he found means to repair damages ; possibly at

what Pliny has called the haven of Ram-

bacia,

which might be little distant. During his stay however the long-wished-for advantage of the change of the monsoon took place. The wind hitherto had blown constantly from the south-west, over
the ocean, toward the land, often violent, and generally adverse to the fleet's course, and always in-

vine, on earc us '

304?

HISTORY OF GREECE.
"

CHAP,

Lv

Now, after a short creasing the surf on the shore. toward the period of fluctuation, it became fixed
north-east.

Blowing thus from the land, and never

with violence, it stilled the surf, and generally favoured the course ; which was farther favoured by a current,
observed by modern navigators in that sea, setting Whether Nearchus was constantly to the westward.

advantageous circumstances, may, as Vincent has remarked, be doubted, yet probably he was not without considerable informafully

apprised

of

all

these

tion about them.

vine, on
8'

Am'ind.
c-

24

the fleet proceeded again ; and, with the improved state of the weather, and favour of wind and current, made, on the first
day, a greater progress than on any former of the voyage ; reaching at the distance of more than thirty

Toward

the end of

November

miles the

mouth of the
far,

river

Tomerus.

From

the

Indus thus
so that

modern

though the coast was mostly barren, navigators have observed little pro-

trees, yet the

duced but brushwood, and here and there a few palm inland country was fruitful and well

Arabees, we have observed, were reckoned of Indian race the Orites, though of difinhabited.
:

The

ferent

are described as of origin and language, Indian manners that implying they were a people
;

considerably civilised, cultivating at least the more But westward of necessary of the arts of civil life.
ness extended from the
inland.

the Orite country was the great desert, where barrenocean hundreds of miles

Food and raiment and means

for shelter,

thus denied in the interior, were however still found on the coast, such as might maintain some unfortunate families,

of security elsewhere The against human violence had driven thither. coast abounded with fish, which was almost their

whom the failure

FIRST NOTICE OF INHABITANTS.

9 only food: their dwellings were stifling huts , formed of the bones and skins of the larger fish ; of which

S05
SE CT.

even whales are mentioned as then frequenting that Their clothing, principally wanted for defence coast. against the burning sunbeam, was of skins, either of
beasts or fish.

From

their

dependence on

fish for

food came the name, by which alone they are distinguished, as a nation, by either Greek or Latin
writers, in the

Fish-eaters.

Greek language describing their diet, In these circumstances, to become bar-

barians was unavoidable.

They are represented, in the narrative of the voyage, equally as in the account of Alexander's march, like the wildest of those found
in

modern times on any shore of

the Pacific ocean

diligent inquiry has led him to the that the inhabitants of the same coast, at conclusion, this day, in way of life and manners nearly the same,

and Vincent's

are in condition rather worse than those described

by Nearchus when he passed it. It is remarkable enough that though apprehension

of hostilities is more than once mentioned, yet of inhabitants seen, in any of the various places of landIf in other parts of the ing, notice here first occurs.
coast the people had fled, here, less informed or uninformed of the power of Grecian weapons and disto resist. The shore was cipline, they were prepared

lined with long. their lives,

little

men armed

To

with strong spears nine feet regard any rights of such people, even to we have had much occasion to see, was

or of morality, or of philosophy.
9
'

within Grecian rules, either of the law of nations, Nearchus, without

'

KXi/a

tcnyripaL

Such are

the

cabins

described by

Cook, in a thousand instances, into which you must enter { crawling, and when entered you cannot stand upright." Vincent on Nearchus.

VOL. VIII.

306
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.

made his any endeavour to approach them in peace, and bowshot then, having obfleet advance within ; served that the barbarians had no missile weapons, he
judiciously formed his

plan

of attack.

Selecting,

swimmers, he ordered among them to swim toward the shore ; and the foremost, as
his light-armed, the best

soon as they could reach ground, to stand in the water till the rest arrived, so that the whole might form regularly in three ranks. Meanwhile, from

bows and engines

in the vessels,

he plied the barso

barians with arrows

and stones

astonishment as well as injury that,

much to their when the swim-

mers approached, running and shouting, they preMany are said to have been killed in sently fled. and many taken, whence opportunity was flight, In the account gained for observing their persons. of these, the hairiness of their bodies, and the length

and strength of their nails, resembling tiger's claws, and doing the office, not only of butchers' but of carpenters' tools, perhaps may be somewhat exagTheir weapons may have been truly repregerated.
sented as resembling those found, in modern voyages, among islanders secluded from the civilised world, of

wood
Arr. ind.

This shore of
a

only, with the point hardened by fire. hostile savages Nearchus chose for

stay of five days

vessels,

damaged

the narrative says, to repair though of recent storms, or other

;

cause of injury, no mention is made. But information concerning a more interesting matter also wholly
fails:
it is

not said what was the fate of the numerous

prisoners.

ordinary object of the Greeks in making prisoners was profit in the slave-market. If the wretches here taken were to be conveyed to a
slave-market
it

The

must have been

12

in miserable plight.

The

fleet

moving then in the second watch of the

PROGRESS ON THE COAST OF FISH-EATERS.

A rr. night, its course was of near forty miles, to a convenient haven, where was a village, named Pasira, and
its

307
ind.

people, Pasirees.

The

stay there

was only for

the night's rest, and no mention is made of communication with the people. On the next day a lofty
precipitous promontory,

made
surf,

difficulty for the

with a surf on the shore, commanders, and labour for

The following night, on account of the was passed at anchor. Men were however sent ashore for water ; and by digging in the sand a On the sufficiency was obtained, but all brackish.
the rowers.

succeeding day the fleet advanced little more than twelve miles ; but, moving again at dawn, a progress of near forty had been already made, when a village
seen on the shore, with date trees about
it,

seems to

have been as a signal for landing.

named Carnina, another and an in the narrative. occurs Thus far important novelty communication with the natives of the coast is menthis village,

At

tioned only on occasion of the bloodshed of a few days before ; here, first, hospitality is acknowledged ;

the people furnished not only fish but sheep. These, the land bearing no grass, are stated to have been fed on fish ; whence their flesh was fishy, such is the exlike that of sea-birds. Arrian, as if unhimself to answer for this, has particularly willing mentioned that it was so affirmed by Nearchus. Vin-

pression,

vine, on
ear

cent, always diligent in inquiry, has found modern writers asserting that, in some parts of Africa, fish

'

^ 23$
n - 135 -

have been found a food not incapable of supporting cattle. Yet, as in Arrian's account of Alexander's

ch.54. s.s.

march

it is

mentioned

that,

among

other provisions,

sheep were forwarded to the coast for the fleet, it may seem the more reasonable conclusion, that the
sheep, furnished by the fish-eaters of Carnina, were

x 2

108

HISTORY OF GREECE.
but, however unacknowledged sent by Alexander from been in the narrative, had

CHAP,
LV>

not bred

among them,

the country northward.

Though
prisoners,

at that

unnamed

village,

the natives were

the
fleet

killed in battle,

where many of and many made

at this place, stayed five days, yet where such accommodation was found, the stay was

The next progress then was but only of one night. of thirteen or fourteen miles, when temptation to land were seen on the shore, again occurred. Fishing-boats and a village not more than two miles from it. The
corn, furnished by Leonnatus, was now all consumed. So it is here observed in the narrative, without any

notice of the several supplies asserted, in the account of the march, to have been afterward sent for the

had begun a little to improve, and hope was entertained that some The inhabitants however, corn might be found. whether in reasonable fear, or otherwise, had all fled, and no corn was discovered. Some goats, left wandering, being caught, made a meal for the night, and
fleet.

But the country, near the

coast,

next morning the

fleet

proceeded.

promontory, supposed that called, by our navigators, Posmee, was then turned ; and, after a
progress of about twenty miles, the fleet entered a commodious haven, where was a village of fisher-

A lofty

men,

called

Mosarna.

No

communication with inha-

bitants, even here, is acknowledged in the narrative ; yet by the mention of an important incident assurance
is

afforded that there

with them, and great probability that the

must have been communication fleet was

expected, and friendship prepared for it. practised mariner, a native of the inland Gadrosia, was

found

at this village,
fleet

who undertook,
11

as a pilot, to

conduct the

the remaining length of the coast

COMMERCE
to the Persian gulf.

OF GADROSIA.

309
SECT.

Thus it appears evident that the Mosarnians, though of the race of fish-eaters, were not, by the circumstances of their country, so excluded from communication with the fruitful Gadrosia as those of the coast eastward.

The

indication

by which the fruitful Gadrosia commonly communicated with the sea ; and that commerce was carried on along the coast westward, though eastward only by land. In return for what Gadrosia wanted, the nard and myrrh of the Desert, the fame of which appears to have
indeed
is

strong that here was a port,

induced Phenician traders to hazard all the miseries and dangers of the march of the army, may have been valuable articles for export here. concurrence of

ch.54. s.s.

indications moreover seems to furnish nearly assurance that Mosarna and its commerce were known by report to Alexander in India, and that the information ob-

tained concerning

them afforded both

instigation

encouragement the march.

to direct the voyage

and and undertake

pilot being acquired, Nearchus henceforward, for less fatigue to his rowers, used the night mostly for progress ; which before, while none aboard had

any knowledge of the

coast,

could seldom be pru-

The wind also now favoured, and dently ventured. thus the first run from Mosarna to a resting-place
In the next, the improved character of the country, within view, tempted to put ashore at little more than half that distance. About a village numerous palm-trees were observed. On landing a garden was found, where flowering plants were numerous ; and the narrative distinguishes the
was of near
fifty miles.

myrtle as flourishing. Chaplets of herbs and flowers, originally used in sultry climates perhaps not more
for

ornament than

relief,

we re. a x 3

favourite luxury of

310
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
the Greeks at their feasts
'

LV

gratification of the crews, in finding here the myrtle for the purpose,
;

and the

is

mentioned

as if

it

were that of meeting a friend

Here moreover, first, in the course of long unseen. the voyage, cultivated fruit-trees were found ; and, He has the narrator adds, men not wholly savage.
also given the

name of

communication was whether any, is not said. The heat of the day only seems to have been passed there. Whether then revenge from the assembled natives
was apprehended, or what else occasioned so hasty a departure from a place, in description, more than

the place, Barna ; but what had with the inhabitants, or

any before, inviting to stay, the fleet proceeded to a station where the crews were exposed to the inconvenience of resting aboard : still whether fearing the inhabitants of the coast, or for what other course, is

not said. Moving however again about midnight, and advancing near twenty-five miles, a secure haven But here again the inhabitants are was found.
described as of uncultivated character
:

their

employ-

ment

fishing, their vessels

mere canoes, rowed, not

with oars, but, what seems to have been new to the Greeks, with paddles ; so that to describe their action
in rowing,
it is

said to have resembled that of

men

No communication with the digging the ground. is mentioned ; nor thus people any refreshment obtained, but
as
it

from abundance of good water

which,

had

so often failed in the course of the voyage,

might be a valuable relief. Under the Gadrosian pilot's direction the fleet proceeded again by night, and the course was continued to the next evening ; when, after a progress of about sixty miles, a tremendous surf was found

breaking on the shore.

Anchors therefore were

cast,

A FORTIFIED

TOWN

SEEN.
a circum-

311
SECT.

and supper was taken aboard. That such stance was thought worthy of notice in the

narrative,

shows the character of navigation, in this voyage, to have been the same as we have seen it commonly for
vessels of

war

in the days of

Thucydides and Xenocu. 19.5.8.

s. s.

phon, when the crews of fleets, though hastening to an object, were landed even twice in a day for meals,
It

may

farther deserve

observation here,

that the

provision which supplied strength for so long a run, and afforded the supper, must have been acquired in

some way not acknowledged in the narrative. After refreshment however thus taken, and ensuing repose, the fleet had proceeded about thirty miles, when an object, not probably before seen in
the voyage, engaged attention : a fortified town, small indeed, but situated on a hill advantageously for defence. On nearer approach stubble was seen in the fields around,

whence

it

was conjectured that

corn would be in store at the place. Thus the his own of the to commander, cupidity according
account, and probably also that of the crews, difficult for the commander wholly to restrain, was excited.

He

thought however, he says, that in a country producing corn so scantily the people would not willingly

His numbers, he supposed, part with their store. with Grecian arms and Grecian skill, might, by open force, compel surrender, but not without inconvenient
delay.

He

therefore resolved

upon fraud

and

this

he has not only avowed, but boasted of; for to his fellow-countrymen of his age in general, though the flourishing age of Grecian philosophy, it appears too
evident he might avow it without fear of reproach. Imputation therefore perhaps should rest less upon the individual than upon the morality of the age altogether;

which too

clearly little fostered the nobler sentiment

x 4

312
CHAP,
LV<

HISTORY OF GREECE.
of Agesilaus, who, according to Xenophon, reckoned that, in war, to deceive those who refuse you their confidence is fair, but those who trust you infamous.

however Nearchus had not hostility for Greeks It was with the allowable. against barbarians were avowed purpose of deceiving and robbing those who trusted him that Nearchus directed the course of his

For war with

a pretence
;

this people

unless

universal

along the coast, as if to pass the place, while he landed himself with a small party from a single
fleet

vessel.

The

people,

who

hitherto,

from within their

walls,

probably not without apprehension, had been observing all, seeing only six men approach, went out, and, with ready hospitality, presented, in baskets,

some tunny-fish dressed, some cakes, which seem to have been partly of meal, and some dates. Nearchus,
affecting to receive the gift graciously, told

them by

an interpreter, one of his attendants, that he was desirous of seeing their town ; and they, without

must then have managed suspicion, assented. to amuse the very artfully principal townsmen so as to be enabled to abuse their confidence in the manner
which he has proceeded to relate. His plan, decided before he left his ship, had been communicated to
Archias,

He

whom

it

appears he principally trusted in

a signal agreed on, Archias fleet, landed all that could

command under him. On

reversed the course of his

be spared from care of the vessels at anchor, and hastened toward the town. The people, seeing such

an armed body approaching, ran for their weapons. Nearchus, on entering the town, had left two of his escort at the gate, probably very narrow, such as are
seen

now

in

many

old towns of the continent, not

proposed to admit carriages.

No guard of the towns-

SUPPLY OBTAINED BY VIOLENCE.

313
SECT.

men however appears to have been there. With the other two, who were bowmen, he and his interpreter mounted the town-wall. The people assembling
underneath, the interpreter engaged their attention by a proclamation, which he concluded with telling

them
'

they would save their town and themmust furnish grain for the armament.' Answer was made that there was no grain in the Presently then numbers were preparing to place.
that,
*

if

selves they

attack the intruders

though more

civilised

in their lofty station. But, than those before met in arms,

they were still of the fish-eater nation, and seem, like the others, to have been without missile weapons.

Some bowshots

therefore from the two

who attended

Nearchus, perhaps surprising, sufficed to check them. The two at the gate meanwhile, probably in full

The whole force from armour, held possession of it. the fleet then being soon near, the people, in complete consternation, declared their readiness to give all their grain, if they might otherwise be spared. Nearchus, upon this, directed Archias to take possession

of the

gates

and the wall with

sufficient

numbers, while the rest were employed in seeing to the surrender of grain, wherever to be discovered.
dried fish was found, but of grain little. any notice of millet, or any other seeds

Great store of a kind of meal prepared from fireWithout

commonly

used for food in the hot climates, wheat and barley are mentioned; the barley no doubt of the roundeared kind, which we distinguish by the names of big, or bear, the ordinary barley of the south of Europe, where summer-heat denies the growth of
the flat-eared sort, which we in preference cultivate. The people here were so far civilised as to dress
their fish
:

all

formerly met with, according to the

314-

HISTORY OF GREECE.
narrative, ate
it

CHAP,

raw.
;

On

fish

was their principal

dependence for food

a sauce for their fish ; Nevertheless the corn, which Nearchus a necessary.
took, was

bread was considered only as a desirable delicacy, but not

what he supposed would serve his people till they might reach a more fruitful country. Payment seems to have been no more in his contem-

of any of the predatory highplation than in that in his course had chastised, Alexander landers whom
or our borderers of Scotland and Wales, or the Miof France and Spain, when they quelets on the verge their stole neighbours' cattle ; nor is there any other

evidence than the author's silence, that the loss of

The name of the corn was the only injury suffered. is not made thus remarkable, given ; and this place,
failure
is

certainly

among

those, in the narrative, of

a kind to excite suspicion. The fleet staid here no longer than to complete its commander's project of fraud : its course appears to

have been resumed in the afternoon of the same day, though to reach no advantageous situation for the
night.

In the evening

it

anchored off the headland

named

Bagia, the western point, according to Vin-

cent, of that
it

; night the run was continued to the extent of sixty miles.

now called Gutter Bay. About midmoved again and, wind no doubt favouring,

harbour was then found, called Talmona *; good, apparently, as affording convenience for the crews to rest ashore.
progress afterward of twenty-five miles brought the fleet to a town named Canasida. If, as seems
likely,

A good
A

Nearchus expected corn here, he was disapwell is mentioned to have been found, pointed.

artificially

formed.
[*
t

Whether

this

might indicate

TA,ixwya. ed. Raphael, c. 29.]

DISSATISFACTION

AMONG THE CREWS.

among

315
SECT.

advancement in

the people beyond that of those eastward, or whether it was one of the numerous wells, mentioned in the account of the
civil arts

army's march, to have been provided for the fleet by Alexander's care, seems utterly uncertain ; no result of that care appearing to have been acknowledged by

Nearchus, with a single exception for the

received from Leonnatus.

relief

he

The town however was

found deserted, for what cause is not said ; and the heads of palm trees were the only food obtained.
Distress therefore urging, the fleet proceeded through the afternoon and all the following night, and still, Rest however at daybreak, was on a desert shore.

Here being then necessary, anchors were dropped. to let that he feared the has avowed crews Nearchus
quit
their
vessels
;

such

being the dissatisfaction

aboard, he

among them

that,

rather than return

apprehended they might endeavour to join the army by land. Among the many very remarkable omissions
in the narrative, the failure to

acknowledge any

in-

formation obtained of what must have so excited the

attention of every inhabitant of the coast as Alexander's march along it, and according to Vincent's
10 probable supposition, through Canasida , is not the As soon as, turning inland, he had of'^'nis least striking. reached a fruitful country, not there so distant from

the sea as farther eastward, he had hastened, it will be remembered, unsparing of his own labour, to collect

and forward

provisions, under escorts commanded by confidential officers, to two different parts of the coast, However then acknowto await the fleet's passing.

ledgment may have failed in Arrian's narrative from Nearchus, yet on comparing with it what he has given from Ptolemy and Aristobulus, it seems utterly
10

Vincent's

map

carries the

march through Canasida.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
'

c ** P

improbable that the commanders of the fleet, even should they have missed the supplies, were without intelligence of the army : the admiral, we have
recently seen, had an interpreter, whom he esteemed worthy of confidence : and it is unlikely that such intelligence could be wholly concealed from the crews.
neither the project imputed to the seamen will appear so extravagant, nor the fears of the admiral
so without reasonable ground, as the narrative of the voyage, unassisted by that of the march, leaves them to be supposed.

Thus

indications here, as sometimes before, narrator's care to earn credit for the produced by in related to the seamen's busiwhatever accuracy ness, it is shown that not only information, but sup-

But,

among

plies,

unowned, must have been received.

Here

first

the crews are said to have been starving, and this

after great fatigue ; yet they were able to persevere in a run of near fifty miles to a place called Canate.

watercourses were found, clearly indicating population and cultivation ; yet neither supply
artificial

There

seen.

to have been obtained, nor people Nevertheless the strength of the crews did not fail ; for, after no unusual time stated to have
is

acknowledged

been allowed
fifty miles. speed that

It

for repose, the progress seems to have been

was again of through this

the inhabitants of some small villages, of a district on the coast not wholly unproductive,
so far taken
left

called Troisi, were

all fled,

by surprise

that,

behind them not only some though they corn and dates, which were seized, but also seven camels. The flesh of that animal is said to be neither an unwholesome nor an ungrateful food. Accordingly
all

were devoured.
fleet,
if,

The

prize

would be

valuable for the

against Alexander's inten-

DIRECTION OF THE SHORE.

tion,

SI
SECT.
_

only by violence ; but the loss of seven camels must have been severe upon villagers on such a coast. The crews, thus however recruited, were allowed
it

food could be had for

rest, the fleet moving again at daybreak. a distance of about twenty miles it reached Dagasira, a place frequented by herdsmen ; sure indication

only short

At

that,

though

still

within the line of coast called that

of the fish-eaters, the change toward a more productive country was already considerable. But herds-

men

could readily

move

their

all

beyond the reach

of rapacious hands, whose approach by sea might be

seen afar.

Accordingly nothing valuable appears to have been found there.

After

rest therefore during the midday heat only, was resumed toward evening, and prosecuted progress through the night and all the following day. The wind apparently favoured, so that, for a course of near

a hundred and
severe.

fifty miles,

the labour would not be

With

this fortunate speed the

boundary of

that called the fish-eaters' coast was passed, and hope was entertained of immediately finding the relief

which accounts of the adjoining country, Carmania, The surf however being such as to deter promised. the landing, repose, now necessary for the crews, was
only such as they could take in the vessels at anchor. The general direction of the shore of the ocean

Am ind.
c<

29 '

c.

32.

from the mouth of the Indus, or near

,

it,

thus

far,

modern observation confirming the account of NearT i i i chus, is remarkably direct, east and west, with only occasional indentures and projections of bays and
i
i

Vinc on Nearch.
-

P 300.
.

promontories, small in proportion to the length of line of above six hundred miles. Hereabout, still
coinciding with modern observation, Nearchus says the course, guided still by the coast, was turned to

318
CHAP,
LV>

HISTORY OF GREECE.
reached Badis, a cultivated district of Carmania, producing corn and good wine, and all the ordinary fruits of Greece
the north-west.

Soon then the

fleet

And yet no mention is abundantly, except olives. or of any inhabitants seen, made of supply obtained, in this plentiful district of a province, not only for
years past governed by Alexander's officers, but in which he had himself been now some weeks with

army. Important assistance of another kind, acquired on this part of the coast, and probably at Badis, is howThe Gadrosian pilot had undertaken ever indicated. no more than to conduct the fleet to the Persian
other persons were aboard, more extensively acquainted with land and sea in those parts. After a run of fifty miles from Badis, for which refreshment obtained there must have prepared the Gulf.
crews, a lofty promontory

his

Now

came

in view, afar off;

which, says the narrative, persons familiar with those parts declared to be a projection from the Arabian
shore,

marking the entrance of the

gulf,

and emi-

nent for the trade which supplied the great cities of Cinnamon alone Assyria with perfumes and spices.
distinguished by name ; probably furnished from southern Arabia, till, through Alexander's measures, the way was opened for the Arabian traders to the
is

coast of Malabar,

and thence to the island of Ceylon,

which produces that ever since the most in estimat * OT1 * ie name f tne promontory, with Arrian with Strabo Maketa, Makai, is now, with our navigators, Mussendon.

Here

difference of opinion arose,

among

the prin-

cipal officers, concerning the course to be pursued. On the Carmanian side the shore receded, so as to

form a bay, near thirty miles deep, and sixty

vvide^

ARRIVAL AT HARMOZA.
with a barren coast, as far as eye could reach, and a surf breaking on it. Onesicritus, since the fleet's

319
SECT.

now first mentioned in the narrative, recommended avoiding the circuitous line of the bay, with
outset,

so

to the

forbidding a shore, to stretch away immediately promontory on the Arabian side ; the distance

being estimated not to exceed an ordinary day's run with oars. Nearchus opposed this. In rather offensive phrase, according to his own account, he told Onesicritus that he was foolish n or
'

'

indeed, strangely inattentive to the king's instructions, if he did not know that they required the examination of all
shores, havens, islands, bays, maritime towns, with

barren.

observation where the land was fruitful, and where Already the principal dangers and labours

*,

'

of "the expedition were surmounted, and no serious difficulty remained in view, if they proceeded in the
course hitherto pursued ; but, what might be beyond that promontory on the Arabian shore, he
feared

'
'

more than any on the Carmanian.'

This

opinion, to mark that the authority of

fectly

we

are told, prevailed

a phrase appearing

Nearchus was not perindependent of colleagues or council. Accord-

ingly the fleet, resting that night at anchor, proceeded on the morrow along the Carmanian shore, about thirty miles, to a place described only by its name,

An-, ind.
c
'

Neoptana

moving again at daybreak, by a course of no more than six miles, reached Harmoza or Harmozia12, on the river Anamis, a principal port
;

and,

The exact value of such phrases can be estimated only by those practised in the conversation of the day, and rarely can be given in another language. 12 The name of Harmoza remains to this day, though among
gularly liable,

the revolutions to which the finest parts of Asia have been sintransferred to another place. The people, OH

320
CHAP,
jV"

HISTORY OF GREECE.
There an officer of considerable rank under Alexander commanded, friendship was ready,
of Carmania.
and, as in a very plentiful country, every necessary

abounded.

SECTION
Occurrences at

IV.

Harmoza : journey of Nearchus

the king
:

to

wait upon

return to

Harmoza.
first

THE

merit which the learned Vincent was the

probably to discover, but certainly to ascertain to the world, in the narrative of Nearchus, has led that worthy person to an esteem of the author's character
surely much beyond what any, more versed among men, can be disposed to allow. His praise, that it

cannot be admitted (supposing as Vincent has supposed, that Arrian has given justly
deserves
all

credit,

the meaning, if not even the words, of his author) without exception for what Nearchus related of him-

account of his conference with Alexander, previous to his appointment to the chief command for the voyage of discovery, reviling the principal
self.

The

officers

of the army, and representing himself as the

occasion of which of three conquests of their country, suffered between the beginning of the thirteenth and the end of the
is uncertain, to avoid the dominion of a confrom the interior of the continent, migrated to quering despot a small island, not far from the mouth of the Anamis, completely of the wilderness character. Affording nothing but safety against hostile attack, not even water, but what fell from the sky, yet Ormuz, as we write it after the Portuguese, like Venice and Amalfi in Europe, in nearly similar circumstances, flourished from commerce, eminent among the marts of the east. Even under the Portuguese it flourished but an English fleet, in war with Portugal, enabling another conqueror from the interior of Asia to become its master, its prosperity soon ended.

fifteenth centuries,

OCCURRENCES AT HARMOZA.
king's dearest friend, for whose welfare he was even absurdly solicitous, has evidently been calculated only for the most uninformed of the sovereign multitudes
in the

321
SECT.

for

Grecian republics, among whom, as well as whom, it was published, not till after Alexander's

death.

For the

transactions of his extraordinary

is

voyage indeed, the narrative

generally perspicuous, always probable, corresponding, beyond what might be expected, with modern observation in its geography, the sure test of its authenticity, and failing

only by omission of matters of which some account most reasonably might be expected. But now, when
is to be given, no longer of the navigation, but of the narrator's conduct ashore, among a civi-

account

lised

his king,

and friendly people, and in communication with it becomes in some parts mysterious, in

others strangely extravagant. Already the fleet had coasted for

many

leagues a

province, not only for some years commanded by Alexander's officers, but in which he actually was with his army. On that coast, in the fruitful ter-

course

abundant supplies were found of had been communication with the people ; and now a seaport was reached, apparently the principal of the province, where all was friendly, and where the governor of a considerable district
ritory of Badis,
:

there

resided.

Nevertheless,

though Alexander's unreis,

mitted anxiety, and even painful activity, to afford

all

assistance to his fleet

in the narrative, as in

all

other accounts, largely testified, yet, in the same narrative, it has not been scrupled to assert that, at
this friendly port, Nearchus could obtain no news of his king, or information where any one in autho-

rity

under him was to be found.

fleet,

Some men from

the

wandering,

it

says, as those long confined

VOL.

VIII.

322
CHAP,
LV>
"

HISTORY OF GREECE.
not ashipboard are fond of doing, to their surprise, the from a Greek met less than to their joy, army ; who informed them where the king and the army
were, and readily conducted Nearchus to the prefect It is implied that the admiral was of the district.

anxious to wait upon the king the soonest that might be, and it is clearly expressed that he obtained all
for making necessary information from the prefect of five at the the journey, reckoned, utmost, days for Nevertheless he neither immediately a party afoot. sent nor went, any intelligence of himself or the

His first business, after hauling his vessels ashore, was to fortify his naval camp, as if in an enemy's country, and with more than common care and labour ; for he surrounded it with a double ramto be floated from the part, and a ditch deep enough
fleet.

river.

As

a reason for such a work,

it is

stated that,

his instructions directing

him

to survey the Persian

gulf and meet the king at Susa, he reckoned the whole of the fleet needless for that continuance of
the voyage, and therefore he would leave a part at

Harmoza.
pressed for
An-, ind.

Thus he seems

to have

assumed

to

him-

self to decide

on a matter for which, if nothing else communication with his king, he should

have hastened to desire orders.

But the

prefect, his

duty requiring that the king should have the earliest information of the fleet's arrival at a port of his district,

whether dissatisfied with the admiral's conduct, or having other causes, instead of sending, went to make the report himself. This displeased Nearchus, who has not scrupled to represent it as an interested
clearly with

interference with business which, purpose to impose only on those

the

what would become persons

in

most ignorant of their situations, he

intimates should have been left entirely to him.

ALLEGED IMPATIENCE OF ALEXANDER.

323
s.s.

place of Alexander's residence in Carmania, the capital, had been made remarkable, as Ch.54. probably J
,

The

..

we have

seen,

by transactions there

,1

and

of this Hist.

is

among
Diod. 6
1.

remarkable for being, in the narrative, This however Diodorus has supwithout a name. as we perhaps best, with Vincent, it, plied, writing
those also

17.

may

render the Greek orthography, Salmoon

the first syllable being said to mean 13 That place is preserved in the modern Maaun. less distant from the port where the fleet lay than may seem implied in the narrative ; in which however
confusion,

which, a fort, seems

;

vinc 'on Nearch

-

rather

than clearness,

appears

to

have been, on this occasion, studied. The tale that is indeed and follows even absurd ; extraordinary,
as a sample of what for belief offered be among the Grecian remight Alexander's impatience at the failure of publics.

and yet may deserve notice

Nearchus to arrive, as expected, is described as unfit man, and his measures to acquire information he sent as ineffectual as could be those of a child
for a
:

messenger, it is said, after messenger, to various parts of the coast, to acquire intelligence, and none

Were this related as happening before brought any. the fleet reached the Carmanian shore, it might The narrative appear not only credible, but likely.
however goes much farther some of the messengers, For such failure no cause it says, never returned. and how it should have happened, is mentioned ; unless Nearchus himself managed to detain them,
:

seems not easily imaginable. The king's impatience the narrative however, proceeds to say, at length became so extravagant that, supposing the prefect's hasty intelligence of the fleet's arrival deceptive, he
13

In the Greek

it

occurs only in the dative,

Y 2

324
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
Nevertheless he sent horses ordered him to prison. and carriages to conduct Nearchus ; and these so

took the right road (by what information or what good fortune guided, is not said) that they met him, If it was to convey him prialready on the way.
soner to Salmoon, even from his own account, he Nor indeed is the susseems to have deserved it.

apparent ground. picion, that so.it was, at the been after For, friendly port of Harhaving
Vinc. on
6

without some

moza

p. 348.'

(Vincent reckons only three, but the narrative, describing the works at that place, and the going and return of the king's many messengers,
several days,

implies considerably more,) Nearchus set out, taking Archias only for his companion, and four inferior

attendants

though on account of the lawless

state

of the country, if what follows in the narrative should be credited, prudence would have recommended a
stronger escort, had he shown himself in his proper character of commander in chief of the imperial fleet. But he chose (for after such delay at a friendly and
plentiful seaport it must have been choice) that all should go in the same soiled clothes, soaked with brine, and with the same weatherbeaten and toilworn

looks as

when they landed

in his description alto-

Such, it may be observed, among gether miserable. the Greeks, was the kind of appearance ordinarily affected by those, who, in the character of suppliants,
desired to excite commiseration.

The

escort sent

by the king, on meeting them, not guessing who But they were, would have passed them unnoticed.
they could not fail to know of what description those of the escort were j and yet they hesitated to declare
themselves.

At

length however, resolving to inquire

where they might find the king,

and explanation

ALLEGED KIND RECEPTION OF NEARCHUS.

ensuing, they were taken into the carriages, and conducted to the place of his residence. Arrived there they presently waited upon him,
still

325
SECT.

in the

out from

same soiled clothes in which they had set Harmoza, and altogether with the same

Alexappearance, studiously described as wretched. ander, like the escort they had met on the road,
hardly knew them ; but as soon as he had assured himself he took Nearchus, the narrative says, by the Still hand, and led him to a private apartment. his still the fleet account lost, (for prefect's supposing

he was so overborne with and Nearchus Archias safe that, for a joy at seeing Being then inlong time, tears prevented speech. formed by them that the fleet also was safe, tears of joy flowed afresh, and he swore by the Jupiter of the Greeks, and the Ammon of the Libyans, that he was more gratified with that information than with

had no

credit with him,)

the conquest of

all

Asia.
-

The
,.

prefect of
.

Harmoza

Arr Ind -

c.

36.

was yet under

arrest,

r mdmg opportunity however

to prostrate himself before Nearchus, and obtaining his intercession with the king, he was at length re-

Alexander then solemnised a sacrifice to Jupiter the preserver, and Apollo the evil-averter, and Neptune, and (such is the expression in the Nearchus original) whatever other seagods might be leading the procession, and the whole army throwing on him flowers, and garlands. Gymnic games and
leased.
;

theatrical exhibitions concluded the celebrity.

After this boast of honours to himself, and imputation of imbecility to his sovereign, follows the
remarkable confession,
this

that

Alexander proposed
fleet.

to

remove him from the command of the

disguise
disgrace, the

To

same extravagance has

been resorted to which was not scrupled to colour Y 3

326
CHAP.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
'

LV

Alexander's hesitation ever to commit to him the command in chief: the king, he says, assured him it

was because he could no longer expose so dear a This assertion, friend to such labours and dangers. that a prince of such great views, and so unsparing of himself, would, in weak tenderness for any man,

deny a

difficult

but

honourable

command

to

him

whom
it,

he thought

fittest for it,

and who

also desired

evidently enough what could be proposed for belief only to the most uninformed of the people
is

who

shared sovereign power

among

the Greek retwice stated,

was himself the object of such regard, and Alexander was the man so to yield to it, seems indeed too ludicrous, and the publication of it too
that

publics. that he

The

narrator's

pretension,

impudent, to admit comment in terms becoming the

sobriety of history.
14

has proceeded to relate we find confirmed satisfactorily by other testimony on his earnest solicitation that he might not be deprived of
:

What Nearchus

the credit of completing a great undertaking, the larger, and far the more difficult part of which he

had already

successfully executed, his to yielded request. In returning then to Hannoza,

'

Alexander

finally

he was allowed a

military escort, sufficient, he says, for a country in

Thus he could not avoid showing himself peace. in his proper character of commander of the fleet.
14 It

were tedious

to notice all the absurdities in the

account

The reader curious about given from Nearchus by Arrian. them, and they are indeed matter of some curiosity, will be best referred to the original or, if a translation be wanted, not to what Vincent has given, in tenderness to Nearchus omitting
;

some things and softening

is

others, but rather to Rooke's,

which

not indeed elegant, but

much more

exact.

REMARKS ON THE NARRATIVE.

In this character, and so attended, he was attacked on the road, twice or thrice, by different parties of the country people, insomuch that with difficulty he

327
SECT.
-

made

his way.

so doubtfully stated,

But, in these attacks, of number it is not said that there was

slaughter,

or even

wound on

either side

nor are

the assailants described as of a predatory horde, but simply as people of the country, where the satrap,

Tlepolemus, recently appointed, had not had time to establish proper order. The late satrap Sibyrtius
however,
it

should

be remembered,
critical

had been

re-

moved

to a more extensive and

command

in

Gadrosia, not surely for having failed to keep order in his former province. Nor are the Carmanians described as anywhere among the predatory hordes

not even in an account of those hordes Nearchus himself, preserved to us by Strabo. by Whether then the tumults mentioned were more than those of an unarmed multitude demanding reparation for plunder, or other injury, such as, on

pf Asia

strab.i.ie.
ed. Gas.

several parts of the coast, it is acknowledged the people suffered from the fleet, seems left uncertain.

supposition should not, without much nor indeed without a degree of necessity, be caution, mixed with history, yet, if important facts are found involved in mystery, and eminent characters impli-

Though

cated

especially if there

is

any appearance of studied

disguise or concealment ; and most especially if it is moreover clear that the narrator's interest has been

deeply concerned ; it must be the historian's hazardous duty to offer, as he best may, what may tend
to

show the matter

in a just light.

From

earliest history

day, Piracy, ing in the

we know,
^Egean

then, even to the present has been familiar and flourish;

strab,

1.

10.

sea

ordinarily patronised

by

e d. Cas.

Y 4

328
CHAP,
LV>

HISTORY OF GREECE.
than by single sovereign power, by republics not less and suppressed, in the course of so many
centuries, if completely ever, only in short periods of uncommon vigilance and vigour in the administration In this eminent kind of of the Roman dominion.

tyrants,

highway robbery we have formerly observed the admirals of the Athenian democracy, in the zenith of When their its power, holding an imperial lead.

strab.

1.

10.

4 ed Cas

means were checked by the successes of Philip king of Macedonia against them, the Cretans rose to the first eminence in the same line ; favoured by the situa^iou ^ their island, and by the failure of opportunity to control them, when the Macedonian kingdom became again implicated in war with some of the The increased traffic which Alexander's republics. afterward opened, for Greece and countries conquests and Egypt, and the adwith Phenicia westward,
vantage of situation for intercepting it, enabled the Cilician robbers to overbear the Cretan, and hold
the superiority
;

till,

under the new power of the

Roman

republic, the evil was, perhaps for the first

time, effectually stopped by the great Pompey. Piracy thus, in its various practices, seizing ships,

landing for plunder, (of which men, women, and children for the slave-markets were no small object,) or, like the states of Barbary in modern days, arrogating payment for forbearance, would be familiar, at least from information and in idea, not to the

commanders
critus,

only, Nearchus, a Cretan, and Onesiof the island of Cos, in situation between Crete and Cilicia, but to every seaman of the fleet ;

and what was little scrupled by the Greeks toward one another, we have had enough occasion to observe, would be less so toward Indians. Alexander's determination to protect his

new subjects was

sufficiently

OBSERVATIONS RESPECTING PIRACY.

known.

32
SECT.

His promises of reward

to all

engaged on

his favourite project of maritime discovery no doubt would be highly liberal ; and probably would be

trusted, as far as performance might depend on himself. Nevertheless the restraint which he put upon*
all

under him in favour of barbarians,

far

beyond that

of the Athenian republic in favour of Greeks, might, in the natural partiality of men for their own interest,

be considered

as a grievance ; and that the desire to the whose wealth, in Vincent's supIndians, plunder the result of his careful inquiries, even exposition,

ceeded that of modern times, was very extensive in the fleet, will hardly be doubted. But moreover it could not fail to occur that, should all success attend

them

in their voyage, yet

Alexander might perish

whether from the severity of the torrid climate, to which he was exposing himself, or from the hand of an

enemy, from which recently he had so nearly met his fate ; and then reward for them would be utterly precarious.
life,

If then through the uncertainty of their king's with the consequent uncertainty of either reward

for merit, or

punishment for misdemeanour, together with the consideration that, even if he survived, naval command put choice both of measures and course

much

such temptation prevailed, no difficulty will remain for what appears otherwise unThe departure accountable in Nearchus's narrative.
in their power,

from Pattala, in most adverse season and against orders, might be even necessary for the purpose :
the omission of
all

account of the voyage of not

river, to

less

than a hundred miles down the

near the ocean, will the enmity of the Indians (reported by strange in the narrative) which is said but unnoticed Strabo, to have compelled the departure from some again
place
:

named

some unbe no longer

330
CHAP,
_

HISTORY OF GREECE.

unnamed
the
also
fleet,

of the first advances of place, the shortness

in
its

way from
;

that

unnamed

place,

would

be accounted for

as would also the failure to

notice any intercourse with the inhabitants of three named places of the river-side country, at which the fleet stopped, and which circumstances noticed indiThe folcated to have been populous and wealthy.

lowing measures
river

quitting

would
ocean

afford, to

all the shelter which the meet the adverse monsoon in

of repose there, ; preferring, for a day which seems to have been immediately necessary, an
the
island of sand to

the shore of the nearly adjacent

and, presently after, through inability to contend with the violence of contrary winds, waiting near a month in such a situation as he has described

continent

that

care to fortify the naval

which he named Alexander's haven, and the would all be camp there

The perfect acquiescence necessary consequences. all of the crews, under hardships, difficulties, and
dangers, thus, against their king's orders, undergone, which though implied in the narrative only by the failure of mention of discontent, has excited Vincent's admiration,

would be the ready and even ne-

cessary consequence of their voluntary concurrence in a scheme of forbidden plunder. Along the fisheaters'

coast

nothing hostile

is

mentioned by the

generals, in their account of the march.

Whether

hostility, found by the admiral, originated with the people of the country or with himself, remains matter of question. If wells, which Alexander had been diligent to provide in other parts, were rarely seen there, it may have been because the

then the

water obtained by digging in sand, near the seashore, is found to become more brackish as it lies
longer exposed.

But, of the stores of food which,

QUESTIONABLE MATTERS.
according to the account of the generals, were sent, that none should have been received, or even heard
of by the
fleet,
is

331
SECT.
'

wholly information of Alexander's march along the coast should have been received, though none is acknowfails,

though notice of them in the narrative obviously unlikely ; and that no

The pretension ledged, appears utterly incredible. in stated that even at the ports direct then, terms, of Carmania no intelligence of Alexander was to be
obtained,
also

some of the crews, wandering about Harmoza, accidentally met a Greek from the army,
till

wandering, carries the face of falsehood strongly enough to warrant the supposition of any probability to supersede it. Nevertheless, though information

could hardly have failed that Alexander and the army had some time ago entered Carmania, it might

be unknown that he remained there, and had not yet

But if, at Badis, intelligence, proceeded for Persia. as seems likely, was obtained that the king was still
at

cution

Salmoon, and especially if information of the exeof the generals, Heracon, Oleander, and Sitalces, had reached the place, then anxiety to avoid
fleet
;

and reason would be attributed by Nearchus to Onesicritus, to avoid the Carmanian shore, and proceed directly up the gulf on the Arabian side ; though to judge fairly between them the lost account of Onesicritus is wanting. Yet, still on the same supposition, the praise of both judgment and courage may be due to Nearchus, who did not
obvious for the advice which
is

him might pervade the

making his peace with the king. To the of this indeed he may have been encouraged hope by the consideration of more than one important
despair of
difference

between his case and that of the generals

:

who had

suffered

their oppression of the conquered

332
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
to themselves, people seems to have been for profit only or in share with a very few ; for the troops under them, we are assured, supported the accusation against

LV

them

Nearchus, more politic, seems to have managed so as to have the whole fleet on his side. All then having a common interest with him in preall shared, the laborious serving plunder, in which
;

but

work of
its

at fortifying the naval station

Harmoza,

for

be cheerfully undertaken.
ander had not another

protection even against Alexander himself, might Flight would thus be in

their power, if final resistance

were not

and Alex-

fleet with which to pursue whether them, returning to wealthy India, or whether

any other course might more invite. The admiral's delay then to wait upon the king, however against his duty, might be grateful to them all. When at to would he resolved go, they length probably be that what they the consideration, encouraged by had, beyond general hope, effected, was but a beginning of what Alexander was known to desire in
discovery. And thence Nearchus, if he was popular in the fleet, as seems probable, might estimate his own importance and theirs with

the

way of maritime

their sovereign.

Alexander, with his large expe-

men, though in early years, would know that he could find none perfect ; and that, for the execution of great and extraordinary purposes, he must use the means which he could not make. Probably there was not a seaman unimplicated with
rience of

Nearchus, nor another known to be, equally with Moreover for the him, capable of the command. of the completion voyage proposed neither the
temptation which India offered, nor the opportunities of freedom from observation and control, would
again occur.

Nor

is

the admiral's boast of the favour

VOYAGE UP THE PERSIAN GULF.

on occasion of the thanksgiving procession, by throwing flowers on him and presenting garlands, at all out of probability ; for the soldiery would naturally be disposed to be that very system of plunder which partial toward
of the
array,

333
SECT.
'__

publicly shown,

would

excite
all

With

juster sovereign's indignation. these considerations it may appear not won-

their

derful that Alexander so far smothered even a reasonable anger that the earnest entreaty of his admiral to be reinstated in his command was finally successful.

SECTION
Procedure of the fleet up

V.
the

Persian gulf.
dif-

NEARCHUS
ficulties

being returned, through whatever

to

in his journey,

the fleet at

Harmoza,

measures without delay seem to have been taken for No farther proceeding on the voyage up the gulf.

mention occurs either of the

fortified naval station,

or of the formerly professed purpose of leaving there any part of the fleet. Whatever then may have been

Alexander's disposition toward his admiral, his usual liberality would not fail toward the fleet altogether.
as the concluding preparation for the a feast was given to the armament, in the outset, usual manner, under the name of a sacrifice to the

Accordingly

followed by the amusement of Nearchus of course presided ; and gymnic the narrative seems to claim the whole magnificence

Preserving Jupiter,
exercises.

for him.

But

it

cannot be doubted that

it

was under

his king's order ; and if at his own expense, hardly so, but also under command so to apply a portion of
ill-gotten wealth.

For the voyage now

to be pursued,

up the Persian

334,
Vine, on Nearch.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
gulf,

the able commentator on the narrative says tnat fa correspondence with modern observation is most satisfactory, insomuch that, through the correctness of English charts for the seaside, and the assistance afforded by the eminent French geographer

D'Anville, for the land, he satisfied himself, even without difficulty, of every station at which the fleet
anchored.

For Persia proper,

Persis,

or,
it,

as,

enough

for distinction,

he writes

conveniently with the Greek

the general description of the Arrian's narrative is perfect, and coast, he says, in the principal harbours as fully ascertained as in motermination,

dern geography.

According to
B. c. 326.

the

first

was about of January, of the three hundred and twentyhis careful reckoning,
it

Am ind.
'

year before the Christian era, that the fleet deThe first day's course was parted from Haraioza. 15 of less than twenty miles , to a large island, fruitful
fifth

37

'

then, as now, in corn, wine, and dates, which seems to have retained its name, written by modern Eu-

ropeans Vroct,
their

but by the

Greeks,

according to

their

common practice of adapting foreign names to own habits of pronunciation and the inflexions

of their language, variously, Oaracta, Doracta, and Ouoracta, or, as we should perhaps rather write it, Woracta. Among European navigators of the preprincipal town, Last, has prevailed as that of the island ; precisely as, in the Mediterranean, the island of Crete is most known

sent day the

name of the

all

by the name of its principal town Candia. Not only ordinary accommodation was found here, but the
Mazenes,
a
Persian,
offered himself to

governor,
15

For

this

modern

observation, and

measure, which seems sufficiently ascertained by its difference from that stated in our

copies of Arrian, Vincent's observations

may be

seen.

VOYAGE UP THE PERSIAN GULF.

accompany Nearchus, and assist with his advice for the whole course up the gulf, and the inland navigation afterward, to Susa ; an offer which Nearchus Some explanation, which the narrative accepted. ought to give and does not, is clearly wanting here. For a person intrusted with the government of a large and fruitful island, critically situated in the way of all the commerce between the coast of Arabia and the three capitals of the empire, to quit his important duties there in pure friendship to an utter stranger, and simply as an adviser for the navigation,

335
SECT.

would be carrying hospitality to a very extraordinary In the Indus such an offer might perhaps length.
have been made with a view to share in plunder ; and accepted to obtain useful assistance for it ; but
hardly in the Persian gulf, where Alexander's just severity against oppressors and peculators would be

known and

dreaded.

Altogether therefore, follow-

ing circumstances of the voyage being found of a character to support the supposition, it seems hardly
to be doubted that the advantageous

reception

in

Oaracta was prepared by Alexander's orders, and that Mazenes was directed to accompany Nearchus,
not without a share of authority ; perhaps in the room of Archias, whom the narrative mentions no

more.

Without imputation against Archias, Alexander might reckon a noble Persian, acquainted with the sea and its coast, and known everywhere as the
governor of Oaracta, a fitter associate in authority with the admiral for the rest of the voyage, than a

Macedonian who had no such qualifications. From the unnamed port where Mazenes joined the fleet, the first day's progress was of no more than twelve miles, to a port still of the same island. The

336
CHAP, LV
*

HISTORY OF GREECE.
Daybreak was appears in what followed. waited for ; and, the fleet moving then, the rapidity of the ebbing tide was such that, notwithstanding the assistance obtained of mariners familiar with the
reason

without

and the rest, not navigation, three ships grounded, their way through the redifficulty, making

Why the flood ceding surf, reached the deep water. for this troublethan the was not used rather ebb, some passage, perhaps may be accounted for by those
who know
the coast.

With the

rising tide

however
fleet,

the grounded vessels floated, and rejoined the

apparently undamaged. The coast of the gulf, in this part, is, to a conThe fleet siderable extent, barren, sandy desert. in of a course therefore, twenty-five miles, made for

the night.

an island eighteen from the main, where it passed But to hold that distance would not suit

row-boats, for which frequent landing was necessary. Moving therefore at daybreak, the course was diin that part

rected again toward the mainland, though the country was most uninviting. The inhabitants

of the village of Sidodone, where the next night was passed, separated as they were from the extensive
coasts of fish-eaters, yet, through similarity of circumstances, a sea abounding with fish, a soil almost perfectly barren,

were of similar character, fish-eaters. In proceeding from this place the promontory of Tarsias was doubled, and the course was again di-

rected

to an island, whose name, written by the Greeks Cataia, seems preserved in that written by our navigators, not from Greek but oriental mouths, Kaish. This island, though low and flat, is, in modern description, fruitful and even beautiful. Over-

against

it,

on the mainland, was the boundary of

PROGRESS UP THE PERSIAN GULF.

Carmania against proper
Persia, or, as with

337
Vincent
AIT. ind.

we may call The first

it,

Persis.

course then on the Persian shore was of

only four or five and twenty miles to Ila ; a name which, as Vincent has remarked, seems preserved in
that which

some modern Europeans, meaning

as
;

to re-

present oriental pronunciation,

they best might,

have written Gillam and Gella

thus endeavouring

to indicate the incipient guttural, to

which English
AIT. ibid.

speech has nothing analogous, and which the Greeks would be likely to leave unnoticed. The station for
the next night was an island, where then was, and still is, a pearl fishery. Under a lofty promontory of the mainland, called Ochus, was found a harbour convenient for rowboats, where the following night
was" passed. This high ground seems to have been but as a point projected from the inland mountains, intersecting the general flatness of the coast.

course of about thirty miles then brought the fleet to a situation where were many vessels ; and, not on

the shore, but about four miles within land, a village called Apostani : whether the barrenness of a sandy

dissuaded nearer habitation, or the distance was preferred for better security against piratical advensoil

turers,

where the

late

government had given

little

protection. The character of the land

on the coast however

now was changing

sea,

for the better, while that of the

was becoming more disadvantageous. it, the whole Through length of the gulf on the Persian at from the shore, is a range distance no side, great
near

whence, in the rainy season, numerous torrents run, drenching the flat that extends from their foot to the sea, which is shallow to a
of mountains
;

great extent.

The mouths
z

of the better rivers are

VOL.

vm,

338
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
'

Lv

obstructed by bars, the tides great, and a surf everywhere breaking on the shore. In advancing up the more approach the coast, and the gulf the mountains desert character intervening soil has no longer the
:

on the contrary it is fruitful, but the sea is to a still with shoals. At the disgreater extent encumbered tance of four or five and twenty miles from Apostani
this general with a fruitful a in the of character sea, bay, country around, bearing, beside palms, which Greece had not, all the fruit-bearing trees common in Greece.

was found an advantageous exception to

The next Nevertheless no stay is mentioned there. course, of near forty miles, was to a town called
Gogana, in a populous country at the foot of the but only mountains, which here approach the shore was found. a scanty harbour Proceeding then fifty
;

miles, the fleet reached Sitakus, probably the best of

all

the inconvenient harbours of the Persian shore.

large store of corn, provided by Alexander's It is recare, is acknowledged to have been found.

Here

markable enough, that with

all

the assurance

we have
fleet,

of his earnestness for the accommodation of his

and of the severe sufferings he underwent, and dangers to which he exposed himself, to ensure such accommodation, none received from him, since that early
in
its

voyage furnished by Leonnatus,

is,

till

now,

noticed in the narrative.

five days, to

pairs.

twentybe overhauled and receive necessary reIt seems altogether likely to have been under
strict

Here the

fleet staid

Alexander's

order that, on the return of Near-

fleet immediately proceeded and that Sitakus was the place apvoyage, pointed for any repairs, beyond what might be

chus to Harmoza, the

on

its

urgently necessary, as well as for receiving supplies, moving again, the first day's course was of near

PROGRESS UP THE PERSIAN GULF.

to fifty miles,

339
SECT.

the town of Hieratis on the river Hera-

temis.

communicating with that The next day's river, was here the anchoring place. run was to the mouth of a winter-torrent. This exartificial canal,

An

pression indicates mountains to have been near ; but the immediate neighbourhood was fertile, abounding
especially in fruit-bearing
trees.

Proceeding then

only twelve miles, the fleet entered a river of better character, the Granides, where was a town called Troca*; at the distance of about twelve miles from

which, up the country, according to information of the inhabitants, was an ancient palace of the Persian

Then again the mouth of a torrent afforded, kings. for such vessels, a safe harbour. The violence of the
water running from the mountains seems to have had, on this part of the coast, its singular value ; keeping channels open, by which small vessels might
securely reach the shore, which the shoals and the surf would otherwise have made everywhere difficult

and dangerous, or even impossible. The place next resorted to, after a run of four or five and twenty miles, though otherwise of similar character, had its The coast was rocky, and peculiar disadvantages. about the torrent's mouth were breakers, which, obstructing the course of the fresh water from the mountains, produced shoals ; and these were troubled 16 If the place was sufficiently known to with a surf.
the pilots, the failure only of a better,
[*
*6
c

when
rov

the crews

Tao'/oj
Pij%/ij

ed. Raphael.] KOU [3pa%ia, } yV)

KOU

%otpa$et;

IK

KOVTOV

avifyov.

a most satisfactory assurance that Vincent has been right The adoption of this in his interpretation of faw'ri as the surf.

Here

is

interpretation in the last edition, Taylor's, of Hederic's lexicon, does credit to the diligence of the editor. Xo<pa? clearly implies that character of rock which our seamen denominate a breaker.

z 2

34>0

HISTORY OF GREECE.
wanted
rest,
'

CHAP,

LV

halt there.

The

could have persuaded the admiral to fleet took its station, it appears,

of continuing to nearly at high water, with the hope ride at anchor ; but the ebb left all aground. Crowded

on their thwarts, without room to

lie

at length, the

situation of those aboard, uneasy for sleep, even when the vessels rode on an even keel, would be still more

uneasy
oblique.

when,

being

The next

flood

grounded, the position was however relieved them from

the uneasy attitude and temporary bondage, and on the following day they reached the river Arosis, the
in the whole course from the Indus largest yet seen of Persis against Susiana. to the boundary difficulty for the navigation now occurred.

Afr.^ind.

New

The

extent of the shoals was greatly increased, and

toward the shore such a surf broke that landing was Thus rest could be not prudently to be attempted. taken only aboard, and, should winds be adverse, fresh

The greatest quantity therefore, water might fail. that means of stowage in row-boats would admit, was
to be taken aboard,

and

this appears to

have been

limited to a five days' ordinary supply. Badness of water we have observed often noticed ; but absolute

want, or even short allowance, nowhere mentioned as before occurring, was not suffered now.

After a progress of thirty miles from the Arosis, the fleet anchored in a channel among the shoals, abounding with fish, which would afford relief. The next day's course was of
difficulty, though the way was marked by stakes ; nearly, says the narrator, as on the western coast of Greece, between the island of Leucas and the mainland of Acarnania. Nevertheless the indication was not so but that perfect there was hazard of neither and then grounding ;

MYSTERIOUSNESS OF THE NARRATIVE.

poles were availing, nor could the strength of men without relieve a stranded boat ; for the mud was

341
SECT.

of so yielding a substance that they sunk presently to the breast landing was everywhere impracticable ;
:

and thus, after a most laborious course of between thirty and forty miles, the crews (it is mentioned as a hardship worthy of notice) were to take their supper aboard. Fortunately however the fleet had so cleared
tured.

the shoals that progress in the night might be venPersevering then till next evening, in a course

of between

fifty

and

sixty miles,

and overrunning

the channel leading to the mouth of the river Pasitigris, by which was the navigation to Susa, it reached Diridotis, a commercial town of Babylonia at the

mouth of the Euphrates

interposit for the

eminent as the principal ; trade between Mesopotamia and

Arabia. 17

Mystery here again occurs in the narrative, and of the same character as before ; respecting, not the
voyage, but the commander's conduct only. Mazenes, who had been taken aboard to advise for the navigation,

would surely be attended by the

&

ablest pilots

17
tva.

Hfli; KU/^VJ rtvt Trj?' BaffXwv/r;?

'&pf\?
-y5J<;

ovo/to,

KVTTJ

"h&avuToy T

aifo

ry/;

l^TCOfifji;

ci'fj.a

ocra ^fv/Ai^fAaroc, ^ 'Apd&uti

yy

pspti.

^l cpTeopu dytvsova-f, KOU to. Arr. Ind. c. 41. Vincent

Occasion has occurred formerly K^/AI? answers rather to the legal and technical than the familiar sense of our word village. Thus Manchester is a village, though larger and more populous
has rendered
/cwpj

village.

to observe, that the

Greek word

than perhaps any city of Great Britain, London only excepted. Gronovius has noticed different translations of the phrase,
duo
fies
-TVJI;

EpTtopiitf yfc,

/c.

r. X.

me, and that

least of

Neither, I must own, quite satiswhich the commentator has declared

will

his preference.

The learned reader

judge how

far I

have

expressed the author's meaning. z 3

4<

HISTORY OF GREECE.
that his authority, supported " procure. siderable object for the the navigation to it well

CHAP,

The mart

by Alexander's, could of Susa must have been a con-

commerce with Arabia, and known yet no cause is stated

;

for missing the proper course and deviating so far as That it could here be in view of the comDiridotis.

manders to avoid Alexander, and proceed directly for Babylon, would appear hardly imaginable, if the course taken, the most direct for the purpose, or
one accommodated to a fleet of perhaps the only row-boats, was not matter to suggest the supposition,

and

if

terious difference

the failure of due explanation, and the mysbetween the narrative derived from

the admiral, and that from the generals, by the same writer, did not afford support to such a supposition.

may have been necessary for the course through the shoals, to touch long at Diridotis for supplies. Nevertheless the stay there,
Likely enough
fleet, after its
it

not specified, seems to have been only of one night ; and the cause assigned for hastening away is doubly remarkable. Information was obtained, the admiral's
narrative says, that

Alexander was marching for Susa. must have been well known to him, as he had been directed to meet Alexander at Susa, that he would be marching thither, if not already arrived ;

But

it

and, considering the stay of the fleet at Sitakus, with Alexander's no more than ordinary rapidity of progress, notwithstanding the halt of

some days

at Par-

sagardaB, he might well have been arrived, as the narrative from the generals implies that he was. The

acknowledgment then here of intelligence of Alexander

is

farther remarkable, as

it is

the

first

found,

in the admiral's narrative, of any obtained in the whole voyage, after the meeting with Leonnatus,

END OF THE VOYAGE.

early in
is its

343
SECT.
.

course, excepting that at

Harmoza, which
but merely ac-

asserted to have been not

;

official,

and shortly again we shall find that, where information might reasonably have been expected, it is asserted to have been unaccountably failing. Notice
cidental

of these mysterious circumstances appeared requisite, though guide for conjecture of what may have given
occasion for

them
it

fails.

The

fleet

by

its

former

course

among

the

returned hastily, shoals, to the

should before have entered, and, without any recorded difficulty, proceeded to the
Pasitigris.

channel which

great rivers of the south of Asia, having their sources at wide distances, in that vast chain of mounin its length from of the land, the form by toward a few openings to the ocean, some joining in their courses, and others nearly approaching at their

The

tains

which divides the continent

are driven,

wes't to east,

Persian gulf receives, beside the Euphrates and the Tigris, two other rivers, inferior, yet

mouths.
still

The

large, anciently named Pasitigris and Eulasus. These, for a considerable way before reaching the gulf, have their courses nearly parallel, and not very
distant,

through a

flat

country.

Eulaeus.

But

this river was,

Susa stood on the toward its mouth, so

inconvenient for navigation, that the preferable course for vessels, from the gulf to Susa, was up the Pasitigris,

to a canal

communicating with the Eulseus.

therefore entering the Pasitigris proceeded up it, through a rich and populous country, fifty miles, to a bridge on the great road leading from Carfleet

The

mania across Persis

to Susa.

There was found a

division of the army, not unprovided, it may be believed, with supplies as well as orders for the fleet,

344
CHAP,
LV.
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
while and directions for any needful assistance Nearchus and Onesicritus, in obedience to command, proceeded by land to wait upon the king at
:
.

Susa. 18
These, on careful comparison of Arrian's narrative of the voyage, from Nearchus, with his narrative of the march, from Aristobulus and Ptolemy, appear to me most likely to have been the circumstances, greatly amplified in the former, and wholly unnoticed in the latter. In a note at the end of the next section
the matter will be farther noticed.
18

MARCH FROM CARMANIA.

345

CHAPTER

LVI.

TRANSACTIONS IN THE MARCH FROM CARMANIA THROUGH PERSIA AND SUSIANA. MEASURES FOR IMPROVEMENT OF

TERRITORY AND EXTENSION OF COMMERCE.

GREECE.

AFFAIRS IN

SECTION
March from Carmania

I.

Persia described. to Parsagardce. Spoliation of Cyrus's sepulchre at Parsagardce. Delinquency in high authority. Rebellion obviated : oppression of. officers

punished.

HAVING dismissed Nearchus to resume the command of the fleet, and proceed with it up the Persian
Alexander moved with the army again westward. His presence, it appears, was urgently wanted in the rich and extensive regions, conquered so rapidly, and left so soon, and now so long in large part confided to governors from among the conquered people. Attended therefore only by the companion-cavalry, some
gulf,

SECT.
'

B. c. 325.

infantry, apparently heavy-armed, but chosen for ability to bear fatigue, and a division of bowmen, he took himself the shortest road, over a hilly country,

to Parsagarda? x , the capital of Persis, committing the main body, with all the elephants, to Hephaestion, to go by a more circuitous road, through a lower country,
1

Among

of Persis, found
text.

the various spellings of the name of the metropolis among the Greek and Latin writers, I have
in the

been induced by Vincent's observations to prefer that

346
CHAP.
'

HISTORY OF GREECE,
ne ar the coast
;

where provisions were

plentiful,

and

the winter air mild.

dominion of the great Cyrus, a small portion only of the extensive country which in modern times has borne the name of Persia, is less known at this day than any other country of equal
Persis, the first

observation however, as far as it has of it by Arrian, from gone, confirms the account given Toward the gulf is a tract known by our Nearchus.

fame.

Modern

navigators by the

name of Ghermeseer 2

low, with a

sandy soil, mostly barren, and a torrid atmosphere. range of mountains bounds this unprofitable country.

holding a considerable elevation above the ocean, though so near the tropic, enjoy a most advantageous temperature ; summer not violently hot, nor winter severely cold. The soil being mostly excellent, grapes, and all the fruits common

Beyond

these, the plains,

is

in Greece, olives excepted, are plentiful : the country well watered ; in some parts the rivers expand into

and frequented by waterfowl ; pasture is plentiful, and meadows are common ; woods are frequent, affording timber and fuel, and horses especattle are numerous protecting game cially excellent ; and the human form is -said to have been, and to be still, found there in its greatest perlakes, well stored

with

fish,

fection-.
is

Beyond

this valuable country, against

Media,

a range of lofty mountains, where, in summer, the air of the valleys is suffocating, and in winter snows

prevail.
2

failure of
'

Vincent shows here, what is to be regretted, his almost total acquaintance with any modern speech but his own. ' have retained Kermesir,' he which is the orthography
says,
;

it Ghermeseer, which I conmore correspondent to oriental authority.' I cannot but prefer Mr. Jones's orthography as that proposed to direct
'

of Niebuhr
elude
is

but Mr. Jones writes

English, and not foreign, voices to the oriental pronunciation.

SEPULCHRE OF CYRUS.
Alexander having crossed the mountains which divide the fruitful part of Carmania from the rich plains of Persis, on reaching Parsagardae, was informed
of a matter that gave him great displeasure. The of the which he magnificent sepulchre great Cyrus,

347
SECT.

had

left uninjured with all its rich contents, in the care of a kind of college of Magians, established for the purpose by the Persian kings, had been plundered.

The

description of this

monument which Arrian

and

has

given, after Alexander's general

stobulus, hardly

historian, Ari-

would the modern historian excusably

[An-, i.e.

pass unregarded.

The

disc of the palace

sepulchre of Cyrus, he says, was in the paraan eastern phrase signifying those ;

pleasure-gardens, with adjoining parks, ordinary appendages of the houses of the Persian great, and adopted by the Greeks, because, to them,
extensive
living mostly within city-walls, and always in fear for their fields, that elegant luxury had not in their own

language, a name.

The

surrounded by a wood of various

building stood on a lawn, trees, and enlivened

by a stream. In so warm a climate the lawn was admired for its luxuriant grass and unfading verdure. The building consisted of a chamber, raised on a quadrangular basement, and having the roof of the same stone with the walls. It may seem that the construction of the

and that the

among
art,

already known in the East, of style sepulchral monument, seen yet the ancient buildings of India, of considerable

dome was

but of more magnificence than elegance, was The door-way was so narrow already in practice.
that a

man
;

to enter

even of ordinary size had some difficulty a circumstance observed of the sepulchral

chambers in the Egyptian pyramids. In the chamber stood a bed with golden feet, having furniture of

348
CHAP,
VI
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
purple cloth, and a coverlet of Babylonian tapestry. On the bed was a coffin of gold, containing the em-

balmed body of Cyrus.

table bore the various

articles of a splendid regal dress,

with the ornamental

appendages usual in the East, chains and ear-rings of of gold, all enriched gold, and scimitars with hilts the wall, in the Peron with gems. inscription

An

sian language
*

and characters,

said

*
:

man

am

acquired empire for Cyrus son of the Persians, and reigned over Asia ; envy me not
this

Cambyses, who

monument.' Such still was the state of the sepulchre when Alexander saw it, while passing the winter at ParsagardaB. At its foot, and near the steps leading to the chamber, was a small building allotted to the residence of the magians, who had been constituted its hereditary
guardians
office.
;

For

the sons succeeding their fathers in the their maintenance a sheep was allowed

them

daily, with a proportionate quantity of meal and wine, and monthly a horse to be sacrificed to Cyrus.

This establishment, maintained by Alexander, had All the not, in his absence, answered its purpose. rich furniture of the chamber had been taken away. The coffin and the bed remained, but not uninjured. The lid of the coffin was gone ; and upon the rest marks of violence were evident, with the purpose of
cutting or breaking off parts,

had
this

suffered.
sacrilege,

Alexander, in vexation

whence the body itself and anger at

caused the magians, so evidently in or at least by negligence, if not connivance, by even actively concerned in the crime, to be put to torture. Their perseverance however in denying that
fault

they had either participated in the sacrilege, or had any knowledge of its authors, unlikely as it may seem
that this could be truth, induced

him

to allow their

CRIMES AND MERITS OF SATRAPS.

release.

He

restored, as far as

was then careful to have the monument might be, to the former state, com-

SECT.

mitting the superintendence of the business to Aristobulus, from whose history of Alexander Arrian

took the account here given. The door-way was then blocked up with masonry, and the impression of the
royal signet was given to every joint.

Other and greater delinquents than the magians were soon after denounced. Alexander, at his departure for the conquest of Media and pursuit of Darius, had committed the satrapy of Persis to Phrasaortes, a Persian.

While he was

in India Phrasaortes

and then Orxines, also a Persian, whether in under the deceased satrap is not said, took upon himself to fill the vacant situation. That he incurred is also unsaid, but any blame simply on that account
died,
office

numerous complaints were now preferred against him by the Persians ; that he had plundered temples, that he was the robber of the royal sepulchre and that he had unjustly directed the execution of many persons some of them Persians. To what manner of trial he was subjected, in consequence of these accusations, the historian has not mentioned reporting only the
; ;

result, that

Orxines was publicly executed. The appointment to the important satrapy of the ancient kingdom of Persis then rewarded the fidelity and zeal of the new lord of the body-guard Peucestasj who had not merely recommended, but, in a matter
of no small moment, qualified himself for it, by the diligence with which he had acquired the Persian

This was very gratifying to the Persians. language. Peucestas moreover had been the first of the Macedonians to appear in their national dress, and by his conduct altogether he became very popular among them. Alexander approved his conduct, as tending

350
.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
to reconcile the proudest of his

CHAP, LVI
"

new

new

situation,

under the dominion

subjects to their of a foreign con-

queror.

The urgency
conquered
the adjoining

for a politic condescension toward the nations appears in what had occurred in

kingdom of Media

which,

for

its

several advantages of situation, climate, population, and wealth, was perhaps the most important province

While Alexander was far eastward, Mede, had led a revolt, assuming the of the Medes and Persians. The satrapy title of king of Media had been intrusted to Atropates, who also was a Mede or a Persian, (for the Greek writers have been rarely solicitous to distinguish them,) and with what judgment appeared in the event. Atropates had quelled the rebellion, and came now to wait upon the king at Parsagarda?, bringing Baryaxes and some of These were prehis principal supporters prisoners.
of the empire.

Baryaxes, a

sently executed.

After no long stay at Parsagardas, Alexander hastened to Susa. 3 His vigour, in repressing and punishing
In Arrian's narrative from Ptolemy and Aristobulus, without notice of any circumstances of the march, Alexander's arrival only at Susa is mentioned in three words, irapeXB&iv 1$ 2ov<ra.
3

But

in his narrative

are reported.

Alexander,

from Nearchus matters remarkable enough it is there said, at the head of his army,

joined his fleet lying in the Tigris, and, notwithstanding the urgency for his hastening forward, indicated in the account from the generals, he delayed his progress to celebrate there the happy
junction, with sacrifice, procession, and games,

among which Nearchus was singularly honoured by the army. Vincent, earnest for the credit of his admiral, has been anxious to reconcile the two narratives, and flattered himself that he had succeeded,
Wherever these may
differ I cannot, for myself, hesitate to prefer that of the generals; which, as far as it goes, is clear; and they had no obvious interests in a false giving colouring to any of the

circumstances.

But there are awkwardnesses here

as elsewhere

CRIMES IN ALEXANDER'S ABSENCE.

opposition to his

351
SECT.

new
new

sovereignty, appears to have

his diligence in atand the strictness of

been

not

greater than his earnestness to prevent

subjects,

oppression of his

tending to their complaints, his control over those in authority

among them. Information of his condescension and of his justice having preceded him, complaints preferred to him were numerous. For, says Arrian, when it had become known
that Alexander was

beyond the Indus, and the Hydaspes, and the Akesines, and the Hyphasis, daily exposing himself to danger, and still
in the report

from the admiral himself. At Diridotis, in a corner of the Persian gulf, far out of Alexander's way, intelligence of the king and the army, the admiral has acknowledged, was ready
for him yet afterward, in the rich and populous country on the banks of the Pasitigris, across which the king and the army were necessarily to pass, if indeed not already gone by, information
;

so failed that he had to send messengers some days' journey to How it should be, not only that such intelinquire for them. ligence as was ready at Diridotis should fail on the Pasitigris,

but also that Alexander's care, acknowledged in the supplies found at Sitakus, also should fail, where least of all it may seem
to have been likely to fail, is left for conjecture. Why, in the admiral's narrative, the bank of the Pasitigris has been chosen for the place in which he would have the Greeks at home believe

that he, among sacrifices, processions, and games, received from the hand of his king the honours which the testimony of the generals, surely more creditable for him, attributed to him at Susa, we also inquire in vain. His omission to acknowledge that his colleague Onesicritus received, as the report from the generals
all

assures us, the same honour with him, that appears of his character.

is

quite in consonance with

These

may be observed
portant facts

differences, clearly not unworthy of historical notice, it are so far from impeaching the general credit
it.

of the history that they vouch for

Were

not the more im-

beyond suspicion true, these minor matters in controversy would never have reached us. For the credit of Roman
they are found, similarly different interests. of writers from conflicting reports
desire, oftener than

history

we might

352
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
proposing to proceed to more unknown regions ; even afterward, when, instead of returning by the safe way of Arachosia, by which he sent the largest division of his army under Craterus, he had resolved
himself to brave the horrors of the Gadrosian desert, left in authority, throughout the conquered

and

many,

countries, proceeded to enrich themselves in all ways within their power, plundering temples and sepulchres and oppressing the people. The satrap of Susiana,

Abulites, a Persian, and his son Oxathres, were acBoth suffered cacused as eminent in this course.
pitally.

But the greater number of those implicated

were Greeks.

impartiality then with which Alexander proceeded to punish the or guilty, whether Persians or Greeks, Macedonians
in such crimes

The

would not be generally approved by the It was imputed to him that he conquering nation. was extreme in believing accusations, and punishing what they called small crimes. But this imputation is left quite general j insomuch that no particulars of either the offenders or the offences, which Arrian has
republicans,

Exnumerous, have reached us. cepting the generals Heracon, Cleander, and Sitalces, whose eminence would make notice of their fate hardly
mentioned
as so

avoidable, not even the

suffered in

name of any European, who

any way, has been transmitted.

SECTION
Difficulties to make,

II.

of Alexander for his civil government : his purpose of his various subjects, one people: marriages of Greeks with Persians : bounty to the army.

To settle the government of his vast empire, Alexander had a business before him of greater difficulties

DIFFICULTIES FOR GOVERNMENT.

perhaps than
for
all

353
SECT.

his conquests

never such occurred

any man

besides

known

in history.

To

estimate

that difficulty, it will be necessary, among other considerations, to look back to the earliest evidence of

that distinction of
so strong in

Greek and

barbarian, which

became

Grecian minds, forming a prominent

feature of the national character.

has occurred formerly to observe,

it
;

Homer, as occasion knew nothing of

and even Herodotus, in whose time the prejudice was already powerful, shows that less than a century In the age of Crresus before him it hardly existed. the Lydians appear not to have been considered by the Greeks as any otherwise distinguished from themselves

this

than the several modern European nations at Even ^Eschylus shows day from one another.

nothing of that insolent claim of superiority for those of Grecian blood and language, and that principle of

which however from the Persian inva; resulting grew sions of Greece, and encouraged by the extraordinary victories obtained by the little republics, on land and sea, which delivered them from the slavery, or even
uncharitableness toward
in his time
all

others,

which they had dreaded from the vast Then grew that narrow Persian the of empire. power to the Macedonians and would which deny pride,
annihilation,

Epirots their claim to be of the Greek nation ; while in philosophy left yet all the boasted advancement

unconnected that cruel selfishness, found in modern times only among the merest savages, whence the

whole population of even Grecian republics was, without remorse, reduced to slavery, and in some instances extirpated, by their fellow Greeks of other But now the military glory and political republics. importance of the Macedonians would not only raise
their claim to consideration

among

the Greeks, but

VOL.

VIII.

A A

354-

HISTORY OF GREECE.
give

CHAP,

LVL

them an effectual superiority while on the other hand the republicans, with the presumption and illi;

berality

common

another, assumed

to republicans, though hating one still to be all superior to the rest of

mankind.
themselves, yet the agreeto allow the subdued aversion ment was general in The nations any equality of rank or advantages. of the civilised the of world, greatest part conquest countless millions of inhabitants, had been

Differing thus

among

comprising wonderfully .made with an army of comparatively a But how those millions should very few thousands.

be held in that state of degradation and oppression, which so many of the conquerors desired, and yet
continue to furnish the wealth which was their great be the form of government object, and what should
to satisfy, not the conquered, but even the small proportion of conquerors, and maintain that union among

them necessary
solve.

to the continuance of their dominion, were problems which human wisdom would hardly

Alexander, on the other hand, it appears, had early conceived the magnanimous and philanthropic
his project to consolidate his new empire by bringing of distant and different parts, languages, subjects

manners, and religions, to coalesce as one people. So early as in the second year of his progress in con-

made this evident by his measures in Egypt. His successes afterward were of amount that might stimulate less capacious minds to extravagance of ambition. His purpose of carrying conquest to the of the East clearly was extravagant, and extremity his abandonment of it, in compliance with the wishes of his army, was evidently in no small amount forced ;
quest he
yet, in the

manner of

that concession, as well as in

PURPOSE TO UNITE NATIONS.

measures, he made the greatness of his mind conspicuous. Where just consideration must have convinced him that he was wrong, he yielded, But, when the eager desires and yet with dignity.
following

355
SECT.

stubborn prejudices of a large majority among all his original subjects were adverse to a good purpose, he

would not

yield.

Nevertheless in whatever might

be done toward softening their prejudices, satisfying

any reasonable desires, and reconciling them to what was requisite for the permanency, not more perhaps of his own power than of their advantages, he was most liberal and most diligent. Already, as we have seen, he had himself taken a
wife from

among

the conquered people.

Many

pro-

bably before, but the same.

had done This mode of amalgamating nations would

after his example,

more

be more adverse to the prejudices of the republican Greeks, whose illiberal jealousies forbade intermarriage even of Greeks beyond their several townships,

than of the

Macedonians,

whose customs,

warranting their princes, probably allowed subjects, Alexander realso to take wives from other states.
solved to prosecute it, and in a signal manner. At Susa he had left the family of the late king of Persia

Married as he was already to the of the Bactrian chief Oxyartes, he now daughter
his

prisoners.

took, as an additional wife, Barsine, eldest daughter

of Darius,

who

probably,

when he

left

her at Susa,

under marriageable age. Concerning this measure, which certainly was not consonant to Grecian common rule, nor, as we learn, to Persian, what
was was the public opinion at the time is much less indicated by ancient writers than might be expected.

The marriage with Barsine, or, as others have given her name^ Statira, (if one of these be not rather a A A 2

356
CHAP, LVI
-

HISTORY OF GREECE.
title,)

was reported by
in his

all

historians
as

of the time.

us, Aristobulus, history, married also that Alexander added Parysatis, daughter of the former sovereign of the Persian empire, Ar-

Arrian assures

taxerxes

Ochus

not however mentioning

when

this

took place ; nor does it appear that the fact was noticed by any other contemporary writer.

Consonantly then with what afterward, under the institutions, prevailed over Europe, he was probably warranted by oriental custom as sovereign
feudal

of the empire, in assuming to himself to dispose, in marriage, of the daughters of the greatest families. To cement the union of the conquering and con-

quered nations, he gave them to his principal officers. Whether any of these, like himself, had already For his eminently favoured friend wives is not said. made the most illustrious match, he Hephaestion
giving him a younger sister of his own new queen, another daughter of Darius Codomannus. He then

gave Amastrine,

daughter of Oxyartes brother of Codomannus, to Craterus, whom he appears to have esteemed the ablest of his surviving generals : the
daughter of Atropates, satrap of Media, was betrothed to Perdiccas ; one of the daughters of the

venerable Artabazus to Ptolemy the historian, afterward king of Egypt ; and another to Eumenes his chief secretary, eminent not so only, but as a miEumenes was litary officer perhaps inferior to none. not of a Macedonian family, but of the republican Greek settlement of Cardia in Thrace ; whose people, in Philip's reign and before, had distinguished them-

by their perseverance in resisting the tyranny of the Athenian people, and maintaining their right to prefer the alliance or patronage of the Macedoselves

nian kings.

The

loss

of his history of Alexander

MARRIAGES OF GREEKS WITH PERSIANS.

is, in the destruction of ancient memorials, especially The services of Nearchus, recently to be regretted.

3-57

SECT.

arrived from the fleet, were rewarded with a present of a wife whose mother only was Persian, her father

that eminent

Greek

in the Persian service,

Mentor

who, had he and

his brother

Memnon

survived, if

human

speculation should be trusted, were likely to have given a very different turn to the affairs of the
civilised

world.

Extensive

as

their

interest

was

among the Grecian republics, and at the same time high as their esteem in the Persian empire, not only
they might probably have stopped Alexander's career, but produced another kind of a revolution, still by a

union of Greeks and Persians, in which however it could hardly have been but that the Persian interest must have predominated. The match made for

eminent afterward among the successors to the empire, was remarkable, as it tends to show
Seleucus,

the extent of Alexander's views in uniting his subTo that highly esteemed jects of the two nations.
officer

he gave a daughter of his persevering opponent,

fallen in the adverse cause, the Bactrian

who had

Possibly Seleucus had made acquaintSpitamenes. ance with the lady, and solicited the match ; though
that he could then have had any view to the splendid fortune, to which it may nevertheless have assisted to
is utterly unlikely. Altogether from illustrious families of the conquered empire he made eighty

lead him,

matches for his principal

officers.

These marriages of the most eminent being arranged, all the Macedonians who had taken oriental
wives, apparently including all Greeks of that which, for a comprehensive name, was called the Macedo-

nian army, were assembled ; and, a roll of them being taken, they were found to be above ten thousand.

AA

358
CHAP.

HISTORY OF GREECE.

The weddings were then

manner
;

celebrated after the Persian

a compliment which could not but be graThe ceremony of the ladies. tifying to the families was followed by a magnificent supper for the men

have observed formerly that, in the Greek unless of the lowest ranks, lived republics, women, in much seclusion ; far more than in the previous
only.

We

times of kingly government

but

among

the Persians

that seclusion was yet stricter.

Among

neither people

however was allowed the society of reputable women But after the meal, whether with men at table.
approved by republican manners,
larity of the
or, as the particu-

description

may

lead to suppose, only

in the

Macedonian and other surviving Grecian monEach, as she archies, the ladies were introduced.
entered, was received by her betrothed husband, joining right hands, and saluting her with a kiss, and

This society however was then seating her by him. of short duration. Presently, the king leading
throughout the ceremony, every husband severally

handed away

his wife.

The

association thus of the

king with his subjects, so contrary to that sullen though pompous seclusion of the royal person, which

had gained establishment as a rule among the Persians, was highly gratifying to the Greeks, and softened, in some degree, the ill-humour excited by the extensive favour to the conquered, and the adoption of their
customs in so

many

instances.

That ill-humour was farther obviated by a magnificent liberality. Dowers were given with all the wives ; and this was followed by a bounty more out
of
all

expectation.

The

disposition,

eminent among

our seamen, to be eager to acquire riches, and careless of them when acquired, had grown in Alexander's

army.

His donations, or what we

call

prize-money,

BOUNTY TO THE ARMY.

rapidly gained, were rapidly dissipated.

359

From

this

SECT.

extravagance many profited, perhaps more of the conquered than of the conquering nation, and, with
the view to farther profit, gave credit to those who,

having acquired expensive habits, were unwilling to forego them. Many debts however were contracted

beyond

reasonable hope of means of payment. Conquest ended, the former opportunities were ended ; creditors became uneasy ; and debtors feared comall

which might excite the severity of the king's Alexander, informed of this, justice against them.
plaints,

ordered a return of

all

debts contracted by officers

and

soldiers, adding a promise that they should be

paid.

This

liberality

posed effect. been extorted by threats. All accounts mark that, under republican commanders, such and even greater violence to barbarians, as they were termed, could
not have been either prevented or punished. Even in Alexander's army, such had been the extravagance
in borrowing, whether

had not immediately the proNot improbably credit had sometimes

by extortion or favour, yet such the jealousy which the signal demonstration of his determination to dispense equal justice to all his
subjects excited, that,
violence,

some of

some fearing the reproach of fraud, some, according to the hisfew would acknowledge
be

torian, only of extravagance, any debts.

Alexander's measure was of a kind not to

prompted by

either extravagance in himself, or

by

simple liberality, of which indeed it could be no He saw a storm growing which it prudent result.

behoved him to obviate.

Not

satisfied therefore

with

the evasion of his offered bounty, in following orders he reproved the suspicion which had been so extensively entertained.
*

As

it

became a
4>

king,'

he

said,

A A

360
CHAP.
<

HISTORY OF GREECE.
to be strict in speaking only truth, so it ill became that it subjects to entertain groundless suspicion

VL

<

could be their king's purpose to deceive them.' Tables were then placed in a convenient manner throughout the camp, with a sufficiency of money
*

and, under direction of proper officers, called for, debts paid, and receipts were accounts of the debtor's given, without any memorial kept

on them

names.

The amount

of this largess,

if

the copyists

may be trusted for numbers, was, according to Arrian, reported to have been twenty thousand talents, between four and five millions sterling. The army, it is added, was more gratified by the generous allowance to conceal the debtors' names, than even by the relief from debt, and apprehended consequences.

From

this

indulgence for misconduct Alexander

proceeded to reward merit.

tion to their rank

To

all

who had

distin-

guished themselves he assigned largesses in proporand services ; but to a few of the

more eminent he added an honorary present, ordinary, as we have formerly seen, among the Grecian
republics, a golden crown, in general assembly placed
receiver, and, on this occasion, in the Peucestas, to whom he by king person. reckoned himself principally indebted for the prelife, when he had so rashly leaped into the Mallian fortress, was the first so dissingly The second honour was given to Leontinguished.

on the head of the

servation of his

natus, who, beside having shared in that singularly perilous service, had distinguished himself on several

occasions in India,

and

still

more afterward

in the

return westward, when, left with the command in the Orite country, he had, by a signal victory, quelled the rebellion of the Orites and their allies, and then,

with great prudence, settled the government of that

DISTRIBUTION OF HONOURS.
wild part of the empire, where any powerful hostility might have been even fatal to the fleet in passing

361
SECT.
\

The king's value for the service of along its coast. the fleet itself was shown in giving the third crown
to Nearchus,

and the fourth

a virtue

to Onesicritus.

not generally attributed to Prudence, Alexander, though in his progress in achievement largely indicated, is in this distribution of honours
remarkable.

No man

he

is

said to have valued as

a friend and confidential adviser equally with

phaestion,

He-

and no man was more distinguished by

ordinary honours. Hephsestion appears nevertheless to have been not of splendid talents, nor so esteemed The qualities valued in him were by Alexander.
sense, sincere friendship, a sober mind, and a ,wafm heart. Accordingly the more difficult enter-

good

prises were never committed to him, but he was selected for the highest and most confidential com-

mands when the

was only to maintain It was on the present ocloyalty and good order. casion resolved that Hephaestion, and with him all
business

the other lords of the body-guard, whose chief he seems to have been, should receive the honour of a

crown

for their faithful services altogether

but

se-

who had earned it in laborious and hazardous enterprise. Thus Hephaestion, though
condary only to those
clearly first in the king's favour and confidence, was only fifth in the number of those now distinguished.

Nor was
officers,

the honour extended beyond those high

his

associates

limitation

which would

make
ceived

it
it.

the more flattering to those

who

first

re-

In

this,

and in
to
;

all

measures at

this

time taken,

there seems
resolved on

have been a view to those farther

apparently necessary to the consolida-

362
CHAP,
LVI>

HISTORY OF GREECE.
empire, but of a kind to be genethose by whom that empire had rally offensive to been acquired. Many satraps of the conquered at Susa, bringing recruits for the arrived provinces natives of their several countries, to the numtion of the

new

army, ber of thirty thousand ; all completely instructed in the Grecian discipline, and a considerable part of them in that of the horse-service. The whole cavalry of the army,

previously in four divisions, was

;

not by adding one composed but by distributing these among entirely of orientals, In the number of the recruits was a body of all.

now arranged

in five

Persians bearing

among

distinguishing title others were plained to us : the

fellow-countrymen a in their own language, not exall

their

from the north-

eastern countries, Bactria, Sogdiana, Arachosia, ZaParthia. Alexander's preference rangia, Aria, and
for the character of those
difficult to subdue
is

whom
made

he had found most

evident.

thus

But

for

their very virtues they would the more be objects of jealousy among his old subjects, who had long been
in the habit of despising the

southern and western

Asiatics, but could not despise these.

in the

men

of higher rank

His confidence was remarkthem among

ably enough demonstrated ; the highest commissions in his new division of cavalry being assigned to them The chief command of the whole body exclusively.

was committed to Hydaspes, a Bactrian. Under him Cophes son of Artabazus, Hydarnes and Antiboles, sons of Mazaeus, Pharasmanes son of Phrataphernes satrap of Parthia and Hyrcania, Itanes brother of
Alexander's
first

queen Roxana, and ^Egobares and

Mithrobseus, described only as brothers, but marked, by their association with those before named, as men

of eminent dignity, held the next rank. Nevertheless,

OBJECTS OF ALEXANDER.
however

363
SECT.
"

may have been required by just connot sideration, only of the general interest of the also of the particular interest of but whole empire,
this

the people both of the Macedonian kingdom and the Grecian republics, yet it would not be satisfactory
to those of either, who,

now

At aspiring to higher. the Grecian army saw, with particular envy, some of the barbarians, as they were called, admitted into
that distinguished

were the same time the mass of

in high situations,

body the royal-companion horse. Discontent thus was brooding, but nothing immediately broke out.

SECTION
Alexander 's voyage down
the river

III.

Eulceus

to the

Persian gulf,
:

and up
under

the Tigris to Opis. Correction the Persian government. Mutiny

of mal-administration

of the army

renewed

loyalty of the army.

ALEXANDER,
4

already

when

at

Parsagardse

and

An-. 1.7.

Persepolis
desire, as

according to Arrian, expressed an earnest

he had explored the courses of the Indus to the ocean, to examine those of the rivers that

Some discharge gulf. o their waters into the Persian O writers, he adds, have reported that he had in view
to circumnavigate Africa, little as
its

extent southward

was then known

and entering the Mediterranean by

8/305,

TroQo*;

K.a.'ta.'Ka.p&a.vM

ai/rov,

K. T. X.

This, the only instance

of the occurrence of the Greek name Persepolis in Arrian's extant works, must be what Vincent has meant to refer to as

marking Arrian's distinction of Persepolis and Pasargadae, or How far Arrian has intended to mark any such Parsagardae.
distinction, the curious reader, observing the

many

instances in

which the name of Pasargadae ander, will judge for himself.

is

found

in his history

of Alex-

364
CHAP, LVI
-

HISTORY OF GREECE.
that
"

now called

the strait of Gibraltar, and subduing

all

under his dominion. Others was to return to Greece, and in the way add the Scythian and other countries about the Euxine sea to his European kingdom. According to the fancy of others again, he had been
Carthage, to bring
said that his purpose

alarmed by report of the threatening progress of the Romans in conquest, whence his first purpose was to secure Sicily and the Grecian towns of Italy against

them.
1

For

myself,' adds

the

historian,

'

can

poses,

neither gather with any certainty what were his purnor do I care for conjecture : only of this I
confident, that he

am
* *

would not remain

idle in the

enjoyment of what he already possessed, and that his view would not be limited to small objects; but,

'

'

on the contrary, could he have added Europe to Asia, and the Britannic islands to Europe, he would
have sought unknown lands ; and, when nothing remained to contend for, the restlessness of his mind
still

'

'

'

would not have

ceased.'

With
and

regard to the

Grecian settlements in Italy

Sicily, it

may be
nation

observed that, as members of

of which Alexander was the

that eminent

elected head, they would of course be objects of his care ; but for his apprehension of the Romans, beside

the negative evidence, formerly noticed, that even the name of Rome is not found in the works of
Aristotle,

who

of

Roman

survived him, the positive testimony history marks it for a vain fancy, ori-

ginating in later ages.

When

his

kinsman and con-

temporary, Alexander king of Molossis, lost his life in war in Italy, the power of the Roman people was not yet formidable to the Greeks, even of that country; nor became at all alarming till half a

century

later,

when,

after

considerable

conquests

CIRCUMSTANCES OF ASSYRIA.
the Italian states, it showed itself in the war with Pyrrhus, successor of the Molossian Alexander.

365
SECT.

among

The next

objects

of

the

greater

Macedonian

Alexander's pursuit, made fully known to us, were of a kind worthy of a great prince. The bounty of
nature, often not immediately obvious to man's view, nor profitable to him without exertion of his ingenuity and industry, offered to the possessors of the vast
plain about the rivers flowing into the Persian gulf Periodical floods great reward for such exertion.

brought

sometimes destruction, sometimes plenty, as the season was more or less favourable. Under the
Assyrian princes,
supported by a

commanding

a great population,

highly, but precariously, productive, measures had been taken, with great labour, to extend the inundations in some parts, to confine
soil

them

in others,

and to form canals

for the convenience

of water-carriage.

Thus

the land formerly valuable

was protected, a very great extent, formerly barren, was made highly fruitful, and the produce was
cheaply conveyed to
its

market.

Assyrian kings had their residence in Mesopotamia ; and, from their comparatively moderate
extent of. dominion, the revenue from that country would be of principal importance. With the Persian dynasty, afterward, neither the land, nor the climate,

The

nor the people were in favour; the flat and often flooded soil unsuitable both for their pleasure-gardens, entitled paradises, in which they delighted, and for
their favourite

amusement of hunting

the climate hot

the people of another language and ; another religion ; nor, in the extent of the Persian empire, was the revenue from that one, though a very rich province, important equally as for the Assyrian

and moist

princes.

Thus not only improvements were

discon-

366
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
tinued, but the maintenance of those already made of was left apparently to the means

VL

neglected; the proprietors, or of the neighbouring townships, under the government of conquerors who disliked

them.

The Assyrian kings appear to have thought little But the extraordinary sucof maritime commerce. and Sidonians the sesses of Tyrians, whose merchants, like those of Florence, Venice, and Genoa in modern
had exages, are described as princes of the earth, cited the attention of the able early sovereigns of Palestine, and their patronage of that source of
public and private wealth had been largely successful. Whether Alexander's views toward it had originated,
ch.36.
s.2.

probable, from his father's policy, whose principal revenue appears to have been derived from the commerce of the Thessalian ports, or had been
as

may seem

excited by what he had observed in Phenicia, where he would no doubt obtain information enabling him
to enlarge them, they were evidently already extensive,

age of twenty-four, he took possession of Egypt, and there, in the space of a few months, laid the foundation of the greatest com-

when,

at the early

mercial system that had been seen in the world, and which flourished after him near twenty centuries.

India offered a field in which his mind, with such

a favourite purpose, would not fail to expatiate ; and, on his return toward Babylon, after having not only opened the way toward that wealthy country by land,

but proved the possibility of also reaching

that
it

it

by

sea,

employed

we have
cially,

his extraordinary diligence greatly, assurances from all historians. Arrian espe-

expressing himself doubtfully concerning the extravagant views to farther conquest, attributed to

him by some,

affords evidence of his speculating

on

CIRCUMSTANCES OF ASSYRIA.
and decisive. Neverthe extension of commerce, theless, though to what extent must remain utterly uncertain, yet that he meditated some farther conclear

3(>7

SECT.

quest as necessary, not only to commerce in view, but to the peace of his subjects in some of the richest

more than probable. first the of the prince on record as Babylon, capital powerful in arms, was not chosen by him with a viewparts of his actual empire, appears
to those pleasures of the chase, of little danger, but no use, in which his successors in empire delighted ; it would be a work of peril and labour to dislodge the
lions

Genesis.

from their thickets, and make the plain secure husbandman. But the beasts of the forest were not the only disturbers of the peace, and infor the

vaders of the property, of the industrious cultivators of that wide and rich plain, the best part of the Assyrian dominion, called by the Greeks Meso-

Bounded on one side by potamia, the Midriverland. the great sandy desert, spreading through Arabia to Egypt, on two others by rugged and lofty mountains,
these

became

retreats for the idle

and

profligate of

mankind, who multiplied into nations of robbers, depending on rapine for the best part of their livelihood. From earliest history to the present day such has been the character, and such the profession, of the scattered, but altogether numerous population of the extensive desert, from the border of the Euphrates to the Red Sea, and of the highlanders generally As then it seems indicated that throughout Asia.
the
first

conqueror obtained his

title

of

'

a mighty

hunter* by destroying, as we are told of some of the Grecian heroes, the wild beasts which infested his
country, so the more general description of him by the known historian, as * a mighty one in the earth/ appears to mark that, as it is said particularly of Herfirst

ibid.

368
ch.i.8.2.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
he was successful in supporting the industrious and peaceful of the cultivated country against the violent and lawless of the wilds. Alexander however, presently on returning to
cules,

those rich plains whose state he had formerly seen, took measures for repairing the damage suffered from
neglect under the Persian monarchs, and moreover for carrying improvement far beyond what had before been in contemplation : he would promote agriculture by maritime commerce, and maritime com-

merce by agriculture. But, bordering on Babylonia, touching on the Euphrates, if not even holding part
of the country on both sides of that great river toward its mouth, were hordes of Arabs, whose propensities

were adverse to the quiet and welfare both of the

husbandman and merchant.

The

allowance of the

Persian government for those pirates of the desert appears to have been nearly such as we have formerly seen it for those of the mountains j marking either

extreme weakness in
of the welfare of
its

itself,

or extreme negligence

subjects.

To

awe,

if

not to

subdue these would be in Alexander's view.

Having resolved then himself to examine the circumstances both of the rivers and of the country, he began with the stream on which Susa stood, the Eulaeus, by which of course would be the readiest
communication with the
gulf,
it could be made was upward toward the city. With this object he embarked with a small escort of horse and foot,

in approaching the as free for navigation as it

sea,
if,

directing the main body of the army to attend his motions, marching on the bank ; the whole fleet

accompanying him as far as the canals which communicated, one with the Pasitigris eastward, the river by which Nearchus had ascended, another with

VOYAGE DOWN THE EUL.EUS.

difficult navigation,

36
SECT.

the greater river Tigris westward. For the more from the canals to the mouth of
fleet,

the Eulaeus, he would not hazard the whole

but,

with a few of the lighter vessels, proceeded himself. Without accident he reached the gulf; and then,
turning westward along its shore, entered the Tigris, and ascended that stream to its junction with the canal, where he rejoined the main bodies of both the fleet and the army. This greater river also had its obstructions, now
to be examined.

The measures
protection

of the Persian

mon-

archs

for

the

of their

Mesopotamian

subjects against the inroads of the Arabs, formidable Instead of only as pirates, are indeed remarkable.

proposing to

facilitate

maritime commerce, and

re-

press piracy, by a powerful marine, instead of anything consistent either with their duty to their Mesopo-

tamian subjects or their own dignity, their resource for checking depredation was to establish a perpetual blockade of their own river. Dams had been formed
at intervals across the
vessels.

stream, to stop the ascent of Alexander, causing these to be removed,

5

laid the navigation open.

5
'
.

'

Alexander removed the dikes with which the Persian monarchs had obstructed the stream. His historians delight
in attributing these obstructions
sians,

'

to the
to the

timidity of the Per-

'

and the removal of them

;

magnanimity of the

'

'

'

conqueror but Niebuhr, who found similar dikes both in the Euphrates and Tigris still existing, observes, that they are constructed for the purpose of keeping up the waters to inundate the contiguous level if so, the demolition is as derogatory from
;

'

'

the policy and sagacity of the monarch, as intrepidity.' Vine, on Nearch. p. 505.

it is

flattering to his
I

best consideration, it to and me that the diligent dean has not used appears worthy The exact situation of Opis he his ordinary caution here.
is
;

This passage had escaped on the subject in the text

my

recollection

when

wrote what

but, on

my

VOL.

VIII.

B B

370
CHAP.
LVI
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.

As

far .as

Susa the promised progress of the army

neces-

homeward had been interrupted only by the

sary halting for rest, or for business obviously requiring attention. But the expedition to the Persian

Not only it was an gulf was of another character. the progress homeward, uncalled for interruption of
by any necessity obvious to the many, but would be
of views to farther conquest, likely to excite jealousy

and promote rumours on the subject which might not The predatory habits of the otherwise have arisen. would be known by report ; and Arabs bordering
Alexander's earnestness to reduce to
such, within or bordering on
civil

order

all

his dominions,

had

in

the course of his progress eastward been largely shown. But it might be farther apprehended that the fame of

conquering a country like Arabia, never known to have been conquered, might allure him ; and to command the whole of the sea-coast, so far at least as to repress
if not even known, piracy, would be readily supposed, The torrid zone had been to be within his views.

imagined, by some of the elder Greek philosophers, to be uninhabitable for heat, as the frozen for cold ;
acknowledges to be unknown and therefore whether any dam, which Niebuhr saw, was below it, must be somewhat uncertain. The neglect of the beneficial works of the Assyrian monarchs, by the Persian, the dean has stated and Alexander's general
; ;

diligence of inquiry and

earnestness in

improvement of

his

dominions have been objects of his warm praise. Alexander's engineers surely would have had no difficulty to draw water from
a higher situation to a lower, for the purpose of irrigation without obstructing the navigation. With a little more extent of ob-

than perhaps the very respectable critic had opportunity for, he might have seen, even within his own country, that a part of the waters of a river may be diverted for the purpose of irrigation without preventing navigation. Altogether I am quite disposed to adhere to the ancient authority, that of
servation

Arrian, on which the account in the text rests.

DISSATISFACTION IN THE ARMY.

and, though heat equal to any ordinary in Arabia may have been already suffered by some of the army,
yet apprehension of the unexperienced circumstances of the torrid zone might heighten an indisposition to

3J
SECT.

warfare there, which had been excited by memory or report of the sufferings in the Gadrosian desert.
uneasiness thus likely to have possessed many, the general offence to all of Grecian blood and language from the assumption of the Persian dress occa-

With

by the king himself, and, after his example, and through his encouragement, by some of his
sionally

principal officers,

concurred to make dissatisfaction

Nor was this limited to those on the contrary it appears that some, and even many, of high rank, not only were so affected, but themselves promoted the disposition. Great advancement, instead of satisfying, is often and probably no man ever apt to excite ambition experienced more than Alexander what the fourteenth Lewis of France is said to have wittily complained of, that, when he conferred a favour, he provided inIt gratitude in one man, and discontent in twenty.
extensive and violent.

of the lower orders

was treated as matter for indignation, that Peucestas, appointed to govern Persia, condescended to use the

Nor Persian language in speaking to the Persians. was it alone offensive that Macedonians accommodated
themselves to Persian manners. : the allowance of the

Macedonian dress, and instruction in the Macedonian discipline, and the adoption of Macedonian manners, for those of the new levies, whom the Greeks called barbarian youths, also gave umbrage. These were matters of open and loud complaint among one
another.
failure of Persian

Altogether however, in the unfortunate historians, it appears, even from

B B 2

the Greek, that the just protection afforded to con-

372
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
quered
subjects,

habitual to

and the denial of that plunder, the Greeks hardly less than to the Asiatic

even to the persons of highlanders, plunder extended the conquered, carried off for slavery, had principally

Air.

i.

7.

produced the already threatening spirit of discontent in the Grecian part of the army. Alexander, not unaware of this, had not neglected

At Opis, the principal it. preparation for meeting town on the Tigris, was a palatial castle, apparently such as were everywhere found at the place of rePersian governors of provinces, which would afford convenient opportunity for seclusion,
sidence

of

desirable

for his purpose,

and means

for security,

which a just precaution would recommend.

Diod.
1.

Arriving

17

there about the ordinary season of the Macedonian Olympiad, he caused the festival to be proclaimed.

In careful conformity now, as formerly, to the Macedonian constitution, which so far, at least, agreed with the Greek republican, he called the whole
Grecian army together, and addressed
assembly
'
'
:

it

as a popular

Their attendance,' he

said,

he had required for

his intention

the purpose of informing

them of

im-

' '
' *
*

discharge age, wounds, or any infirmity disabled for farther active service, with ample means for those to return home who

mediately to

all

whom

might desire

it.

But

it

' '
'

limit the indulgence : for sired only willing minds

was not his intention so to any future service he de;

and

for these the ad-

vantages should be such as to make them the envy of others, and excite emulation among the youths
at

'

home,

for a share in future labours

as the exiles

and dangers.'

Numerous

were always from many of

the Grecian republics, the proportion of them among the mercenaries of Alexander's army would be likely
14

MUTINY OF THE ARMY.

to be large ; and for them leave to return to their own countries would be no boon, unless they might

3J3
SECT.

be protected by a powerful foreign hand. Alexander therefore, according to the probable account of Diodorus, had promised

indeed

all

Arrian's, and protection. accounts indicate that the leaders in the

them

tumult were Macedonians.

To

go home was not

: :

their object, or however not their immediate object so much he had yielded to them in India

already

they would
'
*

now have more. Voices exclaimed

cares for

*
:

He
is

no longer

Macedonians

all

his favour

Arachosians, Parthians, and others, * of names even unknown in Greece/ Some, in terms of complete mutiny, went so far as to vocifor barbarians ;

Dismiss us all, and, for your associate in future campaigns, take your father :* alluding to his pretension, or the pretension put about for him,
ferate
*
:

to be the son of Jupiter

Ammon.

Alexander's conduct now, whether to be successful

or not, was decisive. Leaping from the tribunal on which he was sitting, he rushed among the multitude, accompanied by his principal generals and his

guard ; the former no doubt prepared for such a measure ; and, directing his view wholly to the Macedonians, he caused thirteen to be apprehended.

This being done, apparently without resistance, he ordered them to be led away, and, as liable under
immediately executed. Ascending then again the tribunal, he spoke to the surprised multitude thus : * I do not address you now to divert
military
law,
' *

'

you from your eagerness to return home. All are welcome to go, as far as depends on me. But I desire first to remind you of what you were when you
are
left

Arr. i. 7. c - 9 - &1 -

'

now

your home, and to what circumstances you In doing this, as in all duty advanced.

BBS

374
CHAP.
^__
*

HISTORY OF GREECE.
bound, I must begin with acknowledging my obligations and yours to my father, both incalculably

He proceeded then to mention briefly the of the Macedonian people, and their dispoverty tressed circumstances at Philip's accession, and the
great/
various improvements under him : security provided for the land against invasion, before always appre-

hended, frequently suffered

commerce

flourishing in

the ports, formerly all in the hands of enemies, now restored to the kingdom ; the Macedonian capital
resort of the wealthy from all parts ; and, autocrator of all the finally, the king elected general republics of Greece for war against Persia, and Ma-

become the

cedonia raised to the

states.
* *

first

dignity

Succeeding

my

father,'

among Grecian he then continued,

that kingdom, so improved for the people, but through exertions which left the treasury poor ; some gold and silver plate in it, but

inheriting from

him

'

money not sixty talents ; (about twelve or thirteen thousand pounds sterling ;) yet loaded with a debt of five hundred talents, I found means to borin

Such was the fund with which, with left Macedonia j which was I together you, not yet among wealthy countries, though already

row eight hundred.

'

affording, for its inhabitants, subsistence in security. Soon then, through our success in arms, Ionia,

'

and Lydia were added to your doand made minion, Coelesyria and Pasubsidiary. lestine became yours, and in the same campaign, the wealth of Egypt and Gyrene followed without
jEolia, Phrygia,
contest.

Mesopotamia, Babylon, Susa, Bactria, the Persian treasure, the wealth of India, and the comof the ocean beyond are

mand

now

yours.

From

among

you, satraps, generals, officers in all

'

have risen.

And,

after so
12

many

degrees labours in which I

ALEXANDER'S SPEECH TO THE ARMY.

'
*

375
SECT.

have shared, what distinguishes me from you but this purple robe and this diadem ? Individually I
have nothing. Nobody can show treasures of mine which are not yours, or preserved for your sakes. For my own use indeed I want no more than you I sleep in the same manner, I eat the possess.
or rather, I think, I fare less luxuriously than some of you ; and I am sure I have
;

same food

'

sometimes watched for you, when you have slept in Who among you can say that he has all quiet. borne more fatigue for me than I for him ? Look
well

'

you, and see who can show more from wounds, not only from weapons striking from afar, but also from those used in close action. For your glory and your wealth I have led you
scars

now among

conquerors over plains and mountains, lands and These labours completed, the recent business seas.
has been of another kind.

'

Nuptials have been joyand marriage portions have been fully celebrated, with all. Though your ordinary pay has given been beyond all former custom great, and large

prize-money has accrued to many, yet, to obviate uneasiness, liable to arise from extravagance perhaps thus excited, all verified debts have been paid,
inquiry why they were contracted, and without memorial kept of by whom. To all who have distinguished themselves by their merits ho-

'

without

nours have been added, such as will be a testimony None have fallen for them even to late posterity.

'

who, beside the ordinary glory of such a death, have not had their merits recorded by a Brazen splendid funeral and lasting monuments.
in battle

'

been erected at their homes to many j and their parents and families have not honour only, but the advantage of immunity from those burthenB B 4
statues have

376
CHAP.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
This required in all civil communities. then remains for my gratification, that under my lead no man has perished in dishonourable flight. intention to have sent home those less It was

some

offices

LVL
'

my

<

farther service, the envy of mankind. qualified for But as it is the desire of all to go, go all, and tell

those at home, that your king Alexander, who has and conquered the Persians, Medes, Bactrians,
Sacians, and reduced under obedience the wilder nations of Arees, Arachotes, Drangies, Chorasmies, Parthians, and Hyrcanians ; who has led you over

'

the rivers
*

Caucasus and through the Caspian gates, and across Oxus and Tanais, and not only afterward

' ' *
*

the Indus, which no conqueror ever before passed except the god Dionysus Bacchus, but also, beyond the Indus, over the Hydaspes, the Akesines, and the Hydraotes ; and would have crossed the

Hyphasis, but that your spirits failed ; who nevertheless entered the ocean by both mouths of the
Indus,
sert,

* '

who led an army across the Gadrosian dewhich no leader before ever attempted to
army
;

cross but to the destruction of his

who

so

equipped and provided

time,
it

his fleet that, at the

same

made

its

way along the

inhospitable coast

of the ocean and through the difficult navigation^ the Persian gulf, so that fleet and army have together hailed
say, that
far,

'
*

him conqueror

at

Susa

tell at

home,

thus

'
* '

having shared with him in all glories you then deserted him, turning him over to the care and guard of barbarians, whom, with

will

Such is the account you him, you had conquered. have to give, for your honour among men,
and for the favour you would pray for from the
gods.'

'
*

Having thus spoken he descended

hastily

from

FAVOUR TO PERSIAN OFFICERS.

the tribunal, went to his palace, and neither on that nor on the following day admitted any one to his
conversation.

377
SECT.

Apparently waiting for concessions which were not made, he would not implicate, in
ficers

disfavour with the army, those of his principal ofwho concurred with him in the more liberal

opinion of the propriety, or rather necessity, of admitting the many millions conquered to some fellowship in

common

rights with comparatively the few

;

thousands of conquerors

he would take the whole

re-

the third day, nothing sponsibility upon conciliatory from the army having reached him, he proceeded to measures for dispensing with their
himself.

On

Sending for the principal of those orientals of different provinces, who, for the convenience of a common name, are often described together by that of Persians, he distributed the chief command of the several bodies of his army among them ; and he
favour.

limited the privilege of saluting him, in the Macedonian manner, with a kiss, to those who, by marriage,

were become his kinsmen. Having before admitted many Persians into his body of royal-companion cavalry, he now formed a body of royal-companion infantry, composed entirely of orientals. distinguished body of Persians, who, from their silvered shields, had the title which the Greeks translated into their

own

among
In

guards ; gave a Macedonian

this,

his

and

language, argyraspides, he took to another Persian body he

title.

altogether perhaps the most difficult and of Alexander's short but eventful business distressing Arrian's concise aclife, he completely succeeded.

count implies that he implicated in disgrace, on the occasion, every Macedonian of his army ; unless those

become

his relations,

by taking

oriental wives,

were

HISTORY OF GREECE.
CHAP,
LVI>

allowed to retain the privilege of the Macedonian salutation, in common with the Persians in the same

manner connected with him.

stated that,
in

It

is

indeed expressly
palace,
after

returning

to

his

his

speech to the army,

he was attended by the lords of

the body-guard and his usual companions, though not by the crowd of followers which it seems had

been ordinary. The nerves of the mutiny had been once palsied by the bold measure of seizing the ringleaders, and sending them to immediate
at

execution.

When

the king
says,

left

the assembly, the

silent,

Macedonians,
at a loss for

Arrian
measures.
of,

stood

as

men

ing being disposed

quiet.

Those looked to for leadand no others putting themremained

selves immediately forward, the multitude

How

far,

in the

extreme case of mutiny, Alexdirecting capital punish-

ander's decisive measure,

ment by his simple mandate, was justifiable under Macedonian law, from the scantiness of our information concerning that law, we have means only for
conjecture.
Ch.is.
s.s.

military law would

In the different republican states the differ, and in some would be more,

of thiTnist!

in others less regular. Athenian general might not unreasonably fear to exert the most warranted

An

and even necessary authority over Athenian soldiers, before whom, as his sovereign judges, on returning home, he was, in regular course, to answer for the whole of his conduct in command, and whose simple
displeasure might condemn him to banishment, or death. The several rights of Spartans, Lacedaemonians,

and Laconians
little

in

the Lacedaemonian states

explained by ancient writers ; but a very remarkable instance of the most despotic exercise of
the power of capital punishment by a Lacedaemonian

remain

SUMMARY CAPITAL PUNISHMENTS.

commander, not of
publican Greeks,
allies

379
SECT.
'

regal rank, over those other reof Lacedaemon, has been for-

merly noticed, as related by the contemporary Athenian historian, Xenophon. To assist judgment then, in Alexander's case, the analogy, also formerly noticed, between the Greek republican governments, of

CH. 20.8.3.

most regular form, and the Roman, which was an improvement on them, may deserve consideration. On military service the Roman consuls claimed, and
sometimes exercised, a summary jurisdiction in capital cases ; and, under a special commission from
the senate, in
authority,
inflict
civil

disturbances also.

The

dictator's

simple by death by the axe, seems never to have been The failure of imputation against controverted. on this occasion, among extant ancient Alexander,
writers, all advocates for free constitutions,

his

command

to his lictor, to

must be

considered as evidence in his favour

less

though of the

weight as, among the ancient republics, the most atrocious irregularities in civil contest were familiar.

The

completeness of his success in the following re-

conciliation with his offended army, reported by all, affords perhaps the best testimony that he was, in general estimation at the time, warranted in his

measures.

If there remained, as doubtless would be, discontented men, their murmurs were so little heard
as to

have passed unnoticed in extant ancient history. the other hand, such was at least the apparent Diod.i.n. general change of mind that the whole repentant Arl.Ex P 1 7 army in a manner besieged the palace with expres-

On

'

f ^' plut v A1 * sions of regret for past misconduct, and entreaty for restoration of their king's favour ; grounding their Q. Curt. lllo c 4 ' adarms, as supplicatory offerings, and
'

'

requesting

mission,

with a declaration that they would surrender the surviving leaders of the mutiny, if re-

380
CHAP,
]__

HISTORY OF GREECE.
quired, but

would not

rest

day or night

till

Alexander

would forgive them.

Perhaps allowance should be made for some parof the generals, whose report tiality in the account Arrian followed. Not only however all the historians
nearly concur in it, but ensuing matters prove that, even if the picture be a little inflated, Alexander's

conduct on the occasion was most most vigorous and most successful.

politic,

as well as

The

king, Arrian

at length to the general wish, strongly says, yielding

manifested, the palace-gate was opened, and he apgeneral cry of lamentation impeared at it.

He shed tears, was advancing, as if with the purpose of speaking, when Callines, an elderly officer of the royal -companion cavalry, admediately
arose from the army.
tears.

and they shed

He

dressed
'
'

king it grieves the Macedonians that, since you have made Persians your kinsmen, and allow them the honour of saluting you with a kiss, that honour is denied to Macedonians.'
*
:
!

him thus

How

far this

may have been prepared we cannot know, but Alexander was ready with a most politic answer.

As
*
'
*

if

so,'

he knew of none ill-disposed toward him, * on the contrary I consider you he said
:

Not
as
call

all

my

kinsmen,

and

you.'

On
kiss,

this Callines

so henceforth will always proceeded to salute

him

with a

denied to none.

and the same honorary freedom was Taking up their arms then, with

loud hoorahs they returned, singing the paean, to

their

camp.

Previous arrangement with the principal Macedonians and principal Persians, and a perfect understanding of both with the king,
is

marked
those

in

what followed.

sacrifice

clearly enough was offered to

gods to whom, according to the historian's

RECONCILIATION WITH THE ARMY.

phrase,

381
SECT.

the Macedonian laws prescribed such reverence from the chief of the nation. The sacrifice

would, in usual course, afford a feast for the whole After this, a regular supper was served, at army. if which, report might be credited, and the manuscripts giving that report should be trusted for notation
of numbers, nine thousand persons were entertained. Alexander presiding, the principal Macedonians sat

next him, and below them the principal Persians ; who were prepared, it thus appears, to hold rank

below the Macedonians.

Others, of both nations, then took place in corresponding order. After this conciliatory festival, all Greeks, whether

Macedonians or of the republics 6 who desired their discharge, received it, and they are said to have been
,

about ten thousand

though few,

it is

implied, if any,

put themselves forward for it who were not, through age or wounds, or failing health, proper objects. Every man, beside his regular pay, which was to be
continued
till his arrival at home, was presented with a talent, above two hundred pounds sterling, as a graThose who had tuitous reward for his services.

children by Asiatic wives were required to leave them, lest the extreme aversion, common among the Greeks,
to admit

any of foreign blood to share with them in

civil rights,
;

might be so excited as to occasion disturbance Alexander however promising to provide that those children should have a Grecian education,
writers themselves wanted terms for readily and clearly distinguishing Greeks of the kingdoms from those of the republics: whence, in Arrian's history, all Greeks are sometimes
6

The Greek

intended to be included under the Macedonian name, as well as Macedonians under the more properly comprehensive name
of Greek.
to denote all

In this passage he uses the Macedonian name only, who desired and received their discharge but a
;

following phrase clearly proves that he Greek* of the army.

meant

to include all

382
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
and
""

that,

LVL

when they should be grown

himself be their conductor to

he would introand Macedonia,

up,

ducer to their fathers, and to the rights of the children of such fathers. Here, as what follows in Arrian's account implies, Macedonians only are intended ;

Alexander having been careful to avoid, as Philip before him, to interfere with the merely civil concerns of the Grecian republics, till recently, urged by the circumstances of the moment, he had pledged himself
in favour of the republican exiles in his army who should desire to return home, that they should be

received in their several states.

Seemingly aware of

disturbance hence likely to arise, and which actually did ensue, he avoided now to extend his engagement
to them.

The appointment
for the

of Craterus to be com-

mander

march home,

with a commission

moreover to supersede Antipater in the viceroyalty of Macedonia, Thrace, and Thessaly, and the protectorship, such
is

Arrian's expression, of the free-

dom
all
;

of the Greeks, appears to have been grateful to Craterus being not higher in the king's con-

fidence than in esteem with the Grecian forces,

interest

whose he had always favoured in preference to that

of the

observation that, throughout the expedition, in such various trying circumstances during so many years, though discontents of

new Asiatic levies. Here then it may deserve

both are recorded, no failure of harmony between the republican Greek troops and the Macedonian is

marked

in

any account.

Now

all

the dismissed ap-

pear to have set out, on their long and difficult march, with a general spirit of perfect loyalty ; shedding tears, the at the historian, says ceremony of parting with
their victorious prince
7

who sympathised with them. 7

He has
described the mutiny,

Curtius continues to show that he had before him the same

authorities

^hich Arrian followed.

AFFAIRS IN GREECE.

383

SECTION
PREVIOUSLY
his

IV.

Affairs in Greece.

to this fortunate

accommodation with

SECT.

Grecian army, Alexander's situation appears to have been highly critical ; and some knowledge of the circumstances probably had encouraged the promoters of the mutiny. He proceeded from Opis still north-

ward

into

Media

since generally desired

wide of the way homeward, so long by the Grecian part of the

fails
;

army

with what view direct information

vacuity, fortunately not large, and the only one in Arrian's valuable narrative, being found here in every

known

ancient copy.

But

it is

obvious that in that

extensive, fruitful,

and populous country the favoured

the seizure and execution of the thirteen ringleaders, the immediate stupor of the army, and its ensuing repentance and

lamentation and solicitation, as if he had, in his flowery way, translated from the same Greek originals from which Arrian

drew.

But he has added some things and differently reported others, from writers adverse to Alexander's fair fame himself
;

but as he was led by his constant eagerness for high colouring, strong contrast, and great scenic effect. Hence
not adverse to
it,

his eagerness to relate, as certain, transactions the most secret, and his boldness to answer for words spoken either in the greatest

privacy, or amid the completest tumult, with such carelessness for consistency and probability that Horace's incredulus odi

readers

be the frequent sentiment of his more considerate nevertheless perhaps may find amusement even from his extravagances. A man of his talents of course would adapt these to the taste of his age and thus they may, possibly,
cannot
fail
;

to

who

in

some degree,

bably from Grecian writers

assist those curious to ascertain his age. Prothose extravagances are not wholly his own, but derived
;

yet

may have been

and talent
for

heightened in

many

instances by his fondness

high colouring. It seems to me, though mere conjecture, not improbable, that Curtius's work, recent and in vogue, was among those which, as Arrian says, stimulated him to compile and publish a history
of Alexander from the best authorities.

384-

HISTORY OF GREECE.
seat of the Persian

CHAP,

monarchs,

critically situated in

richest

the middle of the empire, bordering southward on its and most submissive provinces, northward on

those which had been far the most difficult to conquer, itself the seat of a rebellion while he was in India,

was likely to be urgently wanted. Aware of the importance of securing an interest among the warlike people of those northern countries, we have
his presence

seen him remarkably attentive to engage the attachment of the men of most influence among them.

Grecian force only could be depended upon for maintaining a conquest on which the quiet of the rich southern countries, and even the

Should

this fail, a

communication with India, unless by sea, depended. Meanwhile matters had occurred in republican Greece, and in Macedonia itself, of a kind to excite Alexander had always treated his mother, anxiety. the dowager queen, with great attention and respect.

But he had

intrusted her with

no share

in the re-

gency, while she reckoned she ought to have been, in his absence, chief, if not sole administratrix of the
royal authority. Antipater, who, as far as appears, for his was, honesty, as well as his ability and diligence,

worthy of the late king's esteem and his successor's confidence, was disturbed by her attempts at interMutual complaints passed from them to ference. Alexander ; and her charges against the viceroy went
so far as to

impute to him the purpose of rebellion. In these delicate circumstances it seems to have been

a fortunate opportunity, which Alexander judiciously used, for preventing the inconvenience of farther

between them. The declining health of Craterus afforded reason for sending that valuable officer home, in command of the large body of returndifference

ing invalids

and

this

urgency for parting with the

AFFAIRS IN GREECE.
general, in

385
SECT.

whose military

talents

he had long shown

the highest confidence, afforded cause, honourable to Antipater, for requiring him to supply the place thus
vacated,

and,

instead of

commanding

the compara-

tively small kingdom, under the sovereign at a distance, to direct, with him, the affairs of the new

Macedonian empire.
In republican Greece, at the same time, unquiet spirits had been stirring ; encouraged, like those in office in Asia, by accounts of the distance to which Alexander was carrying his arms, and the hope that

The scrupulous attention of while he and of Alexander afterward, lived, Philip, to avoid offence to the irritable spirit of republicans,
he would never return.
especially of that large portion of them which anxiously desired their patronage, is largely indicated.

and

leaders of the adverse party, avowedly taking subsidies for their states, took also notoriously pre-

That the

and pensions for themselves, from the great enemy of the Grecian name and of free constitutions, the despot of Asia, while they were imputing corsents

ruption to their opponents, remains abundantly asIf then some indulgence for the ordinary serted. effect of party- spirit may be allowed to the Greeks,
yet that so large a majority of modern writers on the subject should have concurred, not only in railing against the Macedonian kings as the oppressors of the

but in eulogy of their opponents so notoriously the hired associates of a despot, as the assertors of independency, is matter not incurious in the history
free,

of literature.
8

Pre-engaging thus the modern public

This, as observed in former notes, has been carried farther

;

by learned men of the continent than of our own country

History should be excepted
;

unless the compiler of the chronology of the Ancient Universal

who, taking upon himself to go

VOL.

VIII.

C C

gg
CHAP, LVI
-

HISTORY OF GREECE.
mind, they have provided some hazard for the writer who desires to do equal justice. Fortunately however for the character of the Macedonian princes, and their the testimony remains, even
party

_"

among

republics,

from their opponents, ample to overbear at least modern calumny. It is indeed remarkable, and, even after allowance for the tendency of fervent partyspirit

to lead

men

into contradictions, appears matter

for wonder, that the testimony of all antiquity, and even of those most zealous in the democratical cause,

admits the patriotism of Isocrates and the rigid virtue of Phocion ; who, always in opposition to Demosthenes and the Persian interest, were steady to the MaceFor a very extensive preference, among the donian.
the Persian,

Grecian republics, of the Macedonian supremacy to we have observed evidence from Demosthenes himself.

The

death of

Memnon,
it

perhaps relieving to De-

removed an over-powerful rival for the lead of the Persian interest in Greece, was a Their hopes however very severe blow to the party. rose again, together with those of Demosthenes, on assurance that the king of Persia was advancing in
mosthenes, so far as
person, from the interior provinces, toward Lesser Asia, at the head of an army formidable, not only by its numbers, and the just estimation of its large proits

portion of cavalry, but still more by having, among numbers, a powerful body of Greeks their friends. The event of the ensuing battle of Issus, with the
rapidly following conquest of Syria, Phenicia, Cyprus,

for

beyond his proper office of referring to the valuable work which he was employed, has reported, from the stores or his own learning and judgment, many extravagances of fact and character, as if to be found in that work, which the better judgment of its authors had wholly avoided.
far

AFFAIRS IN GREECE.

387
SECT.

and Egypt, by the Grecian prince whom they opposed, brought them again low, and their hopes must have been finally extinguished, had the conqueror
accepted the terms offered by the Persian king. But his determination still to pursue conquest eastward, beyond the Great Desert, afforded new prospect.

The body of friendly Greeks, remaining in the Persian king's service, was yet considerable for number, and eminent for faithful attachment to the cause in
which they were engaged
in Greece,

and, for the Persian party greater consideration on account of the Persian king's confidence in it, which ensured
;

of

still

their importance with him. Communication indeed with that body, as well as with their ministers yet at-

tending the Persian court, would be now difficult and But hazardous, yet probably not wholly precluded.
the ensuing victory of Arbela, and the consequent submission of Babylonia, Susiana, and Persis were again stunning blows.
lived,

ch. 49.

s.

3-

ot thls Hlst<

Nevertheless, while Darius

in his
service,

and Grecian troops remained

still

and the ministers of the party

attended and were

respected at his court, hope of advantage was not Persian dynasty might yet be mainwholly extinct.

tained on the north of Caucasus, or, what would be all they desired, a dynasty hostile to Alexander. Far

more than the death of Darius then, the surrender of those faithful Greeks would be discouraging to them, and yet their perseverance remained unabated. Even their signal defeat at their own doors, in that
battle
his

which the king of Lacedaemon, Agis, lost not reduce them to final dejection. did Inlife, formation that the ardent spirit of the youthful conin

queror led him to persist in pursuit of endless conquest gave

them new encouragement. Meanwhile how moderately Alexander's c c 2

vice-

388
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
to have been a gerent Antipater, though reported man of a severe temper, had used the victory by which disturbed by the ambition of the king of Lacedae-

peace,

mon

combination with Demosthenes, was restored to Greece, is evinced by facts, which the flatterers of democracy have blazoned as, for them, matter for
in

have observed it become boasting and triumph. common, among the Grecian republics, to testify the of eminent public merit by a popular general sense decree for the honorary reward of a golden crown,

We

on the head of the meritorious person in This honour we have farther solemn public pomp.
to be placed

seen, in the testimony of

Demosthenes, offered by the

Ch.40. s.2.

democratical republics of Argos and Megalopolis to The Athenian people Philip king of Macedonia.

had been

in the habit of so

honouring their own fellow-

citizens, popular favourites ; and, in the wildness of democracy, had gone to such excess in it that, in

some favourable moments, prudent men had found opjEsch.de

portunity to persuade the multitude to enact laws for It was forbidden restraining their own improvidence.
to propose a or till, after

crown
its

for any man actually holding office, conclusion, he had rendered an account

of his administration, and received what our law terms his quietus; and it was farther enacted that, if a crown

were decreed by the council,

only in the council-hall in the square called the
if

it

should be presented

; by the people, then only Pnyx, the ordinary place for

holding assemblies of the people.

Moreover, for the

prevention of irregular and ill-considered decrees, it .had been made penal, as we have observed formerly,
to propose

any alteration of an established law, withmeasure of procuring its repeal. These provisions were obviously wise ; worthy of the republic of which Solon had been the legislator.
out the previous

AFFAIRS IN GREECE.
an absolute democracy, which was not Solon's Inconstitution, such precautions were ineffectual. stances had been numerous of contravention of those
But, in

389

what was everybody's business than another, no prosecution following, no punishment had followed. Such was the state of things when, between the first and second Phocian wars, while the contest was warmest between the parties of Chares and Demosthenes on one side, and Isocrates and Phocion on the other, Ctesiphon, an eminent member of the former, confiding in its support, had ventured to propose that a golden crown should be presented to

salutary laws; and being that of no one

man more

Demosthenes,

though then holding

the

office

of

superintendent of repairs of the city walls, and, in

virtue of that office, receiving from the treasury all the money issued for the service ; and moreover that
it

less

should be presented, not in the Pnyx, where, unwhen some party-purpose called for the exertion

of conflicting interests, attendance was commonly small, but in the theatre of Bacchus, on the first day of the representation of tragedies in the feast of the
Dionysia,

when

it

would not

fail

to be large.

The

offence to the law being, in this measure, glaring, .^Eschines entered a prosecution against Ctesiphon,
stating the penalty at
fifty talents,

more than ten

thousand pounds sterling. But, whether restrained by the moderation of his party, or its weakness, and
the consideration that an unsuccessful effort would

tend to
time no

its

injury, farther.
if

he carried the business

at

that

opponents,

have already seen that his not then already holding, soon after

We

obtained, a decisive superiority, enabling them to lead the republic to the crisis which ended in their complete discomfiture at the battle of Chaeronea.

c c 3

390
CHAP.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
According to most writers of the Demosthenic party, Much certainly Philip then commanded Athens. came into his power ; yet such was his forbearance
that in the short interval

VL

before his death

Demo-

sthenes again obtained an ascendancy, which, on occasion of the monarch's assassination, he used, as
also formerly seen, insultingly. Taking then the lead in again exciting war among the republics, he forced those adverse to the dominion of his party to

'

seek refuge in the patronage of Philip's youthful successor Again brought low by Alexander's suc-

not from the from the indignation vengeance of the conqueror, but
cess at Thebes, the great orator fled,

of his fellow-citizens.

Whether then, through the usual moderation, or the over-scrupulousness, of Phocion and his party in Athens, or through negligence of the Macedonian
government, or instructions from
its

absent king to

avoid interference in the internal politics of any republic, though in his office of captain-general accountable for the peace of all, there was indulgence, clearly rather extreme, for agitators, in Athens and throughout Greece. When that party among the republics which relied upon the captain-general, as formerly

they had been accustomed to rely on the imperial republic of the day, Lacedaemon, Athens, or Thebes,
for support, was most seriously threatened, Antipater was slow to interfere. Perhaps difficulties arose for him which remaining information will not enable us

to

By a novelty in the ever-troubled of that eminent yet not fortunate system nation, Lacedaemon, for preceding centuries the determined enemy of democracy, at one time successful
appreciate.
political
it

in abolishing

throughout the republics of Greece,

Thrace,

and Asia, now, under an ambitious and

AFFAIRS IN GREECE.
apparently popular king, became leader in
its

391
cause.
SECT.

Alexander, when
this
;

Egypt, had been apprised of and he was moreover apprised that Athens was
in

Ch.49.

wavering, parties there being nearly balanced ; insomuch that it became doubtful whether those two
rival

s .i. of thls Hlst '

which had successively tyrannised the others, might not now combine to recover the sovereignty in partnership. Nevertheless
republics,

over

all

Antipater was unprepared to meet the growing storm. His difficulty seems to have been that ordinary in
confederacies, the difficulty of procuring simultaneous

and universally ready exertion for which it is not likely that he had the advantage of Philip's popula;

rity or authority, or

perhaps talent.

The

dissolution

of the adverse league nevertheless being effected by the battle in which the Spartan king fell, the ensuing

ch.50.s.i.

Macedonian confederacy toward the vanquished was beyond all example, when a remoderation of the
public whether democratical or aristocratical, Athens, The Thebes, or Lacedasmon held the supremacy.

boast of

Demosthenes remains, in his own words, that he had been the leading agitator under whose advice and stimulation the Spartan king had acted ; yet he was allowed not only to live undisturbed in
Athens, but to prosecute his measures for maintain-

Demosth.
de Cor.

Immediately commanding influence there. however open disturbance could offer no hope for and thus, without any reported him or his party interference from Macedonia, the republics enjoyed
ing a
:

such unusual quiet for several years that the ordinary troubles of the country offered nothing promi-

nent enough for the notice of any of those recorders of military events whose works remain to us. But, in the the miseries of from freedom this war, during
c c
4-

392
CHAP.
LVI.
.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
unrestrained licentiousness of popular governments, ran high, and eminently in Athens, political contest what has singularly interested the where,

producing

all following ages, it has republic of letters through been the means of preserving to us some important political information.

While Alexander, already master of the greatest and richest part of the Persian empire, was yet enin gaged O O
his

nations, if
Hut.
v.

with the northern arduous struggle C2CJ not already moved toward India, (for the

Demosth.

not exactly ascertained,) ./Eschines prosecuted his accusation of Ctesiphon, after it had rested, it is

time

is

The party of Demosthenes then said, ten years. held the superiority in Athens, and that of Phocion
was uneasy under it. No hostility however toward Macedonia, or toward regal government, appears to have been at the time avowed. On the contrary, complimentary intercourse, common among the Greeks, and similar to that of modern times, was maintained

by the Athenian government ; probably with the Macedonian court, as we are assured it was with a
court nearly connected with the Macedonian. Alexander king of Molossis, or, as in consequence of extension of the dominion or influence of the Molossian

kings they have

losing his
life

been often entitled, of Epirus, in war in Italy, an embassy was sent,

with compliments of condolence, in the

name of the

h.

de

Athenian people, to his widowed queen Cleopatra, sister of the great Alexander king of Macedonia ; and a friend of Demosthenes, Ctesiphon, was the
chosen ambassador on the occasion.

Cor.

Ctesiphon was recently returned

bassy,

against

from that emwhen Eschines resumed the prosecution him for his illegal conduct in moving the

JESCHINES AND DEMOSTHENES.

decree
for

393

crown to Demosthenes.

Why

this

SECT.

time of prevalence of the adverse party was chosen for the hazardous undertaking is marked in the

opening of the prosecutor's speech ; and confirmais found in his adversary's reply. Addressing the sovereign multitude, you see, Athenians/ said
tion
'

./Eschines,
'

'

opponents
* *

the arrangement of the forces of you have been witnesses to the

my
soli-

and irregular myself to you the that desirous now, council, and you, the only the constitution, and assembly, should abide by which Solon estathe wise support regulations
citations in favour of extraordinary measures. I, on the contrary, offer

blished for the order of your proceedings : namely, that the oldest citizen should first ascend the bema ;

that he should declare gravely, and undisturbed by

noise

and tumult, what

his experience led

him

to

* *

believe the assembly, for the republic's good, should decree ; that then others, who might desire it,

'

always for the older.

with a preference This salutary provision for order having been overborne, decrees against law we have seen often proposed presidents not regutheir

should deliver

opinions,

*
*

larly chosen, have declared the majority of votes in favour of what the majority disapproved ; and, if

'
'

any objection was made to such irregularities, and a councillor duly chosen to the presidency claimed his right, he has been threatened with citation before the people.
courts, provided,

*
*

Thus

the sober

judgment of the

'

by the wisdom of Solon, for the of individual subjects of the republic, has security been superseded by passionate decrees of the general
assembly orators, confiding in the experienced efficacy of such threats, assume sovereign power ; nei;

ther the laws nor

all

the magistrates can restrain

39
CHAP.
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.

them

LVL

and the constitutional right of the ward, preits

<

siding in

turn, to stay the proceedings,

is

utterly

'

disregarded.'

Evidently enough this accusation of Ctesiphon was adopted as a mode of attacking the great leader of
his party, Demosthenes. Ctesiphon having grounded his decree of honour on that orator's merit toward the

republic, it to show that

has been the object of the adverse orator,

Demosthenes was wholly unworthy, not It is only of that honour, but of any public esteem.

remarkable then that, in favour of that authority among the republics, formerly conceded to the imof perial people
given, in

Athens and Lacedasmon, and

constitutional

since

form, successively to has he not and ventured a word ; Alexander, Philip even alliance with Macedonia he has avoided to mention as desirable
as,
;

more

and

this

is

the

more remarkable

even before that kingdom had acquired any great

pre-eminence, Isocrates had boldly and zealously contended, not only for the alliance, but also for the
presidency of the king of Macedonia, as highly desirable for the welfare of the Athenian people and

But ^Eschines reproached Dethe Greek nation. mosthenes with having been notoriously the pensioner of the Persian king, and moreover at times the flaty3ch.de
Arr.p.641.

terer of both Philip and Alexander. then menas recent matter, or even actually tioned. ' going & forJ &

He
,

ward, that, though by the Athenian law, it was a capital crime for individuals to hold correspondence with foreign potentates, yet Demosthenes and his
associates

A1

foreigners in power,
bassies
9
,

only corresponded by letters with both in Europe and in Asia, but received from them what the orator calls emat their

not

own

houses,

and even boasted of

o/c*?.

^ESCHINES

AND DEMOSTHENES.

395
SECT.

In such contempt, he said, such communication. were the laws and constitution held by the demagogues who commanded a majority in the general so ready was that tumultuous sovereign assembly
:

to use

its

tyrannical

power

for dispensing at pleasure

with

its

own

enactments.

The

reply of

Demosthenes

is

a wonderful example

of eloquence, and of talent for leading such an assembly as that of the Athenian people. long exordium, boasting of his services to the republic,

ters

and thus directing the minds of the hearers to matforeign to the accusation, has been admirably
adapted to provide a favourable reception for the very weak defence to follow. That the proposer of the
decree for the crown was guilty of a breach of the law, -and that the orator to whom the honour was
prostituted,

had never given a regular account of his the of disposal public money intrusted to him, is not denied. 10 But, what particularly deserves observation
is that, while .ZEschines feared to speak in favour of the Macedonian connexion, Demosthenes did not scruple to abuse the father of the conquering Alexander, and all connected with him, as freely as before the battle of Chaeronea ; thus completely proving the

here

hypocrisy and falsehood of the lamentations of ancient writers, adopted and even exaggerated by many

modern, on the fall of the freedom of Greece under To judge of some the Macedonian supremacy. assertions of Demosthenes, in answering some in his adversary's speech, it should be known what that adversary might have replied, had the course
That warm admirer of the politics of Demosthenes, the and ingenious translator, Auger, has been candid to notice this in his summary of the speeches on the enough
10

learned

crown.

396
CHAP.
LVI.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
in the

Athenian courts permitted

or what an able

chief justice, moderating between the parties, might have remarked. But, the Athenian courts acknowledging no such moderator, reply to the accused was denied to the accuser. Indeed, for the numbers
all standing, and in the open of discussion, which a jury of twelve, air, that length well allow, was inadmissitting under shelter, may

composing their courts,

sible.

Even had

it

not been

so,

yet, in the circum-

stances of the Athenian constitution, altered as it was from that of Solon, and with the Athenian many, commonly eager for prosecution of any of their

may have been rather an advanand even necessary check upon the maletageous volent or sinister views of accusers, and altogether desuperiors, the denial
sirable for well-disposed

therefore JEschines

had

Under this rule subjects. to contend with the same

:

disadvantage as the foremost speakers in the ordinary he must anticidebates in our house of commons
pate his adversary's defence, and reply to it, as he best might, by conjecture ; and to this accordingly

we

find him, with great ingenuity, directing

much

of

which the multiplicity and of frivolousness accusation frequent among the Athenians had given occasion, subjecting an accuser, who
did not obtain a fifth of the voices of the multitudinous

his celebrated speech. law was in force, to

court to banishment. ^Eschines, no doubt, had considered this law, as well as his own situation in Athens

exultingly said, by the friends of the politics of Demosthenes, ancient and modern, that he failed of obtaining one fifth of

under the ruling

faction.

It

is

the voices of the Athenian people. But ^Eschines would hardly have ventured to prosecute his accusation without assurance of support from the party

DEFECTION OF HARPALUS.
which looked to Phocion
stances,
as its

397
SECT.

head

and the circum-

not reported by ancient writers, must have been extraordinary which could either have reduced
that party so low, or could have led it so to neglect a powerful member in need. But, as the previous

uneasiness of his

situation,

under the sway of the

adverse party, appears to have been the stimulation for ^schines to the hazardous undertaking, so, after the loss of his cause, for which probably he would be
prepared, Athens could be no pleasant, nor perhaps safe residence for him. However, as so many men,

eminent by their civil and military services, some compelled by a decree of the despotic sovereign, others choosing among evils, had done before him, he quitted Athens, and passed the rest of his life
partly in Rhodes, partly in Ionia
;

pi u t.

Macedonian party
politics.

in

command

leaving the antiof the republic's

From such

a result of that celebrated con-

test

may be estimated the justness of the imputations against Philip and Alexander, as destroyers of the freedom of the Grecian people, tyrants over the republics.
will

Nor

does the refutation rest here

whoever

investigate the history of following times will find confirmation of it in the whole tenor of succeeding

events.

The magnanimous
friend

kindness of Alexander to the

ch.49.s.i.
ofthlsHlst -

of his earliest youth, Harpalus, will be remembered ; kindness carried perhaps to the extreme of rash indulgence and confidence. Harpalus, apparently of the school of Aristotle and Callisthenes,
talents, and, Alexunlike Callisthenes, of insinuating manners. ander had left him, at Babylon, in the office of

was probably a man of considerable

treasurer of his newly-acquired empire, or of a large part of it, and, according to Diodorus, satrap of Ba-

398
L 1?
?'io8
Piut.v.
' *

HISTORY OF GREECE.
kyl
3*

Harpalus was among those who, speculating

improbability of his
;

upon

the

sovereign's
that,

return,

^857?

abused the trust grossly

insomuch

fearing

now
with

to stand the accusations ready against him,

he

resolved

upon a new and greater crime,

treason,

involving,

direct

the

extreme of

ingratitude.

Holding the first civil authority in a great and rich not satrapy, and commanding the treasury, it would be difficult for him to engage and arm men to proceed to Greece under his orders. But, according to the probable account of Diodorus, he found soldiers with arms and discipline ready for his purpose. For men in the unhappy condition of exiles from their realways very numerous, usually wandering over Greece, Thrace, Lesser Asia, Phenicia, and Egypt, in search of any military service in which they
publics,

might hope for a livelihood, the opportunity offered by Alexander's expedition would be a great relief;but especially after the battle of Issus, when the plunder of all the East came in view, it would be most inviting. Accordingly the republican Greeks

army seem to have been, in large proof this portion, description, and those who had amassed with wealth, remaining constitutions to afford hope of
in Alexander's

enjoyment

at

home

all

home, would be likely to desire to return claiming merit which would entitle them

to their captain-general's patronage for their purpose. His scruple then to interfere with the civil govern-

ment of any republic would be disappointing to them. Revenge was a passion commonly warm in Grecian minds, and the view to gratify both revenge and ambition,

their

by returning in a body capable of overbearing domestic adversaries, under a leader whose

was united with theirs, and whose pecuniary means were large, would stimulate them. Thus it
interest

DEFECTION OF HARPALUS.
appears to have

been that Harpalus was

enabled

T<

jy
.

quickly to collect to the

number of

armed, disciplined, on the Phenician coast, he procured shipping, with which he conveyed his army to the promontory of Tasnarus, in Laconia, where he landed. Possibly he

and

zealous.

thousand, with these Arriving

six

had hope of countenance from Lacedaemon but, though in this he seems to have failed, yet neither
;

opposition to his landing, nor molestation, in probably a strong mentioned. post which he occupied, is

Leaving his army then in present security there, he proceeded himself by sea to Athens. His principal hope of ultimate success, in a desperate enterprise, if he could not gain Lacedaemon, seems to have rested on his knowledge of the violence

of party, which still divided Athens, and on his old connexion with the leading men there, adverse to his sovereign. But, in the moment, whatever the

change may have been since the victory of Demosthenes over jfEschines, their party had no decided
superiority.

For Harpalus

therefore, a rebel against

the captain-general of the confederated republics, even to appear in Athens, but still more to prosecute his purpose there, would be highly hazardous. His
resource accordingly was to go in the character and habit of a suppliant, but carrying money in large amount. The most eminent orators of the high democratical party are said to have been readily engaged to advocate his cause, Demosthenes only ex- Diod.i.n. He, at first shrinking from the hazard of p'^^' cepted.

the undertaking, however at length concurred in it ; induced, according to report even of writers generally favouring his cause, by increased bribery, of which

Demosth.

Plutarch has not scrupled to relate the particulars. But as it remains unsaid how these became known,

400
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
justice

require the observation that anxiety to maintain his connexion and influence with the leading-

may

men

of his party

may have been

through

a sufficient motive.
interest

However, whether
suppliant

improved

of

Phocion's party, or mistrust of the character of the

among

their own, their interest

and their

eloquence in the general assembly failed ; and Harof being arrested, owed his escape palus, in danger
ashipboard to the concealment and opportunity which his Athenian supporters provided for him.

Ch.

i.s. 2.

Returning then to Taenarus, which, without countenance from the Lacedaemonian government, would not be a situation for him to remain in, he passed to That fine island, celebrated, as we have Crete.
seen, in earliest history, for the

Ch.T.

s 2. of this Hist.

the excellence of
its

its

policy,

power of its princes, and the civilisation of

people, was naturally divided by its mountains, and, through the opportunities which these afforded,

became civilly divided among many lawless communities, and thus it has been, in the more illustrious
it

ages of Greece, almost without history. To Harpalus appears to have been inviting as a country of pirates,
his followers

among whom he and

ciation.

might

find asso-

Bitter disappointment to the latter, arising

from early evidence of the utter inability of their leader to realise his promises, which had raised their hopes high, seems to have produced the ensuing catastrophe. Harpalus was assassinated ; according to Diodorus, by one of his principal associates ; yet the
troops held together
separated,
;

all

without resource

if

they

means of subsistence only from united strength, which might enable them to
for
profit

and looking

from the weakness or the contentions of others. Meanwhile at Athens, minds being exasperated

against those orators

who would

again have subjected

RETIREMENT OF DEMOSTHENES.
the state to the evils of war with the general confederacy of the republics under the lead of Macedonia,
accusation
against them as having, under the influence of bribery, recommended measures

was preferred

SECT

common welfare, and they were cited to answer for their conduct before the assembled
highly adverse to the
people.

Doubting then the sufficiency of their interest with the inconstant many, who, with little deliberation or none, might have condemned them to
banishment or death, they procured a decree, (through
the exertions,
principally of Demosthenes,) for referring the matter to the court of Areopagus. Avoiding thus the severer sentence apprehended, that
it is said,

court however declared them guilty, and the fine set upon Demosthenes was of fifty talents, more than ten

Rather then than pay, thousand pounds sterling. he was able, so great a sum, and live in Athens, while his adversaries ruled there, he withdrew, in
if

voluntary banishment, to
Plutarch's account of this business, in his life of Demosthenes, grossly uncreditable to the great orator, is curious ; rather as showing how, in ancient as in modern times, political
11

parties were given to scandalise one another, than as deserving credit for all the detail, even if he had all from the eminent

author of the time, Theopompus, whom, for one circumstance,

he has quoted.

VOL.

VIII.

D D

402

HISTORY OF GREECE.

CHAPTER

LVII.

TRANSACTIONS IN THE MARCH THROUGH MEDIA TO BABYLON. FARTHER MEASURES FOR IMPROVEMENT OF TERRITORY CIVIL REGULATION. AND EXTENSION OF COMMERCE.

DEATH OF ALEXANDER.

SECTION
March
to

I.

into

the Cossees

Media : Amazons : death of Hephcestion : war with : measures for exploring the Caspian sea : march

Babylon.
loss

CHAP.

of a small part of Arrian's narrative has his information concerning Alexander's us of deprived march from Susa into Media, and occurrences there, apparently of some importance.
tions

THE

The

principal sta-

Diod. 1.17.

however between Opis and Ecbatana remain named by Diodorus, probably from good authority. In five days the army reached Sambana, and remained Prothere seven ; but for what purpose is not said.
who,
ceeding then, it reached Celonae, a colony of Boeotians, after the celebrated battle of Plataea, flying to

avoid the revenge of the Greeks, confederated for common defence, had sought and obtained the protection of Xerxes.

Their descendants, driven by

language of the country in which they were settled, were found to have retained also much of Grecian speech, and much of Grecian manners. Alexander then turned from the direct
necessity to learn the

road, to pass, through a tract called Bagistane, 12

famed

MARCH INTO MEDIA.

for both fertility and beauty, to the Nysaean plain, where was the principal stud of the Persian kings. Here, fortunately, Arrian's narrative recommences, and so holds connexion with those of Diodorus and

403
SECT.

c<

[An-, i. 7. ] 3 ^

Curtius as to afford presumptive proof of their correctness concerning the matters of which his report
is

lost.

The number

of mares in that magnificent

says, had commonly been a hundred and fifty thousand, but was now reduced, by robbery, or mismanagement, or both, to little more than fifty

stud, he

thousand.

At this place Atropates, satrap of Media, came to wait upon Alexander, and, according to the report of some writers, such is Arrian's phrase, presented
him with
zons':

hundred women, said to be of the Amaskilful horsewomen, equipped in the manner of

a
;

except that, instead of lances, they carried battle-axes : but that careful historian adds that no
troopers

mention was made of these women by Aristobulus, or Ptolemy, or any other writer of credit ; and he * If Atropates really produced some armed proceeds :
*
'

horsewomen to Alexander, I should incline to suppose they were of some other barbarous nation, and
not of that familiarly
tradition
1

'

and

fable,

known to the Greeks, through 2 by the name of Amazons.'

Our copies of Curtius agree exactly with those of Arrian concerning those numbers, and those of Diodorus differ only as they give sixty, in both places, for fifty. 2 The various stories of people described by the name of Amazon, are among the mysteries of early Grecian history, concerning which Strabo, Plutarch, and Arrian, all curious about them, have been unable to satisfy themselves. All however appear to have held that a people of that name existed, and, emigrating from Scythia, made extensive conquest in Lesser
Asia. According to the geographer, they were not such determined vagabonds as the Scythians have been commonly de-

D D 2

i04>

HISTORY OF GREECE.
In the course of
distressing to
this

CHAP.
[__

march a
a

dispute, necessarily
his prin-

Alexander, happened between

cipal secretary,
scribed

Eumenes 3

man

of superior talents,

for they founded some of the principal cities afterward occupied by the Greeks, Ephesus, Smyrna, Cuma, and others. But migration of hordes, men, women, and children, we know has been an Asiatic practice from earliest history to this day ;
;

and the remarkable instance,

in

western Europe, among the

Gauls, in the authentic account of the ancestors of the Swiss The Lacedaemonian nation by Julius Caesar, is known to all.

women, we

in the use of

are assured, were required by law to be so exercised arms as to be qualified for battle among men, and are mentioned of the practice.
If

some instances

Amazonian

seen acting in arms among men, in an invasion of a such circumstance may have afforded to Grecian ingeAttica, nuity and love of the marvellous foundation for all that is fa-

women were

bulous in their history.

That Amazon was a Greek name,

sig-

nifying Breastless, appears to have been a late and an unfounded The father of history, where mentioning the reimagination. ported invasion of Attica by the Amazons, to ascertain that they

were females of whom he was speaking, has added a syllable, calling them Amazonids ;* thus implying that he considered the

name Amazon
absurd
tale,

as applicable to

men

equally as to

women.

The

gravely told by both Diodorus and Curtius, of Thalestris, queen of the Amazons, marching some hundred miles from her own country, between the Caspian and Euxine seas,
nia, utterly

over hardly practicable mountains, to visit Alexander in Hyrcaunworthy of political history, is yet, like some

matters formerly noticed, of curiosity for the history of letters. It was no invention of those writers, or of their age, but first

propagated in Alexander's ; and perhaps it may justly be reckoned less wonderful that such a story should then have some degree of popular credit, when the Greeks, through all
previous ages limited to their

own country and

the shores of the

the whole interior of Asia newly laid open to their curiosity, than that it should have been afterward tolerated by the popular taste in the most flourishing and

neighbouring seas,

now had

enlightened times of the Roman empire. 3 He is entitled by Arrian rp/*/*aTi5

Al.
1.

/3a<r*X/co$,

(Arr. Exp.

7. c. 4.)

by Plutarch

'Ajj^jy/ja/x/AaTsi/?.
.

Plut. v.

Eum.

init.

Herodot.

1.

9. c, 27.

DEATH OF HEPH^STIONT.
him, and Hephsestion, in whom he had most confidence as a sincere friend and J5 crateful companion. This was matter for Plutarch to

40

much esteemed by

SECT.
__^_

he had perfect information of the most private transactions, and of words broken spoken in the most private conversation. sentence of Arrian, where extant copies resume his
relate in his usual way,
as if

narrative, assures us that such a dispute occurred ; and so much farther confirms Plutarch's account, as
it

indicates that

Alexander

interfered,

and that He-

phaestion, probably the younger man, submitted to his decision with rather an ill grace, Eumenes showing

more

liberality

on the occasion.
sacrifice

Arrived at Ecbatana, Alexander celebrated a magnificent

thanksgiving

for

his various

and

extraordinary successes, with the added amusements of gymnic games and theatrical exhibitions. The
sacrifice

being a

feast for the

whole army, there were

other feasts for more select company. Amid the hilarities here Hephaestion was seized with a fever.
It
is

obviously probable that the officers

more im-

mediately about Alexander's person would sometimes have very severe service. Possessing himself singular

power of body, and ability to bear heat and cold and hunger and thirst, fatigue in all shapes, he would be likely to measure others by his own standard, so that those most favoured by him, most emulating his exertions, would be most liable to suffer from their own. His ordinary diet, according to his own account, reported by Arrian, and according to all most authentic accounts, was abstemious ; but in times of festivity and even by Arrian (as it is said of him by others, his as constitution would would he indulge, admitted) and bear, and youth company prompt, sometimes
extravagantly.

Hephaestion's fever probably

arose

D D 3

tOO

HISTORY OF GREECE.
from a combination of fatigue, frequent exposure in bad air unregarded, extremes of heat and cold alterabstinence occasionally unavoidable, and, when temptation occurred, excess, at his age, not unnaturally
nate,

CHAP,
'__

following.

was on the seventh day of his illness, to have been supposed convalescent, while the principal physician who had attended him
It

when he seems

was indulging in the amusement of the gymnastic games where Alexander presided, that finding appetite return, he would have a meal of meat, of which he ate^heartily ; and then, finding himself oppressed, and fever returning, drank a quantity of iced wine.

paroxysm ensued, such that information of it was sent to Alexander, who instantly quitted the celebrity,
at

which he was presiding, to visit his suffering friend, but found him already lifeless. His grief on this melancholy event, marking a feeling mind, was however, according to all accounts, immoderate. Numerous stories were circulated on the occasion, and reported to posterity ; writers differing in them according to their disposition to extenuate or exaggerate the failings to which so extra-

All however ordinary a man, as a man, was liable. agree, says Arrian, that for three days he refused both society and food. He then ordered a funeral
of extravagant magnificence ; with games, after the manner of the funerals in Homer's age, in which no
less

than
4

three

thousand persons

contended

for

prizes.
4

The

affection of his
historians,

mind

nevertheless so

Diodorus has been very succinct Even simple and sober. Curtius has almost exactly concurred in what Arrian has reported as from authority, adding little though strange extravagances, as we learn from Arrian as well as Plutarch, were circulated on the occasion. The moral philosopher indeed, in this part of his life of Alexander, seems to have been borne away
on
this subject,

Of remaining

and, to his credit,

WAR WITH THE

lasted as to cause

COSSEES.

40'

great uneasiness to his surviving

SECT.
'

whose endeavours to relieve it were but in; completely successful, till, whether new circumstances occurred, or the matter was before less regarded, cause or pretence was found for recommending to him a new military expedition. In the extensive northward on the plains of highlands, bordering southward on those of Susiana and Media, Persis, was a numerous horde, the Cossees, who either had not acknowledged subjection to his dominion, or had renewed their predatory practices. His mind, lately
friends

devoted to projects for improving the condition of his subjects by arts of peace, but rendered torpid by
all his

the sudden loss of the most confidential partaker in councils, was roused to energy by the view to

active exertion,

previously conceived purpose. ing ; but the change from the

plains, in

which might contribute toward the Winter was approach-

summer fervour of the

living, to

which he and

his

army had been

the frozen air of the snowy mountains of the Cossees, would not at all deter him. On the contrary, judging that to be the season for the most effectual warfare
against them, he resolved to use
it.

For, in summer, the

highlanders, dispersing

among

hardly accessible rocks,

by his passion for fable the most extravagant, or even absurd, which might afford ground for moral reflection. It may seem that when Addison referred to Arrian and Plutarch together as the writers of clearest credit for the history of Alexander, he rather hazarded the assertion on the ground of the general references.
his

putation of both, than confided in any examination of their difYet it must be said for Plutarch that, for some of
;

gives

most extravagant stories, he quotes authority which so far them value, as they contribute to mark the extent of that bad taste which, under the tyranny of the Roman empire, arose, in a great degree, from deficiency of general information. For
the important public occurrences Plutarch agrees with Arrian.

D D

4}

K)8

HISTORY OF GREECE.
might defy the pursuit of regular troops but if, in the season in which they did not apprehend attack, he could drive them from the stores collected from their neighbours' fields, they must surrender or
;

CHAP,

Ptolemy, who seems, like himself, to have been endowed with superior power of limb and hardiness of constitution, was the general chiefly emstarve.

ployed with him.

submission,
his

being brought to measures were what our Edward,

The

Cossees

entitled the First, pursued in Wales. Building and in towns situations of their commanding fortifying

and placing garrisons there, he forced them to peaceful industry for their livelihood, by denying them means for preying on their neighbours. 5
territory,

The

Caspian
till

sea,

one of the boundaries of Alex-

ander's empire, imperfectly

known, even

in

modern

of very late years, had been best described times, to the Greeks by their early historian Herodotus.

Succeeding writers had given such erroneous accounts of it that, as we have formerly observed, the supposition had obtained credit that it was open

northward to the Arctic, and eastward to the Pacific ocean. Alexander's strong and apparently just culed him to measures for having its extent and riosity
boundaries and means for communication ascertained.

He
the

sent Heraclides son of Argaeus into Hyrcania, in command of a body of shipwrights, to build

vessels,

both open and decked, for the purpose.

in Arrian's account, that the of completion arrangements in the Cossee country was committed to Ptolemy, while, in spring of the three hundred and twenty-fourth year before Christ,

Probability appears,

The name of this people, according to Vincent, remains among the same mountains to this day, but without any relic of
5

tire

improvement of their manners effected by Alexander.

MARCH TO BABYLON.
Alexander led the main body of the army to Babylon. No circumstance of the march is reported, by any historian, till he was within thirty miles of that city,
when, according
occurred.
to
all,

SECT.

a very extraordinary matter

deputation from the body of Chaldean

priests arrived,

commissioned to represent that, as Alexander had paid just honour to their god, so their god was disposed to be favourable to him, and, accordingly, had authorized them to admonish him that to proceed to Babylon, at that time, would be unfortunate for him. 6

When, presently after the battle of Arbela, while the former sovereign was yet living and yet master of half the empire, Alexander entered Babylon, he
had been received with general joy, as a deliverer He had since shown great rather than a conqueror.
favour to the Babylonians.
magnificence, raised

worship of Baal Romans wrote the name, with their added termination, Belus, signifying The Lord, had been destroyed

temple, of extraordinary the by Assyrian kings for the or Beel, or, as the Greeks and

Arr
17 -

I7

Alex.
i.io. "?4.

by the Persian kings, averse to the Chaldean superAlexander had directed the rebuilding of stition. this temple with increased magnificence, and committed a large revenue to the management of the He had moreover projected priests for the purpose.
great works for the benefit of the city and surrounding country ; and it appears that, for the advantages

of

its

situation,

he proposed to make Babylon the

dominion. To be told then capital of his Asiatic that to enter that city would be unfortunate could
not but be surprising to him, even though aware of the motive ; having received information that the
fi

Mi) KfOi dyctOov

ol

tlvM

T-qv

KxpaSov ryv t$ Bat>Ac?va ly TO?

TG'TE.

Arr. 1.7. c.16.

dO
CHAP,
LVI1
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
rebuilding of the temple had been little prosecuted; whence he gathered that the priests, like so many others in high employment under him, speculating on the improbability of his return from the East, had been using the revenue assigned for that great work for their own profit and enjoyment. Accordingly, as Arrian, always cautious of answering for words

spoken, says was reported, he replied to the extraordinary admonition, or perhaps only expressed himself to the royal companions attending, by a verse of
* He the best prophet is who guesses best.' Euripides : with his great purpose of bringing all his But, subjects of all religions to friendly union, and with

his especial desire to hold complete his popularity in his proposed capital, it might be important to main-

tain a

good correspondence with the Chaldean priests. Their deputies accordingly, though denied their

finding a reception altogether favourable, ventured, with what reasonable view is not obvious,
first object,

no rate to proceed by the would which he enter the city facing by the west, but, if he determined to persevere, rather to make a circuit by which he would enter facing the east. They must have known, and it is unlikely that he would be without information, that to proceed by the road they indicated was impossible. Nevertheless, as Arrian assures us Aristobulus related, he conceded so far as to take that road ; and possibly a prudent consideration for Grecian as well as Chaldean superstition may have determined him to this ; the Greeks,
to
to him, at

recommend

direct road,

generally ready to adopt any superstitious belief not directly adverse to that in which they had been educated, being especially attentive to predictions. having shown his army the floods and marshes
at that season absolutely

But,

which

prevented progress in the

ENTRY INTO BABYLON.

course recommended, he turned, and entered the city by the way before proposed. The people, whether
informed, or not, of any pretended adverse foreboding, received him with all demonstration of joy.

41
SECT.

That he took any severe measures

for their misconduct
in

the

against the priests, charge committed to

them, is not said ; whence it may seem probable that he used toward them a politic forbearance. 7

SECTION

II.

Embassies from Greek republics and foreign nations. Measures Slavery for maritime discovery and extension of commerce. among the ancients. Floods of the Mesopotamian rivers, and
works
to profit from

them.

Regulations civil and military.

the Grecian republics, not less than in Asia, but rather more, minds would be affected by the news of Alexander's return victorious from
India, with not only the whole of the Persian empire, but nations beyond, in peace acknowledging

THROUGHOUT

the sovereignty of the elected captain-general of the nation. Some citizen of almost every state, either
business with the Chaldean priests was of a kind be variously reported. Diodorus has been partial to them. Relating the matter in more detail than is usual with him, yet avoiding to mention the imputed peculation, he has
7

The

likely to

spoken of their skill in prophecy as superior to that of the seers of his own nation. Curtius, more concise than Diodorus, appears however to have followed nearly the same authority. Plutarch has been prudently short on the subject. Arrian, generally preferring Ptolemy's account, has here deferred to Aristobulus. Indeed, if Ptolemy, as seems indicated, had been left on service in Media, the matter may have been unnoticed
in his narrative.

from him, to have been either addicted to have had his views in promoting it.

Aristobulus appears, in Arrian's quotations to belief in augury, or

412
CHAP, LVIL
in the

HISTORY OF GREECE.
of the party friendly or of the party adverse to that moment ruling, would have shared in the

those who first glorious achievements, either among in the numerous levies which passed into Asia, or

At home all would afterward re-inforced the army. had always been all as Greeks have information that,
treated as fellow-countrymen in Macedonia, and espeby the late king, so now, in the progress of
cially

had become less and less between Macedonians and republicans many of the latter had been raised to very high situations, miliof science, and artists of tary as well as civil ; men exevery description, were especially encouraged tension of commerce was a favourite object of the sovereign, and all Asia was open for all Greeks, to
conquest, distinction
:

seek fortune, or to settle in.

The

the Macedonian
silenced

supremacy would

party adverse to thus be nearly

the zeal of the friendly would be forward ; ; and ordinary compliments to the captain-general of

the nation,

who had

so

extended

its

opened the
fail.
Arr. 1.7.
Diod'.
1.

commerce of the world

to

renown, and so it, would not

17.

3 Piut v

Consequently many embassies from Grecian republics were arrived at Babylon, charged with various business ; all with those compliments of congratu-

A1 ex.

which appear to have been customary among themselves, and all with their ordinary token of gralation

titude for public services, presents of golden crowns. According to the probable account of Diodorus, here

the

more valuable

as

Arrian's

is

defective,

those

charged with representations concerning temples and sacred ceremonies were esteemed entitled to audience
before those commissioned on political matters only, though of no small importance ; some to state controversies

of

republics

with

republics,

and some,

EMBASSIES FROM GREEK REPUBLICS.

which seems to have been
in itself of weightiest con-

413
SFCT.
ii

sideration, to object to the restoration of citizens, exiled in consequence of political differences. Such

unfortunate

men the history of the republics shows to have been always very numerous. Their restoration would be indispensable toward the establishment
of that peace throughout the nation, the great object of the Athenian patriot Isocrates, which, as formerly has been observed, he blamed the magnanimous king of Lacedaemon, Agesilaus, for attempting over-hastily,
ch.43.s.s.
ofthl:>Hlst -

but for which the season, if ever to be, might seem now arrived. Those commissioned on this subject,
the historian says, were last heard ; probably not, though such may seem to have been the historian's
opinion, because their purpose was ungracious, but rather on account of its difficulty, and the variety of discussion to which it would give occasion. All

however were received and dismissed with the honours that, among the republics, were commonly esteemed
8

gratifying.

The

arrival of these embassies, while

Alexander's mind was intent upon improving his

That the embassies were so received and dismissed Arrian but adds, that he could not satisfy himself what, beyond compliment, was the object of any of them. Occasion has occurred formerly to remark that Arrian, though sometimes venturing to show a just liberality of political principle, has been altogether extremely reserved on civil matters, and especially cautious of noticing republican affairs. Plutarch, in the same age, and under the same government, an obscure individual, could venture more but, failing of Arrian's advantage of practice in political business, and being under the disadvantage, common to both, of knowing no government, from experience, but a military despotism, which had already, for a century and a half, pervaded the civilised world, his politics are of no consays
;

sistency, vaguely directed to

and altogether
not what.

little

recommend republican principles, better than a kind of barking at he knew

414
CHAP.
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.

him upon conwhat be immediately gratifying to might sidering his own nation, which he showed himself disposed always duly to respect, however he might judge it
Asiatic empire, seems to have put

improper, or even impossible, to provide for it all the advantages which, through oppression of the

He now reconquered, were expected from him. newed his inquiry for statues of the gods, and of eminent men, and whatever other spoil Xerxes, carrying from Greece, had deposited either at Babylon,
or Parsagardae, or Susa, or elsewhere
;

and
cities

all

that

could be found were sent back to the

9

whence

they were taken. But the fame of Alexander's conquests, and the known great means afforded by the mighty empire

now

at his

rated,

command, with rumour, true or exaggeof his farther ambitious views, would of course

Arr.i.7.

beyond the narrow bounds of Greece and the Grecian colonies. According to historians
interest nations

Diod. 1.17.

of his age, many such embassies waited upon him at To some of these Babylon, or in his way thither.

Arrian gave full credit ; doubting however, some, and He mentions confidently those from rejecting some.
9

There appears again

in

this part

of Arrian's

history of

Alexander some indication of what has been observed in a former note of this volume, that, though clearly intending his work for the public, he never completely prepared it for publication.

in his third book,

its

In reporting Alexander's first taking possession of Susa, he says, as it has been already mentioned in

place, that, among many other things brought from Greece, were the statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton, which he sent back to Athens. Here in his seventh book he mentions again those statues, as if not till now they had been sent back, without The question noticing his former mention of the same fact. when the measure took place is in some degree interesting, as it would indicate the devotion of Alexander's mind to his interest in Athens, and throughout Greece, at the time.

FOREIGN EMBASSIES.
Libya, and from Lucania, Brutium, and Tuscany in Italy ; and ground for this is obvious. The embassies

415
SECT.

'

from Libya probably were from the Grecian colonies on its coast, and perhaps from some neighbouring
Alexander's favour, possessed as he was of Egypt, and commanding the eastern end of the Mediterranean sea, would clearly be important.
Africans
;

to

whom

recent death then of his kinsman, Alexander king of Molossis, in war in Italy, might give occasion for both the friends and the enemies of that unfor-

The

tunate prince there, the former to desire the protection, the latter to obviate the enmity of the great conqueror of the day. The accounts of embassies

from Carthage, from Ethiopia, from European Scythia, and from some Gallic and Spanish people, which the
less confidence,

cautious historian mentions, though with apparently seem yet not improbable. For the

connexion with the Tyrians sufficed to make the Carthaginians alive to the consequences of Alexander's
conquests : Ethiopia, bordering on his kingdom of Egypt, could not be wholly uninterested ; and Euro-

pean Scythia was in the habit of communicating, in war and in commerce, with both the Macedonian kingdom and the maritime Grecian republics. An embassy from Rome, (the two Greek writers whom

Arrian has named had had the hardihood to assert he considered, I think justly, for reason more than it,) he mentions, as mere fiction. Yet, for the desire of the more distant tribes of Spain to engage Alexander's friendship, there is no improbability ; the prosecution of the Carthaginian conquests there apparently sufficing to make them look out, at any
distance,
for connexion with enemies to

Carthage.

The
and

Cisalpine Gauls, bordering on the Triballians Illyrians, were quite within reach for being

416

HISTORY OF GREECE.

CHAP, affected with either hope or fear from the wonderful L VI I increase of the Macedonian dominion.

In choosing Babylon for the capital of his Asiatic empire, Alexander was not led, as the Persian monarchs formerly to a preference for Susa and Ecbatana, by any pleasantness of climate, or beauty of surrounding country, or
for royal sports, but wholly It was nearly central considerations.
its fitness

by

political

nations newly owning subjection to him. of rich plain around, traversed by great rivers, was most advantageous for the production and conveyance of supplies for a great collected popula-

among the The extent

and, by the gulf, receiving those rivers and conveying their waters to the ocean, means were open But these for maritime communication unlimited.
tion
;

means had been only prepared by nature, leaving the completion to the ingenuity and industry of man.
great
tion.

This now especially engaged Alexander's attenMuch toward it indeed he had already done. Together with the shore of the ocean eastward the

But the eastern side of the gulf had been explored. western side remained known almost only to the predatory hordes of Arabs, its possessors, whose manners deterred the approach of strangers, and against whose
monarchs appear to have provided but very deficient protection for their people on Alexland, and none for their sea-faring subjects. ander would have discovery prosecuted around the whole of the Arabian peninsula, and provide means and security for maritime commerce, as eastward
hostility the Persian

with India, so westward with Egypt, and through Egypt even with Greece. Hostility on the water,
hardly looked for in the way from India, was in this course to be apprehended j and he prepared accord14

MEASURES TO PROMOTE COMMERCE.

447
SECT.

The country, within any convenient distance ingly. around Babylon, furnished no timber, fit for ship-

Of this, perhaps not the best building, but cypress. for the purpose, he directed some vessels to be built ;
but the timbers for the greater part of his fleet were prepared in Phenicia, conveyed over land to Thapsacus on the Euphrates, and, being there duly put together, passed down the stream to Babylon.

Greek republics the or vessel of three benches of oars, had been the most powerful ship of war ; and of such the maIn the naval
battles of the

trireme,

jority or almost the

whole of contending fleets hitherto had been composed. But as, with experience, art improved, the naval architects had found means to

make more powerful

in the ancient way.

vessels capable

of naval action

advanced to

Proceeding to four, they quickly benches of oars ; beyond which, though vessels to carry many more hands were built occasionally for stateliness and show, yet, for naval
five

all being still necessarily row-boats, none apto have been advantageous. The Phenician pear builders seem to have been the first to go beyond

action,

the ordinary Grecian rate ; unless, which may seem probable, they gained the plan from the Cartha-

framed in Phenicia, and conBabylon, where two quinqueremes, three quadriremes, twelve triremes, and thirty triacontors,
ginians. veyed to
vessels
10 or vessels of thirty oars.

The

10 I have been surprised to find my friend Sainte Croix misled to the adoption of a criticism of a French engineer, who, calculating the burthen of an ancient, as of a modern, ship of war,

bore, has reckoned it impossible that the could quinqueremes from Thapsacus to Babycarry Euphrates Sante Croix, though of the land service, having served in lon. The enthe West Indies, would know modern ships of war.

by the hands she

gineer certainly had a very erroneous notion of the ancient. E E VOL. VIII.

418
CHAP.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
then a great work was undertaken accommodation of a fleet. By excavation and embankment, a port was to be formed, capable

At Babylon

for the

of containing a thousand vessels, unmolested by either the superfluity or deficiency of the stream, and provided with shelter for them, as usual with the an-

Meanwhile to provide crews, Miccalus, a Greek of Clazomene in Lesser Asia, was employed to engage seamen from Phenicia and, it being Alexander's purpose, for the security and convenience of commercial intercourse, to establish colonies on the shores of the Persian gulf and in its islands, the same officer was authorized to offer advantages for o
cients ashore.
:

To prepare then for this, three others, Archias, apparently the associate of Nearchus in the voyage from the Indus, Androsthenes, described only
settlers there.

by

his

name, and Hieron of

Soli in Cilicia,

were sent,

each in a vessel of thirty oars, to explore the Arabian side of the gulf, and proceed farther if it might be.

The

latter alone

was successful enough, on that

gulf; nor can
it

dif-

ficult coast,

to reach the promontory, formerly de-

scribed, at the

mouth of the

now be

wonderful
proceed,

if,

or,

with such a vessel, single he dared not rather, if he thought it utterly un-

becoming him
going so
acquired.
far,

to hazard farther, not only the lives of those with him, but also the information which, in

on a coast before unknown, he had

has
its

sources in the highlands of Armenia, so raised above the level of the ocean that,
Ch.23.s.4.
'

The Euphrates

n a latitude to expect a mild winter air, Xenophon had found, and modern travellers have confirmed his
i

account, the severity of an arctic sky. Issuing a torrent from the mountains into the very extensive
plain of Mesopotamia, there, on a
12

bed of clay, covered

FLOODS OF MESOPOTAMIAN RIVERS.

with a sandy soil, the stream formed a channel, within which, during the greater part of the year, it has continued to pass, by a course of some hundred miles, But, as other rivers whose sources among lofty mountains, with the melting of snow in spring, its waters are so increased as to overflow the flat country to a very great extent. In these
to the Persian gulf.
lie

419
SECT.

was observed that the sand, otherwise barren, when saturated with water resting on the retentive clay, became highly fruitful. Accordart was used to assure and extend the ingly early
circumstances
it

But about fifty miles below Babylon, on the western side, the floods found a hollow in the clay ; into which the waters rushing dispossessed the
benefit.

sand and became a very extensive lake

whence, with

farther increase, they penetrated variously through the surrounding loose soil. Here much was lost ;

while

much

so

forced

its

way,

in the course of a

gentle and hardly perceptible declivity of the land, as to form a new channel to the gulf. The greater
part of the flood passing thus, the benefit of irrigation for the lands lower on the river side was lost. To

provide the advantage then, or -restore it, the Assyrian kings had constructed a dam across the opening to-

ward the
ss that

lake, with a vent that might be regulated, the land below should be duly irrigated while

the superfluous water might still be discharged. The lake obtained the name of Pallacopas, and the channel toward
it

was called the river Pallacopas.

Under

the Persian kings these valuable works had

been neglected, and were gone far to decay. Alexander would not merely restore but greatly improve them. For such a business very numerous hands

would be wanted.
sand

men

at

According to report, thirty thouone time had been employed on it.

Among

the Greeks,

we have observed, not only

E E 2

420
CHAP,
|__

HISTORY OF GREECE.
such extraordinary operations, but almost the whole of the manual labour necessary for the support of mankind, was considered, even by the philosophers, as

but properly imposed on their fellow-men in the condition of slaves ; so that, in

unfit

for freemen,

every republic, the slaves would out-number the freemen, and in the more flourishing were many times

more numerous. indeed, if a more

it

Among European
liberal

nations of old

system anywhere prevailed,

has failed of notice from those writers to

all

whom we
it

owe

extant accounts.

On

a former occasion

has been observed that to take slaves for the

invasions

Roman

markets appears to have been a chief object of Julius

Cassar's

of Britain

the

demand being

urgent for large and continual supplies of men in that wretched condition ; not domestic service only, but the labours of husbandry, throughout Italy under the Roman dominion, being committed almost wholly to slaves. Julius was certainly among the most generous and humane of Roman conquerors ; yet, when he had, not without difficulty, brought the people of the territory of the town now called Vannes, in Brittany, to unconditional submission, he condemned all of higher rank to death, and sold the whole remaining population to slavery.* Of slavery among the Asiatics

Caes.

de
a

'

'

'

we have little from Grecian writers, and nothing from any other, excepting the Jews ; whose institutions were so decidedly proposed to maintain a constant separation between them and other people that what held among

them can

indicate nothing for any others.

But when

the kings of Assyria, successively conquerors of the

was the plea for extraorIn quos eo gravius Caesar vindicandum statuit, quo diligentius in reliquum tempus a barbaris jus legatorum
[*
violation of the Jus legatorum
' :

dinary severity

conservaretur.'

De

Bell. Gall.

iii.

16.

Cf. 8, 9.]

SLAVERY AMONG THE ANCIENTS.

Samaritans and Jews, carried captives at unquestionably great expense and trouble, the former into Media, and
afterward the latter into Babylonia, it would not be with the liberal and humane views which the modern
religion and a toward morality require conquered people, and on which their practice for many centuries has been

SECT.

European law of nations and maxims of

founded.
of war,

The

treatment however of those prisoners

to slavery, as far as light
is

condemned

thrown

upon it, appears rather to have resembled that of the Israelites in Egypt than to have been so inhuman as
was ordinary, less indeed among the Greeks than the Romans. Yet we have full assurance from the Jewish historian that the purpose was to employ them ; and
the pathetic exclamation of the poet, * By the waters * of -Babylon we sat down and wept,' may perhaps afford some confirmation to the otherwise highly

probable supposition, that the great works under the direction of the Assyrian kings, which gave to the

Babylonian plain the benefit, and secured it against the ravages of floods, were in large part executed by

Hebrew among

hands.
it is

In India,
admitted.

said,

slavery,

at least such as that

Romans, was little, if at all, But Alexander, coming there instructed in Grecian principles by Aristotle, condemned to that state some whole communities of Indians, reduced by arms to unconditional submission. Crimes indeed were alleged to justify such severity ; and

the Greeks and

modern information concerning the

that extensive country shows
it

various people of probable, that a just

humanity toward a larger portion of the population may at least have promoted the policy, so severe toward a smaller ; for the transportation of some thousands of the caste of warriors, born to the profession of robbery, and bound to die in it, could hardly fail E E 3

'**

HISTORY OF GREECE.
^
an<>or(l

^lu'

re lief to

luable caste

many more thousands of the vaof husbandmen. Nearchus, we have seen,

in the course of his voyage, took prisoners ; but his means for carrying them to a market were scanty. Accordingly none are mentioned till the fleet was

approaching the commercial towns near the Persian What became of such unfortunate people it gulf. was not in the way of ancient historians to be solicitous to tell. Probably Nearchus relieved his crews by compelling his prisoners to work at the oar till they might be sold at Mosarna, Badis, or Harmoza. But many thousands might be subsisted while attending the march of the army, under Craterus, from India through the fruitful countries northward of the great desert, and probably would be afterward employed on Alexander's great public works. In some degree to indicate the value of those works, and so assist toward a just estimate of the great conqueror's character and policy, a summary

history of their fortune, even to the present day, as given by that very diligent and able inquirer, Vin* While Babylon was the cent, may be useful here :
*

capital of the

East,'
all

he

says,

the control of the

'
*

waters invigorated when the Persian

Susa,

'

the contiguous districts. But, conquerors dwelt at Ecbatana, or Persepolis, due attention being discon-

tinued, Mesopotamia, Chaldea, and their capital declined together.' Alexander, he proceeds, pro-

Concernposed to restore and improve the works. what followed his under till ing successors, they were dispossessed by the Parthians, extant history gives no information. The Romans then becoming masters of all westward, and the Parthians of Babylonia itself

and
*

all

beneficial

eastward, the latter not only neglected the works but * encouraged the extension

of a desert against the

Roman

frontier.

In follow-

TERRITORIAL IMPROVEMENT.
' '

4&
SECT.
_

' 4
*

despotism and neglect what policy might have commenced. Still completed it has happened, in every age, and under every government, that the neglect was not universal.
ing vicissitudes of power,

The grand

canals have failed

but a

partial, distri-

'

bution of the water has constantly been preserved : insomuch that, even under the desolating empire

' '
*

' ' ' *

'

hour an object of comIves was on his passage While parative importance. up the river, he met a bashaw coming down, with a commission to direct the places where the bank was to be opened, or the outlet closed. The office is still of dignity, for this bashaw was a commander
of the Turks,
it
is

to this

of thirty thousand men ; and, as we may conclude that, under the Turkish government, every drop

'
'

of water

is

paid

for,
still

though the
it

service will

be

be performed.' The performed badly, extent of the ancient improvement, ancient account
will

of
'
* *

it

failing,

ceeds to show thus

the able and diligent commentator pro* : No traveller passes the great

desert between Basra

traces of habitation,

and Aleppo without finding buildings and remains of towns :

' ' ' '

hardly Arabian relics, for this is not the country where the Arabs live in towns ; they are probably Chaldean, Syrian, or Macedonian. They must all have possessed water as the primary means of existence, and they have ceased to exist because the Euphrates has ceased to convey them the means
of fertilising the desert.'

Alexander, leaving Media, as Arrian indicates, in on the march, would spring, and delayed by nothing of the floods. That in season the reach Babylon early
the excavation of the proposed not dock, though perhaps to the erection of the around it, would be most favournecessary buildings
season, adverse to

E E 4

424
CHAP,
LVI1
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
which he in person executed ; the mouth of the channel of the water to going by that channel to a Pallacopas, and proceeding by
able for the business

survey of the lake. The country around that expanse of water, in the neglect of the Persian government, mostly barren, and left open to the incursions of the

of being made greatly freebooting Arabs, was capable productive. But, for the improvements which AlexA.rr.

1.7.

ander meditated, defence for the workmen to be employed would be necessary. Selecting therefore a convenient situation on the border of the lake, he
directed the building and fortifying of a town, for a settlement for such Greeks of his army as might
prefer such

an establishment,
to

under their captain

general's protection,

republics, where probably they might be both protection and means of livelihood.
It has

returning to their several at a loss for

been formerly observed that Arrian, emuthe lating simplicity and candour of Thucydides, has, unfortunately for the highly interesting history which

we owe

to him, failed to emulate that excellent au-

thor's accuracy in

marking times and

seasons.

Among

extant historians, after Thucydides, chronology has

been proposed to be regularly given only by Diodorus ; whose inaccuracies, canvassed by many able critics, have been the subject of former necessary

Thus, among very able and diligent modern inquirers, there has been much question concerning a whole year, or nearly so much, following Alexander's return from the eastward to Babylon. Such
notice.

assurance however as

ancient testimonies
assist

afford of

the judgment where indications of time alone are doubtful. powerful

what was executed may

fleet

was partly built on the spot, partly brought over land from a distant country. dock was ex-

PRESERVATION OF POPULARITY.
cavated on the bank of the Euphrates to receive it, and numerous edifices, such as ancient use required
for a naval arsenal,

4>

25

SECT.

were erected.

Possibly so

much

may have been previously in preparation. But, clearly after Alexander's return, very extensive surveys were
made, by land and by water, preparatory to works for improving the inland navigation, and irrigating the country ; a town on a hostile frontier was built, fortified, and peopled ; and meanwhile the restoration of the temple of Belus in Babylon was going forward.

To
and

all

these works Alexander

is

said to have attended,

in the surveys to have taken a leading part. But a greater, and far more difficult, as well as
beneficial,

more

these, though details was concerning evidently accomplished. This was" such as never occurred for any man, before or since. Chief of a small limited monarchy, and of a confederacy of republics, Alexander had conquered
all
it fail,

work than

a mighty empire, composed of

many

nations, differ-

ing among themselves in language, in manners, and in religion, but all perhaps differing more from their conquerors, through their habit of seeing their govern-

ment administered with the

greatest

pomp,

if

not

also with the greatest rigour, of despotism. Educated himself to cultivate popularity among the free, he

had, according to
his father,

all

best testimony, in imitation of

in conformity to his great preceptor's The wellinstructions, persevered in the practice. known story of his visit to the cynic philosopher

and

Diogenes, when, after his first successes, at the age of only twenty-one, he bore with complacency the
affected pride

and rudeness of that singular man,

is
AIT.
c<
l
'

warranted by Arrian ; who has added an occurrence of similar character in India, when he already com-

i.

7.

426
CHAP,
'__

HISTORY OF GREECE.

manded

the Persian empire.

brahman,

whom

he

sent for, not only refusing sternly to stir at his com-

mand, but adding reproaches, he took all patiently, and would allow no violence toward the man. The
liberality of his intercourse, at all times, with all Greeks, whether of his kingdom or of the republics,
is

marked by

all

writers

and not
table

least

by Arrian,

To occasionally reporting maintain his popularity with his own nation was perhaps even more important after than before his
in

conversation.

conquests ; for he could hold these in no security without the support of Grecian hearts, directing

Grecian hands. But he had

now another

pressing interest, in a

manner at war with this. It was to gain the attachment and secure the respect of those who had been
accustomed to see their sovereign only surrounded with the utmost pomp, secluded almost as a divinity,

commanding every thing by

nobody

his nod, familiar

with

while the subjects of the higher classes, ; each as far as his station would admit, imitated this pomp of despotism. It had not been indeed alto-

In the course of this gether a successful policy. have observed rebellions we against the sovehistory
reign frequent
;

in

some instances long

;

some threateningly extensive ; bers of the royal family numerous

:

lasting ; in assassinations of mem-

the demise of the

crown always attended with trouble, and rarely free from bloodshed in the quietest times for the throne, wars of governors of provinces with one another,
each professing to act in the cause of the throne, continual ; arid thus, after the first Darius, security for the subject appears to have been rarely found

throughout the empire, unless under the able ad-

CIVIL

AND MILITARY ARRANGEMENTS.

Mentor
in the west,

42
in

ministration of

and Bagoas

SECT.
IL

the east, in the latter years of the energetic reign of

Artaxerxes Ochus.

But Alexander, conquering

not only the highest
civil,

this empire,

and ven-

turing, even while the contest continued, to commit,

commands

to eminent

men

but also very high military of the conquered, and

blending even the armies of the two people, so established harmony throughout the many nations, so
balanced the conquerors and the conquered, that on his premature death, leaving the succession singularly questionable, there was, except among the ever troubled republics of Greece, for some years, a quiet,

not perfect, not universal, but, for the circumstances, The great business of arrangevery extraordinary.

ment, indispensable toward providing such an amount of political tranquillity, in such circumstances, is so
far

marked

to have

been Alexander's own,

as

no

historian has said who, after Parmenio, was his adviser.

No doubt

he consulted

many and
;

the talents

afterward displayed by several of the persons placed by him in the highest situations prove the judgment

These were with which he had selected them. Even the person, Macedonians. not all, mostly, but

who held under him

the confidential office of secre-

born a republican ; and, contary, Eumenes, was the superior ability shown by that officer, sidering
after the loss of his great patron,
it

seems at

least

was likely that he

assistant.

a principal and a very valuable

For the completion of so great a business, however long contemplated, and in whatever degree prepared at Parsagardae, Susa, and Ecbatana, the leisure of one winter at Babylon clearly would be little enough ; and the narrative of Arrian, and the chronology of

428
CHAP.

HISTORY OF GREECE.
Diodorus, though with no exactness marking the times of transactions, concur in showing that one

Thus it appears every way winter was passed there. of the first summer was used flood that the probable
for the first voyage

down the

river to the lake.

For

the excavation of the dock at Babylon, the absence of the flood, and therefore winter, would be requisite.

For building and fortifying and settling the town on the lake, time would be wanted, and still more for the very extensive arrangements, civil and military,
which were completed, so far at least as to produce the very beneficial results already noticed. The flood of the second spring is then sufficiently

An-,

i.

7.

marked

as the season of a

second voyage to the lake.

Circumstances, on this occasion related by the historian, show Alexander's personal attention to the
business of the survey.
river far

The

water, issuing from the

dis-

below Babylon, had spread back again, possessing the sand, northward toward the city.
fleet

In

extending the survey in this direction, a part of the

king, observing or informed of its difficulty, found, among the pilots attending on himself, one who undertook
to

became entangled among

shoals.

The

know

that part,

and who, being immediately

dis-

patched, conducted the erring vessels into the proper channel. But another matter, unimportant in itself,

and perhaps not then much noticed, greatly engaged

the public mind afterward. The plain in this part, while dry, or but partially floated, had been chosen in previous ages for the sepulchres of Assyrian kings ; for

Arr. ut ant.

Neare

wn c ^ islands appear to have been, among the Asiatics,

i

and perhaps

others, favourite situations. About those monuments the collected sandy soil favoured the growth of reeds. Among them Alexander, in his aversion still to inaction, as formerly when crossing the Hellespont,

MORE EMBASSIES TO ALEXANDER.

was himself steering the vessel which bore him, when the diadem which he wore was blown from his head

4^9
SECT.

by a violent gust of wind, and lodged on a bed of reeds. Some one from the vessel swam after it, and, to obviate wetting, returned with it on his own head.

Among
was

the occurrences of Alexander's active

life this

likely to be much regarded at the time. But, being recollected afterward, in other circumlittle

stances, the anecdote became popular, though in very various report. Some related that the eminent general Seleucus was the person who swam after the

diadem

their purpose of

thus rather making their story complete for showing an omen verified, than re-

garding the real fact. According to more probable accounts, an obscure man was the adventurer ; doubtful

whether fortunate or unfortunate

for,

according

to some, as the careful historian informs us, the kins' * * <j

rewarded him with a present of a talent ; according to others, caused him to be whipped. Returning however in safety to Babylon, Alexander found more embassies from Grecian republics arrived, with the ordinary present of golden crowns. Ancient

had been growing among the republican Greeks, and which, in following ages, became extravagant in extreme ; a natural consequence of extravagant violence
writers have noticed the spirit of adulation which
in the spirit of faction. When one party proposes to rule through the favour of a licentious multitude, its

opponents,

the weaker party, being in danger of the cruellest oppression of which history tells, will not be
if

scrupulous of extravagance in endeavours to avert or resist it ; and so will be ready for any adulation to obtain powerful protection, and any subserviency
to avoid destruction.
i

This observation indeed

is

at
Ch. 43. s. 1. ofthisni?t.

least as old as Aristotle,

who

has reckoned democracy

11

<30

HISTORY OF GREECE.
and tyranny congenial governments, and remarked that the Grecian demagogues of his age and before, comfailing of their object to attain command, were If there however submission. for any monly ready was anything extraordinary in the compliments from
the republics, by their embassies to Alexander, it was not such as to attract the notice of historians ;

CHAP,
LVII>

though favours

said to

have been solicited for some,

nominally for their temples

pear rather extravagant. a polite attention to all ; his interest indeed requiring the maintenance of peace between them, and a good
disposition

and religious service, apAlexander however gave

toward him among

all.

At Babylon he found
arrived to supply the
his

also large re-enforcement

numerous recent discharges from

From the eastward, his satrap of Persia, army. Peucestas, had brought a body of twenty thousand Persians, beside a considerable force of highlanders,

mostly Cossees and Tapoors. The judicious conduct of Peucestas in his government, and also the loyalty
of the Persians under
it,

received the king's particular

commendation. It appears indeed probable, from the combined accounts of Diodorus and Arrian, that the
Persians, reckoning themselves unworthily neglected by the late Median dynasty, were prepared with a disposition
to

popularity.

be engaged by Alexander's talent for Recruits for the infantry were arrived

from the westward, under Philoxenus and Menander, the former from Caria, the other from Lydia, and Menidas had brought a body of cavalry ; but in what In proportion any of these were Greek is not said.
admitting orientals however into the establishment of the army of the empire, Alexander avoided to leave

them distinct bodies he so mixed Greeks, whether Macedonian or of the republics, among them, that the
:

OMENS.

431
SECT.

Greek officers, and of these probably the Macedonian had the greater share of command. 11 While thus arranging the business of the army, so
as to suit the circumstances of the acquired empire, the fleet still appears to have been, for Alexander's

indefatigable mind, with purposes immediately in In freview, the object of his more studious care.

the rowers vied with one another

quent exercise on the wide summer course of the river those in vessels of ; the old construction, the triremes, striving to equal or
excel in swiftness the quadriremes and quinqueremes,

proposed, with more numerous hands, to be capable of more rapid motion.

SECTION
Omens :
history of

III.

an Indian brahman

respect

for prognostics

among

the ancients.

OMENS, supposed
men,
less

found in

earlier history,

to portend the death of eminent abound in that of

Alexander, and of

many

following ages

perhaps re-

commended

to public attention, and thence to the not regard, only of writers seeking, for their profit, to engage public curiosity, but also of statesmen, with
11

Here again

Arrian's work seems to shows the want of his

revising eye.

says the oriental soldiers, formed in bodies together with Greeks, retained their national arms. But, on a former occasion, we have his assurance that large bodies of
orientals were completely instructed in the discipline of the phaand armed accordingly. What is here said does not indeed

He

lanx,

necessarily imply contradiction : it is obviously possible that bodies of orientals, skilled in the use of the bow, might be ad-

vantageously annexed to the phalanges.

or at least explanation, seems wanting.

But perfect coherency,

432
political views,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
not least by circumstances about this

time occurring, and rumours gaining popularity and raised to importance through Alexander's fame. Com-

monly, where reported by different ancient writers, Arrian speaks they are found differently reported. of the admonition of the Chaldee priests to Alex* not to enter Babylon,' as founded on an oraander,
cle delivered to

that misfortune
.

1.

17.

Diodorus, after
lie

them by their god Belus, declaring would follow, but not specifying what. some other authority, says that the
his death as to

priests positively foretold

follow if

entered Babylon, but that all misfortune might be avoided if he passed by ; and that they knew this,

not by any communication from

their

deity,

but

through their skill in astrology.

culars,

With other

parti-

unnoticed by Arrian, he has added what is perfectly probable, that the Greek philosophers, of

Alexander's retinue, held the science and the proWhat folphecy of the Chaldees together in scorn.

lowed seems to have raised both in public esteem and the historian shows largely his own respect for them, and his opinion of the inferiority of the science
;

of the philosophers of his own nation. It appears to have been in consequence of what followed, that, the public mind being greatly agitated throughout the

numerous occurrences,

empire, not the prophecy of the Chaldees only, but in themselves utterly unim-

Recollecportant, engaged public attention deeply. tion and imagination and invention, through various feelings, and with various views, all became busy.

Facts were remembered, and representations of them were made, and importance was attributed, and interpretations were insisted on, which otherwise never would have occurred to thought, or would have been
little

regarded.

ACCOUNT OF AN INDIAN BRAHMAN.

But a matter which had passed
at

4<33
'

s T Parsagardas, fi9 while Alexander was yet there, of neither political nor military concern, yet, as simply related by Arrian, Arr 7;
-

l-

in itself interesting, becoming afterward implicated in report with following events, may perhaps best

have

its Alexander, in the place in narrative here. course of his conquests, appears to have met nowhere so determined an opposition as in India, from those known, then, as now, by the title of Bramins or

Brahmans. 12 Hence, as we have seen, he was induced to treat those singular men, on some occasions,
with great severity. Nevertheless the peculiarities, and, among these, the merits, of their doctrine and of their manners, excited his curiosity, and even en-

gaged

his

esteem

so far at

least that

he did not

refuse friendship with those among them who would One eminent man of cultivate friendship with him.

Calanus, as the Greeks wrote his name, acquiring his favour, was enough gratified with it to be induced to attach himself to his court, and even
their caste,

to attend

him

in the march,

threatening in outset,
in experience, through
writers,

and dangerous and painful

the Gadrosian desert.

Some

amid the profli-

Athen.

gacy of aftertimes, imputed to this man, and even generally to the Brahmans, a propensity, in most decided opposition to their avowed principles, to
indulge in the sensual pleasures which Alexander's court might afford, and especially to drinking. Whe-

among them, men of such a seems to warrant the imputation disposition, nothing
ther there were or not,
ill adopted by our no language but the French. The Greek orthography, Epa%pciv, perhaps represented the Indian word, both of Alexander's and of the present day, as nearly as could be with Greek letters.

12

Bramin seems French orthography,

writers, as suiting

VOL.

VIII.

F F

434
CHAP,
Li

HISTORY OF GREECE.
against Calanus.

VI I.

Sensual pleasures were surely not

To study nature expected in the Gadrosian desert. was among their objects on principle ; and extension of that study, in observation beyond Indian bounds,
might be among his motives. But, if he had any worthy, what followed appears to show it to have been the pride of exhibiting, among strangers, the
less

ordinary fortitude of his brotherhood

first in

bearing

great hardships, clearly expected in the march, and then in a contempt of life, when the prospect of opportunity for sensual gratification became open.
It
is

not said that he did not bear the

evils

of that

desperate undertaking, the march through Gadrosia, with unreproved constancy. But, arrived at Parsawhen ease and gardae, pleasure were, in ordinary course, within hope of all, being seized with severe
illness,

no unlikely

result for

one habituated to a

life

of the greatest abstinence indeed, but of the most perfect quiet, he became, it is said, impatient of life.
Arr.
i.

7.

According to the brahman doctrine, death is but a parting of the immortal soul from an unworthy associate, the mortal body, which every one might choose for himself, regardless of farther duties among men.

Of his

faith in this doctrine,

and of

his

contempt for

whatever enjoyments might be reserved for him in this world, Calanus resolved to show an example ; ordinary in his own country, but which, where he

now

would be striking and memorable. Accordingly he made known to Alexander his desire to die by fire on a funeral pile, pursuant to the
was,
practice of his sect.

The

prince kindly remonstrated,

and

at first refused permission.

all

vering, against claring that he

solicitation

But Calanus and argument,

persein de-

would use
12

his right of choosing death

for himself, and, if denied the

more honourable mode,

ACCOUNT OF AN INDIAN BRAHMAN.

warranted by the practice of his
die,

435
SECT.

caste,

still

he would

Alexander

Avoiding he would otherwise do his wilful parting friend the utmost honour. The whole army was ordered out, under the command of the historian, Ptolemy son of
Lagus.
Calanus,
so

at length reluctantly yielded. to be present at the mournful exhibition,

weak from

sickness as to be

unable, if not rather unwilling, to walk, was provided with a horse. company preceded him, carrying offerings of vessels of gold and silver and royal robes.

He

he went.

was crowned in the Indian manner, and sang as At the foot of the pile he was taken on a

couch, perhaps a palankeen, and carried by men to the top. The decent gracefulness and apparent with which he placed himself there were composure

remarked

by the

beholders.

While the

flames

approached him he remained, to the admiration of all, motionless, till, with the smoke, they hid him from sight.
*

Such/
all

says Arrian,

is

the account given by

it

An-,

i.

7.

'

writers

worthy of credit,' and

seems to have

that he found given by writers whom he so esteemed. But an addition gained popularity, which

been

he has noticed on a following occasion. * " of the Indian he

reported,'
says,
*

'

This

is

16 -

*
* '

philosopher leaving the palace to proceed to the funeral pile, having saluted the rest of his friends, he avoided that ceremony to Alexander, saying

Calanus.

On

he would salute him at Babylon.' Such a story could hardly fail of Plutarch's favour, who has given it, without naming authority, as an authentic prophecy of Alexander's death. But he might have

named, what may deserve notice, the authority of Cicero. That extraordinary man, who in the stormy time in which he lived, deeply engaged in political F F 2

436
CHAP,

HISTORY OF GREECE.
could yet give much attention to is well known, a philosophical subjects, has left, it treatise in support of belief in prognostics, as pro-

and

civil business,

from one god, or from phetical intimations, (whether some of the various deities of the Greek and Roman
[Cic.de
divin.
1. i.

c. 23.]

versed in divination, creed,) and in the ability of men, to interpret them. In that treatise he has not scrupled . to state, as an instance or true prophecy, that the
,,

ill

Indian philosopher Calanus foretold the death of Alexander as to follow, within a few days, that to which he was going immediately to put himself.

Here we have

a strong instance,

how much

at hazard,

in failure of the

modern convenience of printed books

and indexes, the most informed men among the ancients would refer to historical matter, when history was net their principal object. The prophecy of
Calanus, disregarded (for so Arrian says) at the time, seems, most probably, to have been unheard of till after Alexander's death.

appear indeed, in modern times, extraordinary, that such and so many prognostics, as here load Arrian's narrative, should have been thought worthy of it by one of his eminence in civil and
It

may

and of the understanding shown in his extant writings. But, as they remain noticed not by him only, but by other eminent men, they so mark the character of three ages, the most enlightened of antiquity, those of Alexander, of Cicero, and of
military office,

Arrian himself, that still some farther notice of them may be required of the modern historian. The authority of Aristobulus, cited

by Arrian

for three

which

he has

related, indicates the importance attributed to them in Alexander's own One of these, inage.

volving other men in eminent situations, may most deserve attention, and may suffice for example.

RESPECT FOR PROGNOSTICS.

Babylon for the eastward, committing the important satrapy of the province to the Persian Mazreus, he appointed a republican
left

437
SECT.

When

Alexander

Greek, Apollodorus of Amphipolis, one of

his

band

of companions, to the chief military command. When assurance was obtained that, in returning from India, he was proceeding to Ecbatana, Apollodorus, whether according to order, or to obviate imputations against

Informed of the king's severe toward oppressors, in alarm, exercised justice, already
him, repaired thither.

he wrote to

his brother, Pithagoras,

an eminent

seer,

of that branch which pretended to know the future from observation of the intestines of victims killed
for

desiring prophetical information concerning his own future safety. Pithagoras, in answer,
sacrifice,

inquired from whom particularly fearing danger he desired a prophecy on the subject. Apollodorus
that he feared the king himself, and Hephasstion. Pithagoras then sacrificed first concerning Hepha3stion ; and, finding the victim's liver

wrote him,

defective, wrote to his brother that there could be

no danger from Hephaestion, for he would be very shortly out of the way ; and Aristobulus related
that Hephaestion died the next day after the letter's
arrival.

Pithagoras then sacrificed concerning Alexliver again faulty.

ander, and found the victim's

this

Of

Apollodorus informed the king, hoping so to obtain the credit of solicitude for his welfare ; and so
lost no favour. According Alexander was enough impressed by the story to be induced to communicate with PithaThe goras upon it, when he arrived at Babylon.

far

he succeeded, that he

to Aristobulus,

seer assured
liver

him boldly that the failure in the victim's portended him great misfortune and Alexander
;

was so

satisfied

with what he esteemed the honesty F F 3

438
CHAP, LVIL

HISTORY OF GREECE.
of the declaration that Pithagoras was thenceforth in more than former favour with him. Aristobulus,

who
the
as

related all this, in his history, as having had it from Pithagoras himself, added other instances of
skill

he

of that seer in divination, shown afterward, said, in foretelling the fate of other eminent

men.
Considering the eminence of both Aristobulus and Arrian, we have here indeed very remarkable evidence to the estimation of that called the science of divina-

most flourishing ages of Grecian and But in the report, from Aristophilosophy. of Alexander's communication with Apollobulus, and dorus Pithagoras, this moreover will deserve
tion, in the

Roman

have there the testimony of those in notice. the habit of conversation with Alexander, published when there could be no purpose of flattery, to the

We

temper with which he received such communications. And this will deserve to be borne in mind by any whom curiosity may lead to the stories told by ancient writers, some even by Arrian, of which two are
from Aristobulus, imputing to him unworthy alarm and base resentment.

But
matters
tion.

in estimating these tales

solemnly and authoritatively

of prognostics, so told, still some other

reader's considera-

may

deserve the
in the

modern

Both

Roman

republic,

and afterward

under the empire, the various offices of the priesthood, even the highest, were held by men holding at the same time, not only the highest civil, but also
the highest military situations, political engine in their hands.
civil

and were no mean

Arrian, with both

and military

office,

is

said to have held a priest-

hood of considerable power and emolument.

he would not only have

Thus

a personal interest in the

RESPECT FOR PROGNOSTICS.

subject which Cicero, before him, had recommended to public respect, but would have a duty toward his
office,

439
SECT.

______

while he held

it,

to

consider.

But,

before

Arrian's time, that had occurred, whence had arisen a conflict, both of opinions and of interests, which could in no degree be in Cicero's contemplation.

Already the credit of the Christian religion was

so

advancing (to this purpose the testimony of Arrian's contemporary, Pliny, is decisive) as to have become
alarming to those, from attached to the heathen
tion

opinion or from interest,

rites
;

and thus, in emula-

of those prophecies by which the Christian faith was promoted, a desire and an interest to maintain

and promote the credit of heathen prognostics

was excited.
Fortunately for the short but interesting portion of Alexander's history to follow, extraordinary authority has been preserved ; neither confirming nor
confuting the various accounts of facts, reported as prognostics, but affording ground for estimating the
value of tales transmitted of any effect from that extraordinary man's mind.

them on

SECTION
Sacrificial feast for the
death.

IV.
illness

armament : Alexander's

and

in bearing fatigue quired bodily exertion, careless

EXTREME
the

when
;

business re-

of bodily exercise

when

mind could be employed

extreme also

occasionally in watching and fasting, and occasionally indulging his power of sensual enjoyment ; regardless

always equally of the winter atmosphere of snowy mountains and of the summer heat of plains under a
F F 4

440
CHAP, LVIL
tropical sun
;

HISTORY OF GREECE.
such was the excellence of Alexander's
constitution that, except what he had brought upon himself, at Tarsus in Cilicia, by bathing, when violently heated, in a river singularly chilling, it does

The not appear that he had ever suffered sickness. transition from the summer heat of Gadrosia and Persia to the keen winter air of the Cossee mountains,

and thence again

to

assiduous employment

among

the marshes of the Babylonian plain, under a

burning sun by day, and among rank vapours by night, would put the strongest constitution to severe trial. This however he had borne, apparently uninjured ; and, after a following winter, had hazarded, in the returned heat of summer, again to employ
himself assiduously, careless, it appears, of weather, in an open boat among the marshes. Arrian marks it to have been shortly after his

Arr.i. 7. c 23 24 '
p'lut.' v.

Alex *

second return to Babylon, from this variously hazardous business, that, preparation for his long projected expedition to the southward being completed,

he resolved to proceed upon it trusting that, with arrangements made, he might commit the administration at home to those whom he had appointed to
;

the several departments and provinces, while he should be absent for uncertain time in uncertain distance.

In
all

his usual

way then of

cultivating popularity

among

ranks in his service, previously to departure he gave a magnificent sacrifice, affording a feast for the

combined
table

and army, in which he shared at a provided for himself and his more select comfleet

panions.
Arr. 1.7.
c'h.34. s'.2. of this Hist.

After the death of Hephsestion, the person with whom he most communicated as a confidential friend
al](j

g ra teful companion was Medius of

j

Larissa, in

Thessaly

probably of that race of Thessalian nobles

14

A SACRIFICIAL FEAST.

441
fa-

who claimed kindred with

mily, as of the

the Macedonian royal

SECT.

blood of Hercules, and to whom the branch was largely indebted for the possesreigning sion of the throne. According to report, which

Plutarch has followed, and which Arrian appears to

have reckoned trustworthy, Alexander was retiring from his magnificent sacrificial entertainment with the purpose of going to rest, when Medius requested

him

at supper. the hot climates, for those of Mid-day easy circumstances, the season of repose, when, with

to join a

company

being in

the light of the sun, the heated air also, for domestic comfort, even in the south of Europe, is commonly excluded from all apartments, night is the season
rationally chosen for social enjoyment ; late, in itself, no indication of debauch.

and

sitting

Night of

course was the preferable season for that conversation in which, as on the best authority we are assured,

Alexander delighted, and in opportunities of leisure sometimes it appears drinking to excess, indulged but, according to far the most trustworthy testimony, that of Aristobulus, reported by Arrian, and confirmed by every account of what was accomplished by Alexander, generally without excess, and rather
;

abstemiously.

The interesting sequel is given by both Arrian and Plutarch, from the royal daybook formerly mentioned ; said to have been compiled under the direction of that very eminent man, Eumenes, the Their reports differ but king's principal secretary.
;

so only that

nothing

Plutarch, confirming much, invalidates of what is stated by the other far more

careful writer. 13
13 These reports are noticed by Vincent, in his commentary on Nearchus, p. 521-., thus : ' the extract preserved both by

4<2

HISTORY OF GREECE.
According to both accounts, Alexander, after the feast given to the whole army, joined a select comBathing before the pany at supper with Medius. we was common meal, find, among the Greeks in

CHAP. LVIL

Homer's time.

In the hot climate of Babylonia

it

appears to have been the common practice on rising and going to rest. Alexander, according to Arrian's
report from the daybook, bathed on rising from supper, and then retired, already, according to Plutarch,

apparently has meant to speak of the same day, The next day was passed in conversing, feeling fever.
drinking, and playing at dice with Medius, nobody being admitted on business ; a course utterly adverse
to

who

what the sequel decisively marks to have then Thus it appears strongly engaged Alexander's mind.
'

'

'

Plutarch and Arrian does not materially differ in the accounts of the two reporters, except that Arrian has preserved more notices of the fleet.' Sainte Croix describes the same extracts
'

somewhat
*

differently:

un fragment, conserve par Arrien, ex-

par Plutarque.' Exam, des Hist. d'Alex. p. 157. It seems evident to me that neither writer has proposed a rigidly exact copy, but that each has extracted what
trait

avec peu de

fidelite

he reckoned

for his purpose, using often the original words, (as Plutarch has professed for himself to have done,) but abridging and connecting with their own phrases as they saw convenient.

the royal daily transactions, or daybook, a of facts, and not a work proposed for general being dry register amusement, is unlikely, as it has been formerly observed in the
text, to

The publication, entitled

have been

in

many

ancient libraries.

The two extracts

from

by two ancient writers of the eminence of Plutarch and Arrian, however differing, together furnish authority more than commonly satisfactory for such matter in
it,

transmitted

ancient history. They are indeed documents altogether so sinthe relics of antiquity, and of so interesting a kind, gular among that I have been induced to offer translations of them side by side

end of this chapter, to enable the curious reader the more readily to form his own judgment of the use here made of
at the

them.

ALEXANDER'S ILLNESS.
highly probable that, as Plutarch's account indicates, a disabling illness was already felt ; yet such only as
to leave the

443
SECT.

hope ready

that, with

one day's quiet,

power

for the usual exertion of

mind and body might

return. Late at night he bathed, ate a little, and, the fever then running high, retired to rest in Most extravagant stories were, Medius's house.

perhaps not till long after, circulated of his drinking on this occasion ; some refuted by their very extravagance,
all

made doubtful by

their varieties,
14

and

all

by the daybook. eminent modern physician has reckoned, from the circumstances most authoritatively reported, that the disorder was what, in modern medical phrase,
virtually contradicted

An

is

termed an irregular semitertian fever

precisely

the kind of disorder which, not excessive drinking, but incautious and unlimited exposure to alternate
heat, cold,

and damp, with great exertion of the body, and intense application of the mind, also in alternacy, would be likely to produce.

On

the

third

morning,

impatient

of idleness,

though so oppressed by illness as to be unable to rise, the king was carried on a couch to the sacrifice,
which the law prescribed for every day. This, a thanksgiving to the gods for the meal, seems to have been little if anything other than a more ceremonious manner of what was practised by our fathers, and
hardly know whether fitter refutation of those extravagances could be than is virtually involved in the hyperbole of
14

our dithyrambic poet,

ing them, in saying
'
'

exposition of their absurdity, rather

:

who may indeed seem to have proposed summing up than exceed-

Alexander hated thinking, Drank around the council-board,

'

And subdued the world by drinking More than by his conquering sword.'
'

444>

HISTORY OF GREECE.
perhaps
ill

CHAP,
LVIT
'

neglected

among

ourselves, in our phrase,

Lying then on his couch, he received saying grace. his principal officers, and gave orders for the proposed expedition ; so trusting yet that his indisposition would be transitory that he named the fourth

day forward for the army to move, and for the in which he proposed himself to embark, the

fleet,
fifth.

Both accounts

indicate a remission of the disorder

on

this day. After dispatching business, he could attend to the amusement of hearing Nearchus, and others who had made the voyage with him, relate the cir-

cumstances of the Indian ocean and

its

shores.

In

the evening, probably for fresher air than that of the palace in the city, carried still on a couch, or in
a palankeen, he crossed the river to a paradise, a pleasure-ground appendant to a smaller palace, where,

having bathed as usual, he rested for the night.

On the fourth day, whether feeling fatigue from the former day's exertion, or compelled by increased fever, or refraining with the hope of acquiring better
he admitted only Medius to his principal officers were directed In the evening he ate a to attend next morning. little, but throughout the following night the fever

power from

quiet,

conversation.

The

was high.
the morning of the fifth day there seems to have been such a remission as to encourage him, who
scarcely ever before his disorder was

On

had known

illness, to

hope that

wearing off; for after having bathed,

and attended the usual ceremony of sacrifice, he gave orders to the principal officers for the armament to move on the third following day. On the sixth day, after bathing, and the neverfailing ceremony of sacrifice, the fever became again Nevertheless he would see the principal high.

ALEXANDER'S ILLNESS.
officers,

445
SECT.

and gave farther orders

the

but in
creased.

evening

his disorder

for the expedition ; was evidently in-

On the seventh day, perhaps again for cooler air, he was carried to a building described as that where was the great swimming-bath. There the ceremony
of morning sacrifice was performed in his presence : and, though very ill, he yet would see the principal officers, and gave some orders concerning the expedition.

the eighth day, though so reduced that with difficulty he attended the sacred ceremony, he would
nevertheless see the principal officers, and gave some orders, showing himself still intent on the expedition. On the ninth day, in extreme illness, he would yet

On

attend the accustomed ceremony of sacrifice. Thus, and indeed throughout the extracts from the daybook, is marked what Arrian has attributed to Alexander, his careful attention to the ceremonies of religion prescribed by the customs of his forefathers,
in which he concurred with almost every eminent man known by ancient history ; but in no part of them is found any warrant for the unmanly and dis-

graceful

superstitious

fears

attributed

to

him by

Plutarch, not then writing from the day book, which are contradicted by the whole tenor of his previous conduct, as reported, in concurrence with all other
historians,
15 by Plutarch himself.

His mind remained

15

Plutarch's excuse for himself, stated in the beginning of

his Life of Alexander, has perhaps escaped the observation of

some, and rarely obtained due consideration from others, who have quoted his authority for historical matters. Writing,' as he says, ' not histories but lives,' though he has not directly claimed, yet he seems often to have reckoned upon, the poet's
'

privilege of knowing

what only the Muse could

tell.

446
CHAP,
'

HISTORY OF GREECE.
upon the expedition. The officers were ready, and, though he was in no condition to receive them, all were directed to wait the generals within the great hall, the chiliarchs and pentacosiarchs
intent
as usual
;

without.

In the course of the day

it

it

appears to have
in

become evident that he was near extremity, and,

those circumstances,

was thought proper that he should be carried back from the paradise to the
palace.

him

principal officers had access to he showed that he knew them, he but, though

There the

was unable to speak.

During
vaded
all

that night,

the fever continued violent.

and throughout the next day, Great uneasiness per-

the lower ranks of the army. Who was to to become of them, in the event of the king's death, none could tell. Suspicion

command, and what was

ran that he was already dead, and that the principal officers, with views of their own, concealed the caConsistently then with what the Macedonians even on military service, esteemed their
tastrophe.

would have assurance on the highly interesting subject, and nothing under ocular evidence Their importunity at length would satisfy them.
right, they

proceeding to threats of violence, should their just desire be longer denied, it was deemed expedient, or

even necessary, to admit a number without arms, in

civil dress,

to pass regularly, in single

file,

through

He showed himself the chamber where the king lay. his a head little, holding out his yet sensible, raising
hand, and marking intelligence by his eyes, but re-

maining speechless. In the severe disorder which he had brought on himself by bathing, at Tarsus, he was attended by
a physician ; his confidence in whom has become matter of celebrity. Hephaestion also, in the illness

ALEXANDER'S ILLNESS.
which ended
a physician.
his
life,

447
SECT.

we have
it

seen,

was attended by

Hence

appears the

more extraordiof Alex-

nary that, among so

ander's last illness,

many

particularities

in no account is an attending mentioned. Yet an omission of what the physician of the ordinary practice age in common decency would have required, had it been real, hardly would

have escaped the notice of all extant authors. Proit in failure have of been, bably may remaining hope

from medical

skill,

to pacify the army,

and protect

physicians, together with all other attendants, against vulgar resentment, that a measure was resorted to

altogether
tions.

of extraordinary aspect, though perhaps not without some near parallels among modern nathe highest military offices, Python, Attalus, Demophoon, Peucestas, Cleomenes, Menidas, and Seleucus, passed a night in the temple
in

Seven

men

of Serapis, to

solicit relief for their suffering sove-

reign, and especially to seek information whether it might be advantageous for him to be lodged in the temple, and there himself solicit succour from the

god.

The

existence of a temple of the Egyptian

god to mark

in the metropolis of the Chaldee religion seems

its origin from Alexander's great purpose of bringing his subjects of all religions to friendly The preference of it for the solemn occasion, union.

so interesting to all of

extraordinary.

Grecian race, appears rather Possibly however among the Greeks,

whose
this

lively fancy

ditions to their

was commonly ready to adopt adsome partiality for religious faith,

the

new
in

men

may have prevailed, or possibly power may have reckoned upon it as

deity

the

most manageable of auguries within ready reach, or under direction of priests the most friendly to them. The eminent persons appointed to consult it how-

448
CHAP, LVIL

HISTORY OF GREECE.
ever reported, that a voice, issuing from the divinity, declared that it would be better for the king not to

be brought to the temple, but to remain where he was. Shortly after, on the eleventh day of his ill' as if/ Arrian has added, ness, Alexander expired,
*

that were best for him.'

Alexander died in the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad ; and in the archonship of Hegesias at
*

Athens.

He

lived,

as Aristobulus says, thirty-two

years and eight months, and reigned twelve years and eight months.' Thus imperfectly Arrian has

indicated the time of an event the most extensively and deeply interesting to the civilised world of

perhaps any recorded in profane history

ancient

more

chronology apparently failing to furnish means for exactness. By this account however, comit

appears marked not altogether unsatisfactorily, the ordinary deficiency of ancient chronology considered, that the catastrophe

pared with that of Diodorus,

B. c. 323.

occurred about

Midsummer

of the three hundred and

16 twenty-third year before Christ.

Arrian, whose disposition to careful examination, and whose desire of impartial judgment, will be most striking to those most versed among the ancient historians, has

declaring his opinion of the character

concluded his narrative of the actions by of that extrathus

'
:

ordinary
* '

Alexander was in body most most most indefatigable ; in mind active, graceful, most manly, most ambitious of glory, most indifferent to danger, most diligent in devotion to the In sensual pleasures he was most temperate ; deity.

man

'

of praise for the gifts of the mind only insatiable : singular in readiness to see the best to be done in
the most critical emergencies, and, from what was
16

'

A note on

this subject will

be found

in

the Appendix.

CHARACTER OF ALEXANDER.
'

44[)

evident, to conjecture concerning what remained obscure : in all the business of arraying, providing, n> and ruling an army most able ; in encouraging the
soldiery, filling them with hope, and, by demonstration of his own fearlessness, dispelling the fears

SECT.
IV.

'
'

'

excellent ; in doubtful enterprise most in daring ; anticipating even the enemy's suspicion of his purposes most skilful : in his own engage-

of others,

ments most

faithful

in
;

by

others most acute

avoiding to be deceived of expense upon his own

in bestowing

pleasures most sparing

upon others

perhaps profuse. * If then, through vehemence of temper, and in highly provoked anger, he became criminal, or if,

'

through inflated pride, he gave too much into barbarian fashions, I think candour will find large extenuation for him ; his youth and his uninterrupted course of the most extraordinary great fortune,

'

being considered, together with the flattery with

which kings, to their great injury, are constantly

the other hand, the severity of his for his faults I reckon his great, and, repentance what is of kings, his singular merit. recorded among
beset.
his claim to divine origin I cannot esteem a blameable extravagance ; his object having been to

'

On

'
*

Even

'

gain that veneration from those he had conquered which might contribute to the stability of his new

empire ; and the example of Minos, .^Eacus, Rhadamanthus, Theseus, and Ion, men acknowledged by the Greeks to have been sons of Gods, being
familiar to

him and all about him. His assumption of the Persian habit, while living among the Persians, avoiding thus to appear a stranger in the country over which he reigned, 1 consider as a
His long
sitting at table, Aristobulus

just policy.

VOL.

VIII.

G G

450
CHAP.
J

HISTORY OF GREECE.
<
*

* *

was not for the sake of wine, for he commonly drank little, but for conversation, and to discover who might deserve his esteem, and with
assures us,

such to cultivate friendship.

'

Let then, whoever would vilify Alexander, not select, from the actions of a man, fallible as of manbut, putting kind, only what may be blameworthy
'
;

'

together
'

all

his deeds, consider

insignificant, in

comparatively whatever situation of high fortune

how

' *
*

placed, he himself has been, engaged through life in comparatively little matters, and not even in

'
*

those doing always well. opinion therefore I will profess, that not without especial purpose of the Deity, such a man was given to the world, to

My

whom none

has ever yet been equal.'

APPENDIX
TO THE FIFTY-SEVENTH CHAPTER.

Passage in Arrian's history of Alexander [vii. 24?.] leading

to the extract

Passage in Plutarch's
Alexander, leading

life

oj

to the ex-

from

the royal

tract from the royal daybooh.

daybook.

SOME have

written of Alex-

ander, that, retiring from the feast given to the army and
fleet,

After the magnificent feast given to Nearchus and those appointed with him for the expedition, Alexander was retiring to rest, but, at the solicitation of

his purpose
;

was

to

go

to rest

but Medius, then his

friend, solicited

most favourite
his

Medius, joined a

company to supper ; urging that he would find a pleasant

company.
1

company
ing there

at supper,
all

and drink-

The daybook
:

also

says as follows

the next day, he began to have a fever. Not that he emptied the cup of

Hercules at a draught, nor that

he was suddenly seized with a

pain in the loins as if struck

with a spear, as some have

thought expedient to report,

supposing something superlatively tragic and pathetic necessary for the conclusion of a Aristobulus ingreat drama.

deed relates that, being lightheaded and suffering greatly from thirst, he drank wine, and
so promoted the delirium in which he died on the thirtieth day of the month Da?sius. But
in the

daybook

it is
:

written of

the illness thus

1

K<i]fj.dffat

avrbv

Kte/jiouravra.

Tliveiv irapa irapd oi' yfvtffdat yap ta> f]Sbt> rbv Kwfj.ov. Desirous as I have always been to avoid verbal criticism,

yet the choice of

modern

historians

and

translators,

and commentators, very

G G 2

452
book,

APPENDIX TO
Plutarch't extract from
book.
the

Arrian's extract from the day.

day-

First day.'

That he drank in

festive

com-

On
the

2 first day : the eighteenth

day of
slept in

pany with Medius, on rising bathed, and then went to rest, and

month Dsesius he

the bathing-hall, had a fever.

because he

to Alexander, generally to infer from these phrases something very disgraceful makes me reckon it right to observe that I apprehend the words /ccSyuos and

do not always, among the Greek writers, imply anything disgraceful, So much the lexicographer's quotation from Euriall indecorous. Tbv tca\\iviKov pera Becav fKia(j.affei>. Here. pides, I think, sufficiently proves, Fur. 177. And I am not aware of any reason for supposing the historian to have proposed those words in a sense at all differing from that, clearly no way
K(i>fj.d(a

or even at

dishonourable, intended by the poet. Nevertheless, whether those, or almost any other words, may, in common acceptation, have acquired shades of difference in Alexander's age, and whether others in Arrian's, and whether, through-

out the divided portions of the Greek people, they were precisely of the same import in any age, I will leave for more diligent investigators of such matters to
say.

Yet

on
' '

passage annotarunt alii,

haesit

this

I cannot pass unnoticed the learned commentator Gronovius's remark ' Nee commentarii regii,' he says, ' debuerunt omittere quod :

nempe Kve6<ravTa.

Hoc enim

fuit

alterum lutum in quo

Alexander, praeter rb iriveiv.' A Dutch doctor of the eighteenth century, in a university near the mouth of the Rhine, thus undertakes to say what Alexander's secretary ought to have reported Alexander to have done more than two thousand years before, in private company, at Babylon. And on this occasion his inadvertency has nearly equalled his malice and his arrogance ; for, if he had taken the trouble to look into Plutarch's life of Alexander, he would have found there the daybook quoted for that very matter which he has so arrogantly blamed the daybook for
omitting,

nempe
irivfiv,

KvSfvffavra.

Why

Arrian has mentioned, as from the day-

omitting the KvSfvcravra, and Plutarch has noticed the latter, omitting to claim the authority of the daybook for what he had previously said of the former, are questions I apprehend to be but on doubtful conjecture an-

book, the

swered.

The graver question perhaps would be, why, in such a register as the daybook seems to have been, either was noticed. The simplicity of what follows in both the extracts from that register may however warrant the compiler

The probability then may against the imputation of any malignant purpose. seem, that the king being disabled by illness, so that no one was admitted to him on business, these trifling matters alone occurred, and, if really in the
daybook, were,
there.
2

for their novelty,

and

to

account for the failure of more, entered

Arrian, in his extract from the daybook, has marked time only by the daily Plutarch has named the month and the days of the month, passing however unnoticed two days of the illness, the twenty-third and the twentytransactions.

CHAPTER
Arriaris extract from the daybook,

LVII.

453

Plutarch's extract from the daybook.

Second day : next day ate again with Medius, and again sat drinking till late at night, then bathed, after which he ate a little, and
slept there because

Second day :
the nineteenth, after bathing, he returned to the bedroom-apartment, and, during the day, played at dice with

On

he had

al-

ready a fever.

Medius. Late in the evening he bathed then, from the supper, he made the accustomed 3 offering to the gods, and ate , but had fever through the
;

night.
eighth of the month. not till the second.

Plutarch mentions fever in the

first

day's report

Arrian

Whether both meant

to

begin with the same day therefore

is

may be questioned. Of the various calendars

of the Grecian states the Attic

that of

which most,
diligent

and yet very imperfect, information remains.

The very learned and

Vincent, after laborious comparison of different opinions of former learned and diligent inquirers, has been utterly unable to satisfy himself with what Attic
or most nearly corresponded. Considering then the varieties and perplexities of the Grecian calendars, it may be no severe imputation upon Plutarch to suppose that even he was unable to
state the day of either an Attic or a Boeotian month corresponding with the eighteenth of the Macedonian Daesius, and therefore gave only the Macedonian name. The circumstances of Alexander's history seem to afford the best ground

month the Macedonian Daesius corresponded,

remaining for conjecture of its place in the modern European calendar, but no farther than as it is indicated to have been near midsummer. [See a note from

Mr.

3 Til lepa rots

Clinton's Fasti Hellenici at the end of this Appendix.] &eo?s eiretfleij, efMpay&ii', Slit mtcrbs eirlip^fv.
translation of this passage, under the

Plut.

vit.

Alex.

The pretended
'

Xylander, runs thus:

febre tentatus
est.'

names of Cruserius and 'Sacris operatus, cibum sumsit avidius. Hinc node

Vincent, in his commentary on Nearchus (p. 526. n. 80.) has noticed the falsehood of this translation, but with mind apparently divided between a just
care for the assailed character of Alexander, and respect, far more than due, for the learned assailants ; who, by the insertion of the utterly unauthorised words
avidius

and hinc, have been guilty of nothing less than a most impudent and malicious forgery. Though occasion has occurred to notice emulation of such democratic virtue in the translator of Arrian, and also in the learned and acute commentator, yet I think neither has anywhere equalled this instance of it in

the learned translators of Plutarch.

G G 3

454
Arrian's extract

APPENDIX TO
from
the

day-

Plutarch's extractfrom
book.

tlie

dwj-

book.

Third day : Next morning, being

Third day :
carried

on a couch

to the sacrifice,

he

performed the ceremony required by the law for every day ; and the sacrifice being offered 4 he continued lying in the great
,

the twentieth, having bathed, he again performed the customary duties of the sacri-

On

and passed the day lying the bathing-hall ; amusing himself with hearing Nearchus,
fice,

in

till evening. During the to the comorders he gave day manders for the march of the army and the outset of the fleet,

hall

and those who made the voyage

with him, relate the circumstances of the ocean and its
shores.

appointing the fourth day forward for the former, and the fifth for the latter, in which he

proposed himself to embark. He was then carried on a couch to the river, which he crossed
a boat to a paradise, where again he bathed and rested the
in

night.

Fourth day :
following day he bathed and sacrificed, as the

Fourth day

On

the

Passing the twenty-first in the same manner, the fever in-

rpbs ret
K. r. A.

fepct,

bvffai

For explanation of this, which both translator and commentator have avoided, we look in vain even to the learned Archbishop Potter, in his large collection on the religion of Greece. Xenophon however has afforded some light, of his narrative of the expedition of Cyrus, noticed especially in the sixth book
In comparing in the fifth section of the twenty-third chapter of this history. what is there found with what is here mentioned by Arrian, it seems clear that
the sacrifice was a ceremony of thanksgiving to the deity for the meal ; analogous to that religious and moral ceremony of our forefathers (now, perhaps, as little to the advantage of morality as religion, grown rather unfashionable) which we

Saying Grace, and differing only by some little additional formalities. These appear hardly to have differed from what are repeatedly described by Homer, especially in the beginning of the third book of the Odyssey ; but I know not that they are mentioned as of daily practice at ordinary meals anywhere but
call

in extracts from the royal daybook.

CHAPTER
Arriaris extract from the daybook,

LVII.

455
book.

Plutarch's extract from the day-

law required, and then going

to the

creased, and he had a very bad

night.

bebchamber-apartment

he lay there conversing with Medius. The generals were ordered to attend next morning. In the evening he took a light
supper, and, being carried to his bedchamber 5 , had fever

through the night.

Fifth day: Fifth day : the twenty-second, the

On the morrow again, having

bathed and
fasted,)
sacrificed, (break-

On

he admitted Nearchus

fever being violent, he was carried to the great swimmingbath,

and other principal officers to audience, and gave orders for the expedition, naming the third day after for moving.
Sixth day :
day, after bathing, he performed again the prescribed

and lying by

it

he con-

versed with the generals about

persons fit to be appointed to some vacant commands.

Next

Sixth day : Account omitted.

ceremony of sacrifice and the

;

meal,
set,

being though there was no intermission of the disorder, he would see the generals, and

thus

sanctified,

gave orders for the expedition, In requiring all to be ready. the evening he bathed again, and was afterward extremely
ill.

Seventh day : Next morning he was

Seventh day :
carried

On the twenty-fourth, though

6 Eiy TV ica.fj.dpav flff\06vra. Ko/uw(?6ra 8^ c&Qis els rty Kapdpav. It seems by these differing expressions implied, that in a remission of the disorder he could walk from the sacrificial breakfast to his chamber in the morning, but that, its violence returning, it became necessary or expedient that he should be

carried from the evening meal.

G G 4

456
Arriaris extract

APPENDIX TO
from
the

day-

Plutarch's extractfrom the daybook.

book,

back to the house where was

the great swimming-bath, (apparently within the paradise,)

the fever was violent, yet supported at the ceremony he sa-

and there the customary ceremony ofsacrifice was performed. Though very ill, he would see
the principal generals,and gave some orders about the expedition.

The generals were directed to wait in the hall, the

crificed.

chiliarchs

and pentacosiarchs

to pass the night without.

Eighth day : the next day he ill bore to be carried to the sacrifice, and go through the ceremony, and yet would give orders to

Eighth day :
the twenty-fifth, being carried back to the palace, he slept a little ; but there was no

On

On

the generals about the expedition.

when

remission of the fever, so that the generals came to at-

tend him he was speechless.

Ninth day

Ninth

Day ;
state.

On the following day, though

very ill, he nevertheless attended the sacrifice,but ordered
the generals to wait in the hall, the chiliarchs and pentacosiarchs without. The disorder

On
in the

the twenty-sixth he was

same

donians, supposing

The Macehim already

dead, clamoured at the gate,and threatened the royal companions till they were admitted ;
and,in civil dress,without arms, they passed his bed one by one.

becoming extreme, he was carried from the paradise to the palace. There the generals had access to him and he knew
;

On

the same day,Python and

them, but said nothing, being

speechless.

Seleucus, being commissioned to go to the Serapion, consulted

was

violent,

That night the fever and

the god whether he should be carried thither: but the god

directed that he should remain

where he was.
Tenth

Day :
fol-

Tenth
it is

Day:

continued so the next and

Account omitted.

lowing night.

So

written
it

in the daybook.

Moreover

CHAPTER
Arrians
extract

LV1I.

4,57

from

the day-

Plutarch's extract from the daybook.

book,

is

there said, that the soldiers

:

were eager for admission some anxious once more to see their
king living others uneasy because it was rumoured that he
;

was already dead, and suspicion went that the lords of the bodyguard desired to conceal the
event but, as I conjecture, the greater part through grief for the apprehended loss of their
;

king, and anxiety for his safety. However their violence was

such that they obtained their purpose. As then they passed

him was

though he said he held out his hand to them, with difficulty raising his head a little, but with his eyes showin just order,

speechless, yet

it is

ing intelligence

still

remaining.

Days unascertained: The royal daybook also says, that Python, Attalus, Demophoon, Peucestas, Cleomenes, Menidas, and Seleucus passed the night in the temple of Serapis, to obtain information from

the god whether

it

were advan-

tageous and best for Alexander to be carried to the temple, and

himself solicit his cure from the

god and that a voice came from

;

the god, forbidding carrying him to the temple, and declaring that he would better remain where he was. So, according
to

the

daybook,

the

king's

458

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER
the

LVII.

Arrians extract from

book,

day-

Plutarch's extract from the daybook.

companions reported and, not long after, Alexander died as if that were best for him. Nor
; ;

On

Eleventh day: the twenty-eighth,*

to-

do the accounts of either Pto-

ward evening, he expired. These thing, mostly word

for word, are so written in the

lemy or Aristobulus considerably

differ

from

this.

daybook.

'

' as a part of part of Thargelion coincided with a part of Desius, [* Hecatombdion would coincide with a part of Low.' [The Macedonian month in

which Plutarch
'
'

states that Alexander was born.] According to ^Elian, Alexander died on the sixth of the month Thargelion. If this account be true, the 6th of Thargelion, in that year, corresponded with the 28th of Dsesius; con'

' ' ' '

The observation sequently, the 1st of Thargelion fell upon the 23d of Daesius. of -(Elian, that the death of Alexander and his birth happened upon the same
day of the month, namely the sixth, is confirmed by Plutarch. (Alex. c. 3.) He was born on the sixth of Hecatombxon ; he died on the sixth of Thargelion
or June.
Clinton's Fasti Hellen. p. 230.]
:

May

EXAMINATION OF DATES.

EXAMINATION OF MR. MITFORD'S DATES OF THE CAMPAIGNS OF ALEXANDER.

[From MR. CLINTON'S FASTI HELLENICI,
pp. 231, 232.]

OUR faithful guide, Arrian, determines the campaigns of Alexander by marking the dates of the principal events. Mr.
much neglected Arrian in fixing the times of the transactions of Alexander's reign. It will be seen by the
Mitford has too
that four winters intervened
;

Tables, that Alexander passed into Asia in spring B. C. 334. ; between his arrival in Asia and the

death of Darius that this event happened in the fifth campaign of Alexander in Asia. It will be farther seen, that three winters
intervened between the death of Darius and the defeat of Porus; that two campaigns were consumed in the northern provinces,

and a third in India, in which Porus was encountered. Now, Mr. Mitford has deranged the times of these transactions. He * toward supposes Alexander to be twenty-seven' at the conclusion of that campaign in which Bessus was tried and put to death, during the winter-quarters at Bactra and twenty-two' when he passed into Asia which nearly describes the actual interval. Again, he rightly specifies the date of Arrian for the battle of Arbela f B. C. 331 J And yet he calls the operations
'
' ; :
.

' of the following year Alexander's fourth campaign in Asia.' He rightly dates the pursuit of Darius B. C. 330. But the operations of the next year are called ^f the fifth campaign in ' Asia.' Having marked the date B. C. 330. for the death of
||

'

Darius **, he dates the winter-quarters of Alexander at Nautaca, after the Sogdian war, B. C. 329. 328. tt which implies an interval of only one winter between the death of Darius and the
Sogdian war. And yet Mr. Mitford himself, following Arrian, has marked two winters between the death of Darius and the

he arrived

quarters at Nautaca at the

\\

'

Autumn was
'
.

already advanced.'

And
||

with advancing spring.' This, ' adHe notices the then, is the first winter, B. C. 3-| * vanced summer' during the operations beyond the Oxus ; and
||

Oxus

* Vol. VIII.
t

p.

118.

Except

end of
t

May

that he supposes the month or beginning of June, which

is

Hecatombaeon to correspond with the an error of about one month,

||

Vol. VIII. p. 8. P. 80.

P. 40. ** P. 48. and 85.

P. 48. P. 112.

tt P. 126.
(HI

P.85.

P.98.

4GO
afterwards
'

EXAMINATION OF DATES.
*,

winter approaching,

he moved

for

quarters to

This was the second winter : B. C. 32$. Then he Zariaspa." ' relates the Sogdian war.f After which t winter approached,' third winter, then, after the death of Darius : conagain.

sequently the winter of B. C. 324. Mr. Mitford had supposed the battle of Issus, and the siege and capture of Tyre, to have happened in the same summer, and
to have formed parts of the second campaign. a year too little to the succeeding campaigns

Hence he
:

assigns

paign is called the third ; the fifth is of the rest. This defect of a year it seems his purpose to supply by supposing the sieges of the two hill forts and the marriage of Roxana to have * consumed the summer.' So that, after Cho||

the fourth camcalled the fourth ; and so

had surrendered, another winter arrived, which was passed He again mentions these ** winterat Bactra, or Zariaspa.^[ * as the at Bactra' period of the death of Clitus, and quarters in the winter-quarters the conspiracy of the band of pages f f ' still of Bactra.' And Alexander waited in these winter-quarters * JJ till the spring was considerably advanced,' before he set out Mr. Mitford, therefore, although he rightly for the Indus.
rienes
' ' ;

dates the Indian expedition in the spring of B. C. 327., yet, in made it a year later, and has interposed four winters after the death of Darius, instead of three.

the detail has

After the passage of the Indus, he supposes, with Diodorus, ' At Taxila he another winter, before the battle with Porus. took his winter-quarters.' When Alexander forded the Hydaspes,

Thus he renders Spa ETOI^, $ pera. paXKTTa Iv ftepei rptweTat o yXux; ***: misled, as it should seem, by the false reading fff povvvxiSvo/;. He has therefore enumerated Jive winters between the death of Darius and the passage of the Hydaspes. These five winters would obviously
'
|| ||

spring was advanced.'

Tponai;

bring down the engagement with Porus so low as B. C. 325., a date at which it is confessed that Alexander had already arrived
in Susiana.

His marginal date, at p. 531. vol. VII., with his own description, Vol. VII. p. 447. Vol. VIII. p. 1. * Vol. VIII. p. 136. f P. 137. P. 162. tt P. 152. +$
s.

* Vol. VIII. See ch. 48.

p.

115.
4.

P.

121125.

j
is

P. 126.
inconsistent

||

P. 148.
P. 190.

P. 191. *** Arrian uses similar

1111

ff

Arrian.
:

V.

9. p. 330.

i}\ios

fab rpoiroa Sur-rivus rov Ibtpovs eirurrptytt. (VII. 21.) which Mr. Mitford, Vol. VIII. p. 428., has
expressions elsewhere

rightly interpreted.

ttt In Arrian.

V.

19.

See the Tables, B. C. 327.

EXAMINATION OF DATES.
When
Alexander took
:'

46l

marriage with Roxana, he

twenty-sixth year
.

his head-quarters at Zariaspa, after his * ' now is said to be but about his
this period is the winter of B. C.

and yet

himself. And, according to Mr. 32f Mitford himself, Alexander passed into Asia at twenty-two, in the spring of B. C. 334s, an interval of near seven years, instead of five. It is correctly stated that t at the early age of twenty' four' Alexander took possession of Egypt. Mr. Mitford, therefore, by neglecting the true time of the surrender of Tyre, has lost a year between the first passage of

according to

Mr. Mitford

'

Alexander into Asia, and the death of Darius.

He

has again,

by neglecting the chronology of the campaigns in the northern provinces, interpolated two years between the death of Darius and the defeat of Porus. His arrangement, however, is judicious in the period which follows the voyage of Nearchus and he determines rightly that Alexander approached Babylon in the spring of the 324th year
:

before Christ.
life,

On

the concluding transactions of Alexander's

he has some just remarks. Dr. Vincent ^ had supposed the voyage of Nearchus to have occurred in B. C. 326., and the death of Alexander in B. C. 324. He finds it, however, to be more One objection probable that Alexander died May B. C. 323.' ' ' however,' he observes, only remains which is, that I cannot ' discover in any of the historians two winters after Alexander's ' return to Susa. One is evident that in which he subdued the ' Cossffii. But the year and five months afterwards is not filled ' up by the transactions recorded.' This objection Mr. Mitford|| undertakes to answer; and has answered it most sufficiently
' ' ' ; :

by showing that the leisure of one winter at Babylon was little enough for the performance of the things which were accomthe building and preparation of a plished in that interval
:

powerful fleet ; the excavation of a dock to receive it ; extensive surveys for the improvement of the inland navigation the erec;

the arrangement of the administration in the provinces of that vast empire. And he points out the two voyages down the river to the lake, requiring two
hostile frontier
;

tion of a

town on a

Mr. Mitford in distinct seasons of flood for their performance. these observations has cleared this part of the history from much
of the difficulty with which
*
Vol. VIII. p. 138. P. 530.
t

it

was supposed
J

to

be embarrassed.
p. 36.

P. 366.
H

Voyage of Nearchus,

Vol. VIII. pp. 427, 428.

GENERAL INDEX.

N. B. The Numerals

refer to the

volume, and the Figures to the page.

A.
ABDEHA, foundation
of,
i.

434.

Aboukir, a corruption of Albekeer, i. 438. and note. Abreas, a Macedonian soldier, his personal bravery, viii. 242, 243. Abronychus accompanies Aristides and Themistocles on their mission to
Sparta, ii. 185. 187. His execution, Abulites, a Persian, appointed satrap of Susiana, viii. 52. 352. Academia, groves of, by whom established and ornamented, ii. 234. Acanthus, state of parties at, iii. 35. Negotiation of Brasidas with, 35 37. Becomes a member of the Lacedaemonian confederacy, 37.

and Appollonia send embassies to Lacedaemon, v. 7. 11. Acarnanians, the only people in Greece who did not share in the expedition to Troy, i. 44. 76. Acarnania overrun by the Ambraciots, ii. 414. How Demos, thenes was received by the Acarnanians, 487. They request him to become And elect him accordingly, 490. Battle their commander-in-chief, 489. And of Idomene, 493, 494. Moderation of the Acarnaof Olpae, 491. Peace between them and the Ambraciots, ib. nians, 495. view of the history of Acarnania, iv. 424. Expedition of Agesilaus into, 425. Accuser, not obtaining a fifth of the votes, subject to banishment, viii. 396. See Achaia. Acbaea. Achamians, conduct of, in the invasion of Attica, ii. 373, 374. Sketch of the history of, 265. Achaia, boundaries of, i. 14. 154 156. , its several changes from aristocracy to democracy, v. Epaminondas leads the army of the confederacy into, 157. And displays a generous policy towards the Achaeans, 158. Regulators sent from Thebes to all their cities, 159. The banished Achaeans recover their
protect Elis, 192. to them, 445.

The Achaean cities power, and espouse the Lacedaemonian interest, ib. The first example of confederate government attributed
See Panhellenes.
i.

Achaioi.
Achilles,

Achelous, river,

12.
i.

number of towns plundered by him,

79.

Achradina, a division of the city of Syracuse, taken by Imilcon, v. 422. Acoris, king of Egypt, connexion of Evagoras with, v. 245. And Acorns, or mast of different trees, the food of the early Greeks, i. 8. of mankind in a civilised, as well as a barbarous, state, 8, 9. note. Acras, foundation of, i. 849. See Agrigentum. Acragas, foundation of, i. 349. Acrisius, king of Argos, and father of the celebrated Daniie, notice of, i. Si. vi. 237.

Acroceraunus, promontory

of,

i.

12.
ii.

Acrothinia, or offerings to the gods after victory, nature of,

85, 86.

464
Actium,
sea-fight off,
ii.

GENERAL INDEX.
310.

Acusilaus, of Argos, an early Greek prose writer, i. 216. Ada, queen of Caria, notice of, vii. 431. Her interview with Alexander, 433. Surrenders Alinda to him, 434. Re-appointed to her former dignity, 440. Addison, Mr., his observations on party-spirit, vi. 194. "A^eia, decrees of protection, iv. 116. Adimantus, the Corinthian commander, his reprimand to Thernistocles, ii.
64.

And

retort of the latter, ib.

ii.

Admetus, king of the Molossians, his reception of Themistocles, Adoration, ceremony of, in what it consisted, viii. 143. Adranum besieged by Icetes, vi. 49.

224.

JEgean, pirates of the, expedition against, ii. 211. Seduces ^Ethra, 51. His valedicJEgeus, king of Attica, reign of, 49, 50. He recognizes his son Theseus, 58. tory address to her, 52. JEgina, sieges of, ii. 254. iv. 441. Origin of the enmity between ^Eginetans, ravages of, in Attica, i. 467. Athens and JEgina., 486. War with Athens, and defeat of the ^Eginetans,
492, 493. Retire to , expelled from their island by the Athenians, ii. 379. Thyneatis, ib. Their town burnt, and the -, defeated at Thynea by Nicias, iii. 10.

remaining inhabitants sent to Athens and executed, 10, 11. , their freebooting war against Attica, iv. 440, 441. His death, 177. JEgisthus usurps the throne of Argos, i. 81. ^Egitium, battle near, ii. 485. JEgospotami, battle of, iii. 478 481. Consequences of, 482 484. ylilian, grounds stated by him for the condemnation of Socrates, iv. 132.

whom
,

By

confirmed, 133.
his anecdotes of Archelaus,
vii.

king of Macedonia,

vi. 93, 94.

A pro-

fessed story-teller,
i.

375.
state for

JEneas and his posterity reigned over the Trojan

79.
,

some generations,
v.

general of Arcadia, compels

Euphron

to

withdraw from Sicyon,

170.
JEolians, what part of the Grecian people comprehended under this name, i. Leaders of the ^Eolic migration, and towns founded by them, 181, 182.

340.
307. , circumstances of -5Solia under the satrapess Mania, iv. 304 JEpalius, chief of Doris, bequeaths his principality to Hyllus, i. 178. Aeropus usurps the throne of Macedonia, vi. 96. .iEschines, the orator, his conduct in the action of the Nemean glen, v. 164 116. and note. , his account of the affairs of Macedonia, vi. 110.114 On a proposed correction in, 165. note. His account of the Amphirtyonic

Of the voting therein, 250. and note. His origin, council, 235, 236. 333. and note. Account of, 334, 335. Distinguishes himself at Tamynae, Is sent ambassador to Peloponnesus, 384. 387 His 371. 389. note. remarks on the public excitement at Athens, 412. One of the ambassadors to Philip, 416. 433. His report of the Addresses Philip, 440. His invectives embassy to Macedon, 445. His change of party, 466. His account of the meeting of the Amphicagainst Demosthenes, 467.
tyons, 470. note. accusation of,

by Timarchus,

vii.

16.

Accuses Timarchus,

ib.

Contests of Demosthenes with, 17, 18. His impeachment on the em21. Answer to the objections of Plutarch respecting the bassy, 19 speeches of ^schines and Demosthenes on the embassy, 21. note. Elected an Amphictyon, 96. ^Lschines charges Demosthenes with accepting bribes from the Amphissians, 97.' His arguments in the Amphictyonic council, 98, 99 Elected syndic, 108. Opposes a decree proposed by Demosthenes, 132. Is sent on an embassv to Philip, 151. One of the embassy to Alexander

GENERAL INDEX.
the

Great, 341. Persia, 380.

His account of the connexion of Demosthenes with

JEschines, his account of the bribe offered by Darius, viii. 4. He enters a prosecution against Ctesiphon, but does not proceed, 389. Resumes His speech on the crown, 393, 394. Replied to by Demosthenes, it, 392. He quits Athens, 397. Spends the remainder of his life in 394, 395. Ionia or Rhodes, ib.

JEschylus, his definition of the dominions of the Pelasgian princes, i. 26, 27. On the importance of astronomy, 157. note. His testimony to the virtues of Cyrus, 435. note. His character of Darius, 443. note. His allusions to the difference in the weapons used by the Greeks and Persians, 501. note. motive alleged by him for the expedition of Xerxes to Greece, ii. 23. note. Remark on a passage in, relating to the numbers of the Persian and Greek fleets at Salamis, 70, 71. note. His sketch of the battle the most consistent on record, 73. JEsculapius, magnificent sacrifice of Alexander to, at Soli, vii. 483. -3thra, mother of Theseus, notice of, i. 51, 52.
',

mount, notice of, iii. 159. v. 419. a town of Sicily, establishment of Syracusans at, v. 377. , They march to attack Dionysius, ib. Seven thousand return to, when defeated, 381. Besieged and taken by Dionysius, 387. Ancient history of, 43, 44. ^Etolia, geographical description of, i. 12, 13. sketch of the history of, ii. 481, 482. Enterprise of Demosthenes Who is defeated by the ^Etolians, near JEghmm, 445. against, 483. ^ of the ^Etolians to Alexander the Great, vii. 345. , embassy Africa, notice of Greek colonies, planted in, i. 344. settlements of the Phenicians on the coast of, ii. 135 138. Agamemnon, king of Argos, notice of, i. 36. and 36, 37. note. Character
..Etna,
,

of, 76.

ib.

Age,

Sacrificed Iphigenia previously to undertaking the siege of Troy, assassination, 80, 81. reverence of, at Sparta, i. 288.

His

Offers Agesilaus, king of Lacedaemon, his accession to the throne, iv. 328. himself for the command of the expedition to Asia, 335. Date assigned for his arrival in Asia, and the objections to which it is liable, 336, 337. note. His measures in Asia, 339, 340. His first campaign, 341, 342. Defeats the Persians at Preparations for a second campaign, 343, 344. the battle of Pactolus, 345. His views, 349. His plan for dismembering the Persian empire, 359. His prosecution of the war in Asia, 361 364. His conference with Pharnabazus, 365 367. Recalled from Asia, 371, Is wounded at the battle of Coronea, 386. 372. Generous action of, ib. His expeditions into Argolis and Corinthia, 413 416. Into Acarnania, 425, 426. The part he took in the congress held by Tiribazus, for conThreatens hostility against cluding peace with the Greek nation, 452. Corinth and Argos, ib. Approves the peace of Antalcidas, 453. His remark upon it, 456. How connected with the his maxim relative to Lacedaemon, v. 1. , Undertakes the command against Phlius, 28. republic of Mantinea, 3. And reduces that city, 32. Mystery in his conduct towards the Thebans, His patriotism extends to all Greece, 45, 46. Exerts himself to 44, 45. Takes the command against procure the acquittal of Sphodrias, 54. Secures a passage into Bceotia by availing himself of the Thebes, 55Clitorian mercenaries, 57. Plunders and wastes Bceotia, ib. Again Disabled from commanding by severe illness, ravages the Thebaid, 59. 62. His embassy to Mantinea, 111, 112. Enters Arcadia with the Lacedaemonian army, 120. His influence restored by the Theban 'invaHastens his Marches to Pellene with the heavy-armed, 225. sion, 189. return to Sparta, ib. Remains for the protection of Laconia, 232. Borrows money for the recovery of Messenia, 242. Commands the Grecian mercenaries under Tachos, king of Egypt, 251. Abandons Tachos, and

VOL.

VIII.

H H

466
Cyrenaic port, 254.
age, according to

GENERAL INDEX.
Is

In concert with Chabrias, seats joins his kinsman, Nectanabis, 252. Sails for Greece, and dies in a Nectanabis on the Egyptian throne, 253.

entombed with regal honours

Plutarch,
ib.

at Sparta, ib.

His

Xenophon and

note.

iv. 427, 428. Agesipolis, king of Lacedeemon, undertakes the command against the Mantineans, v. 3. , ib. Floods the town, and with the of connected Mantinea, republic His severe conreduces it, by stopping the current of the river Ophis, 4.

his expedition into Argolis,

How

ditions to the conquered, ib. Appointed to the command-in-chief against Dies of an inflammatory fever at Storms Torone, 32. Olynthus, 25.

Funeral honours to him, ib. Aphyteus, ib. Agis, king of Lacedaemon, commander of the Peloponnesian forces on the fifth invasion of Attica, ii. 496. Account of his operations, 1 1 6 1 1 9. marches against Argos, iii. 115. Called to account by the Lacedaemonians, and a military council appointed His victory near Mantinea, 125. His attempts upon to attend him, 120. Athens, 354, 355. 405. Proposes that a squadron should be stationed at Byzantium and Chalcedon, 406. and magnificent funeral, iv. 326. Dispute which ensued on , his death, his death respecting the succession to the throne, 327, 328. His am, king of Lacedaemon, son of Archidamus, notice of, vii. 456. bitious projects, 489, 490. Joins the Persian fleet, 515, 516. His Commences operations against Macedonia, 48. character, viii. 44, 45.
,

Defeated by Antipater, and

slain in battle, 49.

Agnon, son of Nicias, operations of the fleet under Agora, meaning of the word, i. 112. 274.

his

command,

ii.

393.

Agrarian law in Sicily, account of the, iii. 150. Agrians and Thracians, the, defeated by Alexander the Great, Use made of the Agrians by Alexander, 312.

viii.

306, 307.

Agriculture, state of, in ancient Greece, i. 139, 140. Agrigentum, or Girgenti, sketch of the history of, ii. 139. Stupendous public works there executed by the prisoners taken by the Agrigentines, The remains of these still visible, ib. 147. its ancient , Population, 336. magnificence, v. 335. Magnificence of individual citizens, 837, 338. The Agrigentines employ Dexippus, the Lacedaemonian commissioner, in their service, 341. Reject the Their generals accused of treachery, proposals of the Carthaginians, 342. and massacred, 345. A majority of the citizens flee to Gela, 347. Imilcon preserves the town for his winter-quarters, 348. The Agrigentine refugees removed to Syracuse, 349. Agrigentum destroyed by Imilcon, 365. how under vi. 73. -, Timoleon, governed (See Acragas.) Agyris, chief of Agyrium, relieves Dionysius with a body of Campanian v. 380. Is the horse, supported against Magon, Carthaginian general, by The confidence of Dionysius in his integrity, ib. note. Dionysius, 442.

See Archipelago. Aigiopelago. Aimnestus, tyrant of Enna, deposed by Dionysius, v. 388. Its width and depth, 205. Akesines, the river of, noticed, viii. 204. Its modern name, 206. note. by Alexander, 206.
Albanians, the, remark on, Alcaeus, the poet, anecdote
vi.

Crossed

134. note.
i.

of,

403.

Alcamenes, appointed to the command of the Lacedaemonian fleet, iii. 304. Defeated and slain by the Athenians, 306. Alcander, his assault upon Lycurgus, i. 277. Noble conduct of the latter to
him,
ib.

Alcibiades, son of Clinias, saves Socrates at the battle of Delium, iii. 28. Account of his family, 95. His person and manners, 96. Becomes the Services in which they fought together, 98. His pupil of Socrates, 97.

saved by Socrates, ib. His noble conduct to his benefactor, ib. His His magnificence and ostentation, 98, 99. His ammaster-passion, ib. Connexion of his ancestors with Lucedamon, ib. Becomes bition, 100.
life

GENERAL INDEX.

467

head of a party, 101. Policy by which he effected the project of putting Athens at the head of a confederacy in Peloponnesus, 102 106. Elected His influence general-in-chief, 110. Importance of his office, 110,111. in Peloponnesus, 113. Proceeds to Argos with twenty ships of war, and seizes three hundred Argives, 137. Party formed against him by Hyperbolus, 166, 167. Stratagem by which he procured the banishment of his with His policy opponent, 167. regard to the measures of Nicias, 168, Named second in command of the Sicilian expedition, 169. His 169. on the the of 175. speech expedition, 172 subject Party formed, and accusation against him, 179, 180. His admirable conduct on the occasion, 181. His at the debate of the Athenian His 180, speech generals, 192. operations in Sicily, 193, 194. Party formed against him at Athens, 195, His recall, 199. 196. His banishment decreed, 209. Circumstances that happened to him from his escape to his removal to Sparta, 209, 210. His reception there, 210. His speech to the Lacedaemonian senate, 210
212.
Alcibiades, his plans for the aggrandisement of Lacedaemon, iii. 307, 308, 310 312. Is persecuted by the new Spartan administration, 327. Said to have intrigued with the wife of Agis, ib. Withdraws from Lacedaemon,

and take up
at variance

his residence with Tissaphernes, 328. Tries to set the satrap His with Lacedasmon, 328, 329. His policy, 330, 331. His plot for changing the Athenian plan for returning to Athens, 332. Breach between him and the managers of the constitution, 333, 334. His restoration decreed by the Athenians, 363. Elected geplot, 341. neral by the armament, 364. His able and beneficial conduct, 370, 371. Watches the motions cf Tissaphernes, 372. His imprisonment and esHis judicious and decisive measures previous to the naval cape, 395. action near Cyzicus, 396, 397. The mode he adopted for collecting a His important successes Defeats Pharnabazus, 411. revenue, 398. against the Chalcedonians, 413. Captures Byzantium, 417. , services rendered by him to his country since he had been at the head of the forces, iii. 418. His return to Athens and his reception there, 42O. Chosen governor-general, or commander-in-chief, with supreme Gratifies the Athenians with respect to their religious authority, 421, 422. His measures previous to Defeats the Andrians, 428. ceremonies, 422. the battle of Notium, 429, 430. Complaints against him at Athens, 431, 432. Accusation against him, 432, 433. Review of his various meaThe line of his Is dismissed from his command, 434. sures, 433. Retires to his estate in the Thracian conduct, and its effects, 434, 435. Patriotic Anecdote of, on his recall from Sicily, 459. Chersonese, 436. conduct of, 477.

His projects, 72. his conduct during his retirement, iv. 71, 72. Attacked by an armed multitude in his own house, and slain, 73. How chiefly the younger, his descent and character, iv. 80. known, 81. Refuses to accompany a military expedition, ib. And is Points in Lysias's oration against him, 82, prosecuted in consequence, ib. 83. Second prosecution, 84. Notice of the speech composed by Isocrates, and spoken by Alcibiades, 84, 85. Alcidas, commander of the Lacedaemonian fleet, sent for the relief of MityAt His transactions on the Ionian coast, 445 449. lene, ii. 442. Corcyra, 47 1 . Alcinous's garden, fruits of, i. 139, and note. Alcmaeonidae, who intended by the Greek writers under this appellation, i. The political 408. Sacrilegious conduct of, at Athens, S56, 357. By whom they are expelled from antagonists of Pisistratus, 391, 392. Rebuild the temple of Delphi, 409. Athens, 394. They expel the Pisistratidae from Athens, 410. Are attacked by the party of ClUthenes, but eventually triumph, 413. Their envy and impeachment of Miltiades,
,

509, 510. Alcon, of Molossis, notice

of, vii.

221.

HH

468

GENERAL INDEX.

ConAlexander, king of Macedonia, son of Amyntas, notice of, ii. 24. nexion subsisting between him and the Grecian and Persian nations, 91, How received there, ib. His Sent to Athens by Mardonius, ib. 92. His interview with Aristides at the 94. speeches at the congress, 92 Grecian camp, 109. Returns to his kingdom, after the battle of Platrea, Dedicates a leaving his son Perdiccas in command of the army, 125. statue of gold at Delphi, 125. Maintains Macedonia, son of Amyntas II., vi. 106. , king of
Is assassinated, 108. his family interest in Thessaly, 107. after wards surnamed the GREAT, birth of, vi. 295. , son of Philip, more especially of Macedonia, when -, state of the known world,

282. the throne, vii. 199 Speech of, reported by Account of his life by contemporary historians, 283 Arrian, 272, 273. 285. Of later extant writers respecting the same, 285 287, and note. His boyhood, 288. His first measures after his accession to the throne, 289 292, and notes. His election to the supreme dignity in Thessaly, Takes his seat in the Amphictyonic council, ib. Receives the 294. Is chosen, at Corinth, commanderembassies of the Grecian states, 295. Returns to Macedonia, 300. in-chief of the Grecian confederacy, 297. Heads the army against the pirates, 304. Assembles his forces at AmDefeats the confederate rebels, 306, 307. His campaign phipolis, 305. Puts the Getes to flight, 309. He against the Triballians, 307, 308. enters Illyria, and defeats the Illyrians, 313, 314. Repulses the Illyrians his from and Taulantians, 316. Account of march Illyria to Bu-otia, 323. His proclamation to the Thebans, 325. Amount of Alexander's force, His He invests Gains pos326, 327. Thebes, 327. forbearance, 330. session of Thebes, 332. His conduct there, 333 338. His reception His letter to the Athenians, 341,342. of the Athenian embassy, 341. His answer to their petition, 343. Anecdote of, related by Plutarch, ib. His moderation to the allies of the Thebans, 344, 345. Celebrates the Macedonian Olympic festival, 345, 346.

he succeeded to

-,

his expedition

against Persia,

first

campaign,

vii.

378

437.

He reaches the river, Granicus, 402. Disposition of his forces, 403, 397. His personal exploits at the battle of the Granicus, 406 404, and -notes. 408. His life saved by Clitus, 407. His popular conduct after the His present to the Athenians, 411. Appoints Callas battle, 410, 411. Enters Sardis, 414. Anecdote of, 415. His satrap of Phrygia, 413. Arrives at Ephesus, 419. His conduct there, arrangements there, 418. 419,420. Sends Parmenio to Magnesia, 420. Besieges and takes MiHis clemency there, 425. and note. Sends his fleet letus, 423, 424. home, 426. His pecuniary distress, 426, 427. The causes of his sucHis interview with Ada, and its consequences, 432, 433. cesses, 431, 432. Fails in an attempt on Myndus, 435. Besieges Halicarnassus, 434. And takes Halicarnassus, 436, 437. his winter campaign in Asia, and measures of the Persian -, His financial armament, under Memnon, against Greece, vii. 438 476. The measures he resolved on, 439, Rewards difficulties, 438, 439Ada, 440. The appointment he gave to Parmenio, 441. His successes in Lycia, 441, 442. Anecdote of, 443, 444. Account of his route to Takes Marmara, 452, and note. His behaviour to the Perga, 446. Leaves a garrison at Sida, 453. Gains possesAspendians, 452, 453. sion of Aspendus, 455. Circumstances threatening to him, 455 458. He resolves to rejoin Parmenio, 457. Opposed by the Telmissians, 458. Makes a treaty with the Belgians, 459. Takes Salagassus, 460. Subdues

His eagerness to invade Persia, 381. His warlike preparations, and the amount of his forces, 385 387. Assembles them at Amphipolis, 387. Marches for the Hellespont, ib. Arrives at Sestus, 390. Visits the tomb of Protesilaus, 391. Embarks at Eleus, ib. Explores the site of His sacrifices there, 393. Rejoins the army at Troy, 392, and note. The road he determines to take, 395. His progress, 396, Arisbe, 394.

GENERAL INDEX.
Pisidia, 461.

469

a short stay there, and appoints Proceeds to Gordium, 467. Antigones satrap of Upper Phrygia, 466. His answer to the Athenian embassy, 468. and note. The story respectHe advances to Ancyra, 472. ing him and the Gordian knot, 469 472. Enters into a treaty with the Paphlagonians, 473. Subdues Cappadocia, Remarks on Plutarch's treaties "on Alexander's Fortune," 474 474. 476. He passes into Alexander, his second campaign in Asia, vii. 477 554. His illness at Tarsus, 478, 479. Sends Parmenio to secure Cilicia, 478. He reaches Anchialus, 481. Subdues Cilicia, the pass into Syria, 480. His conduct at 482. Celebrates festivals at Soli and Magarsus, 483. Mallus, 484. Situation in which he was placed, 491, 492. He invades Syria, 492. Alarm in his council, 495. His address to his commanders, 496, 497. Amount of his forces at Issus, 500, 501. The disposition of his army His behaviour to 503 5O5. Gains the battle of Issus, 504 511. His conduct after the battle of Issus, 514, the family of Darius, 511.
Celaenae, ib.

Takes

Makes

He subdues Syria, 517. His answer to Darius, 521, 522. His 515. treatment of the Grecian prisoners, 523. He takes Byblus, 524. His His address to the council of war, 525, 526. reply to the Tyrians, 525. His proceedings against Tyre, 527. Procures a fleet, 528. He besieges and takes Tyre, 530, 531, and note. His answer to Darius's second deHe arrives at Is wounded, 535. Takes Gaza, ib. putation, 532. Account of his religious festival Pelusium, 537. Conquers Egypt, 538. at Memphis, 538 He founds Alexandria, 542. Receives news 541. from his fleet ib. Arrives at Paraetomum, 546. Visits the land of Ammon. 547 Consults the oracle there, 549. Returns to 549. and notes. Memphis, 550. His arrrangements in Egypt, 551 554.
1 Re-enforcements re39. , his third campaign in Asia, viii. ceived by him in Egypt, 1. Receives a third embassy from Darius, 2. Proceeds to Tyre, 3. His liberality to the Athenians, 5. His conduct to Harpalus, 6. His promotions of his officers, 7. He crosses the Euphrates, 8. He crosses the Tigris, 11. PheMarches across Mesopotamia, 9, 10. nomenon witnessed by his army, ib. His skirmish with the Persian horse,

The error which he 12. His disposition of his forces at Arbela, 17, 18. And takes possesGains the battle of Arbela, 22. committed, 20. sion of Babylon, 27. His appointments of officers there, 28. Gains His Sends a present to the Athenians, 30. possession of Susa, 29. conduct at Susa to the family of Darius, ib. He receives a re-enforcement His defeat and treatfrom Greece, 31. His answer to the Uxians, 33. ment of them, 33, 34, and note. He is detained at the Susiad rocks, 35. His conduct Defeats Ariobarzanes, 36. Marches to Persepolis, 37. there, 38, 39. and notes. His conduct to 79. -, his fourth campaign in Asia, viii. 40 the conquered states in Asia, 43. He subdues Paraetacene, 52. Appoints Oxathres satrap of it, ib. He marches towards Ecbatana, 53. Reat ceives a re-enforcement, 54. His conduct to his soldiers Ecbatana, 55. He pursues Bessus, 57 60. Arrives at Rhage, 56. Enters Parthia, ib. Several His treatment of the body of Darius, 59. satraps surrender And of the to him, 61, note, and 62. His treatment of them, ib. He enters Aria, 66. Restores Grecians in the Persian service, 64, 65. Hears of his treachery, and defeats him, Satibarzanes to the satrapy, ib. Condemns Barzaentes to death, 68. He hears of the treachery of 67. His former generosity to Philotas, 69. He superintends Philotas, ib. the trial of Philotas, 73. Measures adopted by him to quell discontent in the army, 77, 78, and note. Appoints Hephastion and Clitus commanders of the king's companions, 78, 79. Displaces Demetrius, 79. his fifth campaign in Asia, which completed the conquest of the Sends a Persian empire, viii. 80 He subdues Zaranga, 85. 137.
force against Satibarzanes, 91.

a town in Paropamisus,

ib.

He

Founds Passes through Arachosia, 92. strengthens his army with Asiatic re-

HH

470
emits, 94.

GENERAL INDEX.

Discontent in his army, 95, 96. His mode of quelling it, 97. He crosses the river Oxus. 98. Dismisses some of his veteran troops, 99. His interview with, and treatment of, Bessus, 101,102. Is wounded on the banks of the river Tanais, 103. Receives embassies from the Scythians, And hears of their revolt, 106. His proceedings against the Scy104. Hears of the Gains possession of Cyropolis, 107, 108. thians, 107. revolt of Spitamenes, 108. Founds a colony on the banks of the Tanais, How opposed by Aristander, Resolves to cross that river, 110. 109. He crosses the river Tanais, 111. Is seized with severe illness, 1 12. ib. He pursues Spitamenes, 114. His treatment of Bessus considered, 116, 117. His dress noticed, 118. He winters in Zariaspa, 1 19. Receives an emHe makes a treaty with Pharasmanes, ib. Probassy from Scythia, ib. He intrusts the military command to ceeds against the Sogdians, 123. His appointment of officers at Nautaca, 1 30, 131. BeCoenus, 1 27. Marries Roxana, 1 34. sieges and takes the fort of Oxyartes, 1 32, 1 33. Reduces Chorienes to submission, Proceeds against Paraetacene, 135. He returns into Bactria, 137. His policy and line of conduct 135, 136.
141. Account considered, 138 Philosophers in his court, 141, 142. of the discussion respecting "Ceremonies," 143 148. Sacrifice performed by him, 148, 149. His Slays Clitus, 150. repentance, ib. Character of his court by Plutarch, 150 152. Conspiracy against him, 152 157. Anecdote of a Syrian woman in his court, 154. Alexander, war prosecuted by, beyond the bounds of the Persian em-

Amount of his army, 157." His mental dis222. pire, viii. 157 His political views in carrying conquests to India, quietude, 158,159, Reaches Proceeds to Alexandria in Paropamisus, 163. 160, 161. Receives Taxiles, 164. Nicaea, ib. Despatches Hephsestion and Perdiccas against Astes, ib. Crosses the river Choes, 165. And is wounded, ib. His successes, 166, 167. Fixes a colony at Arigaeum, 168. He defeats the Arigaeaus, 169. Sends Indian cattle into Greece, 169, 170. His treatment of the Indian Besieges and takes Massaga, 171. 173. Garrisons several Indian Takes Ora, 174. mercenaries, 1 73, and note. He proceeds 179. towns, 175, 176. Besieges and takes Aornos, 176 towards the Indus, 180. His desire to procure elephants, 181, 182. His His 186. reception of, and answer to, the deputation from Nysa, 183 visit to Mount Meron, 186. His sacrifices to Bacchus, 186, 187. He crosses the Indus, 189. Receives deputations, Winters at Taxila, 19O. and fixes a colony there, ib. Passes the Hydaspes, 193. He defeats His interview with him, 198, 199. Founds two towns, Porus, 197. 200. Anecdote respecting his horse Bucephalus, ib. Enters into an alliance with the Glausees, 202. Reconciles Porus and Taxiles, 203. Crosses the river Akesines, 205. Sends Porus to collect forces, 206. " AtPursues the bad" Porus, ib. Crosses the river Hydraotes, 207. tacks and takes Sangala, 208, 209. The loss he sustained, 210, and note. Marches to the river Hyphasis, 212. Discontent in his army, 212, 213. He summons a council, 214. His address to his army, 214 217. Dismisses the assembly, Replied to by Coenus, 217, 218, and notes. His arrangements for the Indian pro219. Orders a sacrifice, 220.
vinces, 220, 221.
,

and

note.

Commences account of his return from India, viii. 223 277. his return, and visits his new towns, 223, 224. The merits of his administration considered, 225, 226, atid notes. Compared to Julius Remarks on his foundation of cities, 229, Caesar, 227, 228, and notes. 230. Builds a fleet on the Proceeds along the banks of the Indus, 230. Performs a Declares Porus king of India, 233. Hydaspes, 232. sacrifice on the banks of the Hydaspes, 234, 235. Offers terms to the Takes their principal town, 238. Mallians, 237. Disperses their forces, Takes the town of the Bramins, 240. Attacks the capital of the 239. Is dangerously His personal bravery there, 242. Mallians, 241. wounded, 24S. Anxiety of his troops respecting his wound, 244. His

GENERAL INDEX.

471

recovery, 245, 246. He subjugates the Mallians and Oxydracs, 247. He increases his fleet, 248. Appoints Oxyartes satrap of Paropamisus, 249. Sails down the river Hydraotes, ib. His conduct to Musicanus, 250, and note. Takes Oxycanus prisoner, 251, and note. Proceeds to SindoArrives at Pattala, 25G. mana, 253. Sends Craterus into Persia, 255. His progress down the Indus, 257. Arrives at the ocean, 259. Makes a Forms a naval arsenal, 261. Returns to Pattala, 262. sacrifice, 260. Difficulties of the march he proposed to take, 262, 263. Leaves Pattala, 264. Establishes a colony at Rambasia, 265. His proceedings in GadHis encouragement of commerce noticed, rosia, 265, 266. and note. Distresses of his army, 268, 269. Anecdote of, 271. 267. Arrives at Enters Carmania, 274. His Poora, 272. Appoints officers there, 273. His march through Carpunishment of some of his generals, 275, 276. He receives the report of Nearchus, 278. His alleged mania, 277. His kind reception of him, impatience respecting Nearchus, 323, 324. He reappoints Nearchus to the command, 326. 325. Alexander, transactions in his march from Carmania through Persia and Susiana, and his measures for the improvement of territory and extension of commerce, viii. 345 401. He proceeds towards Parsagardae, 345. Arrives His indignation at the plunder of the sepulchre of Cyrus, ib. there, 347. His restoration of it, 349. His punishment of Orxines, ib. Appoints Pencestas satrap of Persis, ib. His punishment of the Median rebels, 350. Arrives at Susa, ib. and note. His punishment of various criminals, 351, His difficulties in arranging his different governments, 352 354. 352. His purpose of uniting various nations, 354, 35,5. His marriage with Barsine, or Statira, 355. Unites his generals to Persian princesses, 356, 357. Account of the festival he gave them, 358. His bounty to the army, 359, 360. His distribution of honours, 360, 361 His motives for these measures, 361 Views attributed to him by Arrian, 364. His proceedings 363. respecting the commerce of Assyria, 366. 368. He embarks on the Eulasus, 368. And proceeds to the gulf, 369. Enters the Tigris, ib. His improvements of that river, ib. and note. Spirit of discontent in his army, 371. Celebrates an Olympic festival at Opis, 372. His address, ib. His conduct and speech to the mutinous army, 373 377. His favour to the Persian His reconciliation with the army, 380, 381. Sends part of officers, 377. the troops home, 381, 382. and note. He proceeds northward into Media, 383. Sends Craterus to command in Macedonia, 384. Summons Antipater into Asia, 385.
.

in his march through Media to Babylon, and his , transactions further measures for the improvement of territory and extension of com-

merce, and for civil regulations, to the period of his death, viii. 402 450. He proceeds to Celonae, 4O2. Visits the Nysaean plain, 403. His interference between Hephaestion and Eumenes, 405. His grief at the death of Hephaestion, 406. and note. His expedition 'against the Cossees, 407, 408. His curiosity respecting the Caspian sea, 408. Receives a deputation of the Chaldean priests, 409. His favours to the Babylonians, ib. He enters His reception of the Grecian embassies, 412 414. and Babylon, 411. notes. Of the foreign embassies, 415. Chooses Babylon for his capital, 416. His measures to promote discovery and commerce, 416 418. His The story of his visit to improvements at Babylon, 419. 422 425. His popularity, 426. His civil and military arrangeDiogenes, 425. His measures respecting Anecdotes of, 428, 429. ments, 427, 428. recruits, 430. The prognostics respecting his death, 431, 432. His friendHe consults Pithagoras, 437. 436. ship for the Brahmin Calanus, 433 Institutes a sacrificial feast, 440. Chooses Medius as his confidential Particulars of his illness, and Is seized with illness, 442. friend, ib. The time at his behaviour through it, 443 448. His death, 448. which it happened, ib. His character by Arrian, 448 450. Extract* from the royal daybook of Alexander, according to Arrian and Plutarch, 451 458. His letters, 232. note.

H H 4

472

GENERAL INDEX.

" Alexander's Fortune," a

treatise by Plutarch, remarks on, vii. 474 476. Alexander, tyrant of Pherae, presses upon the allies of Thebes, v. 135. His But Concludes a treaty with Pelopidas, ib. rapacity and tyranny, 143.

seizes

and imprisons him, 144. Kills Repulses the Theban army, ib. Makes peace under the mediation of Pelopidas in a drawn battle, 196. Is assassinated by TisiSends auxiliaries thither, 222. Thebes, 197. phonus, his wife's brother, 266. vii. 292. Discovered in a plot against , son of Europus, notice of, Alexander the Great, 442. Is arrested, 445. Residing at the Persian court, 487.
,

tried and executed, viii. 76, 77. Alexandria, in Egypt, foundation of, vii. 541, 542. Settlement of a Grecian , Paropamisan, foundation of, viii. 92. Visited by Alexander the Great, 163. colony there, 93, 94. Alinda, surrendered up to Alexander, vii. 434. Allegorical style, origin and purpose of, i. 3. note.

130. note. Ally, import of the Greek term, so rendered, vi. 146. Alphabet, every known one to be traced to the neighbourhood of Babylon, i. 5. Remarks on the vowels of the Alphabetical writing, origin of, i. 121, 122. earliest Greek alphabet, compared with those of some other nations, 132, 133. notes. Alps, remarks on the inhabitants of the, viii. 89, 90.
'AXXo<j)uXoj, signification of, vii.

Amadocus. See Medocus. Amalfi, extraordinary prosperity of, in the middle ages, v. 268. and note. Allusion to, viii. 320. note. Amanus, notice of the town of, vii. 494. Amasis, king of Egypt, able reign of, i. 438. His connexion with Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, 451, 452. *A/uatt( and "Ap^uara, distinction between, viii. 210. note. Amazons, the, account of, viii. 403. and note. Their contests Ambraciots, their war with the Acarnanians, ii. 413,414. with the Acarnanians, 488 495. Peace between them, 495. Amiantus, notice of, vii. 221. Ammon, land of, described, vii. 544, 545. Oracle of, noticed, 546. Account of Alexander's visit to, 547 550. Amompharetus, a Spartan officer, anecdote of, ii. 112. Funeral honours to
his

memory, 120.

Amphictyon, notice of, i. 198. Amphictyonic city, titles of its representatives, vi. 245. 203. council, origin and power of the, i. 199
Its influence, 238. , account of, vi. 235. Superintends the temple of Delphi, 242. Alterations in, Regulated by Solon, 243. Its authority diminished, 244, 245. System of voting in, 250. and note. 251. Lacedaemon prosecuted and fined by, 254. and note. Phocis prosecuted and fined by, 258 Its decrees against Lacedaamon and 260. Phocis, 261. Meets at Thermopylae, 275. Philip's letter respecting, 446. Its meeting, 469, 470.
Its

judgment on the Phocians, 47

473.

the number sent by Athens to, vii. 96. Proclamation made by, 99. Consequences thereof, 99, 1OO. General assembly of, summoned, 1OO. Declares war against the Amphissians, 102. Meets at

Thermopylae, 104. Appoints Philip their general, 106. Great takes his seat therein, 294. See Argos. Amphilochian Argos.

Alexander the

Amphimnestus, notice

of, vii.

220.

Amphipolis, situation of, iii. 37. Its importance to the Athenians, ib. Project of Brasidas for gaining it to the Lacedaemonian confederacy, 38, 39. Taken by Brasidas, 4O. But the port of, retained by the Athenians, ib.
Battle of,
,

6467.
its

connexion with Athens and Lacedaemon,

vi.

103, 104.

GENERAL INDEX.

473

Defended by Macedonia against Athens, 114. Colony at, 150, 151. Colonists from Cyrene established there, 152. Alliance of, with Olynthus, Resists the Athenians, ib. 154. Hostages delivered by, to Iphicrates, Measures against Timotheus, 161. 160. Yields to the Athenians, 166. Its importance to Athens, 183. Besieged by the Macedonians and
Olynthians, 187.
.

Amphipolis, decree of the Athenians concerning, vii. 15. Amphissa, proposal of, to revolt to the Lacedaemonian alliance, ii. 486. The Their claim upon the Amphissians use the devoted land, vii. 96.
Resist the proclamation of the Athenians, 98. and note. Amphictyons, Submit to the Amphictyonic council, 102. 100. Again resist it, 103. Assisted by the Athenian mercenaries, 116. Reduced to final submission, Surrender to the Phocians, vi. 287. 117. Amyntas, nephew of Perdiccas, King of Macedonia, deprived by him of his Macedonian principality, ii. 427. Seeks assistance from Sitalces, king of His restoration, 430. Thrace, ib. is nearly expelled from , several cities desert his allegiance, and he
his

kingdom,
,

v. 7, 8.

firmly seated on the throne after the assassination of Pausanias, vi. 97. Forced by Bardylis to withdraw to Thessaly, 99Regains the Removes the seat of government, 101. Becomes an ally throne, 100. His marriage, family, and death, 106. of Athens, 104. His flight after the -, son of Antiochus, defeats Chares, vii. 87.
is

death of Philip, His conduct at Ephesus, 417. Resides in 291^ 292. His plot against Alexander, ib. Notice of, 487. the Persian court, 442. His attempts on Egypt, 536. Is slain, 537. the Cappadocian chief, account of, vii. 449, 450. , Tried and , Alexander's general, sent to the river Araxes, viii. 36.
acquitted, 74.

and

note.

Anabasis of Xenophon, the author's age at the time of his engaging with Cyrus, deduced from internal evidence, iv. 292. 296. note. Objection made against Xenophon's claim to, and the solution which it is capable of
admitting, 296
'AvaCoXeuf,

298. note.
the

Anacharsis's Travels.

title, vii. 406. note. See Barthelemy. Anacreon, invited to Athens by Hipparchus, and maintained there by him, i. 406. Anactorium taken by the Athenians, iii. 7.

meaning of

"AV

and Bas-iXEu?, distinction between, i. 113. note. Anaxagoras, the philosopher, notice of, ii. 289. Principles of the philosophy introduced by him, iv. 124. How treated by the Athenians, ib. His
Anaxarchus, the philosopher,
principles laid the foundation for the philosophy of Socrates, 127. his character, viii. 142. His arguments respecting the death of Clitus, 150.

Anaxibius, the Lacedaemonian commander-in-chief, political views by which his conduct to the Cyrean army was guided, iv. 273. His proposal to lead the army back again into Asia, 273, 274. His treatment of them, on their His further measures, 278, 279. Appointed quitting Byzantium, 276. commander-in-chief of the Lacedaemonian forces in Asia, 438. Is defeated and slain by the Athenians under Iphicrates, 439. His bravery, ib. Anchialus, by whom founded, vii. 481. Andocides, the oration on peace attributed to him, probably of his age, ii. 273, 274. note.
, ,

notice of,

iii.

198.

account of, and of his ancestors, iv. 97, 98. Implicated, when a youth, with Alcibiades, in the mutilation of the terms of Mercury, 98. 103. Quits Athens and Proceedings against him in consequence, 101 visits various countries, 103. Returns to Athens after the Peloponnesian Afterwards retires to Cyprus, ib. war, 104. Again returns to Athens, and takes an active part in public affairs, 105. His age at that time, ib\

GENERAL INDEX.
note.
act of impiety in the temple of Ceres, 107. His defence, Prosecuted for the mutilation of the terms of Mercury, 109. Account of the oration of Lysias against him, 109 111. Of the defence His age at the time of his accusation, 115. 115. of Andocides, 112 What is learned from the Notice of his second oration, 116, 117. note. prosecutions of Andocides, 117.

Accused of an

107, 108.

'AvJpaTroJ'ov,

and AoDXoj, distinction between, iv. 194. note. His death, ib. Androcles, king of Messenia, notice of, i. 304. iii. 347. , assassination of, Andros, notice of the island of, vii. 203, 204. Androsthenes, of Thasos, his narrative of the voyage of Nearchus,
note.
of,
i.
i.

viii.

289.

Anglo-Saxon annals, notice

laws, account of,

217. note. 255, 256. note.

kills himself, v. 75.

Anippus, commander of a Syracusan squadron,

Anolympiads explained, i. 267. note. Anopaea, mountain of, formerly covered with oaks,
41. note.

ii.

40.

Now

woodless,

This circumstance noticed by Statius,

ib.

Antalcidas, sent on an embassy from Lacedaemon to the satrap of Lydia, His proposal to Tiribazus, 411, 412. Success of his negotiation, iv. 411. His successes against the Sent on a mission to Persia, 447. 412. A peace concluded by him with Persia, called " The Athenians, 448. peace of Antalcidas," 452 460. what its real disgrace principally arose from, v. 1. Fur, peace of, 109. Compared with the king of Persia's rescript, ther remarks on, 107 148.

Antandrians, their gratitude to the Syracusans, iii. 401. Anthemus, in Macedonia, treatment of, by Philip, vi. 186. Anticrates, a Laconian, honours and privileges granted him for killing Epaminondas, v. 243. Antigonus, appointed satrap of Upper Phrygia by Alexander, vii. 466. Antiochus, king of Messenia, i. 304, 305. the Athenian commander, defeated by Lysander, in the battle of , Notium, iii. 430. the Arcadian minister, slighted by Pelopidas at Susa, v. 148. , His description of the Persian empire, 150. Alexander's general, how employed, viii. 180, 181. , His adAntipater, the Macedonian, sent ambassador to Athens, vii. 154. vice to Alexander, 381. Places a squadron under the command of Proteas,
465.

Sends a receives a supply of money from Alexander, viii. 30. , His embarrassed situation, 49. Defeats re-enforcement to him, 31, 32. Summons a congress at Corinth, 50. Sends recruits to AlexAgis, ib. ander, 116. Antiphon, a celebrated politician of Athens, notice of, iii. 351. Measures of, Condemned to death by the council of thirty, iv. 47. 383.
109.

Treatment of, by Demosthenes, vii. 1 08. , an Athenian, banished, Accused of treason, ib. Acquitted, 110. Arrested by order of the
ib.

Areopagus,
'A9r<f>wvE,

'AwsJoro, interpretation of, iv. 433. note.

interpretation of, vii. 273. note. Antisthenes, an Agrigentine, celebrates his daughter's wedding with extraordinary magnificence, v. 338. Anytus, one of the accusers of Socrates, notice of, iv. 135. Aorni, garrisoned by Alexander, viii. 98. Aornos, description of, viii. 174, 175. Besieged by Alexander, 177, 178. And taken, 179. Garrisoned by him, 180. Apaturia, account of the festival of, iii. 452. Apeliotes, signification of the word, i. 34. note. of the term, iv. 417. note; v. 47. note. *A<}>' fi/Jijf, computation

GENERAL INDEX.

4/75

Apia, the ancient name of Peloponnesus, whence derived, i. 27. Apis, a Pelasgian chief, first made the Peloponnesus habitable, i. 27. sacrifice of Alexander to, vii. 540. 'ATTOXTSIVO;, variety of its meanings, v. 4O. note. Apollo, how he became the presiding divinity at Delphi, i. 192. Temple of, at Branchidse, the national bank of the Dorians, 194. Appeal of the Cumaeans to the oracle at, 430, 431. Apollocrates, son of Dionysius the younger, commands at Syracuse, Capitulates to Dion, and retires to during his father's absence, vi. 20. Italy, 26. Apollodorus of Amphipolis, appointed to the military command of Babvlon,
,

viii. 28. Notice of, 437. Apollonia, colony of, when founded, i. 262. (See Acanthus.) Apolloniades of Agyrium, resigns to Timoleon, vi. 65. Apollophanes, satrap of Gadrosia, his misconduct, viii. 267. 270. 272. missed from the satrapy, 273.

Dis-

Apulia, two towns founded on its coast, vi. 5. Arabees, notice of the, viii. 295. Arabic language, resemblance of the Welsh to, i. 124. note. Observations on the use of vowels in, 126 128. or account of the battle viii. 15 25. Arbela, of, Gaugamela, Sketch of the history of, 267, 268. War Arcadia, boundaries of, i. 13, 14. of the Lacedaemonians with the Arcadians, 327. the Arcadians seek employment in foreign military service, ii. 53. , Their offer of services to Xerxes, 54. , separate themselves from the main body of the Cyraean army, iv. Their marauding expedition against the Bithynians, 254. 252, 253. Surrounded and besieged by them, 255. But relieved by Xenophon, 255, 256. -, proposed to be united under one government by the Tegeans, v. 114. The union effected, and Megalopolis, a common capital, founded, 1 1 7 1 20. The sovereign, or Numberless assembly, of Arcadia, how composed, 118.

and

note.

invaded by Agesilaus, 120. The Arcadians waste Heraea, 121. Their high Their successes under Lycomedes of Mantinea, 138, 139. reputation, ib. They oppose the Theban pretensions at the congress of Arcadia enters into an alliance with Athens, 182. The Thebes, 151. Desist on the interference 193. Arcadians invade and ravage Elea, 191 of the Achaeans, 193. Again invade Elea, 198. Besiege Cromnus, ib. Exclude the Eleans from the presidency of the Olympian festival, 202, Are defeated by the Eleans, 204. Rob the Olympian treasury, 203.
2O7.

The Numberless assembly

Thebes

interference of

solicited, 210.

the Thebans at Tegea, 212. The Arcadians divided on the fourth invasion of Peloponnondas, 214. nesus, 223. Arcadians oppose Philip's measures, viii. 170 172. and note. ., the Archelaus, king of Lacedacmon, i. 274. son of Perdiccas, king of Macedonia, Plato's anecdote of, vi. 8f. His measures towards the Pydnaeans, 91. His improvements in note. His encouragement of science, 93. His institution of Macedonia, 92.
,

The forbid any further trespass, 209. Their principal citizens seized by Reception of their ministers by Epami-

His death, 95. games, 94. of Androcles, appointed to the command of Aorni, viii. 98. , son Archestratus, appointed one of the ten generals on the deposition of Alcibiades and Thrasybulus, iii. 434. Archias, a Corinthian, leads a colony to Sicily, i. 348, 349. -, polemarch of Thebes, assassinated by Phyllidas and Mellon, v.
37, 38.
,

a Macedonian, third in

command

to Nearchus,

viii.

286.

Notice

of,

GENERAL INDEX.
312. Sent to explore the Accompanies Nearchus to Alexander, 324. Persian Gulf, 418. Archidamia, priestess of Ceres, the service she rendered to Aristomenes, i. 316. Archidamus, king of Lacedaemon, suppresses the revolt of the Helots, ii. And blockades them in Ithome, 241. His speech at the 239, 240. Appointed to command the forces congress at Lacedaemon, 339 341. for the invasion of Attica, 367. His liberal conduct, ib. Besieges CEnoe, of his 373. Justness judgment, 373, 374. Invades Attica a second time, Commands at the of His 385, 386. Platasa, 405. proposal to the siege His solemn address to the deities of the country, 407. Plataeans, 406. Last notice of in history, 477. been done for Greece by , speculations as to what might have

had their lives been prolonged, iii. 2. son of Agesilaus, defeats the forces of Argos, Arcadia, and Messenia, v. 142. Invades Arcadia, 198. And takes Cromnus, ib. Defeats the Thebans in the neighbourhood of Sparta, 226. Succeeds his father on the throne of Lacedaamon, 254. Archidamus assists the Phocians, vi. 265. Defeats the Argives, and takes Orneas, 355. Joins the Phocians, 356. Takes Plissus, ib. Marches into Returns home, 465Phocis, 434. Socrates to, vii. 266 268. and note. , letter from
Pericles,
-,

him and

Archipelago, etymology of, i. 153. note. Architecture, difference between the style of the Attic, and that of the Sicilian and Psestan buildings, ii. 174. 175. note. Of the Ionian, Corinthian, and

Doric orders, 175. note.

Archonidas, chief of Erbita, migrates, and founds Archonidium, v. 388, 389. Archonidium, foundation of, v. 389. Archons, hereditary, established at Athens, i. 337. Ardericcia, in Cissia, settlement of Eretrians at, i. 506. 304. Areopagitic oration of Isocrates, account of, and extracts from, vi. 298 Areopagus, court of, of whom composed, i. 380. Its powers, 381, 382. 249. , depression of the power of, ii.
,

character of,

iv.

94.
vii.

appoints Hvperides syndic,

110.

108.

Its treatment of

Antiphon,

Arethusa, fountain of, i. S49. Argseus assumes the rule over Macedonia,

vi.

99.

Is compelled to flee, 100.

is

Resumes
and

his pretensions, 118.

Marches

to Edessa,

attacked by Philip,

slain, 122.

Argaleonis, mother of Brasidas, anecdote of, iii. 68. 448. Impeachment of the Athenian geneArginussae, sea-fight of, iii. 445 rals who commanded at the battle, 448 458. Argolis, ravaged by Agesilaus, iv. 413. Expedition into, under Agesipolis,

427, 428.

Argonautic expedition, probable history of, i. 41. An Foundation of, involved in uncertainty, 25. Argos, vale of, i. 14. Egyptian colony, 28. Notices of some of its early sovereigns, 28 32. Four places of this name, 45. Its geographical situation, 46. A republican Effects thereof, ib. Remarkable combat between the government, 254. Argians and Lacedaemonians, 326. Their con, the Argives apply to the Delphian oracle for advice, ii. 2J. duct at the time of the Persian invasion, ib. 22. War of, with Mycenas, 243, 244. They take Mycenae, and reduce the people to slavery, 244. , treaty of Lacedaemon with Argos, iii. 93. War with Epidaurus, 1 12, 113. With Lacedasmon, 115. 126. Change in the administration of, 129. Alliance with Lacedaemon, 131. Revolution in, 1S3. Renewal of alliance with Athens, 135. Three hundred Argives taken by Alcibiades, 137. , causes for the alienation of Argos from Lacedaemon, iv. 320. Singular union of, with Corinth, 395, 396.

GENERAL INDEX.

4/77

Argos, the Argives invade Epidauria, v. 139. Are intercepted in their retreat by Chabrias, ib. Are brought off by the Arcadians, ib. Claim Tricranum, and place a garrison in it, 186. Join Epaminondas on his fourth invasion of Peloponnesus, 222. Sanguinary sedition at Argos, termed the Scyta260. lium, 258 war of, with Lacedsemon, vi. 313. The armies defeated by Ar, chidamus, 355. Isocrates's Account of the Argives, 454.

Amphilocian, situation of, and by whom founded, ii. 412. Dissensions which led to its alliance with Athens, 413. Share of the Amphilochians
,

in the battle of Olpae, 490.

Aria, description of, viii. 83. Revolt in, 91. Ariadne, daughter of Minos, notice of, i. 62. Ariaspes, second son of Ariaxerxes Mnemon, death of, vii. 355. 91. Ariasps, or Agriasps, account of, viii. 8? Ariaeus, commander of the Asiatic forces under Cyrus, his measures after the battle of Cunaxa, iv. 179 184. 188. 170. The Arigaeum, conquest of the country of, by Alexander, viii. 168
city rebuilt by him, Arimasps, account of
1

68.

the, viii.

88

90.

Ariobarzanes, satrap of Bithynia, mediates between the Grecian republics, v. 141. forms a connexion with Athens, vi. 155. , a general of Darius, Commands the Persians at the Susiad rocks, viii. 35. Is defeated by

Alexander, 36. Aristagoras, governor of Miletus, expedition of, against the isle of Naxos, i. 459, 460. Quarrels with the Persian commander, Megabates, 460, 461. His critical situation, 461,462. Procures a revolt among the Milesians, 463. Solicits the aid of the Lacedaemonians in vain, 464. Obtains assistance from the Athenians, 470. Retires from Miletus to Thrace, 473. His
death, 474. Aristander of Telmissus, a soothsayer, notice of, vii. 443. 458. his explanation of the eclipse of the moon, viii. 11. His , auguries on the banks of the Tanais, 1 1O, 111. useful arts introduced into i. 120. Arista3us, Greece, by, Aristarchus, how he effects the surrender of CEnoe, iii. 382, 383. his conduct towards the Cyrian army at Byzantium, iv. 278, 279. , Aristeia, honours of the, to whom they were decreed, ii. 51. Aristides, son of Lysimachus, first patronised by Clisthenes, ii. 60. Held a high military command at the battle of Marathon, ib. His character compared with that of Themistocles, ib. 61. Banished by the Athenians, 61. But his absence generally regretted by them, ib. A decree passed, putting a

Effect period to his exile, 68. Hastens to join the fleet at Salamis, ib. produced on the commanders by his appearance, ib. Lands on Psyttalea, at the head of a body of Athenians, and puts the Persians there to the sword, 73. Wise measures of the Attic government attributed to him, 92.
at the congress at Athens, 94 96. Appointed to the comof the Athenian forces, 100. His answer to the Tegeans, on their disputing precedence with the Athenians, 104. The part he took in the battle of Plataea, 110. 116. Accompanies Themistocles on his mission to Sparta, 185. Causes of his popularity, 197. Wisdom of his measures, 206, 207. Last public act recorded of him, 207. His death and poverty, 207, 208. Monument raised to his memory, 2O8. Aristippus, the Thessalian, circumstances which led him to the court of Cyrus, iv. 150. Obtains his friendship, ib. Aristocracy, import of the term, i. 252. Aristocrates, prince of Orchomenus, notice of, i. 316. 322. of Arcadia, treachery of, and its punishment, i. 322. , king de, an Athenian general, appointed one of the ten generals on the position of Alcibiades and Thrasybulus, iii. 434. Condemned to death and executed, 449.

His speeches

mand

478

GENERAL INDEX.

Aristodemus, king of Messenia, offers his daughter for a sacrifice, and afterwards kills her himself, i. 307. His death, 309. (See Temenus.) absent from the battle of , the Spartan, disgraced for having been Thermopylae, ii. 44. Subsequently distinguishes himself, and his memory His bravery at Plataea, 121. Is transmitted with honour to posterity, ib. slain there, ib. Funeral honours denied to him, ib. the Athenian, sent to Macedonia, vi. 413. Honours voted to him, 414. Goes on an embassy, 416. -, prince of Orchomenus, notice of, i. 316. 322. Aristodicus, a citizen of Cuma, attempts to save Pactyas from being delivered up to the Persians, i. 430, 431. Aristogenes, appointed one of the ten generals on the deposition of Alcibiades

and Thrasybulus,

iii.

434.

Aristogiton and Harmodius, conspiracy of, against Hippias and Hipparchus, i. 407. Extraordinary honours decreed to the memory of, 508, 509. Song Statues of, restored to Athens by Alexander, viii. 414. of, 508. and note.
note.

Aristomache, daughter of Hipparinus, marries Dionysius of Syracuse, v. 404. , her family by him, vi. 2. Aristomenes, commander in chief of the Messenians, gallant exploit of, i. 313. His various successes during the war with the Lacedaemonians, 315 322. His subsequent adventures, 324. Aristonicus, a singer, his bravery and death, viii. 125. Aristophanes, the comic poet, his satire of the extravagant views and restless ambition of the Athenians, iii. 12. His satire of Cleon in his comedy of " The Knights," 60. Acts the part of Cleon himself, ib. of the extravagant use made of public accusa, instance from, tion at Athens, iv. 85, 86. note. Introduces Socrates by name into his " The Reason for his hostility to Socrates, ib. Clouds," 131. comedy of Refused the usual record of a successful dramatist, on the representation of " The Clouds," 132. His object in introducing Socrates into it, 140. note. The story of his being bribed to write the comedy denied, ib. See Nicophemus. -, son of Nicophemus. Aristophon, the Athenian, conducts the prosecution against Timotheus and Iphicrates, vi. 221. Aristoteles, a Lacedaemonian, commands the Grecian mercenaries in the pay of Dionysius, v- 432. Is sent to Lacedaemon to account for his conduct, ib. " " and Aristotle, observations of, on the import of the terms Aristocracy " Policy," i. 253. 33. , his definition of a democracy, iv. His , superintends the education of Alexander the Great, vii. 187. birth and parentage, 203, 204. Analysis of his treatise on government, 205 212. His account of the constitution of various states, 21 3, 214. Se216. veral kinds of monarchies specified by him, 214 Aristus represents the Lacedaemonian government at Syracuse, v. 383. Informs Dionysius of the Corinthian sedition, 384. "Apjwara and "Afta.% ai, distinction between, viii. 209, 210. note. Armene, transactions of the Cyrean army at, iv. 249. Armenia, severity of the winters in, iv. 225. Armies and armour of the ancient Greeks, described, i. 143 145. 147 152. Composition of the Lacedaemonian army, 292 297. And of the armies of the Grecian republics, 384 386. Their officers, 387, 388. Absurd attachment of the , mode of mustering the Persian army, ii. 7. Lacedaemonians to the exclusive use of weapons for close fight, 517. Practice of the Athenians in this respect, ib. Advantages of light troops, 518. , scarlet or crimson, a common uniform of the Greeks, iv. 384. account of the arrangement of Alexander's troops at the battle of the , Granicus, their arms, etc., vii. 403, 404. (See Military Affairs, etc.)

GENERAL INDEX.

479

Arrhibseus, prince of Lyncus, becomes an ally of Sparta, iii. 34. His account of the Arrian, his report of Alexander's speech, vii. 272, 273. conspiracy, previous to, and the events after, the death of Philip, 291, 292. and note. His account of the Persian council, 399. And of the battle of the Granicus, 402 411. His description of Halicarnassus, 435. His account of the conspiracy against Alexander, 443. Of the Gordian knot, 469 471. Of the battle of Issus, 502 515. and notes. His mode of dis553. tinguishing names, 551 his account of the battle of Arbela, viii. 15 25. and notes. His , His account of the deficiency in treating on political subjects, 77, 78. 91. And of the Scythians, 104, 105. His reflections on the Ariasps, 87 His opinion on Alexander's dress, 118. On the death of Bessus, 117. Scythian character, 120. His account of the controversies on the kingly 147. Of Alexander's conduct to the Indian mercenaries, 173. office, 140 and note. His allusion to Hercules, 1 75. His account of Nysa, 183 187. Of the discontent in Alexander's army, 213 222. and notes. Defence of, against an attack of the writers of the Universal History, 221, 222. note. His anecdote of a Boeotian officer, 246. His narrative of the voyage of Nearchus, 278, 279. note. Omissions in it, 291, 292. Discrepancies in Views attributed to Alexander by his various narratives, 350, 351. note. His His for 432. anecdote of a Brah364. omens, him, 363, respect His account of the illness of Alexander, 441 448. min, 433 435.

His character of him, 448 450. Passage in his history of Alexander, 458. leading to the extract from the royal daybook, 451 Arrows, letters transmitted by means of, ii. 89. Arsames becomes the favourite of Artaxerxes Mnemon, vii. 355. Is assassinated, ib.

His Arses, son of Artaxerxes Ochus, ascends the Persian throne, vii. 375. death, 376. Arsites, the Persian, appointed lieutenant-governor of Phrygia, vii. 388. His alarm at the approach of Alexander, 397. Joined by Spithridates and Memnon, 397, 398. The amount of their army, 398. and note. Kills himself, 410.
Artabazus, satrap of Bithynia, appointed with 60,000 men to escort Xerxes to the Hellespont, ii. 77. Returns from his expedition, and lays siege to Olynthus and Potidea, 88. And takes the former, ib. His treacherous Raises the siege of Potidea, and correspondence with Timoxenus, 89. Not engaged in the battle of Plataea, 115, 116. proceeds to Thessaly, ib. Retreats towards Phocis, 116. Mistake of Rollin respecting him, 116. note. His rear harassed by PerdicProgress of his retreat to Asia, 124, 125. cas, and a large part of his army cut off at the battle of Strymon, 125. Solicits the aid of the Thebans, is assisted by Chares, vi. 224. 282. Lower , defeats the army sent against Phrygia, vii. 358. Takes reHis marriage with a Rhofuge at the court of Philip of Macedon, 359. Restored to his satrapy, 371. dian lady, 360, 361. and note. Called to the Persian court, 388. his to viii. friend of Darius Surthe 57. Darius, III., , fidelity He leads the Grecians in the Persian service renders to Alexander, 62. Sent on an expeto Alexander, 64. Appointed satrap of Bactria, 98. dition with Pharasmanes, 1 20. Resigns his satrapy, 1 26. Artachaeus, a Persian noble, death of, and ceremonies at his funeral, ii. 10. Artapharnes, brother of Darius, sends an expedition against Naxos, i. 459. Defeats the Its result, 461. Character of his administration, 470.

Greeks at Ephesus, 471,

the younger, expedition of, against Greece, i. 492. , Conquers Defeat of, Invades Attica, 501. the islands in the JEgean sea, ib. 493. Sent on an embassy to Lacedae505. at the battle of Marathon, 502

mon,

iii.

8.
ii.

Artaxerxes, third son of Xerxes, succeeds to the throne of Persia,

2O9.

480

GENERAL INDEX.
The
existence of a treaty between him ii. 216 218. note. Death of,

Strength of his government, 214.

and the Athenian commonwealth disputed,

iii. 300. Character of his government, ib. Artaxerxes Mnemon succeeds to the throne of Persia, iv. 143. Origin of the enmity between him and his brother Cyrus, ib. Encourages i civil war between the commanders of the provinces, 144. Wounded by Cyrus at the battle of Cunaxa, 175. vii. 351 356. Conduct of his eldest son , account of, by Plutarch, Favourite chosen by him, ib. Plot against him, 355. Darius, 354, 355. His death, 356. his father's death secret, vii. 356. Ascends the throne, , Ochus, keeps 359. He sub357. Stateof Persiaat the commencement of his reign, 357 dues Artabazus, ib. Recovers Suppresses the revolt in Phenicia, 3G4. the island of Cyprus, 365, 366. and note. His character, as given by Isocrates, 367. Hires Grecian forces, 368. His expedition to Egypt, ib. 369. His successes, 369. Anecdote of, related by Plutarch, 370. His liberHe restores Artabazus to his satrapy, ib. His alliality to Bagoas, 371. Different accounts of his death, 375, 376. ance with Athens, 373. Artemisia, daughter of Lygdamis, succeeds to the throne of Halicarnassus, ii. 66. Fits out five gallies, and takes the command of them herself, ib. Joins Her advice rethe Persian fleet, ib. Her speech in a council of war, ib.

Her extraordinary bravery and address, 74. princess of Caria, notice of, vi. 360. and note. Artemisium, station of the Greek fleet at, ii. 30. Engaged by the Persians Sea- tight off, 4852. there, ib. Artillery, the Carthaginian, improved by the Greeks, and perfected by the Romans, v. 342. Invention of the catapeltic, 40O. State of the art of Arts, invention and improvement of, in Egypt, i. 6, 7. Of masonry, 140, 141. Of the music in the Homeric age, 137, 138.
jected, 67.
,

ornamental

arts,

141, 142.

Of

war, 143
ii.

145.

147152.

Of

Of astronomy, 157. tion, 155. state of the, at Athens under ,

,

Of physic and
Cimon,

naviga-

surgery, 158. 231, 232. Under Pericles, 292,

293.

of the arts and sciences in Greece during the repubAnd especially at Athens, 275. Arundel marbles, date of the, i. 218. Asdrubal, derivation of the name, v. 334. note. Asia, origin of science in, i. 6, 7. iv. 316. , treaty for the emancipation of the Asian Greeks, vii. 262, 263. Remarks on the origin of its , notice of the people of, Constitution of the Asiatic states, 428 430. name, 411. note, 412. Alexander's winter campaign in Asia, and measures of the Persian armament under Memnon against Greece, 438 476. Examples of
, flourishing state lican times, r. 274.

Asiatic character, 451,

,
,

452

viii.

91.
in, vii.

Alexander's second campaign

his third

campaign

in, viii.

38.

His conduct to the conquered states mountaineers, 83, 84 Description of the climate of Asia, 85, 8t>, and note. Alexander's fifth campaign in Asia, which completed the con137. quest of the Persian empire, 80 Asiatic names, viii. 252. note. , remarks on the orthography of
i. 33. The early inhabitants of, the same inhabited Thrace and Greece, 68, 69. Geographical situation of, 71. Troy, the first powerful settlement on its coast, ib. Account of the JEolic migration, Early migration from Greece to, 339. 340. Of the Ionic migration, 341. Carian colonies planted there, 342. Notice of the Grecian commonwealths in, 417. Revolt of the Asian Greeks against Persia, and consequent war, 462 476. Subjugation of the Asian Greeks, 477, 478. , character of the country and people of, vii. 447

476 543. His fourth campaign in, 40 78. Account of the Asiatic in, 43.

Minor, early

civilisation of,

with those

who

GENERAL INDEX.
Asine, in Laconia, ravaged by the Arcadians,
Asisines, a Persian noble, intercepted by a covery made in consequence thereof, ib.
v.

481
party,
vii.

139.

Macedonian

442.

Dis-

Death of, 481. Asopius, son of Phormion, naval operations of, ii. 480, 481. Asopus, river, account of, ii. 37, 38. of and Pericles Socrates indebted to her for the Axiochus, Aspasia, daughter cultivation of their minds, ii. 289, 291. Her uncommon beauty and Attended the ladies of 291. for the instruction of her talents, Athens, by Her attachment to Pericles, 292. conversation, 292. Dramatic abuse of, 294. their vii. to Their 452. Alexander, Aspendians, proposition duplicity, 453. The city of Aspendus described, 454. It capitulates to Alexander, 455. "AO-TH?, the shield, always implies a heavy-armed soldier, iii. 408. Assakene Indians oppose Alexander, viii. 171. They retreat to their caAre repulsed in a sally, 172. Death of pital, ib. Repel an assault, ib. their chief, 173. Surrender of their town, ib. and note. Revolt against
Alexander, ISO. and note.
revolt, 203.

Their rebellion quelled, 181.

oligarchal party at Athens,

They again
iii.

Assassinations,

common among the

347, 348.

Not

to

be excused, v. 175. approved and rewarded by the Athenians, vi. 206. vii. 176. of his eighty illegitimate brothers by Artaxerxes Ochus,
,

vii. 357. Assassins, estimation in which they were held under the Athenian democracy, iv. 93. Boundaries of the Assyria, one of the earliest civilised countries, i. 5.

Assyrian empire, 426. account of, viii. 365, 366. , Is slain, ib. Astes, an Indian prince, opposes Alexander, viii. 1 64. Astronomy known to the Babylonians at a very early period, i. 5. The first knowledge of, brought to Egypt from Asia, 7. Improvements in, by the Egyptians, ib. State of, in the early ages of Greece, 155 158. Astydamia, daughter of Pelops, i. 34. 325. Astyochus, the Lacedaemonian commander, operations of, iii. 321 Astypalasa synonymous with the English Alton, and Aldborough, v. 269. note. a his the at Athenagoras, speech Syracusan leader, general assembly of the people, respecting the Athenian invasion, iii. 186, 187. Fails Athenadorus, the Athenian, sent on an expedition to Thrace, vi. 213. in his object, 214. Presides over the abdication of Kersobleptes, 309. Uncertain succession of the early Athens, origin and rise of, i. 46, 47. Athenian kings, 49. note. Account of the improvements introduced by Theseus into the Athenian government, 62 67. The Athenians the first
civilised

among

the

Greeks, 67.

History of Athens from the Trojan

war to the appointment of hereditary archons, 334 337. Administration and powers of the hereditary archons, 354 357. Legislation of Draco, 357. ReHistory of Athens to the legislation of Solon, 359363. formation of the Athenian government and jurisprudence by him, 364 384. Composition of the Athenian army, 384 388. History of Athens, from the legislation of Solon to the expulsion of the Pisistratidae, and the first public transaction with Persia, 389 414. The Athenians
solicit the aid

of the Persian king against Lacedaemon, 465. Invasion of Attica by the Peloponessians, Boeotians, and Eubceans, ib. 466. The invaders defeated, 466. The Attic coast ravaged by the JSginetans, 467. Alliance between Athens and Lacedaemon, 487. War between Athens and JEgina, 492, 493. Defeat of the Persians at the battle of Marathon, 502, 503. Growing ambition of Athens, 507. Effects of party-spirit

there,

507510.

Herodotus's opinion of the credit due to the Athenians in the pre, servation of Greece against Persia, ii. 14. Causes for their opposition to the Persian power, 15, 16. First public measures suggested by TheVOL. VIII. I I

482
mistocles

GENERAL INDEX.

for the defence of Athens, 16. Response of the Delphian oracle, and its interpretation, which led the Athenians to rely principally Deserted by the on their navy, 17 20. Policy of their counsels, 47.

'

Nature of Peloponnesians, they remove their families from Attica, 60. " Ostracism" at The Athens, 61. Superstition of the serpent at, 62. Return of the Athenians to their country, city taken by the Persians, 63. 84. dedications to the for the after the battle of Salamis, Offer gods, And decree honours to Themistocles, 86, 87. Congress victory, 85, 86. at Athens, 90 96. The Athenians .again abandon their country, and Their zeal for the prosecution of the Persian remove to Salamis, 96, 97. Of their war, 97. Dispute of the Tegeans with, for precedence, 104-. " Aristeia," dispute with the Lacedaemonians respecting the honours of the The Athenians send a colony to Thurium, 164, 165. Honours 122. Erect a paid by the Athenians to those who fell at Marathon, ii. 181. monument to their memory, ib. Measures adopted by Themistocles for Jealousy of the Peloponnesians, rebuilding and fortifying Athens, 182. Administration of Themistocles, 184 Parties at 193. 182 184. Banishment of Themistocles, 198. Prosecution of Athens, 193198. the war against Persia, 200, 201. Advantages derived to them, from the Athens at the head of a new confederacy, ib. treason of Pausanias, 207. Changes which took place in the government, 212. 234. ExAthens, the seat of science and arts, under Cymon, ii. 231 The Athenians reduce the Thasians tension of the power of Athens, 235. to obedience, 236. Assist the Lacedaemonians against the revolt of the Renounce the confederacy with Lacedaemon, 242. Form Helots, 241. an alliance with Argos and the Thessalians, ib. Change of administration at Athens, 244, 245. Circumstances which promoted the power of the commonwealth, 245, 246. Difficulties of the new administration, 246 248. Great men at* Athens during this period, 247, 248. 254, 255. Gratifications proDepression of the court of Areopagus, 249. vided for the Athenians by Pericles, 250. Expedition to Egypt, 251 Involved in a war with the Corinthians, 253, 254. Hostilities 253. between Athens and Lacedaemon, 257, 258. Successes of the Athenians under Myronides, 259 261. Important work for the protection of ConSuccesses of the Athenians under Tolmides, 264. Athens, 263. clusion of the expedition to Egypt, 266. War with Thessaly, 268. Expedition, under Pericles, to the western coast of Greece, 268, 269. of parties at, and recall of Cimon, ii. 269, 270. Truce of , coalition five years with Lacedaemon, 271. Long walls of Athens, ib. Restoration of the order of knights, or cavalry, ib. families sent Colony of Athenian to the Chersonese, 274. Extent of the Expedition to Cyprus, 275. Athenian power at this period, 278. State of parties at the death of Cimon, 279 282. Tolmides sent to reduce the Boeotians, 282, 283. Concludes a treaty with them, 283. truce of thirty years concluded with the Peloponnesians, 286. State of science, arts, and fine taste at PoAthens, under the administration of Pericles, 288, 289. 292, 293. pular licentiousness, 294. The Athenian empire asserted and extended, 296. The Athenians interfere in the war between Samos and Miletus, 301. Success of the armament under Pericles, ib. General solemnity at Athens in honour of the slain in their country's service, 304. War with With Corinth, 328 331. Macedonia, 325. Rejection of the proState of the Athenian confederacy, 366. posals from Lacedaemon, 355. Practice since the first Persian invasion with respect to the military command, 368. Resources of the commonwealth in money, and military and naval force, 369, 37O. Operations connected with the invasion of 375. Of the Athenian fleet in the western seas under CarAttica, 370 cinus, 375, 376. Ravage of the Peloponnesian coast, and acquisition of Cephallenia to the Athenian confederacy, 376, 377. Operations of the Athenian fleet in the eastern seas under Cleopompus, 377. Measures for the security of Athens, 378. Extermination of the yEginetans, 379.

GENERAL INDEX.

483

Invasion and ravage of Megaris by the Athenians, 380. Alliance neo-otiated with Shakes, king of Thrace, and Perdiccas, king of Macedonia, Public funeral at Athens, in honour of the slain in their 383. country's service, 383, 384. account of the at ii. 386 391. Athens, Athens, pestilence Operations of the Athenian fleet on the Peloponnesian coast, under Pericles, 392. And on the Macedonian coast, under Agnor, 393. Effects of popular discontent at Athens, 393, 394. An Athenian squadron stationed in the western sea, 400. Surrender of Potidfea to the Athenians, 400, 401. Death of Pericles, 401. Operations of the Athenians on the northern coast of the lEgean, 41 1, 412. Sea-fight between the Athenian fleet, under Phormion, and the Peloponnessian fleet, under Machaon, 417 419. And with the fleet under Cnenius, 421 424. Attempt to surprise Pirams, 425, 426. Success of Phormion in Acarnania, 426, 427. Formidable state of the Athenian navy, 436. Distress and exertions of Athens, 438. Transactions of Paches on the Ionian coast, 444 449. State of the Athenian government after the death of Pericles, 449 451. Inhuman decree against the Mitylenasans, 452 456. Operations of the Athenian fleet under Nicrostatus and Eurymedon, at Corcyra, 469 474. squadron sent to Sicily, under Laches, 477. End of the pestilence at Power and resources of the government, 478. Athens, ib. Operations of Nicias on the eastern side of Greece, 479. And of Demosthenes on the western, 481. His defeat near JEgitium, 484, 485. And important successes in Acarnania, 493. Conquest in Sicily projected by the Athenian administration, 496. Pylus occupied by Demosthenes, 498 501. Blockade of Sphacteria, 511. Cleon appointed general of the Athenian Attack upon Sphacteria, 517 519. Surrender to the forces, 515. Athenian forces, 520. Decree respecting the prisoners, 521. Application for peace from Lacedaemon, 522. iii. 3. The Laceexpedition, under Nicias, to the Corinthian coast, daemonian island of Cythera, and ^Eginetan settlement at Thyrea, taken the the 11. of 11. Effects Athenians, 9 Athenians, by Inhumanity of the superiority gained by Athens in the war, ib., 12. How satirised by Aristophanes, 13. The port of Nicaea taken by the Athenians, 15. Their attempt against Bceotia, 24. Battle of Delium, 27, 28. Siege of Delium, Remarkable 30, 31. Negotiation for peace with Lacedasmon, 45, 46. instance of Athenian superstition, 57, 58. State of Athens after the death of Pericles, 59. NeThe Athenians defeated at Amphipolis, 64 67.

74. pargotiation for peace between Lacedaemon and Athens, 70 Alliance of Lacedasmon with, 78. peace concluded, 75. Tyranny and superstition of the Athenian people, 87. Athens at the head of a Impatience of the office of general confederacy in Peloponnesus, 106.
tial

of the Athenian commonwealth, 1 1 0. Inimical conduct to Lacedaemon, Overthrow of the 114. Defeat of the Athenians near Mantinea, 125. The Athenians besiege and Athenian interest in Peloponnesus, 133. Their first take Melos, 137 Their atrocious inhumanity, 139. 139. Contention of parties at interference in the affairs of Sicily, 156, 157.
'

And Nicias, Assistance voted to the Egestans, 168. Athens, 166, 167. Debates on Alcibiades, and Lamachus appointed to the command, 169. Mutilation of the terms of Mercury, the Sicilian expedition, 169 177. and its consequences, 178, 179. Completion of the preparations for the 183. Force of the Sicilian expedition, and departure of the fleet, 181
Debate of the generals, Athenian armament, and its measures, 187, 188. 190 194. Intrigues, tumult, popular panic, and their consequences 203. at Athens, 195 First measures against Syracuse, 201 199. Operations of the army in Sicily, 215 217. Siege of Syracuse, 218 Re-enforce235. Hostilities against Athens by Lacedaemon, 235, 236. ments sent to Sicily, 236. Naval action in the harbour of Syracuse, Decelea The Athenians suffer from the occupation of 238, 239. by the

112

481*

GENERAL INDEX.

Tax upon tf/e Distress of Athens, 243. Lacedaemonians, 241, 242. states subject to, 244. Naval action in the Corinthian gulf, 248, 249. Athens, naval actions of the Athenians in the harbour of Syracuse, iii. 25\ 255. Re-enforcements sent thither under Demosthenes and Eurymedon. 258. Who were defeated 255. Assault of Epipolse by the Athenians, 25G Effect Debates concerning their retreat, 260 263. there, 259, 260. The Fourth naval action, 267. of an eclipse of the moon on, 264. Account of their retreat from Athenians prepare for retreat, 269 271. Execution of Nicias and Demosthenes, 285. Syracuse, 272 284. Effects, at Athens, of the Catastrophe of the Athenians, 286 288. news of the overthrow in Sicily, 289, 290. Council of elders created, The Athenians direct their attention to repair their mis291, 292. Their naval success in the Saronie gulf, 306. fortunes, 297. Vigorous measures of the Athenians, 309. Progress of revolt against Athens, 313 the their of 315. Recover naval Exertions 315. Athenians, superiority, Defeat the Chians, 316. Their success and besiege Chios, 315, 316. Plot for the constitution of Athens, the 317. Milesians, changing against Public decree 333 336. Proposition to the people, 337. political clubs, 339, 340. Progress of the plot for a revolution, 345, 346. Violence new form of of the oligarchal party, 347. Proposed government, 349. Establishment of the new council of administration, 351 Measures 353. of the new government, 353, 354. Overtures for peace with Lacedacmon, 354, 355. Opposition of the fleet and army at Samos to the new governRestoration of Aleibiades decreed by the Athenian ment, 356 36O. Elected general, 364. Critical situation of armament, 363 366. Result of the proceedings of the commissioners sent to the Athens, 369. armament at Samos, 370. Beneficial conduct of Aleibiades, 371. schism in the new government of Athens, iii. 372 382. A , second revolution, 383, 384. Transactions of the fleet under Thrasyllus and Thrasybulus, 385 389. Sea-fight near Abydus, 394Naval action near Cyzicus, and capture of the Peloponnesian fleet, 397, 398. Effects of the naval successes of the Athenians, 404. Transactions of Thrasyllus,
1
:

412. Important successes of Aleibiades, 413 coast, 407 Captures Byzantium, 417, 418. Strong party in Athens against His reception by the Athenians, 420, 421. Who elect him him, 419. governor-general, or commander-in-chief, with supreme authority, 421, 422. The Athenians dismiss Aleibiades and Sea-fight of Notium, 431. Faction at Athens, 434, 435. Great exertions of the Thrasybulus, 434. 448. Athenians, 443. Sea-fight of Arginussae, 445 Proceedings connected with the impeachment and condemnation of the generals who commanded there, 448 459. Defective polity of the Athenians, and great Instances of Grecian 464. superiority of tlie British governrrrent, 459 Unsteadiness of the atrocity exculpated by instances in France, 459. Athenian government, 474, 475. Measures of the fleets, 475 477. Battle of JEgospotami, 479 481. Grief and alarm at Athens, in consequence, 483. Siege of Athens by the Lacedaemonians, 489. Capitulates to them, 492. walls The long The popular assembly destroyed, 493. abolished, and the supreme authority committed to a council of thirty, ib. character of the Athenian democracy, iv. 9 11. Judicature, 11, 12. Public revenue, 13 24. Tyranny of deSycophancy, 24 26. 2628. Theatrical 28 30. Law of treason, 32, 33. mocracy, satire, First measures of the supreme council of thirty, 33. Government of the 40. 42 Civil war Their further violence, 53 55. 50. thirty, 36 60. The thirty deposed, and a council of ten elected, against them, 57 The Athenian democracy restored, 69. 61. Illustrations, from the orators and philosophers, of the civil history of Athens, and the condition of the Athenian people, between the ages of Pericles and Demosthenes, 74 118. Restoration of the long walls of Athens, 403, Advantages bestowed on the Athenians by Conon, 404. Phliasia ravaged by Iphicrates, the Athenian general, 408. And Arcadia overrun, 408, 409. His operations in Corinth, 417 419. His further successes, 421. A fleet sent

on the Asiatic

416.

GENERAL INDEX.

-1-85

to Asia Under Thrasybulus, 432, 433. His successes, 432436. IphiConnexion of crates, commander of the Athenian forces in Asia, 438. Athens with Cyprus, 442. in Athenian the adverse to Thebes, v. 50. The Athens, change politics, Athenians ally themselves with Thebes, and declare war against Lacedav 55. Their fleet defeats Lacedaemonians the near mon, Naxus, 63. They Accommodation, and subsequent breach gain possession of Corcyra, 64.

between them and the Lacedaemonians, 66. They re-enforce Corcyra, now besieged by Mnasippus, 70. Despatch an expedition to the island under Iphicrates, 71. Negotiate a general peace at Lacedsemon, 82. Recall the fleet under Iphicrates, 86. Congress of the states of Greece at Athens, 107 Deliberations on the danger of Lace109. clasmon at Athens, 127. The Athenians determine to assist the Lacedaemonians against Thebes, 130. Take the command alternately with the Lacedaemonians, 134. Causes of the superiority of Athens, 137. An Athenian army sent to Thessaly, 146. Ministers sent to the congress at Athens quiet and flourishing to this time from that of the Susa, 147. restoration of democracy, 177. Sketch of the state of Athens afforded by The Athenian exiles become masters of Oropus, 180. Isocrates, 179, 180. Athens enters into an alliance with Arcadia, 182. Loses the alliance of Corinth, 183. The Attic territory enjoys peace during the Theban Athens successfully opposes Epaminoudas by sea, 219, 220. war, 219. Relieves Mantinea with a body of horse, 228. Athens, the seat of science, arts, and commerce, 275, 276. Athenians excite the Pydnaeans to revolt, vi. 89. Intercourse , the between them and Macedonia, 1O2. Hostility of, to Olynthus, 104. War with Macedonia, 114. The Athenians join Argaaus, 118. Defeated by

Make peace with Philip, 124. Affairs of Philip of Macedon, 122. Athens from the general peace following the battle of Mantinea, to the renewal of war between Macedonia and Athens, 131 Account of 179. eminent men at Athens, 132. The commonwealth restored by Thrasyof its Its subser136. Unsteadiness bulus, J32, 133. government, 135, Theatrical entertainments at, 139. viency to popular passion, 138, 139. Decay of military valour,and employment of mercenaries, 140 143. ConExaction of federacy between Athens and some small states, 144, 145. tribute from them, 147. Revenue at Athens, 148, 149. Athenian colony at Amphipolis, 150, 151. Opposition of Athens to Olynthus, 153, 154. Athens forms a connexion with Ariobarzanes, 155. The Athenians send
Take and garrison Potidaaa, and Torone, 157. ib, Their perfidious behaviour to Philip, 158. Appoint Iphicrates to the command against Amphipolis, 159. Send Timotheus in his stead, 160. Their alliance with Cotys, 164. Decree Acquire Amphipolis, 166. honours to Charidemus, 167. Increased extent of their empire, 168. Their mal-administration, 169. And oppression of their allies, 171. Revolt of their allies, 172, 173. Send Timotheus against Euboea, 177. affairs of, from the renewal of hostility between them and Mace, donia, to the end of the war between the Athenians and their allies, called the confederate, or social war, vi. 181 233. Weight of testimony of the Athenian orators, 181, 182. Surprise created by the alliance of Olynthus and Macedonia, 184. Negotiation with Macedonia and Olynthus, 184, 185. War with their allies, 200. The Athenians assist Miltocythes, 201. Their conduct to Charidemus, 202. Decree honours to Python, 206. Send CephiAssassination approved and rewarded by the Athenians, ib. sodotus to Thrace, 2O7. Condemn him to pay a fine, 208. Political
Encourage rebellion in Thrace, 210. 212. Send Athenodorus thither, 213. Change of administration, 214. Slow progress of the social war, Chabrias ordered to Thrace, ib. 215. Failure of the Chares and Chablias proceed against Chios, 216. sent Character of An expedition enterprise, 217. against Samos, 22O. the Athenians, 221, 222. They negotiate with the allies, 225. And conprinciples of their administration, 209.

an expedition to Asia,

113

486

GENERAL INDEX.

Interference of the Athenians with the elude a peace with them, 233. Favourable to the cause of Phocis, 273, temple of Delphi, 243, 244. Violent measure of, against MacePolitics and circumstances of, 289. Banishment of Leosthenes, Parties at Athens, 297, 298. donia, 292. ProFirst oration of Demosthenes, 305. Orators of Athens, ib. 298. ceedings against Kersobleptes, 307, 3O8. The Athenians conquer the CherThey use the sonese, 309, 310. Proceedings of the war party, 312. Alarmed at the victories of Philip, send treasury at Delphi, 313, 314. Diophantus to Thermopylae, 321. Decree honours to him, 822. Justin's account of the arrogance of the Athenians, 323. Troops furnished by, to 333. Its State of parties, and leaders in Athens, 329 the Phocians, 327.
Solicited by the Megalopolitans, 352. settlements in Scythia, 335, 336. Change of policy towards Phocis, 355. Appoint Phocion against Eubcea, of the war party at, 382. The Athenians 37O. State of Athens, 377. Triumph Their ill success, 385. Chares send ministers throughout Greece, 384. His conduct there defended by his friends at sent to Olynthus, 390. Effects of the fall of Olynthus, 404, 4O5. Athens, 399 401. Phrynon and Ctesiphon sent to Macedonia, 406. The Athenians annul a decree with Their connexion 4O9. Un407. Phocis, 408, against Macedonia,

Aristodemus sent to Macedonia, 413. easiness of the public mind, 412. And an embassy to Macedonia, 415. It proceeds to Pella, 417. Its Its report at home, 419. audience with Philip, 418. Policy of the

Meeting of the Synedrians at, 422. ArPeace concluded with Macedonian ambassadors at, 423. Macedonia, 424. Departure of the Macedonian ambassadors, 426. Robbery of the Delphian treasury, 429. Send an embassy to Philip, Its report, Audience given to it, 438. Its return home, 443. 433. The Athenians addressed by Philip, 446. Receive a second 444, 445. address from Philip, and refuse to accede to bis request, 448. Propositions respecting Phocis, 449. Panic occasioned at Athens by the arrival of Dercyllus, 473. The Athenians receive a letter from Philip, 474. Its

war party

at Athens, 420, 421.

rival of the

effect, 475. Athens, policy of the party of Chares, vii. 3, 4. Popular interest favouring the party, 5. Prosecution of hostile purposes against Macedonia, 6. Oration of Demosthenes on the peace, 7, 8. Invective against Macedonia, Accusation of Philocrates, ib. Decree concerning Amphipolis, 15. 13. Accusation of JEschines by Timarchus, 1 6. Second philippic of DemosThe island of HaAccusation of jEschines by him, 18, 19. thenes, 17. lonnesus claimed from Macedon by the Athenians, and why, 25, 26. Embassy sent to assert the claim, 26. Reply of Philip to it, 26, 27. And oration of Hegesippus on the subject, 28 Decline of the Athenian 36. A colony interest in Greece, 39, 40. Exertions of the war party, 40. sent to the Thracian Chersonese, 41, 42. Diopithes commander in Athenian democratical policy, 43. Oration of Demo'sThrace, 42. thenes on the Chersonese, 45 47. Occasion of his third philippic, and its effect, 47 5O. Hostile conduct against Macedonia, 50, 51. Surrender of Halonnesus to the Athenians, 51. Character of the office of first New coalition with minister, 52. 55. Negotiations with Persia, 57, 58. Phocion's party, 59. Embassy of Demosthenes to the Hellespontine cities, 59, 60. Preponderance procured by Subjection of Euboea, 61.

tium, 63.

Demosthenes for the Athenian party in Perinthus, Selymbria, and ByzanDecree proposed by Eubulus respecting an embassy to MaceCircumstances donia, 65, 66. Philip's answer to the embassy, 66, 67. which gave rise to Demosthenes's fourth philippic, 68.
,

command in the Hellespont, vii. send Phocion to supersede him, 87. The extent of their dothe minion beyond Greece, 90. Privileges conferred upon them by Byzantines, 91, 92. By the Chersonesites, 92, 93. Demosthenes goes as an Amphictyon to Delphi, 93. The number of Amphictyons sent by the Athenians, 96. Claim upon Send -flSschines as an Amphictyon, ib.
the Athenians appoint Chares to the
86.

And

GENERAL INDEX.

487
t,

the Athenians by the Amphissians, 98. and note. States composing the Athenian confederacy, 112 114. How connected with Thebes, 1 1 4. Send their mercenaries to assist the Amphissians, 116. Critical situation of the Athenian war party, 117, 118. Advantages to Athens of the Theban alliance, ib. Contest of parties at Athens, 121, 122. Decrees against The Athenians receive answers from Philip, 123, 124. Philip, 122, 123. and note. Alarm created at Athens respecting the garrison at Elatea, 126, 127. Unusual decree of the Athenians, 128 131. They send an emAlliance between Athens and Thebes, 134. Their bassy to Thebes, 132. Debates at Athens, 138. operations, 135, 136. They refuse to treat with Philip, 139. March of the Athenian and Theban army against Philip, 145. and note. They are defeated at Chajronea, 146, 147. Alarm at Athens in consequence, 147, 148. The Athenians send JEschines to 151. And an Philip, embassy to him, 154. The war party decree an oration for the slain at Chasronea, 156. And choose Demosthenes to deliver it, 157. Elect him proveditor, 159. Remarks on the constitution of Athens, 231. The Athenians send an embassy to Alexander the Great, 296. Resolutions of the Athenians on the Proceedings at Athens, 328. capture of Thebes, 340. They send an embassy to Alexander, ib. And receive a letter from him, 342. Present a petition to him, 343. Receive a present from Alexander, 411. They send another embassy to Alexander, 468. and note. ReAthens, the Athenians send a deputation to Alexander at Tyre, viii. 3. Present received by them from ject the bribes offered by Darius, 5. Alexander, 29, 30. They secretly negotiate with Lacedaemon, 45. Amount of voters in the general assembly at Athens, 47. State of Athens during the campaigns of Alexander, 388 392. The Athenians send an embassy to the queen of Molossis, 392. Contests between JEschines and Demosthenes at Athens, 392 Accusation of Demos397. thenes, 401. Historical tes* Athos, canal of, motive of Xerxes for constructing, ii. 3, 4.
iv. 103. 109. Atossa, daughter of Cyrus, notice of, ii. 2, 3. note. Atreus, king of Argos, reign of, i. 36. Fabulous accounts of him, 36, 37. notes. Atrometus, meaning of the word, vi. 333. note. Subdues a rebel* Atropates, the Persian, made satrap of Media, viii. 130. His daughter married to Perdiccas, 356. He sends a present lion, 350. of one hundred armed Amazonian women to Alexander, 403. Attaginus, the Theban, one of the heads of the faction which led the Boeotians to the Persian alliance, ii. 123. Flees from Thebes on the appearance of Pausanias, 124. Attalus, the Macedonian, sent on an expedition into Asia, vii. 172. His appointment, 123. accused of treason and acquitted, viii. 74. , His station at the passage of the Hydaspes, 192. Sent against Ora, 174. Passes a night in the temple of Serapis, 447. Notice of, 255.

timony for, 4. note. Atimy, meaning of the term,

Attic dialect, over what state it extended, i. 183. Natural circumstances of, 46. Attica, soil of, i, 13. Early population and Their condition before the time of civilisation of its inhabitants, 48. The Attic people divided into three factions, 363. Manner jEgeus, 51. in which the country was divided, analagous to shires, hundreds, and tithings, 371, 372.

Invaded and ra, invasion of, by the Peloponnesians, ii. 284, 285. Second invasion, 385, 386. vaged by the Peloponnesians, 372. 375. Third invasion, 430. Fifth invasion of, 496. (See Athens.) Auction, farming of the Athenian taxes by, iv. 113. Auger, M., remarks respecting various points of Grecian history, vi. 357, 358. note; 365, 366, note ; 387 389, note; vii. 71. 106. 131. 162. note;
268. note. Translation of a passage in letter to Isocrates, Character of his translation, vi. 389. note.
v.

201. note.

114

488
Augury,

GENERAL INDEX.

in great repute among the ancient Greeks, i. 108. Aulis, assembly of the Grecian chieftains at, i. 76. Taken prisoner, 137. Austanes, the Paraetac, excites a revolt, viii. 132. Autariats, the, how kept in awe, vii. 312. Autocles, the Athenian, sent against Thrace, vi. 201. AuToxpaToip, signification of, iii. 421, 422. note. Arrives at HalicarAutophradates, the Persian, takes Mitylene, vii. 463.

nassus, 516.
,

Alexander's treatment

of,

viii.

62.

Appointed governor of

Mardia, 63.
explanation of, i. 416. note. Azelmic, king of Tyre, notice of, vii. 524, 525. 531,
AvTOTrotiXns,

B.

Babylon, every known alphabet to be traced to the neighbourhood of, >. 5. Account of the Babylonish religion, viii. 26. Notice of, 426. Babylon surrendered by Mazasus to Alexander, 27. Its foundation and site, 367, 368. How embellished by Alexander, 409. Entered by him, 411. Account of the embassies there to Alexander, 412 416. Chosen as the capital of Asia by him, 416. His improvements there, 418. 422 425. Death of Alexander at, 448. Babylonians, the, acquainted with astronomy and dialling, at a very early
period,
i.

5.

Bacchus, or Dionysus, traditions in Greece respecting his expedition to India, viii. 182, 183. The supposed founder of Nysa, 184. Sacrifices to, by Alexander, 186, 187.

The Bactrians desert from Bactria, or Bactriana, description of, viii. 82. Bessus, 97They revolt against Alexander, 106. Macedonian army reenforced in the capital, 115. Macedonian garrison in, 124, 125. AlexDiscussions at an entertainment given there by him, 143148. Directs the affairs in the Bagoas, the eunuch, account of, vii. 370, 371. Said to have poisoned Artaeastern part of the Persian empire, 372. His death, 377. Also his successor Arses, 376. xerxes, 375.
ander's return to, 137.
Baia?,
.

bay

of, its situation,

ii.

170.
title, v.

Bal, or Baal, meaning of the

,

334. note.

temple of, at Babylon, rebuilt by Alexander, viii. 409. Bacchiadae, the, put to death the reigning prince of Corinth, i. 262. Ballot, judgment on life and death decided by, at Athens, iii. 459. Reproof of this plan, ib.

That at Delphi became the great bank of Greece, i. 1 94. of Apollo, at Branchidae, became the national bank of the Dorians, ib. The establishment of one at Athens, projected by Xenophon, iv. 22, Bapaflpov, original meaning of, i. 511. note. Barbarity of the Grecian system of war, ii. 339, 400. How punished, Barber, Athenian, anecdote of his garrulity, iii. 289, 290. 290. Bards, qualification and authority of, in the early ages of Greece, i. 172. Is Bardylis, prince of Illyria, compels Amyntas to quit Macedonia, vi. 99.
Bank, the temple
slain, 126.

Barrows, sepulchral, origin

Still in use, in

of,

Spain,

note.

at Plataea, distinguished to nians, 181. Barsine, married to Alexander the Great, viii. 355. Has not Barthelemy, M., his deficiencies and errors exposed, iv. 2, 3. note. with sufficient care distinguished the practices of distant ages, vi. 330. note. Implicitly follows the narrative of Pausanias respecting Epaminondas, v.

10. Alluded to by Homer, ib. note. Those erected to the memory of the slain Erected by the Athefollowing ages, 121.
ii.

GENERAL INDEX.
117. note.

48[)

Has done
29. note.

little

of Greece, 221. note.

towards the illustration of the political history His panegyric on, and attempted justification of,

Dion,

vi.

Baryaxes, a Mede, his revolt and execution, viii. 350. Barzaentes assassinates Darius, viii. 59. Condemned to death by Alexander,
68.

Bashaw, remarks on the orthography of the word,

of the
Bao-(\t>c,
office,

viii.

252. note.

Dignity

423.
i.

and

"Ava|, distinction between,

113. note.

Battering-rams, when first used by the Greeks, ii. 409. Of Marathon, 502 505. Battle, order of, as described by Homer, i. 145. 3845. Of Plataea, 114 1 19. Of the Stry, of Thermopylae, ii. mon, 125. Of Hymera, 146, 147. 151153. note. Of Eurymedon, Of Tanagra, 258. 215. Of OZnophyta, 260. Of Coronea, 283. Of Of Stratus, 415, 416. Near ^Egitium, 485. Of Olpaj, Potidaea, 330. Of Idomene, 493, 494. 491. of Delium, iii. 26 28. Of Amphipolis, 6467. Near Mantinea, 122125. Of Miletus, 317. Of ^Egospotami, 478 481. of Cunaxa, iv. 172 Of the Pactolus, 345, 346. Of Corinth, 177. Of Coronea, 384386. 374, 375. The "Tearless" battle, 142. Battle of ofLeuctra, v. 8893. Of Mantinea, 233 236. Olympia, 204. of Crimesus, vi. 60, 61. Of Edessa, 122. Near the Pagasaean bay 320. Of Tamynse, 371. Of Hyampolis, 431. Of Hedylium, 432. near Byzantium, vii. 87. Of Chaeronea, 146, 147. Of Pellion, 314. Of the Granicus, 402 411. Of Issus, 504 515. of Arbela or Gaugamela, viii. 15 25. Of the Hydaspes, 194 198.

(See Sea-fight.)
Bayle, M., confirmation of his remark respecting Miltiades, i. 511. note. The Bazirenes retreat to Aornos, Bazira, invested by Coenus, viii. 1 74. 175. They defend it against Alexander, 177, 178. But afterwards capitulate, 179.

Bedoween, or Bedouin, remarks on the orthography

of, viii.

252. note.

Bellerophon, or Bellerophontes, a prince of Corinth, i. 24. 70. The command deBessus, the Bactrian, his treachery to Darius, viii. 57, volves to him, 58. Aspires to the Privy to the murder of -Darius, 59. throne of Persia, 60. Allowed to take the imperial dignity, 66. His measures to obstruct Alexander, 95. His retreat to the river Oxus, 97. Surrenders to Alexander, 101. His treatment, 101, 102. His barbarous death, 116, 117. Beton, one of the principal engineers in Alexander's army, notice of, vii. 285. Birene, the most perfect representation of, in the Vatican museum at Rome,
ii.

80.

Bisthanes the Persian, his interview with Alexander, viii. 53. and note. The latter Bithynians, the, attacked and pillaged by the Arcadians, iv. 254. Success of the strabesieged and surrounded by the Bithinians, 254, 255. tagem of Xenophon against them, 256. War of the Greeks with, 261 Hostile character of, Attack the Cyrean army, 255. 260 264. 264. 308. Dercyllidas winters among them, 308, 309. Blackstone, Judge, his Commentaries quoted, vii. 239, 24O. Body- warden, office of, vii. 291. note. Beeotarchs, power of, i. 333.
,
,

office of, explained, v. 52.

contest of Demosthenes with them,

vii.

140, 141.

Their assembly

noticed, 260.
Breotia, boundaries of,
i. 12, 13. Natural circumstances of, 41, 42. Sketch of the history of Breotia, after the Trojan war, 331 333. Its government, 333, 334. 98. et seq. The towns in, admitted to the Pelopon, campaign in, ii. nesian confederacy, 259. Revolt of the Boeotians, 282. They lose Chaa-

490
ronea, ib.

GENERAL INDEX.
Defeat the Athenians at Coronea, 283.

Conclude a treaty with

them,

ib.

Bceotia, plan for effecting a revolution in favour of the Athenians, iii. 25. Attempts of the Athenians against Boeotia, 24. The forces of the Boeotians

Conduct of Pagondas, 26, 27. Battle of assembled at Tanagra, 25. Delium, 27. Reciprocal imputation of impiety between the Boeotians Deceive the Lacedaeand Athenians, 29, 30. Siege of Delium, 30, 31. Their conduct to the monians, 92. Treaty of Lacedaemon with, 93. Massacre in, by the Athenians respecting the fort of Panactum, 94. Thracian auxiliaries, 245, 246.
.

insult offered by the Boeotians to Agesilaus, iv. 336. Reduced to subjection plundered and wasted by Agesilaus, v. 57. under Thebes, 64. Enjoys peace during the war with Athens, 218. the Boeotians supplicate Philip, vi. 462. ,
,

of the affairs of Bceotia, vii. 152. -, arrangement (See Thebes.) Boges, the Persian commander, his ferocious heroism at the siege of Eion,
ii. 210. Bolingbroke, Lord, his remarks on the qualifications of Demosthenes, vii. 56. Its strong resemblance to an Booanga, or canoe, description of, ii. 81. 83. ancient war galley, 81 Books, scarcely known in the age of Pisistratus, ii. 289. Border lands, of neighbouring Grecian republics, usually consecrated to some deity, vi. 257. Bore, or tide of the Indus, explanation of, viii. 258. note. Boreas, ancient tradition respecting, ii. 31. Prayers of the Athenians

to, ib.

Bosporus, toll imposed on vessels passing the, iv. 433. 438. vii. 8. Boundaries of Greece, i. 11. Boundary of the Athenian territory engraved on a pillar, i. 334. Bowmen, a valuable species of troops in Greece, i. 386. Boxing, when introduced into the Olympian games, i. 211. Brahman, Indian, account of one, viii. 433, 434. Brahmans, account of the siege of the town of the, viii. 239 243. Branchidse, temple of Apollo at, i. 194.
Brasidas, the Spartan

commander, gallant action

of,

ii.

376.

His bravery

at

Pylus, 503, 5O4.

and enterprising character of, iii. 16. His operations in Me., temper Marches into Thrace, 32, 33. Negotiates with Acanthus, gara, 20, 21. 35. 37. Concerts a plan for gaining Amphipolis to the Lacedaemonian conHis wise conduct, 41, 42. His successes in Thrace, federacy,

3841.

43. 45.

paid to

Means by which he gained over the town of Scione, him by the inhabitants, 48. Extends his views to

47.

Honours

Potidaea and

50. Success of his negotiations, 50. Repulses the Illyrians, 52. Defeats the Athenians at Amphipolis, Attempts to surprise Potidsea, 56. 63 67. Receives his death-wound there, 67. Honours paid to his memory, 67, 68. Compared by Plato to Reply of his mother respecting him, 68. Resemblance of his character to that of General Wolfe, ib. Achilles, 69.

Mende, 48

note.

The prinBribery, universality of, at Athens, under the democracy, iv. 25. cipal road to honours, 53, 54. Of the democratical leaders in the Grecian republic, 351. among the Macedonians, vi. 401 404.

among

the Persians,

viii.

46

49.

Bridges, of boats, built over the Hellespont, by Xerxes, ii. 5. Britain, the silver fir, and evergreen oak, not found in, in Ceesar's time, i. 10. note. Grecian letters used in, 34. Ancient state of, as described by Spenser,
55. note.

British constitution, structure of,

465. 467. note

i. 255. 364. Remarks on, 249. 244, 245. 247 islands, earliest mention of the, ii. 177, 178. note.
;

iii.

460

464,

vii.

GENERAL INDEX.
Brundusium, foundation
of,
i.

4*91

347.

Bryant, Mr., his conjecture respecting the appellation of ravens, borne as a distinguishing title by some of the Egyptian priests, vii. 547. Bubares, son of Megabazus, commander of the Persian fleet, ii. 3.

Bucephala, on the Hydaspes, founded by Alexander, viii. 20O. Bucephalus, Alexander's favourite horse, death of, viii. 20O. Byres, Mr., his conjecture concerning the statue of the ' Fighting Gladiator,' v. 227. note. Byzantium, situation and advantages of, ii. 201. Capitulation of, to Pausanias, ib.
,

captured by Alcibiades, iii. 417, 418. transactions of the Cyrean army at, iv.

273

275.

enters into alliance with Thebes, v. 219. 172. , revolts against Athens, vi. is assisted by the Chians, Ilhodians, and Coans, vii. 86. Battle , The Byzantines confer privileges on the Athenians, 91, 92. near, 87.
,

C.
Cabala, a town of Sicily, the Carthaginians under 459.
Cabiri,
i.

Magon

defeated at,

v.

19.
i.

Cadmaeans, derivation of the name,

123. note.
to Bccotia,

Cadmea, operations in the, vii. 319 322. 332. Cadmus, king of Thebes, adventures of, i. 42, 43. His name given
123.
'

of Miletus, one of the earliest Grecian prose-writers known to the i. 129. 216. Cadusians, the, negotiate with Darius, viii. 53, 54. Defence of his assertion that the Caesar, credit of, vindicated, i. 9, 1O. note. "fagus" and "abies" were not found in Britain, 9. note. , comparison of, with Alexander the Great, viii. 227, 228. and notes. Notice of, 281. the chief object of his invasion of Britain, viii. 228. note, 420. , Cairo, origin of, vii. 537. Calanus the Brahman, his friendship with Alexander, viii. 433. Account of his death, 434, 435. Calaurean confederacy, account of, i. 259 261. Calchas, the seer of the Grecian army, i. 108. Callas, the Macedonian general, defeated, vii. 389. His situation in the army at the river Granicus, 404. Appointed satrap of Phrygia, 413. His death, 330. Callias, Athenian, notice of, ii. 286. 329. founder of the Euboean general assembly, how received at the , Macedonian court, vii. 59. Favoured with the title of king's com,

ancients,

panion,
.

ib.

their projects, vi. 868, 369. the agents of Demosthenes, vii. 90. Report of Callias to the Athenians, 94. and note. Callibius, the Tegean, projects the union of all Arcadia, v. 114. Callicratidas, the Spartan, appointed commander of the Peloponnesian fleet, iii. 437. Manner in which he allays the discontent of the armament, 438, 439.
,

and Taurosthenes of Eubcea,

His difficulties, and application to Sardis for relief, 439, 440. Takes Me. thymne by assault, 440, 441. His liberal patriotism, 441. Defeats Conon at Mitylene, 442. Forms the siege of that place, ib. Defeats Diomedon, 444. His death at Arginussaa, 446.
Callines, a Macedonian, his conduct in the reconciliation and his army, viii. 380.

between Alexander
Betrays and

Callippus, an Athenian, taken by

Dion

as his confidant, vi. 30.

492

GENERAL INDEX.

plots against him, 31. Chosen autocrator-general, 33. Driven from Syracuse, and assassinated at Rhegium, 36. His reply to Callisthenes, the philosopher, his arrogant character, viii. 142.

Anaxarchus, 144, 145. His address to Alexander, 145, 146. His insolence His freedom of speech to Alexander, 151, 152. His apprehension and death, 155, 156. Callistratus, the Athenian orator, joined in command with Iphicrates, v. 81. Returns to Athens to forward peace, ib. Callixenus, the part he took in the accusation of the Athenian generals for their conduct at Arginussae, iii. 453 455. Calonne, M., extract from his letter to Louis XVI., iii, 465, 466. note. See Port-Calpe. Calpe. Calydon, one of the principal towns in Greece, at the time of the siege of
to him, 147. 44. sketch of its history, iv. 423, 424. Camarina, foundation of, i. 349. -, notice of, ii. 139. Destroyed by Gelon, 143. its political connexions, iii. 206, 207. Answer to the embassy of , Hermocrates to, 208.

Troy,
,

i.

-,

how affected towards Syracuse, v. 387. how governed under Timoleon, vi. 73.
of, to

Cambyses, accession Egypt, 439, 440.

the throne of Persia,

ii.

i.

436.

Invades and conquers

Subsequent conquests, 440.

1

Campanian

plain, description of the,

ii.

69,

70.
ib.

Campanians, origin of the, wards reduce Cuma, ib.

172.

Obtain a footing in Naples,

And

after-

, Italian mercenaries so called, commonly employed on both sides in the Sicilian wars, v. 342. Engaged for Agrigentum against Carthage, A body of Campanian they now return to the Carthaginian service, 346.

horse relieve Dionysius under the command of Agyris, 380. Are quartered in Entella, 382. Where they settle, after slaying all the male inhabitants, 383. of JEtna, destroyed by Timoleon, vi. 65. Canal of Athos. See Athos. Canasida, notice of the town of, viii. 314, 315. Canoe of the western islands of the Pacific Ocean, its strong resemblance to an ancient war-galley, ii. 81 83. How canoes were designated by the Greeks,
i.

7.

note.

253. note. Canus, disquisition respecting that word, viii. 251 Submit to Alexander, 474. Cappadocians, the, notice of, vii. 449. Capua, foundation of, ii. 172. Caranus, the Macedonian, his appointment, viii. 91. Notice of, 109. Defeated

by Spitamenes, 114. Carcinus, operations of the fleet under his command, ii. 375, 376. Cardians, account of, vi. 211. They murder Miltocythes, 212. , their dispute with the Athenians, viii. 34, 35. Harass the Cyrean army on their retreat, Cardoos, account of the, iv. 218. 220, 221. Caria, towns in, reduced to obedience by Cimon, ii. 213. 432. , historical circumstances respecting, vii. 430 Carians, from whom they were descended, i. 342. 360. and note. , conduct of the, at Rhodes, vi. Carmania, traversed by Alexander, viii. 274278. Ancient and modern name of its capital, 323.
Carnian
127. festival, notice of, iii. 113 Carnina, notice of the town of, viii. 307. Carthage, foundation of, ii. 135, 136. Its eligible situation, 136. Connexion between it and the neighbouring colonies, ib. Sketch of its history, ib. 137. Its constitution best known to of late growth, 138. antiquity, 137. Its power Causes which gave rise to the invasion of Sicily by the Carthaginians, 145.

GENER'AL INDEX.
They assemble a powerful armament, and

<i<93

lay siege to Himera, 145, ]<}{;. And are defeated there, 1 46. State of, for near a century afterward, 1 50, 151. Particulars in the history of, 151 15:?. note. Earliest known treaty between Carthage and Rome, 156.

Carthage, a Carthaginian army, under Hannibal, arrives in Sicily to protect 324. Storms Himera, Besieges and takes Selinus, 321 Egesta, v. 321. Returns to Carthage, ib. Second invasion of Sicily, 333. 326. Liberal propositions to Agrigentum refused, 342. The Carthaginians are defeated under '.Take Daphnaeus, 343. by the Syracusans Agrigentum, and make it their winter quarters, 348. Destroy that city, 365. Besiege Gela, ib. Defeat Are attacked a 368. by pestilential sickness, 371. Make peace Dionysius, with Dionysius, ib. The Carthaginian residents in Syracuse and Sicily robbed and cruelly treated, 408. Carthage rejects the condition of peace offered by Dionysius, 409. Makes great preparations to renew the war, 413. The civil government of Carthage oligarchal, the military, kingly, ib. note. Difficulties of the Carthaginians in their passage to Sicily, 414. They reach Panormus, 415. Retake Motya, 416. Besiege Syracuse, 418. Level Messina with the ground, 420. Are attacked by an epidemical sickness on the bank of the Anapus, 427. Defeated by Dionysius, and their fleet nearly Make peace, and return to Africa, 429, 430. Renew the destroyed, 428. war with Syracuse, 440. Preserve the attachment of the Sicels, ib. Stipulate Invade Sicily and Italy, 459. to interfere no more with that people, 443. truce Treaty with Syracuse, 460. War renewed with Dionysius, 472. concluded, 473. the Carthaginians make war on the Campanians, vi. 38. Amount , of their army and navy in the war with Timoleon, 56. Defeated at the Cri-

mesus, 60, 61.

,

state of, at the accession of

vii.

Alexander the Great to the throne of

Macedon,
,

202.

the Carthaginians send an embassy to Ecbatama, viii. 41. Casmenae, foundation of, i. 349. Caspian Sea, Alexander's curiosity respecting the, viii. 408.

Town of, 34. Casthanaea, road of, ii. 33. Castor and Pollux, i. 37. Celebrated lawgiver of, 350. Catana, foundation of, i. 349. the party in, 'adverse to)Dionysius, sold to slavery, v. 389. A Camestablished there, ib. Occupied by the Carthaginians under panian colony
,

Imilcon, 420. 438.

The

dispersed Catanians assembled at Malae by

tiie

Rhegians,

Is slain, 137. Catanes, the Parsetac, excites a revolt, viii. 132. Catapeltic artillery, when invented, v. 400. Cattle, the most usual measure of the value of commodities before the existence

of coin, i. 140. Cattle sent from India to Macedonia by Alexander, viii. 169, 170. Cavalry, the principal force of, in Greece, derived from Thessaly, ii. 24. Nature of the Persian cavalry, 101. Their mode of attack, 102. Celebrity of the cavalry of Sicily, 1 40. The Athenian cavalry restored and improved under
vii.

the administration of 407.

Cimon and

Pericles, 278.

Charge of Persian,

iv.

341.

Cecrops, king of Attica, conducts an Egyptian colony into Attica, i. 46. The Instifortress of Cecropia, afterwards called Athens, founded by him, 47. tuted marriage in Greece, 119. Celaena, the capital of the Greater Phrygia, taken by Alexander, vii. 4o'l. Celts, notice of the, vii. 311. Centaurs, fabulous history of, explained, i. 39. note. Cephallenia, accession of, to the Athenian confederacy, ii. 377. Brought under obedience to Athens, v. 74. Cephision, the Theban, enters Peloponnesus, vi. 355. Takes Anaxander pri-

Defeated by the Lacedaemonians, ib. soner, 356. the Cephisodotus, the Athenian orator and general, effects of his harangue at general assembly, v. 134.

494

GENERAL INDEX.

Sails to Perintlius, 207. BeCephisodotus, assists Charidemus, vi. 202. sieges Alopeconnesus, ib. Negotiates with Charidemus, 208. Is tried and
fined, ib.

Cerasus, transactions of the Cyrean army fruit carried thence into Italy, 236.

at, iv.

235

240.

The

cherry-tree

Ceraunian mountains, i. 12. X, Greek, what oriental enunciation it represents, viii. 251. note. Cliabrias, placed at the head of the Athenian fleet, v. 63. Defeats the Lacedaemonian commander, Pollis, ib. Governs at Corinth, 135. Intercepts the retreat of the Argives, 139.

Commands

250. 253.

In concert with Agesilaus,

,

seats Nectanabis

the fleet of Tachos, king of Egypt, on the Egyptian throne,

Treats with Kersobleptes, 215. sent to Thrace, vi. 214. Sent His character, 218. Is slain, 217. against Chios, 216. Chsereas, son of Archestratus, sent to Samos, with the news of the change in the government of Athens, iii. 358. His conduct on the occasion, ib. 359. Chasronea, battle of, vii. 146, 147. Funeral oration for those slain at, 157 159. 166170. Different accounts of the date of the battle of, 177180. and
notes.

Surrender their property to Chalcedonians, attacked by Alcibiades, iii. 413. him, 414. Arrangement with the Athenian generals respecting their city, 415. Chalcideus, appointed to the command of the Peloponnesian fleet, iii. 304. Sails for Ionia, 308. Succeeds with Alcibiades in detaching the Chians and Slain, in a skirErythraeans from their alliance with the Athenians, 308. mish with them, 315. Chalcidian or Ionian cities of Sicily, how affected towards Syracuse, v. 387. Chalcidic territory, on the Thracian coast, very early settled by Grecian coloIts fertility of soil, and maritime advantages, ib. nies, v. 7. Chalcidice, revolt of, from the Persians, ii. 88. 327, 328. Chalcidon, account of, vi. 363, 364. Chalcis, an Athenian colony before the Trojan war, i. 339. the principal city of Eubcea, vi. 174. Welcomes the Thebans, , 176. i. the cradle of the arts and sciences, 426. Chaldea, How received by Chaldean priests, their deputation to Alexander, viii. 409. 410. him, Chalybs, account of the, iv. 227, 228. Chares, the Athenian general, assists the Phliasians, v. 163, 164. Withdrawn from Peloponnesus, 180. Refused admission into the Corinthian port of Cenchreae, 184. His character, 218, 219. Ordered to relieve , sent against Chios, vi. 216. Samos, 220. Sails to the Hellespont, ib. Impeaches Iphicrates and TimoAssists Artabazus, 224. theus, 221. Operations of his party at Athens, 226. Result of them, 233. His ambition, 293. His party foiled, 304306. Appointed autocrator- general, 308. Takes Sestus, 309. Subdues the CherHis influence, 332. Sails to Olynthus, 390. Enters sonese, ib. and 310. Returns to Athens, ib. His victory at Pallene, 392. Macedonia, 391. Again sent to Olynthus, 394. Reports the circumstances of his command, Further charge Measures of his friends for his support, 400. 399, 4OO. against him, 410, 411. Arguments of his party, 447. His party described

by
,

Popular interest favourable to Appointed to the command in the Hellespont, 86. Is defeated, 87. And superseded by Phocion, ib. Is joined with Lysicles in the command, 144. Policy of himself and party, 148, 149.
it,

Isocrates, 455, 456. policy of his party at Athens, vii. 3, 4.

5.

Measures of

his party, 4O, 41.

Retires to Sigeum, 392. Compliments Alexander, 393. Joins Memnon, 462. Yields up Mitylene, 543. Charidemus of Eubcea, notice of, vi. 160. Refuses to serve under Timotheus, 161. Enters the Olynthian service, 166. Is taken prisoner, ib. Honours

GENERAL INDEX.
decreed to him at Athens, 167. Passes into the service of Artabazus, 202. His parentage, 203. Marries Quits it for that of the king of Thrace, ib. the daughter of Cotys, 204. Takes Crithote and Eleus, 205. Thwarts CeIs blamed by Demosphisodotus, 207, 208. Negotiates with him, 208. Takes Miltocythes, 210. His treatment of him, 210, 211. thenes, 209. Joins Chares, 391. Charidemus of Eubcea, is banished from Greece, vii. 343. In favour at the Persian court, 487, 188. and note. His death, 493. and note. Charilaus, king of Lacedsemon, account of, i. 274. when introduced into the Chariot-race, Olympic games, i. 211. Chariots, military, much used by the ancient Greeks, i. 145. scythed, used in battle by the Persians, iv. 173. Charitimis leads the Athenian force against Egypt, ii. 253. Charon, a party to the democratic plot at Thebes, v. 37. Is raised to the office of Bceotarch, 52. Charondas of Catana, a celebrated lawgiver, notice of, i. 350. and note, 351. Singular proposal of, 378.
,

Cherry-tree, the, first carried into Italy from Cerasus, wards naturalised in Britain, ib.

iv.

236.

And

after-

Chersonese, peninsula of, when colonised, i. 479. the Chersonesites confer privileges on the Athenians, vii, 92, 93. , , Thracian, colonies of Athenians sent to, ii. 274. Services rendered to the f advantages of the, iv. 311. inhabitants of, by Dercyllidas, 312. account of, vi. 162, 163. Tributary to Thrace, 164. Conquered by Athens, 309, 310. Complaint of the inhabitants to the Athenians, 410. Oration of -, colony of Athenians sent to, vii. 41, 42.

Demosthenes respecting, 44

47.

Chesnuts, reckoned among acorns by Gerard and others, i. 8. note. Children, institutions of Lycurgus respecting, i. 279, 280. 282.
Chilori, the Spartan, slain, v.
1

99.

Chios, city of, its foundation, i. 341. siege of, by the Athenians, iii. 315, 316. in which it was suppressed, 467 469.
,

Sedition

at,

and the manner

to Dercylli-

marauding expedition of the Chians,

iv.

313.

They submit

das, ib.

enters into alliance with Thebes, v. 219. revolts against Athens, vi. 172. Repels Chares and Chabrias, 217. assists Byzantium, vii. 86. Is taken by Memnon, 462. Submits to the

Macedonians, 543. Chosen Chirisophus, the Lacedaemonian general, act of violence of, iv. 226. His measures, 251. End of his comgeneral of the Cyrean army, 250. mand, 253. His death, ib. Xotpif, sense of, viii. 339. note. Chorienes excites a revolt in Parsetacene, viii. 132. Sends a message to AlexHis submission to, and treatment by, Alexander, 136. ander, 135. Christian morality, near approach to, made by Socrates, iv. 1 39. Chronology of the early times of Greece involved in uncertainty, i. 25. Cause of this uncertainty, 215. The course of events, how described by Herodotus and Thucydides, 216. 218. Notice of the chronological history of Greece by Of the Arundel marbles, ib. Chronological system of Ephorus, 218. Abstract of the Usserian chronology of Grecian Eratosthenes, 219. Notice of corrections of it by Sir Isaac Newton and 224. history, 221 235. Of others, 225. Chronology of Hesiod, 226, 227. Of Homer, 227 the Olympiads, 238 241. Result of the author's chronological researches, 241 245. Imperfection of ancient, vi. 374. Cicero, hyperbole of, respecting the Areopagus, i. 382. note.
,

his

eulogy upon Athens,

iv.

34. note.

his notice of Philistus, the historian, v. 474, 475.

496
Cicero, his treatise

GENERAL INDEX.

de Divinatione, viii. 436 439. Notice Cilieia, entered by Alexander, vii. 478. Description of, 479, 480. of Grecian settlements there, 480. Amount of Persian forces in, 498501. Cimon, son of Miltiades, one of the principal landed men of the Athenian Descended from a long line of ancestors, ib. commonwealth, ii. 61. Manner in which he distinguished himself, 62. Character of, 195. Joins

Wisdom of his measures, 206, 207. the party against Themistocles, 196. Succeeds to the command of the confederate forces, 208, 209. Leads the confederate armament against Eion, 209. Represses piracy in the /Egean, Proceeds to the Carian coast, and his successes there, 213. 211. Lays Sails for the Eurymedon, 214. Destroys the siege to Phaselis, 213. And defeats the Persians by land, ib. Singular Persian fleet there, 215. His honour acquired by him, ib. Returns to Athens in triumph, 232. Becomes the patron of the arts, 234. splendid, yet polite liberality, 233. " Founder of the groves of Academia, and the first who raised porticos," Reduces His measure for establishing the superiority of Athens, 235. ib.
the Thasians to obedience, 236, 237.

Faction against him at Athens, 238.

Circumstances which led to his acquittal, ib. 239. Political reasons for his recall, 269, 27O. His banishment, 244, 245. Returns to Athens, 271. Colonies bravery at the battle of Tanagra, 270.
^.

His prosecution and

sent to his lordship in the Thracian Chersonese, 274. expedition to Cyprus, and dies at the siege of Cittium, 275.
to his

Commands an
Honours paid
iv.

character, ib. Cinadon, his plot for a change in the Lacedaemonian government, Cinnamon, whence Assyria was supplied with, viii. 318.

memory, 276.

His

331, 332.

Cirrha, destruction of, vi. 240. rhaeans attack Delphi, 243.

Restored by Eurylochus, 242.

The

Cir-

Cithaeron, mount, i. 13. Citizens, condition of, at Athens, i. 367. Citron, the, when imported into Greece,

i.

140. note.

Cittium, siege of, ii. 275. " city," i. 23. City, what is included in the Greek term commonly translated City-guard of Athens, of whom composed, i. 384. ProCivilisation, early preserved among a small portion of mankind, i. 3, 4. 10. In Greece, 8 7. Early gress of, in Assyria, Syria, and Egypt, 5 in Asia Minor, 33. The Athenians the first civilised among the Greeks, 67.
of, its foundation, i. 341. Cleagoras, a painter of celebrity at Athens, v. 284. and note. Cleander, tyrant of Gela, death of, ii. 140. His conduct iv. 267. , the Spartan general, arrives at Port-Calpe, 271. respecting a tumult in the army, 267 Recalled from Media, 275. -, the Macedonian, notice of, viii. 76.

Clazomenae, city

And is executed, ib. Cleandridas, the Spartan general, bribed by Pericles, ii. 285. Clearchus, the Lacedaemonian, circumstances which led him to the court of Offers his Munificent present to him by Cyrus, 149. Cyrus, iv. 148. Ability displayed by him on the military services, which are accepted, ib. discontent that arose among the Greeks, respecting the object of Cyrus's Declares his His quarrel with Menon, 165. expedition, 158, 159.
Order of march peropinion respecting the treachery of Orontas, 167. by him, 171, 172. His laconic answers to Artaxerxes, 180. 185. His wise measures, 181 185. 187. Seized and massacred by Tissa1 94. phernes, 1 92 Clearchus, further notices of, vi. 163, 164. ; vii. 384. ; viii. 7. SucClearidas, the part he took in the battle of Amphipolis, iii. 66, 67. ceeds Brasidas, as commander in Thrace, 77. Is remanded, ib. Cleippides, expedition of, against the Mitylenaeans, ii. 433.
sisted in

Cleocritus, notice

of, iv.

60.

Cleombrotus, brother of Leonidas, succeeds him in the army, ii. 59.

command

of the

GENERAL INDEX.

497

Cleombrotus takes the command against Thebes, v. 49. His army assailed Resumes the command on the illness of by an uncommon storm, ib. 62. Is unable to into ib. Agesilaus, pass Bceotia, Again commands Enters Bceotia by surprise, 88. against Thebes, 65. Is defeated and
killed at the battle of Leuctra, 91.

Cleomenes, king of Sparta, defeats the Athenians and besieges Athens, i. 410. Is himself besieged and obliged to retire, 413. Invades Attica, and is defeated by the Athenians, 465, 466. Abandons further proceed! Procures the deposition of his colleague, 488. His conduct ings, 468. to the JEginetans, ib. Massacres the Argives, 489. His flight from, and return to Sparta, 490. His insanity and death, 491.
Cleon, character of, ii. 451. Supports the inhuman decree against the Mitylenaeans, 452. His speech in favour of it, 453. Acquires favour with the populace of Athens, 509. Opposes the Lacedaemonian ambassadors, ib. 510. Public indignation against him, 512, 513. Greatly favoured by his impudence and his fortune, 513. Appointed general of the Athenian His pompous boast, ib. Requests Demosthenes to be joined forces, 514. with him in the command, 515. Their attack upon Sphacteria, 516 521. His boisterous eloquence, 522. is attacked on the public Accused of embezzling stage, iii. 59, 60. the public money, and fined, 60. Effects of his impudence, 61. His return to power, ib. 62. His Appointed commander in Thrace, 62.
,

proceedings there, 62, 63.

67.

His defeat and death

at

Amphipolis, 66,

Cleonymus, son of Archidamus, killed at Leuctra, v. 91. Cleopatra, grand-daughter of Attalus, married to Philip of Macedon, vii. 173. , embassy of the Athenians to, viii. 392. Accusation Cluoplion, the Athenian demagogue, his arrogance, iii. 484. Condemned and executed, ib. against him, 488. Cleopompus, operations of the fleet under his command, ii. 377. Of England, 420. note. Climate, of Greece, i. 14. Of Walachia, 86, 87. , of Asia, viii. 85, 86. Clinius of Cos, killed in the Egyptian army, vii. 369. Clinton, Mr., his remarks on the aera of the Trojan war, i. 228, 229. note. his defence of Thucydides, ii. 198. note. Observations on the , chronology of the battle of Tanagra, 260. note. The -, remarks respecting the age of Agesilaus, v. 47, 48. note. general assembly of Arcadia, 118, 119. note. of Timoleon's campaigns in Syracuse, vi. 53, 54. , remarks on the time note. Remarks on the wars respecting Cirrha and Crissa, 240 242.

note.
vii.

observations on the occupation of Elatea and battle of Cheronsea, 177 180. note. of Alexander, -, examination of Mr. Mitford's dates of the campaigns viii. 459 462. Clisthenes, son of Megacles, head of the Athenian commonwealth, i. 411. Expelled from Athens, 412, 413. 222. and notes. tyrant of Sicyon, anecdote of, vii. 219 Cliteles, the Corinthian minister, decides the Athenian votes for war with
, ,

Thebes,
Clitorians

v.

129.
the, v. 56.

and Orchomenians, war between

vii. Clitus, son of Bardylis, prince of Illyria, purposes to invade Macedonia, Defeated His offering to the gods, ib. 312. Protects Pellion, 313.

Flees with Glaucias into Taulantia, 316. by Alexander the Great, 314. the Great, saves Alexander's life, vii. 407. , foster-brother of Alexander His viii. 78. appointed a commander of the king's companions, His address to Alexander, ib. Is killed by conduct at a festival, 1 49.
,

him, 150.

VOL.

VIII.

KK

498
Clouds, comedy of the.
Clytemnestra, allusions
:

GENERAL INDEX.
See Aristophanes. v. 231.
i.

Club-men, the Theban, what,

to,
,

37. 173.

and note; 177.

ii.

415. Action of the fleet 424. Shares in the prosperity of the neighCnidus, sea-fight near, iv. 382, 383. The Cnidian Venus, by Praxiteles, one of bouring island of Cos, v. 272. the most famous monuments of ancient sculpture, ib. Codrus, king of Athens, patriotic death of. i. 336, 337. He defeats the MassaCoenus, a Macedonian general, notice of, viii. 123. Appointed to the military command of Sogdiana and Bactria, getes, 126.

Cnemus, under his command with

./Egisthus, plot of, i. 80. the Spartan, his attempt upon Stratus,

and

that of

Phormion, 421

He defeats Spitamenes, ib. Is sent against Bazira, 174. His 127. His reply to Alexander, 217, share in the battle of the Hydaspes, 196. His death, 233. 218.

Coins of gold and silver, by whom first struck, i. 416. Elegant taste and workmanship of the Lydian coins, 416, 417. of the design and workmanship of the golden coins of Gelon , beauty
ii. 149. Of the Sybarite coins, 159. Philip's success in a horse-race said to have been celebrated golden coin, vi. 295. note. Colchis, expedition to, i. 41.

and
,

his successor,

by a

Notice of those founded by Colonies, early Grecian, in Asia Minor, i. 339. ^Eolian emigrants, 340. By Ionian emigrants, 341, 342. In the island In Africa, 344. In Italy, 345, 346. And Sicily, 347 of Cyprus, 343.
.

General remarks on the Grecian colonies, 351. of the history of the colonies of the Phenicians, ii. 135 , sketch Of the colonies of the Greeks in Sicily, 138. 151. Account of 138. the Grecian colonies in Italy, 152 Colonies of Athenians, sent to 175. the Chersonese, 274. Colony, its relation to the mother country, ii. 305. Political circumstances of, ii. 446, Colophon, city of, its foundation, i. 341. 447. Columns or terms, erection of, by the Athenians, ii. 181. Combat, a battle decided by one, of three hundred men on each side, i. 326.
350.
,

single,

frequency

of, in

Comedy, the
it,

old, practice of,

of,
i.

iii.

ancient times, i. 147. Political consequences resulting from 59.

59, 60.
i.

"

Carried on, by way of exchange in ancient principally carried on, 142. Companions" of the orders of knighthood, origin of, vii. 59. Composition for personal service in arms, v. 12.

Commerce,
Greece,

origin 140.

7.

By whom

Confederacy, Grecian, dissolution of the ancient system of, v. 256. Confederate government in Greece, the first example of, attributed by Is imitated by the Lucanians of Italy, Polybius to the Achaeans, v. 445. 446. at Conon commands the Athenian fleet Naupactus, iii. 247. appointed one of the ten generals, on the deposition of Alcibiades and Thrasybulus, iii. 434. Commander-in-chief of the Athenian fleet, 436. His measures, ib. 441. Defeated by Callicratidas, 442. His distressing Takes refuge in Salamis, 482. situation, ib. Defeated by Lysander, 479. ^ flees to Salamis after the battle of ^Egospotami, iv. 380. Friendship between him and Evagoras, 381. Becomes his confidential minister, ib.

With Evagoras and Pharnabazus defeats the Lacedaemonian fleet, 382, Invasion of Laconia Successes of Conon and Pharnabazus, 389. by them, 402. Conon obtains some important advantages for his country,
383.
Gratitude of the Athenians to him, 404. 4O3, 404. His death, 437. satrap of Lydia, 411, 412.

His mission to the

GENERAL INDEX.

499

Constitution, structure and foundation of the British, i. 255. 364. Hi. 460 467. note ; vii. 244, 245. 247 249. outline of the constitution of , Sparta, proposed by Lycurgus i 569 299.

of of of of

Boeotia, i. 333, 334. Athens, proposed by Solon, i. 364 the Persian empire, i. 442, 443.

384.

Carthage,

the best balanced and wisest

known
vi.

to antiquity,
vii

account of the constitution of Macedonia,

227251.

183, 184.

of various states in Greece, vii. 213 216. comparative view of the constitutions of Thessaly, Lacedscmon, and Rome, vii. 252 260. Indications of the Thracian constitution, 260 262. of Asiatic states, vii. 428 430.

Afterwards independent and Corcyra, at first subject to Corinth, i. 262. Founds its own colonies in Illyria, ib. The first sea-fight wealthy, ib. recorded in history, between Corcyra and Corinth, 263.

connexion with Corinth, ii. 305. Origin of the war between Progress of the war and defeat of the Corinthians, 307 310. Accession of the Corcyreans to the Athenian confederacy, 313. Defeated by the Corinthians at Sybota, 317. Termination of the Contentions between the aristocratical and demoCorcyrean war, 319. cratical parties in, 464466. 476. ; iii. 5 7. Treachery and cruelty of the democratic party, 6. the Athenians against Lacedacmon, v. 64. joins Ravaged by the Lacedaemonian fleet under Mnasippus, 68. The Corcyreans send deputies to Athens, 69. Defeat and kill Mnasippus, 73. Raise the siege of their
its

the

two powers, 306.

city, ib.

Corinth, geographical situation of, and peculiar commercial advantages,!. 24. Names of some of its early princes, ib. History and changes in the Pindar's panegyric upon this city, 264. government of, 261 264.
note.

assembly of deputies from the confederated commonwealths at, ii. Exertions of the assembly at, to stimulate the Greeks against the Persian invasion, 29. A colony from, under Demaratus, settle in Tarquinii, in Italy, 1 55. Disputes between Corinth and Megara, 245, 246. War between the Corinthians and Athenians, 253. 256. Origin of the
,

23, 24.

Progress of the war, 308, 309. Sea-fight End of the war, 319. War Victory at Sybota, 317. with Athens, 328 331. Enmity of, against the Athenians, 332. Speeches of their ambassador at the congress at Lacedsemon, 334 337. 344 347. Their interference between the Plataeans and Thebans, 357. Expedition Defeat of the Corinthian fleet by against Acarnaniaand Cephallenia, 385. Phormion, 417 419. , the Corinthians defeated by Nicias, iii. 4. Their country plundered Their intrigues, 79 82. by the Athenians, 5. Congress of the Peloponnesian confederacy at Corinth, 304. Battle of causes of its alienation from Laceda?mon, iv. 320. Sedition of, 393, 394. Corinth, 374, 375. Singular union of, with Actions at, 399. Affairs of, 396 398. Long walls Argos, 395, 396. of, restored, 409. Expedition of Agesilaus to Corinthia, 413 415. Sends , wasted by the army of the Theban confederacy, v. 122.
off Actium, 310.

war with Corcyra, 306, 307.

Firmministers to Athens, 129. Is again .ravaged by the Thebans, 135. ness of the Corinthians in resisting the pretensions of Thebes, 151. Corinth alienated by an indiscreet speech in the Athenian assembly, 1 83. The And dismiss the Corinthians refuse admission to the Athenian fleet, 184. Athenian troops, ib. Make peace with Thebes, 186. Sedition in Corinth

K K

500

GENERAL INDEX.
A

after the battle of Leuctra, 263. Xenophon settles at Corinth, 305. Corinthian party, in opposition to the Lacedaemonian, at Syracuse, 384.

Which is disarmed by Dionysius during the season of harvest, il>. Corinth, the Corinthians applied to, to interfere in the affairs of Sicily, vi. State of affairs there, 41, 42. 41. Timophanes assassinated there, 42. state of, vii. 112, 113. Joins the Athenian confederacy, , political Second congress of Grecian 113. Congress of Grecian states at, 171.
states at, 296.

summoned there by Antipater, viii. 50. and note. , congress Corinthian isthmus, names of provinces without the, i. 12. 241. Coroebus, victor in the first Olympiad, date assigned to, i. 237 Coronea, battle of, iv. 384 386. Corsica, Phocasan colonj in, i. 433.
Corybantes, i. 19. See Cotys. Cory las.

Cos, island and town of, flourish amidst the general troubles of Greece, v. 269 271. Description of, in 1776, by the count de Choiseul- Gouffier, 27O. note. vi. 172. , revolts against Athens, Yields to Alexander, 483. assists Byzantium, vii. 86. Subdued by Alexander, 408. Cossees, the, account of, viii. 407. Appointed general by the Amphictyonic Cottyphus, notice of, vii. ICO.
,

council, 102. 248. Cotyora, transactions of the Cyrean army at, iv. 24 1 Cotys, or Corylas, king of Paphlagonia, his alliance with Lacedsemon, iv. 360, 361. His alliance of Thrace, bribed by Philip of Macedon, vi. 121. , king His war with Philip, with Athens, 164. Assisted by Iphicrates, 165. His derangement, ib. His conduct to the Perinthians, 195. Flees 194. from Philip, 196. Gives his daughter to Charidem us, 204. Is assassinated, 205. Council of Amphictyons. See Amphictyonic Council. of Elders, created at Athens, iii. 291. of Five Hundred, at Athens, constitution and powers of, i. 375. Defects in the election of its members, vi. 443, 444. of Four Hundred, establishment of, proposed by Pisander, iii. 349Their measures on displacing the old Decreed and appointed, 351. The Council of Four Hundred dissolved, 382. Some recouncil, 352. mains of the party, v. 179. of State, at Athens, how formed, i. 355. of Ten, at Athens, appointment of, iv. 61. Their proceedings, 61,62.

135. , overthrown by Thrasybulus, vi. of Thirty, at Athens, formation of, iii. 36. Government of the, 36 49. iv. 37 4O. 45 55. Similarity of their proceedings to those of the Committee of Public Welfare at Paris, 55. note. Civil war against them, 57 6O. Deposed, and the Council of Ten elected, 61.

Count, origin of the title, vii. 59. Court of inquiry into the conduct of the Greek generals of the Cyrean army, account of its proceedings, iv. 246, 247. of justice, Homer's account of one, i. 116, 117. Their education, manners, and Courtezans, Grecian, celebrity of, ii. 291.

Account of Aspasia, 291, 292. influence, ib. Courts of judicature in Athens, i. 383. of justice, wages for serving in, the institution
cles, iv. 10.

of,

attributed to Peri-

Cranaans, the original inhabitants of Attica, distinguished by the

i.

name

of,

65.

and

note.
i.

Cranaus, king of Attica,

Crassus, the

65. note.

Roman general, his plans compared with those of Alexander, in crossing Mesopotamia, viii. 10, 11.

GENERAL INDEX.

501

Craterus, the Macedonian general, his passage over the Uxian mountains, viii. His conduct at the Susiad rocks, 36. Commands the main body, 33. Is sent against the Tapoors, O'l. 57. He becomes Alexander's favourite Invests Cyropolis, 106, 107. Is wounded, 107. general, 72.

Alexander's marriage, 134. He quells the rebellion in Paraetacene, 137. to him, 166. Superintends the rebuilding of Ariga?um, 168. Is stationed at Embolima, 176. InRejoins Alexander, 170. trusted with the command of the camp, 1 92. His share in the battle of the Hydaspes, 197. Superintends the building of the newly founded towns, 202. His appointment, 234. How employed by Alexander on his return Married to a daughter of Oxyartes, 356. home, 249. 251. 255. Ap-

Opposes

Measures intrusted

pointed to supersede Antipater in Macedonia, 382. Cratylus of Plato, i. 98. See Temenus. Cresphontes. Laws of Minos, 20, 21. ObservaCrete, island of, early history of, i. 19. tions thereon, 21, 22. Summary of the history of Crete, after the Trojan Proverb respecting the ancient Cretans, 275. note. The war, 256, 257. Cretans refuse to join the confederacy against Persia, ii. 23. of vi. 60 62. Crimesus, battle the, Crissa*, account of, vi. 240. or Cirrhaean Crissaean, plain, notice of, vi. 238, 239. (See Cirrha.) Crithote taken by Charidemus, vi. 205. his and Critias, connexions, character, political bias, views, with respect to the government of Athens, iv. 40 53. The conduct of Critias and his party towards the disaffected at Eleusis, 58. Proposes the massacre of them, Killed in battle, ib. 59. Critobulus, a Grecian, notice of, vi. 424. Criton, an Athenian, anecdote of, iv. 25, 26. Pindar's eulogy Croesus, king of Lydia, extent of the territories of, i. 423. Rich presents made by him to the temple of upon him, 423, 424. note. Consults the oracle, 427. And is defeated and taken Delphi, 424, 425. captive by Cyrus, 428. Account of his magnificent deposits treasure at Delphi, vi. 246. sacrifice at Delphi, 247 His policy in so doing, 249. 249. Sends presents to divers oracles, 248. Cromnus, town of, taken by Archidamus, v. 198. Besieged by the ArcaThe garrison compelled to sur99. dians, Partially relieved, 201. render, 2O2. Cronium, a town of Sicily, the Greeks defeated at, by the son of Magon, v. 459. Celebrated as the residence of Pythagoras, Crotona, foundation of, i. 347. i. 350. War of the Crotoniats , the richer Sybarites take refuge in, ii. 159. with the Sybarites, and defeat of the latter, ib. Celebrity of Crotona, and of the medical school there, 160, 161. Remarks on the population of, 161 163. note. -, unites with Rhegium against Syracuse, v. 448. The Crotoniats and Rhegians appoint Heloris to the command, ib. Surrender uncondiI

tionally to Dionysius, ib.

Crown, golden, honorary reward of a, viii. 388. Cryptia, abominable institution of, at Sparta, i. 291.
Ctesias, the Grecian, his History of Persia noticed, vii. 350, 35!. Ctesiphon, an Athenian, sent to Macedonia, vi. 406. Proposes that a golden crown be given to Demosthenes, viii. 389. Is sent ambassador to MoProsecuted by JEschines, 393. And defended by Demoslossis, 392. thenes, 395. Cuma, in Asia Minor, foundation of, i. S4O.
,

Campanian, origin
168, 169.

to,

ii.

of, i. 346. Course of the navigation from Euboea The Description of the Cumsean territory, 169171.

KK

502

GENERAL INDEX.

Cumaeans, conquered by the Tuscans, 172. Prosper as a maritime colony, and found the city of Naples, ib. Cunaxa, battle of, iv. 172177. Curdies, modern, origin of the, iv. 218. (See Cardoos.)
Curetes, i. 19. Curtius, Quintus, character of his work, viii. 24. note. Cydnus, river, notice of, vii. 478. Cydonia, town of, founded by the Samians, but captured by the ^Eginetans, i. 454. Cyllene, mount,
i.

14.

C> Ion, his attempt to usurp the government of Athens, i. 356. Cynos-sema, sea-fight of, iii. 389. Cyprothymis, revolution effected by him in Samos, vi. 155, 156. Overcome by Timotheus, 156. Cyprus, island of, colonised by Greeks, i. 343. Whence it derived the worship of Venus, ib. expedition of the Athenians to, ii. 275. summary of its history, iv. 376, 377. The sovereignty of, surThis circumstance a principal source rendered by Evagoras, 378, 379. of great revolutions in Greece, 379. Relations of, with Athens, 442,
,
,

443.
transactions in, during the war of Evagoras with Persia, v. 244 Is preserved to the Persian empire, 248. -. , recovered by the Persians, vii. 365, 366. and note. (See Salamis. ) Cypselus, tyrant of Corinth, notice of, i. 263, 264. Cyratades, a Theban general, proposes to lead the Cyrean army, and to pro-

247.

vide them subsistence,

iv.

iv. 178 298. (See Greece. ) i. notice a Greek in 345. of, Africa, 344, Cyrene, colony Cyropasdia of Xenophon, the purpose of, vii. 205, 206. in viii. foundation 105. Invested by Craterus, 106, of, Cyropolis, Scythia, 107. Taken by Alexander, 107, 108. Reception given Cyrus the Great, king of Persia, defeats Crresus, i. 428. by him to the Spartan envoys, 429. Takes Babylon, 435. JLschylus's of character of him, ib. note. note. 436. Isocrates, Testimony founds a town in Scythia with the name of Cyropolis, viii. , Notice of, 263. 105. Description of his sepulchre at Susa, 347, 348. Its spoliation and restoration, 348, 349. the younger, son of Darius II., appointed viceroy of the provinces , west of the river Halys, iii. 424. Refuses permission for the Athenian embassy to return to their country, 425. His interview with Lysander, His liberality and condescension to him, 471. His haughti426,427. ness among his own people, 472. , origin of the enmity betwten him and his brother Artaxerxes Mnemon, iv. 143. State of affairs which offended him, a pretext for collect146. Countries of which the ing a military force against his brother, 144 province committed to his government was composed, 146. Circumstances

Cyrean army, retreat

of,

and

275, 276. their return to Europe,

which led Clearchus, Aristippus, Proxenus, and Xenophon to his court, 148 151. Course of Cyrus's march from Sard is to Cunaxa, 152 171. Ostensible pretext of the expedition, 152. Amount of bis Grecian and Asiatic forces, ib. And review of His negotiation with Syennesis, 154. his troops before the wife of the latter, 154, 155. His generous conduct on the desertion of Xeniasand Pasion, 162. His speech to the Greeks on the expected approach of the enemy, 168. His preparations for the battle of Cunaxa, 169172. His bravery, 175. Wounds Artaxerxes, ib. Is overpowered and slain, 176.
Cythera,
bitants,

island
1 1
.

of,

taken by the Athenians,

iii.

9.

Fate of the inha-

GENERAL INDEX.
Cyzicene, a gold coin, value Cyzicus, sea-fight near, v. 220.
iii.

503
relieved

of, iv.

252. 397, 398.

Town

of,

by Timotheus,

D.

Damagetus, prince of

Damas, of

Damascus, of by Parmenio, Damocles, allusion

lalysus, notice of, i. 324. Syria, notice of, vii. 220. the depository of the king of Persia's treasure, taken possession
vii.

517, 518.

to the story of the feast of, v. 477. Damon, the friend of Pericles, notice of, ii. 248. a celebrated speculative politician in the time of Pericles, , Danaoi, an appellation for the southern Greeks, i. 198. note.

ii.

289.

Danaus, king of Argos, sketch of the history of, i. 29 31. Danube, river, crossed by Alexander the Great, vii. 309. D'Anville, M., his map of Thessaly very incorrect, ii. 25. note. Is tried, Daphnaeus, the Syracusan commander, defeats Imilcon, v. 343. His party and that of condemned, and executed with Demarchus, 363. Demarchus concentrate at Rhegium, 377. Gain Messena to their cause, ib. Attack Dionysius in Syracuse with a fleet, 378. Besiege him in the island, ib. Are overcome, and liberally treated by him, 381.
Dardania, geographical situation
73.
of,
i.

72.

Celebrated for

its

breed of horses,

Dardanus, founder of the Trojan state, account of, i. 72. Darius I. ascends the Persian throne, i. 441. yEschylus's character of him, His probable motive for invading European Scythia, 447. 443. note. His treatment of the conquered inhaResult of the expedition, 448. bitants of Miletus, 477. Generosity of, to the son of Miltiades, 482. His His style mild and liberal government of conquered provinces, 482, 483. and title, 485. Settles his Eretrian prisoners on one of his estates at Ardericca,
,

506.
II. succeeds to the throne of Persia, his death, iv. 143. ,
iii.

299, 300.

son of Artaxerxes

Mnemon,

taken by his father as an associate in the

His behaviour to his parent, 354. Discovered in royal power, viii. 353. a plot against him, and executed, 355. -, Codomannus, satrap of Armenia, ascends the throne of Persia, vii. 380. 376. His measures respecting the threatened invasion of Persia, 378
to the chief command, 421. Makes him admiral of Recalls the land-force out of the Persian fleet, 464. Appoints Pharnabazus to succeed Memnon, 465. His preparations to oppose CircumAlexander, 472. 484 488. Stations himself near Sochi, 490. His share in the massacre of the stances in which he was placed, 491. Macedonian soldiers, 494. and note. His precarious situation, 497, 498. Amount of his forces, 498 501. Situation of his army, 501, 502. Is de-

Appoints
fleet,

Memnon

the

455.

509. His flight, 510. Anecdote of, 519. His letter Sends a second deputation to Alexander, 531. Offers a sends a third embassy to Alexander, viii. 2. His policy in Mesopotamia, 10. Pitches his bribe to the Athenians, 4.
feated at Issus, 504 to Alexander, 520.

camp

Is defeated at at Arbela, 15. The disposition of his forces, 16, 17. 24. His conduct after the battle, 24, 25. and note. He proArbela, 1 8 ceeds to Ecbatana, 40. State of his affairs, 40, 41. Flees from Ecbatana, 53. Conspired against by Bessus, 57. Assassinated by Satibarzanes and

Barzaentes, 59.
there, iv. 361.

Honours paid

to his body, 59, 60.

its

Dascylium, the territory of Pharnabazus,

wealth,

and sumptuous palace

vii. 4 1 3. , surrenders to Parmenio, Datames, satrap of Cappadocia, notice of, vii. 358. 466.

tf 4

504
Dates, expedition
of,

GENERAL INDEX.

with Artaphernes against Greece, i. 422. Conquests Invades Attica, 501. of, in the islands of the ^Egean Sea, 492, 493. Defeat of, at the battle of Marathon, 502 505. Daurises, defeat and death of, i. 473. Day-book of Alexander the Great, extracts from, viii. 451 458. Dean, old north country term, viii. 178. note.

Death, remark on, by Socrates, iv. 136. Debtors, laws respecting, at Athens, i. 360 S65. A cause Decelea, in Attica, occupied by the Lacedaemonians, iii. 236. of alarm and inconvenience to the Athenians, 241, 242. And Deity, tradition respecting the unity of the, recorded by Plato, i. 92. Various appellations given to, in different nations, by Aristotle, 93, 94.
98.

and note.
Rochette, M., accuracy of his
25. note.
iii.

De

la

map

of the countries around the JEgean,

ii.

2628. Siege of, SO, 31. Delium, battle of, Delolme, M., notice of, vii. 245. annual Delos, ceremony at, instituted by Theseus, i. 62. of Greek confederates at, ii. 207. , meeting
act of injustice towards the inhabitants of, iii. 58. , cruel Its origin and progress, 189 The 196. Delphi, oracle ofr noticed, i. 108. Answer of the oracle temple at, became the great bank of Greece, 194. To Lycurgus, 273. Answers given by the oracle to the to Iphitus, 2O9. And to the Lacedasmonians, 309. Temple of, Messenians, 306 309. The first foreigner who sent a present rebuilt by the Alcmaeonidae, 409. Rich presents made to it by Croesus, 424, 425. thither, 421. answer of the oracle to the Athenians, ii. 17. The oracles delivered in verse, 18. note. Response to the Delphian citizens, 31. Attempt of the Persians against Delphi, and defence of the place by the citizens, 55 58. Statue of gold dedicated at, by Part of the spoil at Plataea sent to, 119. Contest for the command of the Alexander, king of Macedonia, 125. temple, 277. Its result, ib. The -, a congress at, proposed by Philiscus, v. 141. oracle consulted by Xenophon, 280. -, the oracle superintended by the Amphictyonic council, vi. 242. Delphi attacked by the Cirrhaeans, 243. Treasures deposited, and sacrifices made Taken by there by Croesus, 246 249. Subjected to Lacedaemon, 251. Philomelus, 266. Fortified by him, 268. Use made of its oracle by PhiloHow trespassed on, melus, 271. Reported robbery of its treasure, 286. Judicial inquiry into the dilapidation of the treasury of, 429 313, 314. 431. Delphian game, notice of, i. 213. Delphion, the Phliasian demagogue, his extraordinary conduct, v. 29 31. His escape at the capture of Phlius, 31. Demades, the Athenian orator, taken prisoner by Philip, vii. 151. Is sent Becomes back to Athens, ib. Proposes an embassy to Alexander, 34O. one of that embassy, ib. and note. His measures, 342. Demaratus, king of Sparta, deposition and exile of, i. 487, 488. the Corinthian, leads a colony from Corinth into Italy, ii. 155. ,
,

And

settles in Tarquinii, ib. office

Demarchus.
,

See Daphnaeus. of the, i. 372.

Democracy, or government by the people at large, observations on, i. 253. Analysis of the Athenian democracy, as regulated by Solon, 370 375. and tyranny nearly related, ii. 273. Aristotle's definition of, S3. tyranny of, iv. 10. 26 28. The most ambitious unfavourable to peace in Greece, v. 217. men zealous for, ib. The source of public and private insecurity, ib.
, ,

Demophoon

passes a night in the temple of Serapis,

viii.

447.

GENERAL INDEX.
AJjjuo?,

505

import of, at Athens, i. 254. note. Meaning of the term, 371. Demosthenes, the Athenian general, operations of, on the western side of In YEtolia, 483, 484. His defeat near VEgitium, 485. Greece, ii. 481. Elected general of Acarnania, 490. His plans previously to the battle of Account of the 491. Retrieves the affairs of the Olpas, 490, battle, 491. Athenians, ib. 492. His important successes, 493, 494. Power delegated
to

him by the Athenians, 497. Embarks in the fleet with Eurymedon and Sophocles, ib. His dispute with them, 498. Fortifies the harbour of Pylus, 498, 499. Blockaded there by the Lacedaemonians, 501. His plans for the defence of the place, 501, 502. His address to the soldiers, 503. Compels the enemy to retreat, 504. Accompanied by Cleon, attacks and takes Sphacteria, 516 520. his expedition to Naupactus, iii. 24. Measures taken by him for revenging on Lacedaemon the evils resulting to Athens from the gar,

rison at Decelea, 246, 247.

Collects re-enforcements among the allies of Athens, in western Greece, 247, 248. Accompanied by Eurymedon, arrives with his fleet in Sicily, 255. Lands his troops and joins Nicias, 256. His measures for the attack of Syracuse, 256, 257. With Eurymedon and Menander, commands at the assault of Epipolse, 258. Is defeated there, 259. Advises the return of the expedition, 260. Opposed by Nicias, 261. Shows the energy of his mind in a second proposition to him, 271. Retreats from Syracuse, 277 281. Surrenders to Gylippus, 281. Decreed to suffer death by the Syracusans, and executed, 285. His enmity to Chari-, the orator, his party at Athens, vi. 204.

demus, 205. note. Harangues the populace respecting him, 209, 210. His His first oration on political subjects (nift -apology for Chares, 233. Makes another oration (Trept <ruvTa|, ), 313. His origin, o-vfji./*op.} , 305.

335
tions,

337. and note.

orator, 340.

and

note.

343 346. Advocates the cause of the Rhodians, 361 Megalopolitans, 353, 354. 365. His philippics, 378. and note. His account of Olynthus, 380. His Persuades the proposition to the people, 385, 386. His Olynthiacs, 385. people to concede the theoric portion of the revenue, ib. Attributes the fall of Olynthus to bribery, 401. and note. His conduct, 413. His timidity before Philip, 418. His decrees, 420. Treatment of the Macedonian embassy, 423. How thwarted, 425. His continued civility to the embassy, 426. Joins the embassy to Philip, 436. His disagreements with the other His report of Addresses Philip, 439. and note. ambassadors, 438, 439. the embassy to Macedon, 444. Arguments of his party, 447. Refuses the office of ambassador, 466. His invective against jEschines, 467. His account of the meeting of the Amphictyons, 470. and note. -, notice of his speech on the subject of acknowledging Philip of Macedon an Amphictyon, vii. 6 9. Futile objections to its authenticoncity, 6,7. note. Notice of his second philippic, 17. Of his subsequent tests with jEschines, 1 7 2 1 Answer to the objections of Plutarch respecting Arthe speeches of JEschines and Demosthenes on the embassy, 21. note. of words peculiar to, 24. Reasons why the " oration on Halonrangement " uesus was not written by him, 28, 29. Measures of the party of Demosthenes, Circumstances which gave rise to 39, 40. Opposition to them, 40, 41. Account of, and extracts from his " Oration on the Chersonese," 42, 43. it, 46, 47. Success of this speech, 47. View with which he spoke the third
.

Account of, 338. and note. His early defects as an His cowardice, 342. His politics and early oraHis oration for the Joins the party of Chares, 353.

Becomes 48 50. and intelligence in the his qualificadischarge of this office, 55. Lord Bolingbroke's remarks on tions, 56. His own character of himself, 56, 57. Conducts an embassy to ib. of Phocion's party, Opens Persia, 58. Uses and abuses the liberality a communication with Thebes, 59, 60. Restores the liberty of the Euboean an of the Undertakes Receives the honour cities, 61. golden crown, 62.
Account of, and observations upon philippic, 47. His ability effective first minister of Athens, 50.
it,

506

GENERAL INDEX.

embassy to Thrace, 62, 63. And gains Perinthus, Sdymbria, and Byzantium to the Athenian party, 63. Circumstances which gave rise to his fourth philippic, 67, 68. Abstract of it, 68, 69. His oration on Philip's second Letter to the Athenians, 80 85. Demosthenes, his share in the frustration of the plans of Philip, Yii. 86, 87. Disadvantageous circumstances in which he was placed, 89. States of Greece in which his party preponderated, 90. Appointed an Amphictyon, 93. Resigns the lead in the administration, Is accused by yEschines of receiving bribes from the Amphissians, 95. 97. His artifices, 101. and note. Secretly supports the Amphissians, 103. His extraordinary policy, 107, 108. His use of the court of AreopaHis of the account gus, 108. 110. requisitions sent by Philip, 115, 116. Critical situation of his party, 117. The allurements he held out to His oration 121. Thebes, respecting the garrison at Elatea, 127, 128. Decree proposed by him respecting the same, 128 131. Its success, 132. His harangue at Thebes, 132, 133. His concessions to the Thebans, 133, 134. The growth of his power, 134, 135. His immense influence at Athens and Thebes, 138 140. His arrogance towards the Boeotarchs, 141. States from which he collected his army, and its amount, 142, 143. and note. The generals he appointed, 144, 145. His flight, 148. His
return to Athens, 1 56. Delivers a funeral oration for the slain at Chae159. Remarks and criticisms on it, 166 170. His proceedronea, 157 ings at Athens, 159. Supposed to be privy to the assassination of Philip, 175. His conduct thereupon, 176. and note. His machinations in the northern states of Greece, 303, 304. His intrigues among the Grecian His share in the revolution at Thebes, 323. His republics, 817, 318. influence at Athens and in other republics, 328. Undertakes an embassy to Macedonia, but returns without executing his commission, ib. His connexion with Persia, 329. and note. His meanness, 342. His connexion with the Persian court, 380. his oration against Alexander, viii. 43, 44. His political de, He excites revolt in Thessaly, 48. Remarks on his signs, 45, 46. conduct during the campaigns of Alexander, 386 389. His boast, 391. His reply to ^Eschines on the crown, 394, 395. Is accused of corruption, and fined, 401. Retires to .^Egina, ib. and note. Dercyllidas, appointed commander-in-chief of the Lacedaemonian forces in Asia, iv. 303. Reasons of his acting contrary to his instructions, 303. Negotiates with Tissaphernes, who bargains for a particular peace for his own His successes in the satrapy of .I'.olia, 307. His provinces, 303, 304. 310. Testimony of the Lacedaemonian operations in Bithynia, 308 Services rendered by him to the government to his merits, 310. His interview and treaty with TisThracian Chersonese, 311, 312. His merits not duly estimated by Plutarch, 317. saphernes, 316.
note.

Dercyllus, an Athenian, notice of, vi. 473. Derdas, prince of Elymia, joins the Lacedaemonians against Olynthus, v. 22. His activity and bravery, 23. vi. 100, 101. , assists Amyntas, king of Macedon, Dermot, king of Leinster, adventure of, i. 82, 83. Dervorghal, rape of, paralleled by that of Helen, i. 83. Despotic government unknown in Europe before the rise of republican government in Greece, vii. 26?, 263. Despotism, what constitutes the essence of, ii. 249. Deucalion, flood of, i. 42. of Thessaly, division of his territories, i. 198. , king Deuteronomy, ch. iv. v. 2. cited, vii. 240. note. Dexippus, the Lacedaemonian commissioner in Sicily, employed by the AgriResumes his Withdraws from their service, 346. gentines, v. 341. Is station at Gela, 355. Obtains the arrears due to his mercenaries, 356.

GENERAL INDEX.

507

discovered to have taken part in the plot of Daphnaeus and Demarchus, 363. And is required to quit Sicily, ib. Diabaterial, or border-passing sacrifice, iii. 112. Diactorides, notice of, vii. 221. Dialects in Greece, i. 11. In Italy and England, ib. note. Observations on the use of vowels in the Eastern dialects, 126, 127. Distinction of, in the Greek language, 181 183. Dialling, known to the Babylonians at a very early period, i. 5. Diaulos, a sort of foot-race, when it formed a part of the Olympian games, i. 211. Dicaearchia, or Puteoli, site and foundation of, ii. 171. Immense number of, Dicast, or juryman, Athenian, daily pay of, iv. 10.
11.

how the term was rendered by the Greeks, iii. 421, 422. note. Dido, queen, discrepancies in the chronology of the aera of, ii. 135, 136. Diitriphes, massacre by the Thracian auxiliaries under his command,
Dictator,

iii.

245, 246.
Dilettanti Society, allusions to the publications of the, viii. 226. note. 228. note. Dinarchus, the orator, his account of mercenaries in the Lacedsmonian

league, viii. 48. His celebrity, 541, 542. He Dinocrates, the architect, notice of, vii. 541. builds Alexandria, 542. Dinon, the Lacedaemonian polemarch, killed, v. 91. the Grecian, his history of Persia noticed, vii. 350, 351. , Diocles, of Syracuse, overturns the government of Hermocrates, v. 318. Takes upon himself the office of legislator, ib. Marches to relieve Himera, 324. Is defeated by Hannibal, the Carthaginian general, ib. Flees by sea to Syracuse, 325. Is obliged to abscond, 330. Remarkable account of His character, 332. his death, 331. Dioclides, his depositions against the mutilators of the terms of Mercury,
iv.

Becomes a popular favourite, and receives public honours, ib. 101. Acknowledges the falsehood of his accusations against Andocides, 103.

And is decreed to death without trial, ib. Diodorus, the historian, his account of the Greek gods, i. 91. note. in his account of the affairs of Arcadia and Elis, v. , inconsistencies 215. note. His merits as a historian, 311, 312. Discrepancy between him and Plutarch, with regard to Hipparinus, autocrator-general of Syracuse, His inconsistencies with regard to Dionysius, 407, 408. 359, 360. note. note. His observations on the siege of Rhegium, 454. note. Diodotus, son of Eucrates, opposes the inhuman decree against the MityHis speech on this occasion, 454, 455. lena-ans, ii. 454. , of Erythrae, one of the compilers of the Royal Day-book of Alexander the Great, viii. 285.
Diogenes, the cynic philosopher, notice of, vii. 113. visit to him, warranted by Arrian, , Alexander's
viii. 425. Laertius, the epigram on Xenophon preserved by him, v. 3O6. Remarks on his date for Xenophon's death, 307. note. Diognetus, one of the principal engineers in Alexander's army, notice of,
vii.

285.

Diomedon, the Athenian general, recovers Teos to the Athenian alliance, iii. His success on the Asiatic coast, 315. 314. Appointed one of the ten Defeated generals on the deposition of Alcibiades and Thrasybulus, 434. Condemned to death and executed, 459. by Callicratidas, 444.
Dion, son of Hipparinus, patronised hy Dionysius, v. 467. Plato, vi. 2. , educated by Respective characters and capabilities of Dion and Dionysius the younger of succeeding Dionysius the elder in the Invites Plato to government of Syracuse, ib. Character of Dion, 6. revisit Syracuse, 7. Engages in secret correspondence with the Cartha-

508
ginians, ib.
his banishment, 9.

GENERAL INDEX.

His conspiracy discovered, ib. Circumstances and place of His ingratitude to Dionysius, ib. Proposes to make war against him, ib. And levies forces in Peloponnesus, 10. Embarks
his troops for Sicily, 11. Arrives at Syracuse, and becomes master of 12, 13. Raised to the office of autocrator-general, 13. Is offered terms
it,

Dionysius, to which he refuses to accede, 14. ensues he is wounded and repulsed, but continues the blockade of the Accused of tyranny by Sosis, 18. Marches to Leontini, 20. fortress, ib.
i

by In the encounter which

Is defeated by Pharax, Recalled, and re-elected general autocrator, 22. 26. Perseveres in Deprives Heraclides of the command of the fleet, ib. Irritated by the opposition of Heraclides, reforming the constitution, 27. he pauses him to be murdered, 28. of his conduct Attempted justification by Barthelemy, 29. note. Account of the hatred his after conduct excited,

Takes Callippus an Athenian for his con29, 30. Is assassinated by some conspires against him, 31. Time of his death, and age, ib. Zacynthian soldiers, 32. Flight of his Their ultimate fate, 39, 40. family to Leontini, 34. Dionysius the elder, tyrant of Syracuse, the Lacedaemonians request maritime assistance from him against Athens, v. 67. Nine of his ten ships taken by the Athenians, 75. The auxiliaries he sends to Greece described, 136. Sends assistance to the Lacedaemonians, 140. Account of his birth and

by Cornelius Nepos,
fidant, 30.

Who

education, 35O. and Is fined for 351. the generals, ib. Is appointed 354.

note.

Imputes corruption

Hermocrates, 353, of Gela, 356. Elected autocrator-general in conjunction with Hipparinus, 359. Increases the pay

his invective, 352. Repeats it, ib. Procures the recal of the party of

to the Syracusan generals, Is chosen one of

commissioner for the

affairs

Is attacked by night on his way to Leontini, ib. voted a guard of six hundred men in consequence, 362. Marries the daughter of Hermocrates, 364. ; who, being shamefully abused by the conspirators against her husband, destroys herself, 369. Gives his sister to Polyxenus, 364. Marches to relieve Gela,S66. Is defeated by the Carthaginians, 368. Returns to Syracuse, 369. His assassination proposed on the march, ib. Defeats the attempt of the Syracusan conspirators, 371. Concludes a peace with Imilcon, ib. Improves the port and the maritime power of Makes a division of lands among the people, 375. Is Syracuse, 374. besieged in the island of Syracuse by the party of Daphnaeus and DemarHis liberality to the defeated insurchus, 378. Regains the city, 381. Disarms the Corinthian party at Syracuse, 385. Increases the gents, ib. Leads an army mercenary troops, 386. Besieges and takes .^Etna, 387. to the Leontine border, 388. Adds the Deposes the tyrant of Enna, ib. Erbitaeans to the allies of Syracuse, 389. Settles a Destroys Naxus, ib. Admits the Leontines to the citizencolony of Campanians in Catana, ib. Erects works of a magnitude before unknown, ship of Syracuse, 39O. Founds Adranum, 394. Is called by Diodorus " tyrant of the 392, 393. and Sicilian Greeks," 395. note. Pardons the Rhegians and Messenians, His extensive preparations for war with Carthage, 400. 397. Devises the last great improvement of the ancient marine, ib. Grants a tract of land to the Messenians, 402. Is refused permission to marry the daughter of a Rhegian citizen, 403. Marries Doris, daughter of Xenetus, of Also Aristomache, daughter of Hipparinus, 404. A love of Locri, ib. " splendour his weakness, 405. No tyrant," either in the ancient or modern Ansense, 406. Proposes war with Carthage to the Syracusans, ib. nounces the war to Carthage by a herald, 409. Besieges Motya, 410. Carries it by assault, 4 2. His efforts to save the Motyenes, ib. Reduces the Halicyaeans to submission, 414. But Besieges Egesta, ib. raises the siege, 416. Fortifies the Syracusan territory, 419. Retires to SumSyracuse, 421. Departs with Leptines to bring in a convoy, ib. mons an assembly of the people on his return, 425. His familiar deportSucceeds in a combined attack on the Carthaginian army and ment, 456.

for military service, 361.

And

is

GENERAL INDEX.
fleet,

,509
His
difficulties in

428.

Concludes a peace with Imilcon, 429.

demands of the mercenaries, 432. Settles the Greeks at Restores Messena, and establishes six hundred PeloponLeontini, 433. nesian Messenians there, 434. Removes them to the north of Sicily, 435.
satisfying the

Is discomfited, and nearly taken prisoner, in his attack on Tauromenium, Plunders the Rhegian territory, 441. 439. Conciliates the greater part of the Sicels, ib. Concludes Supports Agyrus, chief of Agyrium, 442. a treaty with Magon, the Carthaginian general, relative to the Sicels, 443. Reduces Tauromenium, and confers it on the Syracusan mercenaries, 444.

Enters into an alliance with the Leads an army against Rhegium, 447. His generous treatment of the Rhegians and Crotoniats, Lucanians, ib. Grants terms to the Rhegians, 4.51. 449. Is Besieges Rhegium, 452. wounded in a sally, ib. Takes Rhegium, and behaves with clemency to the inhabitants, 453. Is proposed as an example by Isocrates, 456. His

measures for strengthening the Sicilian navy, ib. Represses the piracy of the Tuscans, 457. Defeats the Carthaginians under Magon, 459. a with Embellishes and Concludes treaty Magon, 460. enlarges Syracuse, His public revenue, 462 466. His propensity to literature, 468. 461.

His poetical talents, ib. Is unsuccessful at the Olympic games, ib. ImSends ten ships to the probable story of his treatment of Plato, 469. Becomes the ally of Athens, assistance of Lacedaemon at Corcyra, 471. Takes ib. Assembles a vast army and fleet for war with Carthage, 472. Fails in an attempt on Lilybaeum, ib. Selinus, Eryx, and Entella, 473. His death, ib. His chaNegotiates a truce with the Carthaginians, ib. 482. Absolute in executive power, and so far not untruly racter, 473 The family he called " tyrant of Syracuse, and of Sicily and Italy," 482.
left

behind him,

vi. 2.

ionysius the younger, tyrant of Syracuse, son of Dionysius the elder, by Doris, vi. 2. Respective characters and capabilities of Dion and Dionysius the younger of succeeding Dionysius the elder, in the government of SyDion supported by Philistus, 3. And elected without opporacuse, 2. The flourishing state of Syracuse not owing to his character sition, ib. His love of pleasure and dissipation, ib. Discovers the and talents, 5. Allows him the Banishes him to Corinth, 9. treachery of Dion, 8. means of living there splendidly, ib. Receives his wife and children into his own house, ib. .Goes \\ith Philistus to Italy, to provide against the Inventions of historians repreparations of Dion and Heraclides, 11.

specting his treatment of his sister, Dion's wife, and credit due to them, 12. He and Philistus, on their return from Italy, finding themselves still in possession of the citadel, propose an accommodation with Dion, which is refused, 14. They resort to arms, ib. On the death of Philistus, DionyOffers to surrender the citadel, and sius again attempts to negotiate, 18. Retires thither for supplies, and pass to Italy on certain conditions, ib. Is intrusts the command to his son Apollocrates, 20. Quits Locri, 35.
Is defeated by Icetes, 49. re-elected autocrator-general, 36. Negotiates His distress there, 79. Rewith Timoleon, and retires to Corinth, 52. Fate of his family, 80. tires to Epirus, ib.

of Halicarnassus, his remarks on the funeral oration of

thenes,
vii.

Demos-

Dionysus. Diophantus 322.

166 169. See Bacchus.

sent
to

Thermopylae,

vi.

321.

Honours decreed

to

him,

Defence of, Diopithes, appointed Athenian commander in Thrace, vii. 41. by Demosthenes, 44. Its effect, 47. His successes against Macedon, 49. Diphilus, the Athenian commander, defeats the Corinthian squadron, iii. 249. Diphridas appointed commander-in-chief of the Lacedaemonian forces in Takes TiRestores the affairs of Lacedaemon there, ib. Asia, iv. 431.
Diridotis,

granes prisoner, ib. on the Euphrates, account

of, viii.

341.

510

GENERAL INDEX.

Dispatches of gererals, usually committed to trusty messengers, iii. 230. The first sent in writing by Nicias, 231. Divernois, M., notice of, vii. 246. Dodona, account of the oracle of, 186, 187. Considered by M. Hardion not to have been the oldest in Greece, 187. note. This opinion controverted,
' '

ib. "

188. note.
,

Dodwell, Mr.,
disputed,

situation of, vii. 217. his Ann. Thuc.

commended, ii. 199. note. His authority and Xenophon supported, as to the season of the ceremony called

Thermophoria, v. 16. note. Dokimasia, or scrutiny, iv. 82. Doloncians colonise the Thracian Chersonesus, i. 479, 480. Dolphins, use of machines so called, in naval action, iii. 252. Dorcis appointed commander of the Grecian fleet, ii. 204. Dorian cities of Sicily, how affected towards Syracuse, v. 387. Sicilians, war between them and the Ionian Sicilians, iii. 155, 156. Doric dialect, over what states it extended, i. 1 83. Distinctions order, not peculiar to the Dorian Greeks, ii. 175. note. between this order and the Ionic, ib. Dorieus, elder brother of Leonidas, notice of, ii. 144. War of, with Phocis, ii. 256. Plundered by Doris, boundaries of, i. 12.
i

the Phocians,
,

vi. 287. daughter of Xenetus of Locri, marries Dionysius the elder, of Syra-

cuse, v. 4O3. Doriscus, siege of, ii. 21O. Doryphori, or spear-bearers, the attendants of the tyrants, i. 395. AoDXoj and "AvJpa.TroJ'ov, distinction between, iv. 194. note. Downs, vii. 449. Draco, notice of the legislative code of, i. 357. Dramatic style, a propensity to the, common in ancient history,
note.

i.

449.

Drangia, notice of the country and people of, viii. 82. 250. note. Druidical religion, allusion to, i. 109. " Dryden, historical fidelity of, in his Ode of Alexander's Feast," 153. Ducetius, king of the Sicels, notice of, iii. 151 Dying Gladiator, remarks on the statue of, v. 227. note.

viii.

37.

Dyme,

i.

14.

E.
Earth and water given as an acknowledgment of subjection, i. 414. Notice of earthquakes Earthquake at Lacedcemon, account of, ii. 2S9, 240. in Greece, 478. Effect of the terrors of one, iii. 303, 304. Eastern dialects, observations on the use of vowels in, i. 126, 127. 455. nations, politically connected with Greece, view of, i. 415

*H,

signification of a<f>" ntf, v. 47. Of embassies Ecbatana, the capital of Media, arrival of Darius at, viii. 40. Darius's flight from, 53. Its treasury intrusted to Harpalus, 55. at, 41. Hephaestion's death, at, 406. Eclipse of the moon, its effect upon the Athenians at Syracuse, iii. 264. Condition of Ecspondi, and Enspondi, distinction between, ii. 462, 463. the Ecspondi, v. 3. Battle Edessa, the Macedonian seat of government removed from, vi. 101. Festival celebrated there by Philip, vii. 174. The place of his of, 122.

assassination, ib.

Edinburgh, strong resemblance of

its site

to that of Argos, Corinth,

and

Athens, i. 46. Edonians, defeated by the Greek army,

ii.

238.

GENERAL INDEX.
,

511

Education, system of, pursued at Sparta, i. '282 28.5. what kind of, in request at Athens, in the time of Plato, Xenophon, &c. iv. 125. Eetionea, destruction of the fort of, iii. 377, 378. 'Hye/uHn, signification of the title, iii. 421, 422. note. Egesta, foundation of, i. 348.
,
,

held by the Elymians, ii. 138. 147. war between it and Selinus, iii. 165.

Solicits assistance

from the

Which is granted, 168. Poverty of, 189, 190. Athenians, 165, 166. -, the Egestans apply to Carthage for protection against Selinus, v. 32O. Join the Carthaginian army under Hannibal, 321. Egesta is besieged by Dionysius, 414. The first regular Egypt, advantages presented by, to its first occupants, i. 6. The mother of the arts, ib. Geometry government constituted in, ib. invented in, 6, 7. Improvements attributed to, 7. Early civilisation, 7. Causes that rendered Egypt Colonies from, established in Greece, 27. 46. The chief source of the the great school of superstition, 88, 89. 185. Flourishing state of, previously to the Persian invagods of Greece, 95. of 438. sion, 436 Persia, 440. Conquered by Cambyses, king the greater part of, in rebellion, ii. 251. , Expedition of the Athenians The defeated Greeks there 251 253. to, by Megabyzus, 265. revolts from the Persian empire, and becomes an independent monarchy,
243. Tachos, its king, engages Agesilaus to command his army, and Deserted by his people, Tachos takes refuge in Chabrias his fleet, 250. Nectanabis seated on the Egyptian throne, 253. Sidon, 252. recovered by the Persians, _vii. 369. , Egyptian hieroglyphics of ArSubmits to Alexander, 538. taxerxes Ochus, 369, 370. His arrangements there, 551 554. Eion, siege of, ii. 209, 210.
v.
,

by

whom

colonised,

iii.

37, 38.

Held by the Athenians,

40.

Garrisoned by Philip, ib. Observations on Elatea, situation of, vii. 125. the occupation of, 177 180. note. Notice of the Elean games, 207. Elea, province of, i. 14. Advantages
procured to the Eleans, by the establishment of the Olympic games in Elea, Sketch of the history of Elea, 265, 266. Discordances among 210, 211. writers relative to its history, 267. note.
Elections, English, allusion to, vi. 169. Elephant-hunters, Indian, account of, viii. 181, 182.

Eleus, taken by Charidemus, vi. 205. Eleusinian mysteries, probable origin of, i. 101. Eleusinians, conduct of Critias and his party towards them, Fate of the oligarchal leaders, 70. of, 59. Eleutheria, or feast of freedom, account of, iii. 149.
Elis, dispute
,

iv.

58.

Massacre

between Lacedaemon and, iii. 82, 83. 107, 108. war with Lacedaemon, iv. 322 324. Submission of the Elians, 325.

, the Elians oppose the universal independency of the Grecian cities, at Causes of alienation between Elis and the congress of Athens, v. 109. The Elians make themselves masters of Lasion, 190. Arcadia, 139, 140. Engage in war with Arcadia, 191. Elis entered by the Arcadian army, ib. The democratical leaders seize its citadel, ib. But are compelled to The war terminated by the interference of the Aehoeans, flee to Pylus, 192. Elea re-inElis returns to its connexion with Lacedaemon, ib. 193.

vaded by the Arcadians, 198.

The Eleans

defeated, ib.

their apostate fellow-citizens in Pylus, 2O2.

Put to death Are excluded by the Arca-

Defeat the dians from the presidency of the Olympian festival, 202, 203. Return to Elis, 205. Meet deputies from all the ArcaArcadians, 204. dian cities at Tegea, 21 1. after the combination among the Grecian re, conduct of the Elians
publics under Demosthenes,
vii.

344, 345.

.'512

GENERAL INDEX.
of, in

Eloquence, power
of,

the courts of justice at Athens,

iv.

79, 80.

Teachers;

126.

, study of, very important in Greece, v. 273. Elymians, of what nations they were composed, ii. 138. of i. In ancient Greece, 16. Esau, illustrated, Emigration

17.

(See Mi-

gration.)

Empedion, the Selinuntine, obtains terms from Hannibal, v. 323. Encampments of the ancient Greeks, i. 151, 152.
England, plan
to

be adopted in case of the invasion

of, vii.

Britain, British constitution, and British islands. ) Enna, a town of Sicily, the tyrant of, deposed by Dionysius,

400. note. (See

v.

388.

Passes

dominion of the Messenians of Tyndaris, 436. Enotomarch and Enotomy, explanation of the terms, i. 293 296. Enspondi and Ecspondi, distinction between, ii. 462, 463. Entella, a town of Sicily, a body of Campanian horse quartered at, v. 382. Who settle there, after slaying all the male inhabitants, 383. Taken by
to the

Dionysius, 473.
,

besieged by the Carthaginians,

vi.

47.

At the head of the Theban ambassadors Epaminondas, character of, v. 61. at the congress of Lacedaemon, 84. Directs, with Pelopidas, the Theban Gains, with his colleague, the victory of Leuctra, 89 93. councils, 86.
Is appointed to

command

the

army of

the

Theban confederacy, 121.

Wastes Corinthia, 122. Invades Laconia, 123. Invests Gythium, 127. Patronises the building of Is compelled to withdraw from Laconia, 130. the new city of Messena, 131. Commands the confederate army sent into His liberal policy to the Achaeans, 158. His reception of Achaia, 157. the Arcadian ministers, 214. Fails in his maritime attempts against Motives for his fourth invasion of Peloponnesus, 220, Athens, 219, 220. Is joined by nume221. Barthelemy's view of his character, 221. note. rous allies, 222. His inactivity at Tegea commended by Xenophon, 223, 224. Marches for Sparta, 225. Is disappointed of his hope to surprise Is worsted by the city, 226. Hastens to the Mantinean territory, 228. the Athenian horse, 228, 229. Gains the battle of Mantinea, 233 235. Is wounded, and dies, 235. and note. His mode of fighting noticed, viii. 17.
Eparites, or select militia of Arcadia, described, v. 199. 206. 210. Ephebi, registry of the, i. 372. Ephesus, city of, its foundation, i. 341. iii. 409. , attempt upon, by Thrasyllus, Tumult at, 417, 418. Alexander's ., circumstances of, vii. 416, 417. arrival there, 419. Brings forward the meaEphialtes, head of a party against Cimon, ii. 247. sure for depressing the power of the Areopagus, 249. Their funcEphors, magistrates so called, when installed at Sparta, i. 328.
of, i. 218. Epicrates, condemned to death, for procuring the escape of the wife and children of Themistocles, ii. 225, 226. Epidamnus, colony of, when founded, i. 262. ; ii. 306. The Epidamnians apply to the oracle at Delphi, and send a deputation to Corinth in conseSurrenders to the Assistance derived from that state, 308. quence, 307.

tions, 329. Ephorus,'the Greek historian, notice

Corcyraeans, 310. Invaded by the Argives, Epidauria, ravaged by the Theban army, v. 135. 139. Siege of, 128. Epidaurus, war of Argos with, iii. 112, 113. Epimenides, a philosopher of Crete, invited by Solon to undertake the superHis disinterested conduct, intendence of the religion of Athens, i. 362. ib. 363. Assault of, Epipolae, what part of the suburb of Athens so called, iii. 216. 260. at Syracuse, 257

GENERAL INDEX.
Epipolae, hill of, near Syracuse, fortified by Dionysius, v. 392. Epirus, inhabitants of, i. 11.
,
,

513

description of, vi. 290, 291. notice of, vii. 218.

of, iv. 215. note. i. 377, 378. or Epistoleus, vice-admiral, when the term was first used, iii. 471. Syno" with the Roman nymous Legatus," ib. note. commander of the Lacedaemonian forces at Sphacteria, ii. 517. Epitadas, Epitaph, remarkable, on the daughter of Hippias, i. 408. the Epiteles, Argive general, protects the building of Messena, v. 131. Epyaxa, wife of Syennesis, attends the camp of Cyrus with her troops, iv. 154. Effect upon her of the review of the Grecian troops, 155.
''ETfitra^a.i,

meaning

Epistates, office of, at Athens,

Equal law,
i.

right of, peculiar to the English

constitution,

how

derived,

255. note.

Erasinides, appointed one of the ten generals, on the deposition of Alcibiades and Thrasybulus, iii. 434. Condemned to death and executed, 459. Eratosthenes, notice of the chronological system of, i. 219. The Erbitaeans Erbita, a town of Sicily, its chief migrates to Alesa, v. 389.

become allies of Syracuse, ib. Erechtheus, king of Attica, notice

of, i. 49. Erechtheus and Erichthonia, the same person, ib. note. Eretria, an Athenian colony, before the Trojan war, i. 389. Siege and capture of, by the Persians, 494, 495. Humane treatment of the Eretriari prisoners, by Darius, 506. welcomes the Thebans, vi. 176.
,

Ergophilus of Athens, sent against Thrace, vi. 201. Erichthonius, king of Dardania, account of, i. 72, 73.
Erygyius, the Macedonian, joins Alexander,
92.
viii.

62.

Kills Satizarbanes,

Erythrae, city

of, its

foundation,

i.

341.

Eryx, foundation of the town of, i. 348. ii. 138. , held by the Elymians, taken by Dionysius, v. 473. Erzerum, climate of, iv. 231. note. Esau, migration of, illustrated, i. 16. Eteonicus, the Lacedaemonian general, stratagem adopted by, on receiving the news of the defeat of the Peloponnesians, iii. 447, 448. Suppresses
,

the sedition at Chios, 469. Etruria, sketch of the history of, ii. 155, 156. Their proficiency in the arts, 153. 154. Etruscans, origin of the, ii. 152 note. they were connected with the Corinthians, 155.

How

Eubcea, island, power of, i. 338, 339. , course of the navigation from, to Cuma, on the Campanian coast, ii. 168, 169. A colony of Eubwans settle at Cuma, on the Campanian plain, Which is conquered by them, 171, 172. 170, 171. ii. 284. , revolt of, Its importance to Athens, ib. Interfe-, account of, vi. 174, 175. rence of Thebes in, 176. Revolt of the Euboaans against Athens, ib. Euboea chosen by Timotheus They return to their allegiance, 178. How governed, 367, 368. Troubles of, 368 as his place of exile, 367. 370. Affairs of, 405. 58. Its , the situation of, engages the attention of Demosthenes, vii. liberties restored by him, 60. Its subjection to the party of Callias, 61. , the Euboeans propose to revolt from the Athenian to the Lacedaemonian confederacy, iii. 297, 298. Importance of Euboea to Athens, 380. Revolts to the Lacedaemonians, 381. Eubulus, decree proposed by him, vii. 65. Eucles, commander, with Thucydides, of the Athenian forces in Thrace,
iii.

37.

VOL.

VIII.

LL

GENERAL INDEX.
Euclides, a soothsayer, anecdote of him and Xenophon, v. 284. Eudamides, the Lacedaemonian general, marches for Thrace, v. 13.

Occupies

343. Alexander's passage down, 369. Eumenes, of Cardia, Alexander's principal secretary, viii. 131. Notices of, Married to a daughter of Artahazus, 210. 285. 357. 427. 441. note. One of the compilers of the Royal Day-book, 285. His dispute 356. with Hephaestion, 404. Eumolpus, settlement of, in Eleusis, i. 49. Eunuchs, at the Persian court, generally foreigners, ii. 75. Preferred by Great wealth acquired by traffic in, ib. Cyrus for his confidants, ib. Eupatridae, or nobly born, privileges of, i. 251.

Eulaeus

Potidaea, 14. river, notice of,

viii.

Euphaes, king of Messenia, prudent conduct

of,

in training his people for

His death in battle, 308. 305. Euphorion, notice of, vii. 221.
war,
i.

Euphrates, the provinces bordering upon the, first settled after the flood, i. 5, crossed by Alexander, viii. 8. Its source, 418. Its course described, 419. Euphron becomes tyrant of Sicyon, v. 168. Withdraws from .ZEneas of Is Recovers his ascendancy, and goes to Thebes, 171. Stympalus, 170. Is buried with public pomp in the agora of assassinated there, 172. Sicyon, 173. Eupolemus, son of Icetes, his execution, vi. 65. Eupolpidas, commander of Plataea, his plan of escape from the garrison,
ii. 439. Euripides, benefits received by the Athenian prisoners in Sicily from reciting his verses, iii. 288. his residence at the Macedonian court, vi. 93. , Europeans, their innate love of freedom, vii. 262, 263.

Eurotas, river, i. 14. AnecEurybiades, admiral of the Grecian fleet at Artemisium, ii. 47, 48. Receives the reward of the olive Character of, 67. dote of, 64. note.

crown, 87. Her interEurydice, queen of Macedonia, married to Amyntas, vi. 106. Accused of intrigues by Justin, 112. note. view with Iphicrates, 110. And joins the Eurylochus, the Spartan, passes through Acarnania, ii. 489. Killed in battle with Demosthenes, 491. Ambraciots in Olpse, ib. Restores Cirrha, 242. the Thessalian, destroys Crissa, vi. 240. , 242. note. Contradictory accounts respecting, 240 Eurymachus, plot concerted between him and Nauclides, ii. 358, 359. Eurymedon, sea-fight of the, ii. 214. Battle of, 215. Athenian admiral, impolicy of his conduct at Corcyra, , the ii. 474. Operations of the fleet under the command of Eurymedon and
Sophocles, 497

499.

iii.

158
5.

161.

They

assist the

democratic, against the

aristocratic Corcyraeans,

iii.

Surrender the latter to the fury of the

former, 6. (See Demesthenes.) Euryptolemus, son of Pisianax, the part he took in the defence of the Athenian generals impeached for their conduct at the battle of Arginussse, iii. 454 458. Eurystheus, king of Argos, enmity of, to Heracles (or Hercules) and the
Heraclidae,
i.

34, 35.

Slain in Attica, 36.

-^^

Eurytus, Spartan, notice of, ii. 44. Euthymus of Leontoni, his execution, vi. 65. Euthyne, or Scrutiny, i. 380. Revolution effected by Evagoras, prince of Salamis, his descent, iv. 378. him in Salamis, 378, 379. His character among the most perfect known to history, 379. His friendly relations with Athens, ib. Friendship between him and Conon, 381. Relations of, with Athens, 442, 443. endeavours to unite Cyprus under his authority, v. 244. Ravages His fleet defeated by the PerPhoenicia, and takes Tyre by storm, 246.

GENERAL INDEX.
is besieged in Salamis, ib. Is sian, ib. his acquisitions, but allowed to retain Salamis,

515

compelled to surrender all with the title of king, 247. the eunuch ib. note. Nicocles, by Examiners, at Athens, nature of their office, iii. 196. at an victor the Exasnetus, Agrigentine, Olympic games, v. 338. His return celebrated with extraordinary magnificence, ib.
Is assassinated

He

F.

Fagus not the beech,

i.

8. note.
i.

(See also

i.

186. note.)

Fate, how personified, 10O. note.

99.

Office of, ib. 10O.

Power

of,

over the gods,

Female

of, i. 172, 173. 244, 245. (See Games.) Feudal vassalage, a near resemblance to, in the tenures of principalities in Persia, v. 247. note. Fir, the silver, not found in Britain in Cassar's time, i. 10. note. " Fish Eaters," the people so called, as described by Nearchus, viii. 305. Attacked by him, 306. Five Hundred, the. See Council. Fleece, golden, expedition of the, i. 41. Flood, traditions of all nations bear testimony to a general flood, i. 3. Floods of Deucalion, i. 42. And of Ogyges, ib. 44. Of Mesopotamian rivers, viii. 417. 428. Foot-race, the only game exhibited at the Olympian festival as established by Another sort of, termed " Diaulos," afterwards added, ib. Ipliitus, i. 21 1. Forty, the itinerant judges appointed by Solon, so designated, i. 383, 384. Four Hundred, the. See Council. France, atrocities of the revolution in, illustrate Grecian history, and exculExtract from M. Calonne's pate the Grecian character, iii. 459, 460.

character,

Homer's estimation

Festivals, Grecian,

how

regulated,

i.

letter to
,

Louis XVI., 465, 466. note.

similarity between the proceedings of the committee of public welfare at Paris, and those of the Athenian council of thirty, iv. 55. note. French and Greek republics, v. 169. note. , comparison between the

measures of the promoters of the revolution in, noticed, French mutilation of classical names, i. 34. note. orthography of Asiatic names, viii. 252. note. Frenet, M., his remarks upon the Arundel marbles, i. 220, 221. Fruits of Alcinous's garden, i. 139. and note. Funeral anniversary instituted by the Athenians, ii. 181.
,

vii.

248.

note.

ceremonies among the Persians, ii. 10. of the Athenians, iii. 383, 384. of the Odrysians, iv. 310 honours of the slain at Platoea, ii. 120, 121.
Furies, office of,
i.

99, 100.

Future
i.

state

of rewards and punishments,

how

far

known

to the ancients,

109.

G.
Gadrosia opposes Alexander, by Alexander, 267272.
viii.

265.

Is subdued, 266.
vi.

Its desert passed

Gaesylus reconciles Dion and Heraclides, Galleys, ancient, nature of, i. 460.
.

25.
ii.

their form,

neral Melvill

and management in and M. Pags, 79 83.

action,

69.

a bireme, in the Vatican

Museum

at

The most Rome, 80.

Remarks on, by Geperfect representation of

L L

516
Galleys,

GENERAL INDEX.
improvement in the construction of the Corinthian
i.

Dartmen employed

212. Delphian, Isthmian, and Nemean games, 213. son of and Gaos, Tiribazus, revolts, joins Acoris, king of Egypt, v. 248. Garden, public, the first laid out by Pisistratus, i. 404. Gaugamela, or Arbela, account of the battle of, viii. 15 25. Gauls, the, send embassies to Alexander the Great, vii. 311. and note. Taken by Alexander, 535. Gaza, description of, vii. 534.
Gela, foundation of, i. 349. 139. , notice of, ii. of the Agrigentine citizens , the majority

Games, origin of, 207. Olympian games, 208

galleys, iii. 249. in the ancient galleys, 254, 255. See Ships. ) ( Notice of the Pythian games, 206. Elean games, 205.

flee to, v. 347. Dexippus, the Lacedaemonian commissioner, resumes his station at, 355. Faction at, how quelled by Dionysius, 356, 357. Is besieged by the Carthaginians under Imilcon, 365. The Geloans evacuate the place, and reach Syracuse,

368.
,

how governed under Timoleon,

vi.

73.

Gelanor, king of Argos, i. 29, 30. Gellias, the Agrigentine, his extraordinary magnificence and hospitality, v. 337. Perishes by fire at the taking of Agrigentum, 348. Gelon, tyrant of Syracuse, notice of, ii, 140. How he acquired the sovereignty Makes Syracuse the seat of government, 142, 143. His there, 141, 142. measures for harmonising and amalgamating the various petty states beWisdom and vigour of his government, 144. Puts longing to him, 143. himself at the head of his army, and engages and defeats Hamilcar, 146. Golden coins of his, yet in existence, ib. Popularity of his character, 149.
his government, ib. His appeal to an assembly of the people, 150. statue decreed to him, ib. Honourable exception in favour of this statue in after times, ib. Particulars in the history of Gelon, 151158. Sketch of the history of, iii. 144, 145. note. General assemblies at Athens, how often held, and their functions and power,

Remarks on

i. 377, 378. General-in-chief, importance of the office at Athens, Geneva, allusion to, vii. 208.

iii.

110, 111.

Genoa, local advantages of, v. 268. note. Geographical information, deficiency of, in the time of Alexander,
note.

viii.

232.

Geometry, invention of, in Egypt, i. 6, 7. Geranor, the Lacedaemonian polemarch, defeated and killed by the Arcadians, v. 139. Gerostratus, king of Aradus, submits to Alexander, vii. 518. Put to flight by Alexander the Great, Getes, the, notice of, ii. 381, 382. vii. 309. Gibbon, Mr., his elaborate account of the Scythians, noticed, i. 421. note. of the gospel with a precept of , his comparison of the golden rule Thales, impugned, iv. 123. note. his remarks on the orthography of the word " pashaw," viii. 252. ,
'

note.

country term, viii. 178. note.. Gladiator, fighting, statue of the, whom it was supposed to represent, v. 227. note.
Glaucias, king of Taulantia, repulsed by Alexander the Great, vii. 316. Glaucus, a prince of Corinth, i. 24. Glausees, or Glaucaneeks, account of, viii. 202. They enter into a treaty with

Gill, old north

Alexander,

ib.

God, derivation of the Greek name for, i. 94. note. and good, one word in Anglo-Saxon, i. 98. note.

Gods of Greece, Diodorus's account

cipally derived, 95.

of,

i.

91. note.

Their characters, 96, 97.

Whence princiSome of the duties of

GENERAL INDEX.
men
103.

517

crime they were supposed most to avenge, 104. to, Instances of the general belief that they interfered in human concerns Oracles of, 107, 108. 106, 107. Offerings to the gods after
victory,
viii.

What

ii. 85, 86. Goitre, existence of the, in the valleys of the Alps, and in Wallachia, 90. Gold, ancient method of collecting, from the beds of rivers, i. 41. Golden fleece, expedition of the, i. 41.

89

Gongylus, an Eretrian, his treachery rewarded by Persia, ii. 202. Made governor of Byzantium, 203. Carries proposals from Pausanias to the Persian

commander, his operations on the Sicilian coast, iii. 225, 226. Gordian knot, story of the, vii. 469 472. Gordium, the ancient capital of Lower Phrygia, notice of, vii. 458, 459.

court, ib. , the Corinthian

467471.
Gordius, a Phrygian yeoman, history of, vii. 469 471. Gorgias, of Leontini, the first rhetorician who reduced his profession to an art, iii. 156. His embassy to Athens, ib. Nature of his eloHis celebrity as a sophist, quence, and its effect on the Athenians, ib.
iv.

125, 126.

Gothic name, supposed founders of the, ii. 381. 310. Goths, country of the, vii. 308 Government, the first regular one constituted in Egypt, i. 6. Analysis of the governments of the early Greeks, 110 116. What circumstances distinguished the governments of the Grecian states from those of modern Europe, 250. Account of the different forms 247, 248. Defects of this system, 248 of government known to the Greeks, 251 254. of Aristotle's Treatise on Government, vii. 203 , examination
lican

Despotic government unknown in Europe, before the rise of repubCircumstances of modern government in Greece, vii. 262, 263. governments contrasted with the policy of Philip, 277. (See Athens, Constitution, Lacedaemon, Macedonia.)
212,
i.

GraDcia Propria, geographical description of,

11

14.

i. 122. note. 136. note. rpo.jM/u.aTa [a-fifjiara Xuypa,] explanation of, Battle of, 402 411. Granicus, river, description of, vii. 401 .

Greece, general history of, from the earliest accounts to the end of the Trojan How the oldest traditionary memorials of Greece differ war, i. 1. et seq. from those of barbarous ages, 1, 2. Greece the first country of Europe that was civilised, 9, 10. Early known to the Egyptian and Phenician naviga14. Its tors, 10. Geographical description of Graecia Propria, 11 Condition of its early inhabitants, 15. climate, 14, 15. Spirit of war and robbery prevalent among them, 17, 18. Account of the southern part of Greece, 19 26. Piracy repressed, and settlements formed, 22, 23.

Egyptian colonies there, 27. Pelasgian dominion in Greece, 26 28. Colonies from Phrygia and Thessaly under Pelops, 33 36. 29 32. The Athenians the first Account of the northern provinces, 38 66. in to show that the civilised people Greece, 67. Coincidences, tending early inhabitants of Greece, Asia Minor, and Thrace were the same, between and hostilities Greece The war of 75. 68 70. Early Asia, 74, Their return thence, 81, 82. State of the Greeks against Troy, 77. 1 10. Their government and jurisreligion among the early Greeks, 87 158. Their 119. Science, arts, and commerce, 119 prudence, 110
manners, 159
,

176.

from the Trojan war to the return of the Heraclida:, i. Return of the Heraclida?, 178, 179. Its effects on the lan177. et seq. guage of Greece, 181 183. Account of Grecian oracles, 189 196. In245. History of the vestigation of the chronology of Grecian history, 213 southern provinces of Greece, from the return of the Heraclidae to the conquest of Messenia by the Lacedaemonians, 246 324. Summary view of the
history of,

LL

518

GENERAL INDEX.

state of the northern provinces of Greece, and of the establishment of the View of the Eastern nations politically 351. early Grecian colonies, 330 connected with Greece, 415 455. First Persian armament against Greece,

483

485.

Second Persian armament, 493

498.

Defeat of the Persians,

502506.
Greece, history of, from the accession of Xerxes to the throne of Persia, till the conclusion of the first campaign of that monarch's expedition against Arrival of the Persian army and fleet at Therme in Greece, ii. 1. et seq. State of Greece at the time of the invasion under Xerxes, Macedonia, 1 1. 12 16. Responses of the Delphian oracle concerning the invasion, 17 19. Measures for forming a confederacy of Grecian commonwealths, 20. Disunion among the Greeks, 21 23. Assembly of deputies from the confederated commonwealths at Corinth, 23. Measures for defending the pass the Exertions of State of Thermopylae, 27. assembly at Corinth, 29. of the Grecian army at Thermopylae, and of the fleet at Artemisium, 30. Battle of Thermopylae, 37 45. Numbers of the Grecian fleet, 45 47. Retreat of the Grecian fleet, 52, 53. Sea-fights of Artemisium, 50, 51. Unsteady councils of the Grecian confederacy, 58, 59. Battle of Salamis,

7176.
, history of, from the battle of Salamis to the conclusion of the Persian invasion, ii. 84. et seq. Measures of the Grecian fleet, 84. 96. Campaign in Boeotia, 98. Battle of Plataea, Congress at Athens, 91 106 122. Measures of the Grecian fleet at Delos, 126. Battle of Mycale,

127130.
view of the people of the western countries politically connected , with the Greeks, and of the Grecian settlements in Sicily and Italy, ii.

134175.
,

affairs of,

from the conclusion of the Persian war to the

establish-

ment of
Cimon,

security for the Greeks against the barbarians, by the successes of ii. 176. et Dedications, festivals, and monuments in Greece, seq.

War prosecuted occasioned by the victories over the Persians, 179, 180. against Persia under Pausanias and Aristides, 200. New confederacy of the Greeks, 207. Successes of the confederate arms under Cimon, 209. Battle of the Eurymedon, 214. affairs of, from the establishment of its security against Persia, to , the truce for thirty years between Athens and Lacedsemon, ii. 231. et seq. War of Argos and Mycenae, an instance of the miseries to which Greece was liable, from the defects of its political system, 243, 244. Expedition to Egypt, 2.51. 265. War between the different states of Greece, 253 264. Expedition to Cyprus. 275. Policy of the Grecian republics for holding the weaker republics in subjection, 280. Thirty years' truce, 286. -, affairs of, from the thirty years' truce to the Peloponnesian war, ii. 288. et seq. Project for the union of Greece, 297. War between Samos and Miletus, 299. Between Corcyra and Corinth, 307. Sea-fight off Actium, 310. Sea-fights off Sybota, 315. Infraction of the thirty years' truce, 319. Wars in Greece, 320. Battle and siege of Potidaea, 329. Assembly of Second deputies of the Peloponnesian confederacy at Lacedaemon, 331. assembly, 344. War with Athens resolved, 347. Attempt of the Thebans 356 363. against Plataea, , history of the Peloponnesian war, from its commencement to the death of Pericles, ii. 364. et seq. Expedition of the Corinthians against Acarnania and Cephallenia, 385. Barbarity of the Grecian system of war, 399. , of the Peloponnesian war, from the death of Pericles, in the third
year, to the application for peace from Lacedaemon, in the seventh, i. 405. et seq. 411. Affairs Siege of Plataea by the Peloponnesians, 405

of the western parts of Greece, 412 415. Battle near Stratus, 415, 4J6. 424. Sea-fight between the Peloponnesian and Athenian fleets, 417 446. Siege of Platasa, 439 442. Siege of Mitylene by Paches, 437. 442

GENERAL INDEX.

519

Platasa taken, 458. Operations of the Athenian and Peloponnesian 476. fleets, 469 Operations of the Athenians, under Nicias, on the eastern side of Greece, and under Demosthenes on the western, 479 481. Battle of Olpae, 490, 491. Of Idomene, 493. Siege of Pylus, 503 506.

Blockade of Sphacteria, 511.

517520.

Attack upon the place by Demosthenes,

Greece, of the Peloponnesian war, from the application for peace from Lacedaemon, in the seventh year, to the conclusion of peace between Lacedasmon and Athens, in the tenth, iii. 1. et seq. Battle of Delium, 26 28. Of

Amphipolis, 65, 66.

Of the

Peloponnesian war, during the peace between

third Peloponnesian confederacy, 76. et seq. 95. Implication of interests of the principal Grecian republics, 106. Battle near Mantinea, 123 Account 126. Siege of Melos, 137, 138. of the expedition into Sicily, 162 288. Affairs of Greece from the con-

Lacedaemon and Athens,

clusion of the Sicilian expedition till the return of Alcibiades to Athens, in the twenty-fourth Effects year of the Peloponnesian war, 289. et seq. New through Greece of the overthrow of the Athenians in Sicily, 292. implication of Grecian and Persian interests, 299. Affairs of Greece, from the return of Alcibiades to Athens till the conclusion of the Peloponnesian

war, 423.
the rise of philosophy and literature in, iv. Transactions of the Greeks in Asia and Thrace, from the conclusion of the Peloponnesian war to the renewal of war between Lacedaemon and Persia, 142 298. Battle of Cunaxa, 172 177. Return of the Greeks, and their difficulties, 178 186. Treaty with the Persian king, 187. Dissensions of Greeks and Persians, 188, 1 89. Increase of mutual ill-will, 191. Seizure of the Grecian generals, 193. Their fate, 195. State of the army, 199. Xenophon chosen general, 201. Establishment of military law, 203, march through 204. Retreat of the Greeks passage of Mount Taurus Armenia arrival at Trapezus, 204 231. Transactions at Trapezus, Ce~ 264. Political state of rasus, Cotyora, Sinope, Heraclea, Port Calpe, 232 266. March of the army to Chrysopolis, 272. Arrival in Greece, 264 Europe, 273. Transactions at Byzantium, 273 276. Service of the army with a Thracian prince, 286 289. Engaged in the Lacedaemonian service, 290. Passage of the army to Asia, and its march to join the Lacedaemonian
,

summary view of

118

141.

forces, 291,292. affairs of the Greeks in Asia, from the renewal of the war between Lacedaemon and Persia to the renewal of war within Greece, iv. 299 368. Revolt of the Persian Greeks, 301. Condition of the Asian
,

Greeks, 313. 351.

-,

Bribery of the democratical leaders in the Grecian republics,

affairs of,

and transactions of the Greeks in Asia, from the

establish-

ment of the general confederacy against Lacedaemon, to the treaty between Lacedasmon and Persia, and the re-establishment of the Lacedaemonian power in Greece, through the general peace dictated in the king of Persia's name, commonly called the peace of Antalcidas, iv. 369. et seq. Confederacy in Greece against Lacedaemon, 369, 370. Preparations for the invasion of Laconia, 373. Battle of Corinth, and losses of the confederate army, 374, 375. Battle of Coronea, 384 386. Evils of the Grecian political system, 390 393. Improvement of the Grecian art of war, 406. The

peace of Antalcidas, 453.

to
affairs of, from the peace of Antalcidas to the elevation of Thebes Uncommon transupremacy by the battle of Leuctra, v. 1. et seq. Incon6. quillity in Greece, after the dispersion of the Mantineans, veniences of the Grecian political system, 8, 9. Intermarriages forbidden,
,

ib.

General congress at State of the smaller republics of Greece, 56. The Lacedaemonians resign their supremacy over the Lacedaemon, 82. Grecian cities, 83. State of Greece immediately before the battle of

Leuctra, 87.

LL

520

GENERAL INDEX.

Greece, affairs of, from the battle of Leuctra to the failure of the attempt to extend the Theban supremacy over Greece, through support from Persia, v. 94. et seq. Congress of the states of Greece at Athens, 107 Greece no longer fearful of the power of the ' Great King,' 109. or king of Persia, 108. Incapable of supporting general freedom, 110 113. Or of a generally beneficial union, 118. Deficiency of political At Susa, 147. At principle in Greece, 128. Congress at Delphi, 141.

Thebes, 149.
affairs of, from the failure of the attempt to extend the Theban supremacy over Greece, to the dissolution of the ancient system of Grecian
,

confederacy, through the event of the battle of Mantinea, v. 153. et seq. Greece ill prepared for internal quiet, 154. Similarity between the Greek and French republics, 169. note. Imperfect administration of justice, exin the trial of the assassins of Euphron of Sicyon, 172 176. emplified Exile familiar to the citizens of the Grecian republics, 178. Insecurity of in of natural state 182. The Greeks warfare the considered Greece, person man, 201. Democracy unfavourable to lasting peace in Greece, 217. The Lacedaemonian supremacy accounted for, ib. Dissolution of the ancient system of Grecian confederacy, 255, 256. affairs of the Grecian settlements in Sicily and Italy, from the , Athenian invasion to the settlement of the Syracusan government under

Dionysius and Hipparinus, vi. 310 364. affairs of the Greeks in Sicily and Italy, from the settlement of the , Syracusan government under Dionysius and Hipparinus, to the restoration of the Syracusan supremacy over the Sicilian, and its extension over the Italian and Greek cities, v. 365 397. -, affairs of the Sicilian and Italian Greek cities, from the establishment of the Syracusan empire to the death of Dionysius, v. 398 482. , affairs of the Grecian settlements of Sicily and Italy, from the death of the first Dionysius to the death of the second Dionysius, vi. 1 36. From the restoration of the younger Dionysius to the death of Timoleon, 37 80. Affairs of Greece during the first period of the contest for possession of the temple and treasury of Delphi, called the Phocian, or the sacred war, 234 310. Second period of the sacred war, when Macedonia was implicated, 311 373. Affairs of, during the third period of the sacred war, when Athens and Macedonia became principal parties, 374. et seq. Congress of Grecian embassies at the Macedonian court,

436 and

438.
note.

Removed

to Pherae, 441.

and

note.

Meet

at

Thermopylae, 468.

-, affairs of, from the end of the sacred war to the acquisition of the lead of the war-party of Athens, and the authority of first minister of the From this period till the election of 51. republic, by Demosthenes, vii. 1 the king of Macedonia to the office of general of the Amphictyonic con106. From this period till the death of Philip, 107 198. federacy, 52 Account of its constituCongress of Grecian states at Corinth, 171. 261. And causes of deficient information concerning politics in tions, 253 Philip's age, 263, 264. affairs of, from the accession of Alexander, son of Philip, to the , Macedonian throne, till the conclusion of the war with the northern nations, and the restoration of disturbed union among the Grecian republics, vii. 283. et seq. The second congress, at Corinth, 297. Notice of Grecian 259. Account of Grecian pirates, representative assemblies, 241. 257 State of Grecian cities in Asia, 394. 415,416. 301, 302. and note. Affairs in Greece during Alexander's expedition, 488 Notice of 491. Grecian settlements in Cilicia, 480. Amount of Grecian troops in the Persian service, 485. 79. -, -affairs in, during Alexander's fourth campaign in Asia, viii. 40

ander's

Macedonian supremacy, 43. Affairs in, during Alexmarch from Carmania through Persia and Susiana, 345 407. Grecian embassies sent to Alexander at Babylon, 412 414. and notts.
State of, during the

GENERAL INDEX.
Respect for divination in,

521

439. (See Arcadia, Argos, Athens, Bceotia, Lacedaemon, Macedonia, Mantinea, Peloponnesus, Persia, Phocis, Thebes, Thessaly. ) Greeks, various appellations of, i. 198. and note. Griffins, fable of, viii. 88, 89. Gryllus, son of Xenophon, his death gives occasion to many epigrams, v. 308. The Mantineans cherish his memory, ib. Is represented, in a picture of the
battle of Mantinea, as giving the mortal note.

436

wound

to

Epaminondas,

ib.

and

Grynium, taken by Parmenio, vii. 389. Guischardt, M., remark upon the tactics of
note.

Xenophon and Thucydides,

i.

388.

Gyges, Lydian, notice of, i. 418. 424. Gylippus, son of Cleandridas, appointed to command the Lacedaemonian forces sent to the relief of Syracuse, iii. 213. His operations in Sicily, 226 230, 237 241. 251 27O. Harasses the retreat of the Athenians from Syracuse, and captures Nicias and Demosthenes, 279 284. Gylon, an Athenian, his treachery, vi. 336. Grandfather of Demosthenes, 337.

and note.
or school for exercise, no Grecian town without one, i. 384. Gythium, the naval arsenal of Lacedaemon, besieged by the Theban army

Gymnasium,

without success,

v.

127.

H.
the Argives, Hair, the cutting it off, Hales, Dr., his treatise on chronology noticed, i. 214. 227. note. Halicarnassus, foundation of, i. 342. , description of the city of, vii. 430. 434, 435.

a mark of mourning among

i.

327.

Siege

of,

435437.
Halicyaeans, the, Cartilage, 415. Halonnesus, island of, claimed by Athens from Macedonia, and why, vii. 25. Surrenders to the PepaOration on, 26 36. Embassies relative to, 26.
rethians, 51.

submit to Dionysius,

v.

414.

Renew

their connection with

Blockaded by Parmenio, 442. Halus, town of, noticed, vi. 416. 441. Its surrender, 46O. cluded from alliance, ib.

Ex-

Halyattes, king of Lydia, war of, against the Milesians, i. 422, 423. Defeated and slain at Hamilcar, general of the Carthaginian forces, ii. 146.

Himera,
,

ib.

derivation of the name, v. 334. note. Hampshire and the Isle of Wight, the existing towns on the coast of, vi. 92. note. ratively of recent origin,

compa-

Hand-arms,

iv.

209.

Hannibal, grandson of Hamilcar, leads a Carthaginian army into Sicily, v. 324. Storms Himera, 326. Sacri321. Besieges and takes Selinus, 321 fices three thousand prisoners to the manes of his grandfather Hamilcar, ib. Returns to Carthage, ib. Commands a second invasion of Sicily, 333. DeHis death, 343. rivation of his name, 334. note. Hanno, derivation of the name, v. 334. note. Enters the harbour of Syracuse, 50. vi. 47. > Entella, besieged by,
Retreats from it, 51. Hardion, M., his opinion respecting the antiquity of the oracle at Dodona controverted, i. 187,188. note. Hannodius. See Aristogiton. Harmosts, Lacedaemonian, office of the, iii. 319. of the word, iv. 417. note. , signification withdrawn from the Grecian cities, v. 86. , Harmoza, arrival of the Macedonian fleet at, viii. 319. Its history, 319.
,

GENERAL INDEX.
note.

S24.

Conduct of Nearchus at, 321, 322. His return thither, 326.

Departure of Nearchus from

it,

Subdues the Harpagus, the Persian general, captures Phocaea, i. 432, 433. other Asian Greeks, 434. Harpalus, a Macedonian, the conduct of Alaxander to, viii. 6. Appointed Proceeds to Athens, treasurer of Ecbatana, 55. His treachery, 397, 398. Returns to Tenarus, 400. Assassinated, ib. 399. Harpocration, his account of the Amphictyonic council, vi. 235. Harvest, management of the, in Greece and Sicily, v. 385.
v. 301. note. Observlanguage, uncertainty of the value of letters in, i. 99. note. ations on the vowels in, 127. The points in, imitated from the vowel points of the Arabs and Persians, 1 28. note. Hecataeus of Miletus, one of the earliest Grecian prose- writers, whose works had any considerable reputation with posterity, i. 129. 210. Hecatomnus, prince of Caria, assists Evagoras with money, v. 245. Hedylium, battle of, vi. 432. Hegelochus commands the Athenian horse which relieve Mantinea,v. 229, note. 544. , the Macedonian, account of his successes, vii. 542

Haugh, north country word, vii. 4O1. Hawkins, Mr., notice of his travels in Olympia,

Hebrew

Hegesippus, the oration on Halonnesus, attributed to him, vii. 28. Hegesistratus, his conference with Leotychides and Xanthippus, ii. 126. Helen, rape of, and its consequences, i. 75, 76. Helicon, mount, i. 113. Hellas, an ancient name of Greece, i. 11. Hellenes, origin of the name, i. 198. (See Panhellenes. ) Hellenotamix, or treasurers of Greece, their office, ii. 207. The ridiculous Hellespont, bridges of boats built over, by Xerxes, ii. 5. punishment of, by him, disputed, 8. War of MaceHellespontine cities, embassy of Demosthenes to the, vii. 63. donia with, 63 65. Helon, i. 37. Heloris, a poet, observation attributed to, by Diodorus, v. 379. note. at the head of the Rhegian force against Dio, a Syracusan, placed nysius, v. 438. Appointed to command the Rhegians and Crotoniats, 449.
.

His death,

ib.

Helos, town of, noticed, i. 290. Their unhappy condition, 290, 291. Helots, origin of, i. 29O. Revolt of the , proportion of, attending the Grecian army, ii. 105. Lacedaemonian Helots, 239. How suppressed by Archidamus, ib. 24O. Spread themselves over the country, and become formidable in the field, 240. Seize upon Ithome, and are blockaded there by Archidamus, 24 1 . Who is afterwards joined by the Athenians, ib. How rewarded by them, , massacre of, by the Lacedaemonians, iii. 18. 85. Rebellion among the, 412. Their revolt, 131. , enrolled by the Spartans, v. 125.
Hephaestia, Hephaestion, the Macedonian, notice of, vii. 511. , is wounded at Arbela, viii. 21. Appointed a commander of the His employment in Sogdia, 133. His opinion king's companions, 78. on Alexander's marriage, 134. Sent against Astes, 164. Completes a His appointment, 234. Joined by Alexbridge over the Indus, 176. Proceeds to Pattala, 255. Commands the main body, 264. ander, 245. Joins Alexander, 265. His appointment in Carmania, 345. Is married to a daughter of Darius, 356. His character, 361. Receives a golden His dispute with Eumenes, 4O4, 405. His illness and death crown, ib. 405, 406Heraclea, affairs of the Lacedamonian colony of, iii. 109, 1 10. , transactions of the Cyrean army there, iv. 251 253. Conduct of
.

the Lacedaemonian

government

to,

317, 318.

GENERAL INDEX.

523

Heraclea, how treated by Jason of Pherae, v. 103, 104. See Hercules. Heracles. Heraclidse expelled from Peloponnesus, i. 35. They reconquer that country, 178, 179. Dissensions among the Heraclidean princes, 203. Their effects, 204. Form of government established by them, 247. Heraclides of Syracuse, his character, vi. 6'. Opposes the administration of Philistus, ib. Banished from Syracuse, 8. Levies forces in Peloponnesus, 10. Arrives at Syracuse, 15. Appointed to the command of the fleet, ib. Thwarts Dion in his views, and is chosen one of the Gains a victory, 16.

newly elected twenty-five generals, 19. Becomes unpopular, and is obliged to concur in an invitation for Dion's return, -zl. Is again appointed to the command of the fleet, ib. Jealousy between him and Dion, 24. When sent to oppose Pharax, separates from him, 25. Is once more reconciled to Assassinated by order of Dion, him, ib. Deprived of his command, 26.
28.

and Python of JSnus assassinate Cotys, vi. 205. Heracon, Alexander's general, tried and acquitted, viii. 275. Tried again and
of, plundered and wasted by the Arcadians, v. 121. Heralds sent into Greece by Darius, i. 485. Hercules, or Heracles, history of, i. 34 56. Capture of Troy by, 73. how his name became connected with mount Aornos, viii. 175. , Alexander sacrifices to, 179. Herippidas, his conduct to the inhabitants of the Trachinian Heraclea, iv.

executed, 276. Heraea, commonwealth

317, 318.
Effect of his Hermocrates, the Syracusan leader, his character, iii. 161. eloquence, ib. Procures a peace throughout Sicily, ib. Measures proposed by him relating to the Athenian invasion, 184, 185. His speech at the

general assembly of the people, 185. How opposed by Athenagoras, 186, His speech at the second assembly, 2O5. Appointed commander187. His embassy to Camarina, 207, 208. His measures for in-chief, 206. His operations in conjunction with the defence of Syracuse, 220, 221. His stratagem to prevent the departure of the 270. Gylippus, 251 How he possessed the confidence Athenians from Syracuse, 272, 273. of his soldiers, 400. Remarkable Superseded by the government, 401. instance of attachment of the armament to. him and his colleagues, is where he to Goes Lacedaemon, honourably received, 403. 4O1, 402. And afterwards to Pharnabazus, who furnishes him with money, ib. His government overin v. affairs 317. at the head , Syracuse, thrown by Diocles, 318. Is banished, ib. Arrives at Messena, 326.

Returns to Syracuse, and is killed in the agora, Retakes Selinus, 328. 331. Hermolaus, a Macedonian page, his conspiracy against Alexander, viii. 152 His trial and condemnation, 155. 155. Hero-worship, not known in the time of Homer, i. 102, 103. Herodotus, veracity of, vindicated, i. 400. 450. note. of the adventurers in the colonisation of Thurium, ii. 164. , one
Hesiod, citations from, confirming Scripture history, i. 92. 93. Religious " " the Import of the title king," in his poem of system of, 105. Observations on his chronology, 226, Works and Days," 118, 119.
227. Hieroglyphic writing, the supposition that
it preceded alphabetical writing Picture-writing, probably learned from Egypt,

mere conjecture,
ib.
,

i.

122.

Hieromnemon, a
council,
i.

Egyptian hieroglyphics of Artaxerxes Ochus, vii. 369, 370. representative, sent from every state to the Amphictyonic
;

201.

vi.

245.

Hieron of Syracuse succeeds to the throne, iii. 1 44. His character and talents, His encouragement of learned men, ib. Duration of his reign, 147. 146.
,

the Cilician, sent to explore the Persian gulf,

viii.

418.

524
. ,

GENERAL INDEX.
to the battle of,
v.
ii.

Himera, foundation of, i. 349. causes which gave rise

battle, 146, 147. 151
, besieged con, 417.

145, 146.

Account of the
Submits to Imil-

153. note.

and stormed by Hannibal,

324

326.

Hipparinus appointed autocrator-general, in conjunction with Dionysius, v. 359. and note. His daughter Aristomache married to Dionysius, 404. of Diouysius the elder by Aristomache, notice , the younger, son Obtains the chief power at Syracuse, 34. of, vi. 2. Hippeis, horsemen, or knights, rank of, i. 373.
Hippias, author of a catalogue of the victors in the Olympian games, i. 218. the Arcadian commander, treachery and cruelty of Paches to him, , ii. 448. of Elis, his celebrity as a sophist, iv. 1 26. , . and Hipparchus, sons of Pisistratus, account of the administration Death of Hipparchus, of, i. 4O5, 406. Conspiracy against them, 407. Defeated by the Lacedae4O8. Subsequent government of Hippias, ib. monians, he surrenders Athens, and retires to Sigeum, 410. 468. Solicits the assistance of Persia, 469. Hippoclides, the richest and the handsomest Athenian of his time, vii. 221. His death, 141. Hippocrates, tyrant of Gela, notice of, ii. 140.
*.

the Athenian, marches to Delium, and fortifies the post, iii. for the battle of Delium, 26. Is slain there, 28. Killed in , the Lacedaemonian, commands in Chalcedon, iii. 414. a skirmish with the Athenians, ib.
,

25.

His preparations

vi. 67, 68. Histiaeus, tyrant of Miletus, a favourite of Darius, i. 457. grants him Priis summoned to the Persian court, ib. territory in Thrace, 458. vately recommends the revolt of the Milesians, 462. Carries on a piratical

Hippodamia, daughter of CEnomaus, i. 33. Hippon of Messena, vanquished and put to death by Timoleon,

Who

He

warfare, 474. 478. His death, 478. Historian, duty of the, ii. 148. Homer, authority of, in relating the siege of Troy, vindicated, i. 81 84. His summary of the duty of men to the gods, 104. The deficiency of his religious and moral system, remained to a late age in Greece, 105. note. His account of the power of the early Grecian princes, 112. Particularly in the island of Phaeacia, 112, 113. His representation of the power of 115. republic not mentioned by him, although he has kings, 113 shown a strong tinge of republican principles, 115, 116. Whether the

use of letters was familiar to him, 129. 136. note. Notice of the music used in his age, 137, 138. State of the art of masonry in bis time, 145. 147 14O. Of the ornamental arts, 141, 142. Of the art of war, 143 152. Navigation, 155. Astronomy, 157. Surgery, 158. Observations

on his chronology, 227 232. His perfect impartiality among the greatest wonders of his works, 352. The works of Homer first collected by Hipparchus, by whom they were made more generally known, 4O5, 406. Remarks on passages in, and citations from, passim. (See Pope, Mr.) Hooke, Mr., character of his Roman History, viii. 226. note. Hoplite, or heavy armed infantry of the Greeks, i. 385. Horace, his reproach upon Homer, i. 171. and note. Horsemanship, state of, in ancient Greece, i. 144 146. Horse-race, when introduced into the Olympic games, i. 211. Philip's success at one, celebrated by a representation of the animal and his rider, on the reverse of one of his golden coins, from the mines of Philippi, vi. 295.
note.

In Dardania, 72, 73. Abundance of of, in Thessaly, i. 39. small swift horses found in the country north of the Danube, 145, 146. Cyrene, in Africa, celebrated for horses, 344. Hospitality, rights of, respected among the early Greeks, i. 163. 164. Good effects thence resulting, 165.
Horses, celebrity

GENERAL INDEX.
Howes, on Homer, controverted, i. 233. note. Husbandman's life in Greece, as pictured by Xenophon, v. 302. Husbandry, state of, in ancient Greece, i. 139, 140. Hyampolis, town of, how treated by Jason of Pherae, v. 103.
,

525

battle of, vi. 43.

Hydarnes, the Persian commander, passes the Phocian guard at Anopaaa, and arrives in the plain of Locris, ii. 41. His attack upon the Greeks at Thermopylae, 43. Battle of, 194 Hydaspes, river, crossed by Alexander, viii. 194. 193. Towns founded on its banks by Alexander, 200. Fleet built on it by Sacrifice performed on its banks, 234, 235. him, 232. state Dangerous
of
its

stream, 235.

Its modern Hydraotes, river, crossed by Alexander the Great, viii. 206. name, 206. note. Cities on it entrusted to Porus, 207, 208. Hyela, foundation of, i. 433. Hyllus, son of Hercules, by Dejunira, succeeds ^palius in his Dorian domi-

nions,

i.

178.

how they were armed, vii. 403, 404. note. remark concerning the, viii. 166. note. 242. note. Hyperbolus, the Athenian, at the head of a faction against Nicias and AlciMethod by which his banishment was procured by biades, iii. 166, 167.
Hypaspists,
,

the latter, 167.

Hyperides, an Athenian, appointed syndic, vii. 108. Hyphasis, river, its modern name, viii. 211. note. Account of the provinces beyond it, 211, 212.
I.

'laovsj, i.

67. note.

Becomes Ictes, of Leontini, withdraws from Syracuse to Leontini, vi. 39. master of Syracuse, 49. Retires to LeonIs defeated by Timoleon, ib. Is with 51. at 55. tini, Timoleon, 57. repulsed Co-operates Syracuse, Is taken prisoner and put to death, 66.
Idaei Dactyli,
i.

19.
in the early history of Greece,
i.

Idolatry,

unknown

1OI.

Idomene, battle of, ii. 493, 494. Idomeneus, king of Crete, one of the leaders in the expedition against Troy,
i. 76. Notice of, 106. lerne, the ancient name of Ireland, ii. 177. note. lie, the name for a troop of horse, i. 388. Ilion, or Troy, foundation of, i. 73.

Illyrians, the, defeated

by Brasidas,
vi.

iii.

it, 100. Again invade it, 116. Are subdued by Philip, 126, 127. Defeated by Parmenio, 294. notice of the Illyrian government, vii. 262. The Illyrians , Defeated by Alexander the Great, purpose to invade Macedonia, 312. 314. Ilus, son of Tros, founds Ilion, or Troy, L 73. Imilcon, son of Hanno, appointed second in command under Hannibal, v. Derivation of the name of Imilcon, ib. note. Becomes sole com334. mander on the death of Hannibal, 343. Is defeated by Daphnseus the Takes the Syracusan convoy destined to relieve Syracusan general, ib. Agrigentum, 346. Enters that city, and preserves it for his winter quarDefeats Dionysius, 368. Concludes a ters, 348. Besieges Gela, 365. peace, 371. Attacks the harbour of Syracuse in the absence of Dyonisius, 411. Assails the fleet in the harbour of Motya, ib. Withdraws and returns to Africa, 412. Is raised to a dignity corresponding with the kingly, on resuming the command, 413. Reaches the harbour of Panormus, 415. Retakes Motya, 417. Obtains possession of Messena, ib. Which he levels with the ground, 420. Occupies Catana, ib. Besieges Syracuse, 422.

invade Macedonia,

99.

52. Retire from

526

GENERAL TNDEX.

His army and Fixes his camp on the unwholesome bank of Anapus, 427. fleet defeated by Dionysius, 428. Makes peace, and returns to Africa, 429, 430. Immortality of the soul, how far known to the ancients, i. 109. Inachus, the first king of Argos, i. 28. Inarus, chief of some African tribes, engages the greater part of Egypt in Offers proposals of alliance to Athens, 252. rebellion, ii. 251. Independency, separate, of cities, evils of, v. 113. Defeat of the Indians by AlexIndia, natural circumstances of, viii. 162. ander, 165. Death of an Indian prince, 167. and note. The Indians again Indian cattle sent to Macedonia by Alexander, 169, 170. defeated, 169. Treatment of Indian mercenaries by Alexander, 1 73. and note. Account Condition of the Indians beyond the Indian elephant-hunters, 181, 182. the Indus, 188. They ally themselves with Alexander, 189, 190. The Notice of the ancient Indians under Porus defeated by Alexander, 197. and modern descriptions of India, 201. Account of Alexander's return from, 223 278. Notice of Indian cruising, 235. Account of the Indian monsoon, 284, 285. Progress of the Macedonian fleet along the Indian coast, with the modern names of the places mentioned by Arrian, 295 320. Indus, river, bridge built over it by Hephaestion, viii. 176. 189. Crossed by Alexander, 189. Sacrifice celebrated there, ib. Description of the country
Trade and navigation along it, 231, 232. and note. banks, 230. course of the Macedonians along it, 248 262. and notes. Progress of the fleet of Nearchus to its mouth, 290 295. Infantry, light and heavy, of the Greeks, account of, i. 385, 386. Inscriptions in honour of those who fell at Thermopylae, ii. 1 80. At Marathon, 181. note. Interest of money at Athens enormous, iv. 23.
on
its

The

Intermarriages

common throughout

den in

later times, 8, 9.

ForbidGreece, in Homer's age, v. 8. Allowed by the more liberal policy of the Olynof, vii.

thians, 9.

Invasion of England, plan to be adopted in case

lo, fable of, explained,
i.

400. note.

29.

Ion, son of Xuthus, notice of, i. 66. Ionia, leaders of the Ionic migration, and towns founded by them, i. 341. Revolt of the lonians from Persia, 463. Flourishing state of Ionia, 417. Operations of the loThey obtain assistance from Athens, 469, 470. Events of the war, 473 477. nians, 471, 472. They are again reduced under the Persian dominion, 478.
,

measures taken for the protection of the lonians,

after the battle of

Mycale, ii. 131, 132. Ionian sea, passage across, from Peloponnesus to Sicily, how made, vi. 11. Difficulty of this passage for ships of war, ib. Sicilians, war between them and the Dorian Sicilians, iii. 155, 156. , , cities of Sicily, how affected towards Syracuse, v. 387. lonians, an appellation given to the Athenians, i. 67. and note. What part of the Grecian people comprehended under this name, 181, 182. lonians, the general name for the Greeks among the Orientals, 181. The name rejected in Greece, and retained only by those lonians who migrated into Asia and the islands, 183. Ionic and Doric orders, distinction between, ii. 175. note. Iphicrates, the Athenian general, his improvement in the art of war, iv. 406. Ravages Phliasia, 408. And overruns Arcadia, 408, 409. His operations in Corinth, 417 His further successes, 421. Appointed com419. mander-in-chief in Asia, 438. Defeats the Lacedaemonians under Anaxibius, 439.
.

supersedes Timotheus in the command of the Athenian fleet, Brings Cephallenia under obedience to Athens, 74. Xenophon's commendation of him, 76. His severity to A nippus palliated, ib. Restores
,

v. 70.

GENERAL INDEX.
the Athenian interest in Acarnania, 77. Recalled, with the fleet, to Athens, Is appointed to the command against the Theban 86. confederacy, 1 30. Blamed by Xenophon for his conduct in Corinthia and Arcadia, ib. Iphicrates, his interview with Eurydice, queen of Macedon, vi. 110. His qualifications for, and appointment to, the command against Amphipolis, 159. Obtains the services of Charidemus, 160. Superseded by Timotheus, ib. His conduct respecting the hostages, 161. Assists Cotys against Athens, 165. Returns to Athens, 166. His party there, 204. 206. Sent to relieve Samos, 220. 221. Means whereby he Impeached by Chares, was acquitted, 222. of the sacrifice how far Iphigenia, story of, authenticated, i. 76, 77. Mentioned by Pindar and ^Eschylus, 105.

His character, ib. Restorer Iphitus succeeds to the throne of Elis,i. 208. of the Olympian games, 209, 210. 237. , notice of, vi. Ira, siege of, i. 317. Ireland, cause of the invasion of, by Henry II., i. 83. how noticed by Diodorus and Strabo, ii. 178. note. , Isadas, son of Phaebidas, fights naked at the attempted surprise of Sparta by Epaminondas, v. 226. Is rewarded and fined, 227. The statue called 1 " the fighting gladiator,' supposed to be intended for him, 227. note. Gains the ascendancy, 412. Isagoras, chief of a faction at Athens, i. 411.
Is obliged to depart

from Athens, 413.

i. 338. et seq. Tried Ismenias, polemarch of Thebes, imprisoned by Leontiades, v. 16. and executed by judges appointed by the Lacedaemonian confederacy, 1 9. Xenophon's disapproval of his condemnation, ib. " His chaIsocrates, on the import of the term aristocracy," i. 254. note. racter of Cyrus, 436. note. of the ostentation and tyranny of the Athenian people, , instance

Isaurians, the, description of, vii. 448. Islands of Greece, sketch of the history of,

given by,
,

iii. 87. notice of his oration in

favour of Alcibiades the younger,

his oration

iv.

84, 85.

on the peace, sketch of the state of Athens afforded by But wanting The oration an admirable political pamphlet, 188. the state of in enlarged views, 189. His sketch of political Peloponnesus, His observation on the civil and military government of Carthage 265. and Lacedaemon, 413. note. Proposes Dionysius of Syracuse as an example to Philip of Macedon, 456. His various views of Dionysius,
,

v.

179.

478, 479. vi. 170. The party for which he wrote at Athens, , anecdote of, Extracts from, and remarks on, his oration on peace, 226 232. 204. From his Areopagitic oration, 298 303. From Archidamus, 348, 349. and note. Measures of his party, 451. Extracts from, and remarks on, Its effect, 459, 460. his oration to Philip, 452459. Different accounts of his sends a third letter to Philip, vii. 160.
166. death examined, 161 Passages from his letter to Archidamus, Account of his letter to the sons of Jason, 268 270. 268. note. Sends a letter to Alexander the Great, 27 1 . Battle of, 504 515. Issus, massacre of the Macedonians there, vii. 494. Isthmian games, notice of, i. 213. Resemblance of Greece to, in climate and Italy, dialects in, i. 11. note.

266

produce, 14. 175. 345, 436. notice of Greek colonies planted in, ii. 152 , of the Grecian settlements of Sicily and Italy, from the death of , affairs 37. the first Dionysius to the restoration of the second Dionysius, vi. 1 From the restoration of the younger Dionysius to the death of Timoleon,

3781.

528

GENERAL INDEX.

Ithome, account of, i. 306. Destroyed by the Lacedasmonians, 310. seized by the Lacedaemonian Helots, ii. 240. Besieged by Archidamus, 241, 242,
Itinerant judges, appointed by Solon,
i.

383,384.

J.

Jason, adventures of, i. 40, 41. of Pherse, his extraordinary character, v. 96, 97. His political views , exhibited in conference with Polydamus of Pharsalus, 98 100. Elected Mediates between the Lacedaemonians and tagus of Thessaly, 101. His treatment of Hyampolis and Heraclea, 1O3. Thebans, 102, 103. And succeeded by his brothers, Polydorus and Is assassinated, 105.

Polyphron,

ib.

Javelins thrown with great force, instance of, i. 147. and note. Jews, when a priesthood was first established among them, i. 9O.
,

and

their institutions noticed, vii. 428, 429. note.

Submit

to Alexander, 532.

John, or Johannes, derivation of the name, vi. 334. note. Johnson, Dr., his opinion respecting Homer, i. 136. note. Josephus's account of Alexander's demeanour to the Jews, 13. Judicature of the Athenians, account of, iv. 10 See Caesar. Julius Caesar.

vii.

533. note.

Jupiter, character and power of, i. 96, 97. Origin of the oracle dona, 186. i. fable and lo, 28, 29. of, Ammon, Alexander's visit to the temple of, vii. 545 550.

of, at

Do-

Apobaterius, sacrifice of Alexander to, vii. 302. Source of modern jurisJurisprudence of the early Greeks, i. 116 119. Principles of Theban civil jurisprudence illustrated, v. prudence, 396.

172176.
Jurors at Athens,
,

how

appointed,

i.

383.
of, 11.
i.

daily

pay

of, iv. 10.

Immense number

Justin, extravagance of his narrative, little use to the historian, v. 316.

505. note.

His general abridgment

K.
KiflmXoj, definition of,
KaTa.pj5a0u/u.iv,

distinguished from avroTtu^, ib. explained, v. 76. Kersobleptes ascends the throne of Thrace, vi. 207. Is assisted by Charidemus, ib. Treats about the surrender of his dominions, 214. Negotiates on
i.

416. note.

How

meaning

of,

Submits to Chares, 309. Sends a minister to equitable terms, 215. Athens, 424. Yields to Philip 425. vii. 36, 37. , notice of, Khan, or Khaun, etymology of the word, vii. 251. note.
Killuta, island of, its situation, viii. 259. What was implied in this title among Kings, ancient privileges of, i. 90. the Greeks and Romans, after the abolition of royalty, ib. Import of this

term in Hesiod's poem of "The Works and Days," 118. Their power, 250. Distinction between them and tyrants, ib. ii. 273. Origin of the The title given to one kingly office being held by two persons, 268, 269.
of the Archons, 337. 138 147. , controversy on the kingly office, viii. Knighthood, origin of, i. 251. Knights, or horse-soldiers, order of, at Athens, restored,
KfA>>, viii.341. note. Kai^cof and xa>/u.aa>, different acceptations of these words,

ii.

278.

viii.

452. note.

GENERAL INDEX.
L.

,5

2<J

Revolutions in its governLacedasmon, or Sparta, ancient history of, i. 37. Administration of Lycurgus, and his legislative instiment, 268, 269. Causes of the quarrel between the Lacedaemonians 299. tutions, 269 and Messenians, 302, 303. Account of the war to the final conquest of War with the Argives, 326. 324. And Arcadians, Messena, 304

The magistrates called Ephors, when instituted at Sparta, 328. Their powers, 329. Athens besieged by the Lacedaemonians, to whom it is evacuated by Hippias, 410. Why they favoured oligarchy, 411. Alliance between Lacedaemon and Athens, 487. Assistance promised to the Athenians against Persia, 496. Which arrives after the battle of Mara327.
thon, 506.
,

hundred Spartans

account of the battle of Thermopylae, ii. 38 45. Three slain at, 45. Their names upon record in the time of

Two only survived the battle, ib. Ambassadors sent Herodotus, ib. from Lacedaemon to the congress at Athens, 92. Speech of the chief of them, 94. Answer of Aristides to, 95. Force sent by the Lacedaemonians against the Persians, 98. By what means they secured the attendNumbers of the ance of Tisamenus, the Elean prophet, 99, 100. and at Remarkable instance of Lacedaemonians Plataea, 113. Tegeans the severity of discipline among the Lacedaemonians, 121. Dispute with Esteemed themselves the the Athenians respecting the Aristeia, 122.
superior state of Greece, 183. Their jealousy of the Athenians, ib. Their Result of remonstrance respecting the fortifications at Athens, 184. their embassy to Athens, ib. 185. Their reception of Themistocles, 186. And of Aristides and Abronychus, 187. Wisdom of their reply to TheRecall Pausanias from the command of the fleet, 203, mistocles, ib. 188. And recall the fleet, ib. 204. Appoint Dorus in his stead, 204. Their Motives which influence their conduct on this occasion, 205, 206. Earthquake at Lacedaemon, 239. jealousy of the Athenians, 236, 237. How suppressed in the city by ArchidaRevolt of the Helots there, ib. The Helots spread themselves over the country, and bemus, ib. 240. come formidable in the field, 240. -, the Lacedaemonians seek the assistance of the Athenians, ii. Become jealous of them, and dismiss their forces, 242. Prepare to 241. The Athenians conclude relieve Doris, 256. Hostilities with Athens, 257. Assist the Delphians in recovering posa truce of five years with, 271" The honours of the Promanteia" granted to session of their temple, 277. them, ib. Assembly of deputies of the Peloponnesian confederacy at 342. The thirty years' truce declared broken, 343. Lacedaemon, 331 Embassies sent Second assembly, 344. War with Athens resolved, 347.

The proposals rejected by the Athenians, 355. State of the Lacedaemonian confederacy, 365, 366. Join the Peloponnesians in Gallant action of Brasidas, the Lacedaemothe invasion of Attica, 367. But afternian commander, 376. Decline the offer of Mitylene, 432. Account of his ward send Alcidas to the relief of that place, 442.
to Athens, ib.

Plataea surrenders to the 449. operations on the Ionian coast, 443 And commissioners sent to determine the fate of Lacedaemonians, 458. the inhabitants, 459 463. The Lacedaemonians besiege Pylus, 503. Engagement with Eurymedon, 505, 506. Negotiate for peace, 507, 508. And send an embassy to Athens, 508. Its failure, 510. Attempt to Their absurd attachment to the exclusive use of relieve Sphacteria, 511. Suffer much for want of light troops, ib. weapons for close fight, 517. Commanded by Epitadas, they attack the Athenian forces, 518, 519. And are defeated by them, 520. Apply to Athens for peace, 522. Series of misfortunes and -, their intrigues with Persia, iii. 7, 8.
defeats,
1

5.

VOL.

Origin and nature of negotiations with Lacedaemon, from

VIII.

MM

530

GENERAL INDEX.

Macedonia and Thrace, 16 18. Atrocious conduct of the government Acanthus and Amphipolis gained to the Lacetowards the Helots, 18. daemonian confederacy, 37 39. Successes of Brasidas in Thrace, 43

A partial peace concluded, 75. Form a defensive Athens, 78. Dispute with Elis and Mantinea, 83 85. Reward the valour and zeal of the Helots, 85. Their arbitrary severity to their Athenian prisoners, 85, 86. Change of administration at LaceAnd intrigues of the new one, 90 92. Treaties with daemon, 89. Continuation of the dispute with Eiis, 107, Boeotia and Argos, 93, 94. War with Argos, Affairs of the colony of Heraclaca, 109, 110. 108. 115 121. Battle near Mantinea, 123. Peace and alliance with Argos, Feeble conduct Inertness of the Lacedaemonian government, 134. 131. Manner in which they receive Alcibiades, of the Lacedaemonians, 140. Determine to assist Syracuse, 212. Renew the war with 210 212. And Gylippus appointed to command the forces, 213. Their Athens, ib. 230. Occupy the post of Decelea in Attica, operations, 213, 214, 226 236. Change in the political system of Lacedaemon, 293 296. Prepare Plans of Alcibiades, 307, 308. His a fleet to rival that of Athens, 296. views and influence in the Spartan councils, 310 312. Treaty with " Harmost," placed in the Persia, 312. Spartan officers, with the title of New treaty with Persia, 322. Proceedings cities of the confederacy, 319. of the eleven commissioners from Sparta respecting Asiatic affairs in 326. general, and particularly the treaties with the Persian king, 324 Weakness of the governTreaty of Persia with Lacedaemon, 342, 343. 424. to commander of Persia, ment, 412. Embassy Lysander appointed The Lacedaemonians defeat the Athenians at Notium, 430. the fleet, 426. Athens besieged, 486. Treaty with the Policy of the government, 431. Athenians, 492, 493.
Athens, 70
74.

The Lacedaemonians 45. Negotiation for peace with Athens, 45, 46. defeat the Athenians at Amphipolis, 64 67. Negotiate for peace with
alliance with

Lacedaemon, the Lacedaemonians support the oligarchal party at Athens, iv. 64 67. Importance of the relations of the Lacedaemonian with the Arrival of the Lacedaemonian governor of Persian government, 265. Respect for Lacedaemonian officers, Byzantium at Port Calpe, 267. 269 272. Politics and despotism, 277 279. The Grecian army under War resolved Xenophon engaged in the Lacedaemonian service, 290. Thimbron appointed commander-in-chief in 301. against Persia, 299
is superseded by Dercyllidas, 303. His successes in Winter operations in Bithynia, 308 310. Treaty concluded between Dercyllidas and Tissaphernes, for the complete emancipation of the Asian Greeks from Persian dominion, 316. War with Elis, 322 326. Death despotism of, iv. 317, 318. Domestic affairs, 328 331. of Agis, and succession of Agesilaus, 327. Government of subject-allies, 332 334. Sedition in Lacedaemon, 331.

Asia, 301. zEolia, 307.

Who

First campaign of Agesilaus in Asia, Expedition to Asia voted, 335. 342. Preparations for the second campaign, 342, 343. Battle of the Views of Agesilaus in Asia, 349, 350. Pactolus, 345, 346. Enmity Prosecution and flight of Pausaexcited against Lacedaemon, 353, 354.

336

359. plan of Agesilaus for dismembering the Persian empire, iv. Winter Alliance with the prince of Paphlagonia, 360, 361. 359, 36O. Conference between Agesilaus and 364. campaign in Bithynia, 361 Pharnabazus, 364 367. Confederacy in Greece against Lacedaemon, 369371. Recall of Agesilaus from Asia, 371, 372. Defeat of the March of Agesilaus to Greece. confederate army at Corinth, 374, 375. Defeat of the Lacedaemonian fleet near Cnidus, 383. 375, 376. Victory Ruin of the Lacedaemonian interest of Agesilaus near Coronea, 384 388. 401. Laconia in Asia, 389, 39O. Successes of Praxitas near Corinth, 398 invaded by Pharnabazus and Conon, 4O1 4O5. Expedition of Agesilaus into Argolis and Corinthia, 413 416. Slaughter of a Lacedaemonian
nias,
-,

357

mora, 4 1

9.

War renewed against Persia, 423.

Expedition into Acarnania

GENERAL INDEX.
under Agesilaus, 424
426.

531
under Agesipolis, 427

And

into Argolis

State of affairs in Asia, 431. 429. Defeat and death of Anaxibius, 439. Public revenue, 444. Successes of Telutias, 445. Antalcidas appointed His able conduct in military command and in ambassador to Persia, 447. 449. negotiation, 447 Treaty concluded between Lacedaemon and Persia, and peace dictated to Greece, by the Lacedaemonian government, in the king of Persia's name, commonly called the peace of Antalcidas,

453 46O. Lacedaemon, despotic conduct of the Lacedaemonians after the peace of Maxim of Agesilaus relative to Lacedaemon, 1. 5. Antalcidas, v. 1 The Lacedaemonians make war on Mantinea, 2 5. Require the Mantineans to destroy their fortifications, 2. Reduce Mantinea under the command of Agesipolis, 3, 4. Oblige the Mantineans to abandon their city, 4. Demolish the fortifications and houses, 5. Reduce Mantinea to a province Procure the return of the exiles to Phlius, 5, 6. of Lacedaemon, ib. Ambassadors arrive at Lacedaemon from Acanthus and Apollonia, 7. A congress of the Lacedaemonian confederacy summoned thereupon, ibid. Allows a composition The congress declares war against Olynthus, 12. The Lacedaemonians become masters of Thebes, for personal service, ib. 24. 20. First transactions in the war against Olynthus, 20 The few The Lacedaemonians reduce remaining Spartans serve only as officers, 25. And render Olynthus dependent, 33. Lacedaemon now at Phlius, 31. Remarks on the age of military its height of apparent greatness, 35.
service

among

the

Spartans, 47, 48. note.

Renewed

operations against

against Athens under Pollis under Nicholochus worsted by Accommodation and subsequent breach between them Timotheus, 64. and the Athenians, 66. Despatch a fleet against Corcyra under Mnasippus,

Thebes, 55

60.

The Lacedaemonian
Their

fleet

defeated by Chabrias, 63.

fleet

to raise the siege by the Corcyreans, 73. general congress of the belligerent republics held at Lacedaemon, v. 82. The Lacedaemonians resign their supremacy over the Grecian Are defeated at the Continue hostilities against Thebes, 86. cities, 83. battle of Leuctra, 90 93. Reception of the news at Lacedaemon, 94. Conference with Polydamas of Pharsalus, 100. They send Agesilaus ambassador to Mantinea, 111, 112. Appoint Agesilaus to command

68.

Are compelled
,

against Arcadia, 116.

Laconia

is

invaded by Epaminondas, 123.

Lace-

daemon saved by

The Lacereputation, rather than its strength, 126. The late invasion fatal to the daemonians send ministers to Athens, 127. power of Lacedaemon, 131. The Lacedaemonians finally lose Messenia, 132. Again send ministers to Athens, 133. Take the command alterits

The long deference of Greece to Lacenately with the Athenians, 134. Lacedaemonian more an object of curiosity daemon explained, 136. The Lacedaemonians at the Olympian games than the conquerors, 137. Gain the " Tearless battle," 142. procure the mediation of Persia, 141. Allow their other allies to Advise the Corinthians to make peace, 183. Persevere in their claim to Messenia, ib. form separate treaties, 187. Invade Arcadia under ArchiRecover Sellasia from the revolters, 190. Re-unite with Arcadia, Are defeated at Cromnus, 200. damus, 1 98. The Lacedaemonian Achaia, and Elis, upon humiliating terms, 216. Their army takes station near Mansupremacy accounted for, 216, 217. In The heavy-armed reach Pellene under Agesilaus, 225. tinea, 223.

consequence of the
ib.

latter movement, Epaminondas marches upon Sparta, Loses hastens to his return, 226. Defeats Epaminondas, ib. The Lacedaemonians approve the 236. the battle of Mantinea, 233 of Egypt, by Agesilaus, 251. acceptance of command under Tachos, king Nature of the conPolitical state of Lacedaemon at this period, 255.

The army

nection between Lacedaemon and Syracuse, 383.

prevail with Dionysius to

The Lacedaemonians remove the Peloponnesian Messenians to the

Lacedasmon towards the 2

north of Sicily, 435. change of the policy of ,

MM

conflicting

532

GENERAL INDEX.
Cyrene

Prosecuted and fined in the Amphietyonic council, 254. and note. Assist the Rumours against them, 284, 285. and note. Go to war Phocians, 265. with Argos, 413. Project for an arrangement of interests in Greece, Intentions of the Lacedaemonians towards Megalopolis, 352. 347 349. Defeat the Argives, S55. Defeated by Anaxander, 356. They defeat the Their robbery of the Delphian Thebans, ib. Negotiate with them, ib. Alarm of, 434. Send an embassy to Philip, ib. Protreasury, 429. Isocrates's account of, 453. posal made to them by the Athenians, 449. Decline the offer of Philip, 460. Its Lacedaemon, remarks on the constitution of Lacedsemon, vii. 231. Its opposition to the analogy to those of Thessaly and Rome, 253 258. 299. and note. choice of Alexander the Great as commander-in-chief, 296 Their Negotiations of the Lacedaemonians with Memnon, 456, 457. 491. designs, 488 the Lacedaemonians send an embassy to Ecbatana, viii. 41. Account of the Lacedaemonian constitution, 42, 43. The Lacedaemonians Amount of mercenaries engaged for the Lacenegotiate with Athens, 45.
,

The Lacedaemonians send colonists from parties in Sicily, vi. 26. to Amphipolis, 152. Take Delphi under their, protection, 251.

The Lacedaemonians defeated by the Macedonians, daemonian league, 48. Punishment imposed on them, 51. and note. Alexander's treatment of the Lacedaemonian mercenaries in the Persian service, 64, 65. Lacedaemonius, son of Cimon, notice of, ii. 245. Laches, the Athenian, sent with a squadron to assist the Leontines, ii. 477.
49.
,

sent to assist the Leontines,

ib.

iii.

157.

Sicily, ib. 158.

Superseded in his command, 158.

His successes in Italy and His judicious con-

duct,

Laconia, i. 14. Laconic style, origin of the term, i. ? )7. writing, curious specimen of, iii. 399. Lacrates, the Theban, engaged in the Persian service, vi. 373. Has ceased to be an island, Lade, account of the sea-fight off, i. 475 477. 475. note. Lais, the courtezan, notice of, iii. 201. Lamachus, appointed third in command of the Athenian expedition to Sicily, iii. 169. His character, ib. His speech at the debate of the Athenian Killed at the siege of Syracuse, 222. generals, 1 93. f Langarus, prince >( the Agrarians, notice of, vii. 312, 313. Languages, not jny account of the miraculous division of languages in the bible, i. 4. note. Affinity of the early languages of Asia, Africa, and Distinction of dialects in the Greek language, 181 Europe, 124. note. 183. Laomedon, king of Troy, fortifies 'he city, i. 73. Laphanes, his splendid hospitality vii. 221. 252. Larissa, a common name throug Greece, and Asia Minor, i. 45.
.

notice of, iv. 208. and note. , in Media, Lasion, in Triphylia, the Eleans allow the establishment of some Arcadian Who oppose the Elean government, 140. The exiles there, v. 139. Eleans make themselves masters of the place, 190. Laurium, revenue of the silver mine of, divided among the Athenian people for their private use, ii. 16. Decree procured by Themistocles respecting,
ib.

revenue derived to Athens from the silver mines of, iv. 14, 15. , Before the Persian invasion, the produce of, distributed among the people,
15.

Law

of nations, opinions of the Greeks respecting the laws of nature and ii. 462. of the Grecian law of nations illustrated, v. 172 176. , principles law of nations, viii. 224 231. and notes. , ancient Laws, anciently promulgated in verse, i. 135. Those of Moses the earliest
nations,

GENERAL INDEX.
committed
to writing, 122.

533

297. Of Zaleucus, 350. enacted at Athens, 378, 379. Coincidence Singular proposal of Charondas respecting, 378. between the old English and the Athenian law, 385. note. Lawsuit among the ancient Greeks, Homer's description of one, i. 116 US. Lawsuits the delight of the Athenians, iv. 11. League among Grecian princes, first instance of, i. 43. Lebedos, city of, its foundation, i. 341.

Of Lycurgus, 274
384.

Of

Draco, 357.

Of

Solon, 364

How

Leda,

i.

37.

300. Legislation of Lycurgus, account of, i. 273 of Minos, in Crete, i. 20, 21. Remarks thereon, 21, 22. 242. Legislative power of Macedonia, vii. 237 192. note. Leland, Mr., remarks on his life of Philip of Macedon, vi. 190 Leleges, notice of the, i. 342. Leon I. appointed one of the ten generals, on the deposition of Alcibiades and Thrasybulus, iii. 434. Condemned to death by the Council of Thirty, iv. 47. ProII., ambassador from Athens to the congress at Susa, v. 147. cures the condemnation of Timocrates on his return from the Persian embassy, 179. Leonidas, king of Sparta, commander of the forces at Thermopylae, ii. 29. His laconic answer to the heralds of Xerxes, 38. His wisdom and magAttacks the Persians, and falls at the head of his band, 43. nanimity, 42. Fiction of Diodorus respecting, 44. note. Indignities offered to his body by Xerxes, 45. Is wounded, Leonnatus, a Macedonian, his conduct at a festival, viii. 147, The command he held, 169. 165. His personal bravery, 242, 243. His appointment at Rambacia, 266. Defeats the Orites, 302. Receives a golden crown, 360. Leontiades, polemarch of Thebes, introduces a Lacedaemonian garrison into the Cadmea, or citadel, v. 16. Harangues for the subjection of his city at Is assassinated by Phyllidas and Mellon, 39. Lacedaemon, 18. foundation i. 349. Leontini, of, blockaded by the Syracusans, iii. 156. Assisted by the Athenians, 157. The blockade abandoned, ib. Disputes respecting the division of lands there, 162, 163. Migration of the inhabitants to Syracuse, 163. Partial revival of the democracy of, 163, 164. " held by a mixed Grecian population, v. 361. Its affairs regulated affected towards Syracuse, 388. by Dionysius, ib. Dionysius leads an army to the Leontine border, ib. The Leontines admitted to the citizenship of Syracuse, 390. Dionysius settles the Greek mercenaries at, 433. declares for Dion, vi. 15. Repels an attack made by Philistus, ib. Icetes withdraws his forces to, Flight of Dion's family to, 34. 39. 51. Leosthenes, the Athenian, banishment of, vi. 298.

How

Leotychides, measures taken by him respecting the Grecian fleet, ii. 126, His preparations for the battle of 127. Stratagem practised by, 128. Returns to Greece after the battle, 132. Mycale, 129. , his claim to the throne of Sparta, iv. 327. Lepreum, account of the affair of, iii. 107, 108. Leptines, brother of Dionysius, commands the Syracusan fleet, v. 41O. Sinks some Carthaginian ships, 415. Is defeated by the Carthaginian fleet, 420. His generous conduct to the defeated Thurians, 447. Is killed at the battle of Cronium, 459. , tyrant of Apollonia, surrenders to Timoleon, vi. 55. Lesbos conquered by Achilles, i. 79. its political circumstances, ii. 431. Particularly of its principal towns, , How divided among the Athenians, Mitylene and Methymne, 431, 432. 456. 3

MM

534

GENERAL INDEX.

Lesbos, the Lesbians propose to revolt from the Athenian to the Lacedaemonian confederacy, iii. 298. Reduced by Autophradates, -, partly subdued by Memnon, vii. 462. Submits to the Macedonians, 543. 463. Ava-rSiv, explanation of the word, vii. 115. note. Observations on the Arabic and Hebrew Letters, origin of, i. 121, 122. Causes of the slow progress of, in Greece, 129, 127. letters, 125 130. Testimony of Herodotus concerning their first introduction, 131. Changes in their arrangement, 131 133. Grecian letters used in Britain, 134. . method of transmitting them, ii. 89. , singular Leucothea, the temple of, plundered by the troops of Dionysius, v. 458. The various feelings it excited throughout 93. Leuctra, battle of, v. 88
.

Greece, 106.

Lewis XIV., witty remark of, viii. 371. Library, the first public one founded by Pisistratus,
Lichas, a Lacedaemonian, affront offered to 109. Limnae, temple of Diana at, i. 302.

i.

404.

him

at the

Elean games,

iii.

Lions known in Greece

at an early period, i. 15. Lissus, a town of Italy, colony established at, by Dionysius, Local administration, vii. 245. Locedes, notice of, vii. 220.

v.

457.

Lochage, rank of
Ao'^o?,

the,

i.

388.

and Ao^ayoj, remarks on the terms, i. 388, 389. note. Lochus of the Macedonian army, notice of, i. 387, 388. note.

Rank

of the

Lochagoi, 389. note. Celebrated lawgiver at, i. 350. Locri Epizephyrii, foundation of, i. 346. Locrians, boundaries of their country, i. 12. Locris, war of, with Phocis, iv. 353, 354. to Thebes, v. 222. , completely subject The Locrians Ozolian, its alliance with Peloponnesus, vi. 486, 487. , defeated by Philomelus, 267. Locris ravaged by him, 270. The Locrians again defeated by Philomelus, 274. Apply for relief to Thebes, 275. The Locrians and Thessalians vanquished by Philomelus, 278. Joins the Phocian , Epicnemidian, conquered by Phayllus, vi. 237. alliance, 328. Lucan, allusion of, to the religion of the Druids, i. 109. note. Lucanians, the, of Italy, confederate against the Italian Greeks, v. 446. Make war on Thurium, 447. Destroy more than ten thousand Thurians, ib.

and Syracuse, vi. , war between them Lucca, allusion to, vii. 208. Lucullus, wardrobe of, as described by Horace,

4.

v. 337. note. prohibited at Sparta, i. 276, 277. vii. 450. 449, Lycaonia, description of, Lycia, Alexander's successes in, vii. 441, 442. of Five Hundred, stoned to death one of the Council Lycidas, Athenians, ii. 97. Outrages upon his family by the Athenian

Luxury

by the

women,

ib.

Lyciscus, his daughter directed to be sacrificed by the Delphian oracle, i. 306. Flees with her to Sparta, 307. Lycomedes of Mantinea, the policy suggested by him with respect to Thebes, v. 138. Obtains the effective command of the Arcadian people, ib. His spirited conduct at the congress at Thebes, 151. Effects an alliance between Athens and Arcadia, 182. His death, ib. Lycon, one of the accusers of Socrates, notice of, iv. 135. a Syracusan, the part he took in the assassination of Dion, vi. 32. , SueLycophron, tyrant of Pherae, his alliance with the Athenians, vi. 312.

GENERAL INDEX.
320.

53,5

courcd by Onomarchus, 315. and note. He and Phayllus are defeated by Philip, 317. Defeats Philip, 318. Defeated by, and capitulates to Philip,
Joins the Phocians, 327.

Lycurgus, of Sparta, his prudent administration, i. 270, 271. Voluntarily Is invited to return, 273. resigns his power, and travels into Crete, 272. His plans sanctioned by the oracle at Delphi, ib. His gradual measures for remodelling the constitution of Sparta, 274. His division of the Prohibits the use of all gold and silver, 276. land, 275, 276. And even that any should lie at home, 277. How he rendered slaves necesin and His care of children of 278. the sary Sparta, pursuits and condition of the women, 279 His system of education, 282 2S5. 281. At what age Lycurgus allowed men to engage in public affairs, 283. Recreations allowed by him, 284. Observations on his civil constitution, 286 289. His regulations concerning the Helots or slaves, 290, 291. Outline of his military code, 292 297. Defects of his system, 298. Plan His adopted by him to secure the duration of his government, 299, 300.
death, 30O.

Lycophron, son of Aristolaides, heads the party of the lowlanders

i.

at

Athens,

391.
,

the Athenian orator, notice of,

vii.

149.

and

note.

Conducts the

prosecution against Lysicles, 150. Lydia, early superiority of, in arts and civilisation, i. 415, 416. Attempt of the Lydian king Gyges to reduce the Grecian states, 418. Incursion of Its effects on the Lydian monarchy, the Scythians and Cimmerians, 421. 422. Reign of Halyattes, ib. Extent of Croesus's territory, 423. Defeat of him by Cyrus, 428.
Lyncestis, princes of, noticed, vi. 106. vii. 228. , account of the people of, Lynceus, king of Argos, i. 31. Lyncus, or Lyncestis, nature of its government, iii. 17. Lysander, commander-in-chief of the Peloponnesian fleet, iii. 426. His victory over the Athenians at interview with Cyrus, 426, 427.

His

No-

tium, 430, 431. Superseded in his command by Callicratidas, 437. Greatly beloved by the armament, 438. Enumeration of his services, 470. Appointed vice-admiral, 471. In favour of Cyrus, ib. His measures, 473, 474. Prepares for the battle of .ZEgospotami, 477. Defeats the Athenians His measures after the battle, 484, 485. Blockades 481. there, 478 Athens, 486. His speech at a 66. , supports the oligarchal party there, iv. 64 His reputation and power congress of the Asian Greek cities, 334, 335. His operations against the Thebans, 355. Surin the army, 338, 339. prised by them, and slain, 355, 356. Discrepancies between later writers and Xenophon, in their accounts of the conduct and views of Lysander,
vii,

358, 359. Lysanias, notice of,

221.

Lysias, the orator, one of the adventurers in the colonisation of Thurium, ii. 164. his account of the proceedings of the Council of Thirty, iv. 46, 47. f His narrative confirmed by Xenophon, notice of, 47. 49.

Biographical Points out what part of Solon's laws had been interpolated or 49, 50. Notice of his oration against Alcibiades the younger, 81 destroyed, 76. Of one for the brother of the widow of Aristophanes, 87 91. Of 83. 111. his oration against Andocides, 109 with Chares, vii. 144. Tried Lysicles, the Athenian, joined in the command

and executed, 150. Lysimachus, son of Aristides, character of, ii. 208. the Macedonian, accompanies Alexander across the Hydaspes, ,
viii. 193. Lyttelton, Lord, his remark

upon

Voltaire,

viii.

258. note.

MM

GENERAL INDEX.
M.
Maccabees, objections to the credibility of the book of, vii. 53.3, 534. note. Their language not generally understood Macedonia, inhabitants of, i. 11. by the Greeks, ib. note. Conquered by the Persians, i. 450. founder of the government of, ii. 321. Origin of the name- of, 322. Divisions of, 323. Origin of the war between Athens and MaceBattle and siege of Potidae, 330. Invasion of, by Sitalces, donia, 325. king of Thrace, 427 43O.
,

its

-, several cities of, join the Olynthian association, v. 7, 8. Pella, largest town, joins the Olynthians, 8. -, affairs of, from the reign of Perdiccas, son of Alexander, to the

of

establisment of Philip, son of Amyntas, vi. 81 130. Prominent features its constitution, 81 84. Its resemblance to the Anglo-Saxon consti-

Circumstances relative to its Advantages of its territory, 84. State of, under Perdiccas, 86, 87. Difference in character of the Macedonians, 90, 91. Macedonia improved by Archelaus, 92. Games instituted there by him, 94. Disputed succession and civil war in, 95. 97. Invaded by the Illyrians, 99. The seat of government removed, Its disturbed 101. Intercourse between Macedonia and Athens, 102. state after the death of Amyntas, 108. Government of, committed to PtoAssisted by the Thebans, and breach of alliance lemy Alorites, 111. with Athens, 113, 114. Invaded a second time by the Illyrians, 116. Accession of Philip, son of Amyntas, 117. Pretenders to the throne of, 118. Pasonia annexed to Macedonia, 125. -, affairs of, from the establishment of Philip, son of Amyntas, to the renewal of war between Macedonia and Athens, vi. 131 180. Joins
tution, 83.
civilisation, 85.

Olynthus against Amphipolis, 180. 184. affairs of, from the renewal of hostilities between them, to the end of the war between the Athenians and their allies, called the " Confederate of Social war," vi. 181 234. The Macedonians negotiate with Athens, 184, 185. Besiege the Amphipolis, 187. Circumstances of MaConcedonia, 290. Violent measure of Athens against Macedonia, 292. Formidable power of the Macedonian kingdom, federacy against, 293. Interest of Eubcea, 369. War with 295. Successes of its fleet, 376. Olynthus, 39O 392. The successes of the Macedonians against Olynthus, 394 398. Ambassadors arrive at Athens, 423. Peace with Athens,, 424. Departure of the embassy therefrom, 426. Congress of Grecian embassies
at its court,

436

438. Account

of,

state of, after the peace with

by Isocrates, 452. Athens and the conclusion of the

Sacred war, vii. 21, 22. War with Illyria, 22. Operations in Thessaly, Extension of Macedonian interest in Greece, 24, 25. Hostilities State of, when Alexander sucagainst, without declared war, 114, 115. ceeded to the throne, 200. Circumstances of the countries around it, 201, 202. Account of its constitution by Arrian, 229. and note. The kings 241. Resemof, never used mercenaries, 232, 233. Legislation of, 234 blances between its constitution and those of modern kingdoms, 242 249. Sources of its royal revenue, 249, 250. Similarity of the Macedonians to the Thessalians, 252. Speech relative to Macedonia by Alexander, 272, Times at at which the Macedonian Olympic festival was celebrated, 273. Its de274, 275. Threatening aspect of affairs around Macedonia, 301. fence intrusted to Parmenio, 304. The Mecedonian phalanx described, The Macedonian Olympic festival celebrated, 345, 346. Conflict305. ing opinions of the Macedonians respecting Alexander's expedition, 380 383. Account of the Macedonian treasury, 383, 384. Amount of their Date of their march for the forces for the Persian expedition, 384 387. Hellespont, 387. The Macedonians gain the battle of the Granicus, 410. They enter Sardis, 414. And take Ephesus, 416. Account of the fleet of Macedonia, 422, 423. The Macedonians take Miletus, 424. The fleet sent home, 426. Massacre of Macedonian soldiers at Issus, 494.
23, 24.

GENERAL INDEX.
Critical situation of the

537

Macedonian army, 496. They defeat the Persians at Issus, 504 Their loss there, 514. 511. Account of the Macedonian Its successes, 542 544. and note. fleet, 528. Its Macedonia, effect of an eclipse on the Macedonian army, viii. 11. amount at Arbela, 14. Its disposition, 17, 18. It defeats the Persian
forces,

18

25.

Amount
31, 32.

of

its

loss, 23, 24.

It

receives a reenforce-

ment from Greece,

Proceeds over the Susiad rocks, 36. Winters at Persepolis, 39. Character of the Macedonian constitution marked by the trials for high treason during Alexander's fourth campaign in Asis, 40 80. State of Greece during the Macedonian supremacy, 53. Grounds
for the confederacy against Macedonia, 45, 46. The Macedonians defeat the Lacedaemonians, 49. Trial of the conspirators in the Macedonian

army, 72

79.

and

notes.

The Macedonians

build a town in Paropa-

The army strengthened by Asiatic recruits, 94. misus, 92. and note. Discontent in the army, 95 97. Friendly contest in the army, 103, 104. Massacre of the Macedonian army in Scythia, 106. The army taunted by the Scythians, 110. Part of, defeated by Spitamenes, 114. The Macedonians receive recruits at Zariaspa or Bactra, 115. And defeat Spitamenes 127. They winter at Bactra, 137. The conspiracy of the Macedonian 157. Conduct of the army at Nysa, 186, 187. The Macepages, 152 donians defeat Porus, 197. Their loss in taking Sangala, 210. and note. The army advances to the river Hyphasis, 212. Its discontent, 213. Addressed by Alexander and Crenus, 214 219. Commences its return, 221. Leaves a colony on the banks of the Akesines, ib. Proceeds to Nysia and and Bucephala, 224. on the fleet built river Hydaspes, viii. 232, 233. , a Macedonian Its critical situation, 235, 236. Its course down that river, 234, 235. 244. Successes against the Mallians, 238 Anxiety of the army respectIt subdues the Oxydracs, 247. The ing Alexander's wound, 244, 245. Macedonian fleet sails down the Hydraotes to the Indus, 248. Reaches And the ocean, 258. and note. The army winters at PatPattala, 256. Subdues the Gadroses, 265. Its distresses, 267271. Passes tala, 264. Preparations made by the fleet for its through Carmania, 273 278. Different accounts of its voyage, 289. voyage of discovery, 286 289. and note. Time of its departure, 292. Its arrival at Stoora, ib. At At Coreatis, ib. At the bar of Sindi, 294. Its proCaumana, 293. Detained at Bibacta, ib. Continuance of its gress along the coast, 295. It receives a supply 30O. Slowness of its progress, 300. voyage, 297 Its stay at Rambacia, ib. Reaches the river of provisions, 302, 303. Passes the country of the " Fish-Eaters," 305, 306. Tomerus, 304. Its attacks on a fortified town, 31 1 Guided by a Gadrosian pilot, 309. 319. It performs 314. Its further progress till its arrival at Harmoza, 314 Is joined by The time it left that place, 334. a sacrifice there, 333. Its further progress to Ila, 330, 337. Refits and stays Mazenes, 335. Its dangerous situEnters the river Granides, 339. at Sitacus, 338. Enters the Pasitigris, 343. Proceeds to Diridotis, 341. ation, 340. ArMacedonian army marches from Carmania, viii. 345. , the Proceeds to Susa, 350. rives at Persepolis, 347. Marriages among the Bounties bestowed on the soldiers with the Persian women, 356, 357. The army accompanies Alexander to 361. soldiers by Alexander, 358 Its repentance, 378. Its reconciliation to It mutinies, 373. Opis, 372. Craterus appointed Part of it returns home, 381, 382. Alexander, 380. Disturbances therein through Olympias, ib. viceroy of Macedonia, 384. Arrives at the Nyssean plain, The Macedonian army reaches Celona;, 402. and afterwards at Ecbatana, 405. Subdues the Cossees, 408. Enters The Macedonian fleet increased by Alexander, 417, 418. Babylon, 411. Amusements among, 431. UnIts voyages down the Euphrates, 428. Extraeasiness of the Macedonians during Alexander's last illness, 446. ordinary measure of seven of their chiefs, 447.
Ma^aifa. and
'<f>o?,

distinction between,

i.

52. note.

,5-38

GENERAL INDEX.
that of

Machaon, the Corinthian, action of the fleet under his command, with Phormion, ii. 417 419. Machiavel, comparison between him and Polycrates, i. 450, 451.
Macrons, account of the, iv. 229, 230. Magarsus, magnificent sacrifice of Alexander at, vii. 483. Magistracy, singular, established by Timoleon, vi. 72.

Of Athens, from what ranks of Magistrates in Bceotia, their title, i. 333. the people they were taken, 375. Magon, the Carthaginian general, notice of, v. 442. Mainotes, of Peloponnesus, existence of their feudal manners in the present day, v. 240. note. Malabar, pirates on the coast of, formidable in the time of Strabo, viii. 296.
Malea, promontory of, i. 14. Males, notice of, vii. 220. Their principal town taken, Mallians, the, hostile to Alexander, viii. 236. Their severe treatment, 240. Their army scattered, 239. 238. They submit to Alexander, 247. Mallus, account of the colony of, vii. 483, 484. Mamercus of Catana joins Timoleon, vi. 50. Driven from Catana, 67. Takes refuge at Messina, ib. Surrenders to Timoleon, and is executed,
68.

Mania, satrapess of JEtolia, history of, iv. 304, 305. Mankind, attempts to trace the history of, i. 2 4. a spirit of migration, 4.

Generally inspired with

Manners of the ancient Greeks,

Macedonians,

i.

vii.

159 176. 280, 281.

ii.

Mantinea, i. 268. Mantineans, the, march in pursuit of Artabazus, war between Mantinea and Tegea, , daemon with Mantinea, 84. Battle near, 122

20.

iii.

57.

Dispute of Lace-

125. -, war declared against Mantinea by the Lacedaemonians, v. 1,2. Reduced by Agesipolis, 4. The chiefs of the democratical party protected from the animosity of their fellow-citizens by the Lacedaemonians, 4, 5. The Mantinean commonwealth becomes a province to Lacedaamon, ib. The Mantineans rebuild and fortify their city, 110 113. Refuse the proTake a violent part in the affairs of the Teposals of Agesilaus, 112. Send a deputation to Olympia on the robbery of the sacred geans, 115. treasury, 207. Are cited before the Numberless assembly of Arcadia, 208. Remonstrate against the Theban seizure of the Arcadian citizens, 213. The Mantinean territory attempted to be surprised by Epaminondas, 228. Battle of Mantinea, 233 Relieved by the Athenian horse, 229. 235.

Its unimportant results, according to Xenophon, 236. Observations on it, 504, 505. Marathon, battle of, i. 502, 503. honours paid to those who fell there, ii. 180. Inscription on,
,

ib.

note.

Mardians, the, subdued by Alexander, ment of Autophradates, ib.

viii.

63.

Placed under the govern-

Mardonius,

He is obliged to first expedition of, against Greece, i. 484. return to Asia, 485. placed at the head of 300,000 men after the battle of Salamis, to Endeavours to detach the Athecomplete the reduction of Greece, ii. 77. nians from the Grecian confederates, 91 Advances towards Attica, 97. Sends Masistius to Fixes his camp in the Theban territory, 99. 96. attack the Megarian camp, 1OO 103. Number of his army encamped over against Plataea, 106. Has an Elean prophet in his pay, ib. His Is Determines to attack the Greeks, 109. policy in this measure, 107. defeated and killed at Plataa, 114, 115. Marganeae, town of, taken by the Eleans, v. 202. Marine, ancient, the last great improvement in, by whom devised, v. 400. Maritime sites on the English coast, vi. 92. note.

GENERAL INDEX.
Marmareans, and note.
their attack
of, in

539
Their barbarities, 452,
i.

on Alexander,

vii.

451.

Marriage, institution
Caria,
vii.
,

Greece, ascribed to Cecrops,

sisters

119.

between brothers and

esteemed creditable at Athens and in

431. account of marriages of Greeks with Persians, viii. 356 358. (See Intermarriages.) Marseilles. See Massilia. Mascames, the Persian commander, his defence of Doriscus, ii. 210. Masclef's account of the Hebrew alphabet, notice of, i. 125, 126. note. Masistius, commander of the Persian cavalry, attacks the Megarian camp,
ii.

101.

Is defeated
state of, in

and

slain,

102.
i.

Honours paid
140, 141.

to his

memory by

the

Persians, 103.

Masonry, Massaga,

Homer's

time,

capital of the Assakenes, besieged

and taken by Alexander,

viii.

171175.
Massagetes, a Scythian horde, account of, viii. 124. They join Spitamenes, ib. Are defeated by Caenus, 126. Again defeated, 127. They murder Spitamenes, 128. Massilia, or Marseilles, foundation of, i. 434. Mast, the, of various trees, the food of mankind, in a civilised, as well as a barbarous state, i. 8, 9. and note. Mausolus, prince of Caria, affords pecuniary support to Agesilaus, v. 255.
,

assists

Rhodes, Cos, Chios, and Byzantium against Athens,

vi.

72.

His death, 360.

, account of his tomb, vii. 431. SurMazaeus, the Persian, his conduct at the battle of Arbela, viii. 20. renders Babylon to Alexander, 27. Is appointed satrap of Babylon, 28.

His death, 131. Mazenes, the Persian, joins the

fleet

of Nearchus,

viii.

335.

His conduct

considered, 341, 342. Medals Crotoniat, notice of, ii. 16O. (See Coins.) Medama, foundation of, i. 346. Medea, notice of, i. 58. Media, formation of the kingdom of, i. 426. 40. Account of Alexander's , notice of, viii.

march through

it

to

Babylon, 402 411. Median wall, account of the, iv. 1 89. Medical school of Crotona, celebrity of,

ii.

60.

Medius, the Thessalian, becomes the confidential friend of Alexander the His attention to him during his last illness, 442 445. Great, viii. 44O. Medocus, king of the Odrysians, notice of, iv. 281. Sometimes written Ammadocus, 435. note. Medon, son of Codros, first hereditary archon at Athens, i. 337. Megabates, a Persian commander, tyranny of, i. 460, 461. Megabyzus, the Persian commander, attempts to bribe Sparta, ii. 264. Defeats the Greeks in Egypt, 265. Causes sacrilegious Megacles, chief of the Alcmaonidas, archon, i. 356. Takes the lead of the court execution of the partisans of Cylon, 357.
party, 391. piation of his sacrilege
, ,

ExUnites with Lycurgus in expulsion of Pisistratus, 399. demanded by the Lacedaemonians, ii. 348. brother of Dion, made autocrator-general of Syracuse, vi. 13. Athenian, the successful suitor for the daughter of Clisthenes,

tyrant of Sicyon, vii. 221. Megacreon of Abdera, saying of, ii. 9. of the Megalopolis founded, as the capital of all Arcadia, v. 117. Assembly The inhabitants, formerly from the country, Arcadian nation in, 150. wish to return, 239. Prevented by the Thebans, under Pammenes, and
their country residences destroyed, 240.

540
Megalopolis, situation nians, 352.

GENERAL INDEX.
and constitution
of, vi.

351, 352.

Solicit the

Athe-

, besieged by the Lacedaemonians, viii. 48. Megara, disputes between the Megarians and Corinthians, ii. 245, 246. 254. Relief of Megara by Myronides, 255. Revolt of, 284. Invasion and ravage of, by the Athenians, 380. sedition iii. The 13. exiles 21. Atrocious , of, Megarian betrayed, measure of the aristocratical party, 22. sedition in, after the battle of Leuctra, v. 263. Flourishes amidst the manufacture of cloth the chief source general troubles of Greece, 268. of its wealth, 269. note. contest of factions at, vii. 9, 10. ,
,

Hyblaean, foundation

of,

i.

349.
coast,
ii. 1

Megasthenes leads a colony of Euboeans to the Italian Cuma and Dicsearchia, now Puteoli, 171.

70.

Founds
v.

Megon,

the Carthaginian general,

ib.

is

left

in

command

in

Sicily,

440.

Ravages the Messenian

Carthage,
Assaults

territory, 441.

Is powerfully reenforced

from

Agyris, chief of Agyrium, 442.

treaty with Dionysius relative to the Sicels, 443.

Concludes a Succeeds to the high dig-

Invades Sicily and Italy, ib. Is defeated and killed nity of Imilcon, 459. at Cabala by Dionysius, ib. His son defeats the Greeks at Cronium, ib.

And concludes peace, 460. Melanthus, prince of Pylus, emigration

throne, ib.

of, to Attica,

i.

855.

Raised to the

His death, 336.

i. 43. Account of, and of the party Melitus, his charge against Socrates, iv. 133. to which he belonged, 135. Is Mellon, a Theban, plots with Phyllidas a revolution at Thebes, v. 37. raised to the office of Boeotarch, 52. MX<3<f>opo<, explanation of the term, viii. 17. note.

Meleager,

Melos, expedition against, under Nicias, ii. 479. an Athenian armament sent against, iii. 137. Besieged and taken by , the Athenians, 138, 139. Fate of the surrendered Melians, 139. Melvill, general, his remarks on the ancient war-galleys, ii. 79 --83. Memnon, the Grecian, account of, vii. 361. note, and 371. Intrusted with the military command in the western provinces of Persia, 387. His critical situation, 388, 389. Fails in his attempt on Cyzicus, 389. Held in check by Parmenio, 390. His preparations against Alexander, 395, His place in the Persian army, 402. note. 396. Joins Arsites, 398.
to Caria, 427.

Hastens to Ionia, 413. Appointed commander-in-chief, 421. Withdraws Favours the cause of Orontobates, 433. Withdraws into His preparations there, ib. Retires from it, 436. Halicarnassus, 434. Commands the Persian fleet, 455. His negotiation with Lacedmon, 456, 457. Takes Chios, 462. Proceeds to Lesbos, ib. Dies before Mitylene,
163.
v.

Memorials of Xenophon, account of, and remarks on, Memphis, part of, taken by the Athenians, ii. 253.
,

277

309.

notice

of,

vii.

537.

Festival

celebrated there

by Alexander,

538541.
Menander, the comic poet, notice of, vii. 446. Mende, measures adopted by Brasidas for the
iii.

safety of the

inhabitants,

50.

Defended by Polydamidas, 55.

ib.

Athenians,
ib.

Who

Entered and pillaged by the restore the democratical form of government there,

Menestheus, notice of, i. 68. Passes a Menidas, the Macedonian, brings recruits to Alexander, viii. ^30. night in the temple of Serapis, 447. Menon, Thessalian, his conduct in Cilicia, iv. 156, 157. His character, 157. His address in passing the Euphrates, 163. Quarrel between him and
Clearchus, 165.

GENERAL INDEX.
Gained over Mentor, a Grecian, engages in the Egyptian service, vii. 361. Assists Artaxerxes against Cyprus, 365. by the Persians at Sidon, 364. Also in the expedition against Egypt, 368. His connection with Bagoas, 371. Intrusted with the direction of the western provinces of Persia, 372. His death, 387. Mercenary troops, when first formally allowed in Greece, v. 13. Greek mercenaries in request in the East, before the time of the younger Cyrus, 249. General increase of, in the Grecian republics, 385. account of, in India, viii. 171, 172.
,

Mercury, terms
its
,

ancient use, iii. 178. Destruction of, at Athens, and consequences, 178, 179. 103. 108 115. prosecutions for mutilating them, iv. 98
of, their

Meron, mount, for what celebrated, viii. 186. Mesopotamian rivers, floods of, viii. 419. Mespila, town of, noticed, iv. 208, 209. note. Messena, in Sicily, gained to the party of Daphnaeus and Demarchus, v. 377. Joins Rhegium in a naval attack upon Dionysius in Syracuse, 378. Excited Pardoned by Dionysius, 397. to war against Syracuse, 396. Receives a tract of land from Dionysius, 402. Falls under the power of Carthage, 417. And is levelled with the ground, 420. and note. Restored by Dionysius, 434. Six hundred Peloponnesian Messenians established there, 435. Who are afterwards removed to the north of Sicily, ib. Messena fruitlessly besieged by the Rhegians, 439. Messene, foundation of, i. 324. Causes of quarrel between the Messenians and Messenia, province of, i. 14. Various events of the wars between them, .Lacedaemonians, 302, 303. 3O4 322. Colony of Messenians capture Zancle in Sicily, and settle there, Foundation of, 325. 323, 324. ii. 264. , the Messenians settled at Naupactus, the province of, restored to its former inhabitants by the The new city of Messena built under the patronage of Thebans, v. 131.
,

lost to

ib. By whom peopled, according to Pausanias, 132. Finally Lacedaemonia, ib. Unites with Epaminondas on his fourth invasion Becomes an independent member of the Greek of Peloponnesus, 222.

Epaminondas,

nation, 255.
Its modern name, ib. note. The Methone, in Messenia, notice of, i. 317. town and territory of, given to the Nauplians, 325. in Macedonia, account of, vi. 306, 307. Aggressions on Macedonia, 307. Capitulates to Philip, Besieged by the Macedonians, ib.
,

316.

taken by Callicratidas, iii. 44O. (See Mitylene. ) Metics or Freemen, not being citizens of Athens, condition of, taxes imposed upon them, iv. 1 6. ,

Methymne

i.

368.

MigraMigration, tions of the Ionic Pelasgians, 339. Of the JEolians, 340. Of the lonians, 341. War of Its flourishing state, 422. Miletus, city of, its foundation, i. 341. Revolt of the Milesians against Persia, 463. Halyattes against, 422, 423. Siege and capture of Miletus, Republican government established, ib. 474478. Its present state, 475. note. ii. 299304. , war of, with Samos, iii. 317. Persian garrison expelled from, 367. , battle of, , account of, vii. 421, 422. Besieged and taken by Alexander, 423,
i.

spirit of, in the early ages of the world,

4, 5. 15, 16.

424.
Military affairs of the Greeks, i. 387, 388. code of Lycurgus, i. 292 297. duty of the Agrigentines, decree respecting, v. 340. establishment of Athens, i. 387. . manoeuvres connected with the retreat of the ten thousand, account
of, iv.

211213.

note.

542

GENERAL INDEX.
to,
i.

Military service, obligations 386.

,

251.

Of

the

Grecian republics, 384

composition

for, v. 12.

Remarks on

the age of,

among

the Spartans,

47, 48. note.

system of the age of Xenophon, general spirit of, iv. 217, 248. and naval command, among the ancients, united in the same person, iii. 399. note. 238. note. life, comparison between, iv. 236 Milo, the athlete, general of the Crotoniats, ii. 159. His wonderful prowess,
161. note. Miltiades, the elder, by what circumstances the Thracian Chersonese came into the possession of, i. 479, 480. of the Chersonese, i. 480. Recommends the , the younger, tyrant Grecian chiefs to destroy Darius's bridge over the Danube, 481. Flees to

Athens, ib. Generosity of Darius to his son, 482. Acquitted of the charge His sage advice to the polemarch Callimachus, 498. of tyranny, 497. DeJudicious disposition of the Greek army to meet the Persians, 500. Wounded at the siege of feats them at the battle of Marathon, 502, 503. His impeachment and death, 510. His imprisonment, as Paros, 507.
related

by

-,

monument

later writers, discredited, ib. note. erected to the memory of,

ii.

181.

Milton, his imitation of a passage in Thucydides noticed, iii. 123. note. Mindarus, transactions of the Peloponnesian fleet under his command, iii. 384390. 395, 396. Defeated and slain, 397, 398. Minerva, temple of, at Athens, guarded by a serpent, ii. 62. Mines, commander of the Camarinean forces, accuses the Agrigentine generals of treachery, v. 345. Minister of Olympian Jupiter, office of the, vi. 72. of the office of first minister of Athens, vii. 52 55. , character Minos, king of Crete, laws of, i. 20, 21. Remarks thereon, 21, 22. And on his reception of Theseus, 61, 62.

Minotaur, fiction of, explained, i. 61. Mirth, prescribed to his people, by Lycurgus, i. 287. Mitford, gratifying occupation of, on his history of Greece, vii. 287. note. Mithranes gives up Sardis to Alexander, vii. 414. appointed satrap of Armenia, viii. 28. Mithridates harasses the Greeks on their retreat, iv. 205. Siege of Mitylene and Methymne, political circumstances of, ii. 431, 432. Inhuman decree of the Athenians against the Mitylene by Paches, 437.
456. Mitylenaeans, 452 invested by Memnon, vii. 462. Capitulates to the Persians, Submits to the Mace463. Subsequent circumstances of, 463, 464. donians, 543. Mnaseas, the Phocian, and Phalaeus, appointed generals, vi. 328. And slain,

329.

Mnasippus commands the Lacedaemonian Killed by the Corcyreans, 73.

fleet,

and ravages Corcyra,

v. 68.

Mnesiphilus, an Athenian officer, his interview with Themistocles, ii. 64. Modon. See Methone, in Messenia. 227. Situation of, 217, 218. Its government, Molossis, history of, vii. 216 219. Themistocles takes refuge at, 222. Tharyps, king of, joins the LaceThe sister of its king Alexander married to daemonians, 224. and note. Philip of Macedon, 225. Ravaged by the Romans, 226. and note. Athenian embassy to the queen of, viii. 392. Monarchy, absolute, unknown among the ancient Greeks, as a legal constitution,
,

i.

112, 113.

legal and illegal, differences between, vii. 214. . limited, examples of, in Greece, vii. 215, 216. Montesquieu, his opinion of what constitutes the essence of despotism,
.

ii.

his

eulogy of Alexander's adoption of Persian customs,

viii.

249. 118.

GENERAL INDEX.
Money

,54.3

of iron, not peculiar to Sparta, i. 276. note. MovoyX, explanation of the term, i. 7. note. Monsoon, Indian, account of the, viii. 283, 284. Mora, a division of infantry among the Lacedaemonians, i. 293 295. Morality not better practised in the age of Plato and Xenophon than in Homer's time, iv. 119. Near approach made to Christian morality by Socrates, 139. Moses, coincidences between the writings of, and those of Greek authors, in tracing the history of mankind to its source, i. 3, 4.

Mosks in Africa, form of, i. 102. note. Mosyneeks, notice of the independent horde of, iv. 239. Becomes an Agrigentine Motya, a Phenician settlement in Sicily, ii. 138.
garrison, 151.
Is carried by assault, 412. A besieged by Dionysius, v. 410. remnant of the Motyenes saved, but sold to slavery, ib. Falls again under the power of Carthage, 417. Mountainous districts, remarks on the inhabitants of, viii. 89, 90. Mountains of Greece, i. 12 14.
,

i. 161 Murichides, his mission to the Athenians, ii. 97. See Numberless. Mvftoi, ol. Musaeus, one of the fathers of Grecian poetry, i. 69. Notice of the music Music, prevalence of, among ancient nations, i. 137. of the ancient Greeks, ib. 138. Muskanus, the Indian, submits to Alexander, viii. 250. Revolts, 253, And is executed, 254.

Mourning, public, mark of, among the Argives, i. 327. Murders, frequency of, in the early ages of the Greeks,

Mycale, battle of, ii. 129, 130. Mycalessus, massacre of the inhabitants of, by the Thracians, iii. 245, 246. Mycenae, founded by Perseus, i. 32. 244. , taken and destroyed by the Argives, ii. Mylas, a town of Sicily, the dispersed Catanians and Naxians assembled at, Recovered by the Syracusans, 439. by the Rhegians, v. 438.

Myndus, notice of the town of, vii. 434. Myronides, commander of the Athenian forces against Corinth, ii. 254. Defeats the Corinthians, 255. Defeats the Boeotian army at (Enophyta, 260. Character of this campaign, 261. Myrr-bearing trees, notice of, viii. 267. Mysteries, Eleusinian and others, probable origin and object of, i. 101.
Mystical religion

among

Myus,

city of, its foundation,

the Greeks, nature i. 341.

of,

i.

91.

N.

Names, remarks on the modern alterations in Greek names, i. 13. note. Care required in Rise of national names accounted for, 123, 124. note. the consideration of ancient, or foreign politics, not to be misled by names,
254. note. Naples, a colony from Campanian foundation of, ii. 172. ,
,

Cuma,

i.

346.
vii.

Nawof,

meaning

allusion to the conquest of, of, iv. 262. note.

by Spain and Austria,

432.

Nard, account of, viii. 267. Narsaaus, son of Dionysius the elder, by Aristomache, notice of, vi. 2. Nauclides, plot concerted between him and .Eurymachus, ii, 358, 359. Sea-fight near, 421424. Naupactus, settlement of Messenians at, ii. 264. Nauplia taken by the Argives, i. 26O. NaDf, with what limitation the word is used by Thucydides, iii. 395. note.
Nautical term used by Thucydides, explanation
of,
ii.

80.

544
Naval

GENERAL INDEX.

Difaction, the system of, among the ancients explained, ii. 68, 69. ference in the principle on which Themistocles and the Persian commanders respectively manned their vessels, 70, 71. Naval and military command, among the ancients, united in the same person, iii. 399. note. 238. note. life, comparison between, iv. 236 Navarch, rank of, i. 388. Navarino, ancient name of, i. 317. note. State of this art among the early Greeks, 152 Navigation, origin of, i. 7.
155.

^^

imperfect state of, among the Greeks and Syracusans, v. 73, 74. of the Indian rivers by Alexander, viii. 248 262. Account of Difficulties of navigating the Persian gulf, 336. ancient navigation, 281.
-,

339341.
Navy, Persian, composition and numbers of
the,
ii.

7, 8.

Persian expedition against, Naxos, island of, factions in, i. 459. The siege of Naxos abandoned, 461. capitulation of, to the Greek confederacy, ii. 212.
,

ib.

460.

The party in, adverse to city of Sicily, foundation of, i. 348. The city destroyed, and its territory Dionysius, sold to slavery, v. 389. Who quit Naxus, and originate the town of Taugiven to the Sicels, ib. romenium, 419. The dispersed Naxians assembled at Myla3 by the Rhegians, 430. a new settlement formed there by Andromachus, vi. 10. NsttviVxoj, and NEOJ, sense of, iv. 293. note.
Naxus, a
>,

Nearchus joins Alexander with the Assakenes, 180, 181. and

His expedition against recruits, viii. 115. notes. Account of his voyage, 278 344.

Reports the circumstances of his voyage to Alexander, 278. The vessels L?st adapted to this expedition, 281, 282. The amount of his fleet, 283. His birth and character, 285. The commencement of his voyage, 290. His 292. Reaches the bar progress during the first six days, 292, 293. His mode of passing it, ib. of Sindi, 294. Rests on the island Crocala, Detained at Bibacta, ib. 295. His further progress, 297. Arrives at the river Arabis, 298. The continuance of his voyage, and losses, 299,

The slowness of his progress, 300. Refits at Rambacia, 301 303. 300. Arrives at the river Tomerus, 304. His description of the country of the " His attack on them, 307. Arrives at Carnina, ib. Fish-Eaters," 305. His description of that place, 307, 308. His Arrives at Mosarna, 308. further progress, 309, 310. His violence to a fortified town, 311 314. His further progress, 314 316. Recruits at a deserted town, 317. Reaches Badis, 318. His dispute with Onesicritus, 319. Reaches HarHis conmoza, ib. The credit to be attached to his narrative, 320, 321. duct at Harmoza, 322. His journey to Alexander, 324, 325. His reHis re-appointment to the command, 326. His ception by him, 325. return to Harmoza, 327. Remarks on his narrative and conduct, 328 He performs a sacrifice, 333. The time he left Harmoza, 334. 333. His arrival at an island, ib. Its different ancient and modern names, ib. Accompanied from thence by Mazenes, 335. His further progress to Ila, He reaches Apostani, 337. His stay and preparations at Si336, 337. His progress to the river Granides, 339. His description of tacus, 338. Arrives at the river Arosis, 340. Difficulties of the nait, ib. and note. Arrives at Diridotis, 341. and note. vigation, 340, 341. Mysteriousness of his narrative, 341, 342. He enters the Pasitigris, 343. Proceeds to Is married to a daughter of Mentor, 357. Receives Susa, 344. and note. a golden crown, 361. Nectanabis, or Nectanebos, a near kinsman of Tachos, succeeds him on the throne of Egypt, v. 252, 253. 363, Supports the Phoenicians, 364. Baffles , notice of, vii. 361 Is defeated, 369. And flees into Ethiopia, ib. Artaxerxes, 367. Nemean games, notice of, i. 213.

GENERAL INDEX.
Nemean
glen, action of, v. 164.
vii.

545

Neodamodes, explanation of, iii. 298. Neoptolemus Pyrrhus, descendants of,

219.

Nepos, Cornelius, character of, as a writer, iv. 347. note. -, his eulogy of Thrasybulus, iv. 437. note. his character of Dionysius of Syracuse, v. 477 ; vi. 5. , note. 21. note. His account of the hatred in which Dion was held
after the

murder of Heraclides,

29, 30.
vi.

Neptune, sacrifice of Alexander to, viii. 260. Nesaeus yields the chief power at Syracuse to Dionysius the younger,
Nestor's order of battle, i. 145. New Forest, observations on the forming
note.
of,

36.

by William

I., viii.

258, 259.

News-writing, modern, something analogous to, in Greece, v. 312, 313. Newton, Sir Isaac, his conjecture respecting the foundation of Argos and the identity of Erectheus and Ericthonius, 49. note. Sicyon, i. 25.

On

His chronology of the Amphictyonic council, 199, 200. note. Observations on his chronology of Grecian history, 237 245. Nicaea, on the Hydaspes, founded by Alexander, viii. 200.
Nicanor, a Macedonian, notice
of, viii. 58. Appointed satrap of northern India, 176. Niceratus, son of Nicias, condemned to death by the Council of Thirty, iv. 47. Nicholochus commands the Lacedaemonian fleet, v. 64. Is defeated, ib. Succeeds Nicias, son of Niceratus, his character and talents, ii. 450, 451. His operations at Lesbos and MePericles as commander-in-chief, 478. Goes with the fleet to Melos, ib. Defeats the Tanagraeans gara, 479. and Locrians, 480. Miserably betrays the dignity of his office, 513.

commands an expedition against the Corinthians, iii. 3. Takes and His influence in the Athenian commonwealth, 71, 72. burns Thyrea, 10. His opposition to the Faction against him, headed by Hyperbolus, 166. measures of Alcibiades, 168, 169. Named first in command of the Sicilian His speech on the subject of the expedition, 169171. expedition, 169. His reply to Alcibiades, 175 177. His feeble conduct, and oppression His official letter to the Athenian people after of the Sicels, 200, 201.
234. the siege of Syracuse, 231 Intercepts the auxiliaries to Syracuse, His preparations for action with the Syracusan fleet, 252. 250, 251. Opposes the advice of Demosthenes to return to Athens, 261. Change in his character, 269. His excellent speech to the troops on their retreat, 275, Difference between him and Demosthenes respecting the conduct of 276. the retreat, 280, 281. Surrenders to Gylippus, 284. Decreed to suffer death by the Syracusans, and executed, 285. his nephews, iv. 86, 87. , proceedings against Nicocles, a eunuch, assassinates Evagoras, v. 248. note.

Nicodemus of Centoripa flees from Timoleon, vi. 65. Nicomachus, the transcription of Solon's laws committed to him, iv. 75. How interpolated and altered by, 75, 76. Nicomedes, son of Cleombrotus, relieves Doris, ii. 257. Winters in Brcotia, Defeats the Athenians at Tanagra, 258. 258. Nicophemus and Aristophanes, proceedings originating in the murder of, iv.

8791.
Nicostratus, operations of the Athenian fleet, under his command, at Cor474. cyra, ii. 469 Nicostratus, of Argos, engaged in the Persian service, vi. 373 Is executed for exNicotoles, a Corinthian, resides at Syracuse, v. 384.
citing the Corinthian sedition, ib. Nile, operation of the waters of the, i. 6. Nisaea, port of, taken by the Athenians, iii. 14, 15. Nobility, hereditary, decline of, in Greece, i. 251.

VOL.

VIII.

NN

546

GENERAL INDEX.
Taken by Paches, and

Nomophylaces, office of, at Athens, i. 378. Nomothetes, office of the, i. 378. Notium, when separated from Colophon, made an appendage of Attica, 448.
,

ii.

447.

sea-fight of,

iii.

430, 431.
v.

Numberless assembly of Arcadia, how composed, Nypsius conveys a convoy through the Syracusan two quarters of the city, vi. 21.
Nysa, description
ib. of, viii.

118. and note.

fleet,

and

in

a sally gains

183.

The Nysseans send an

constitution,

Account of the Nysasan

185.

address to Alexander, Notice of antiquities

there, 186.

O.

Oak, the evergreen, producing sweet acorns, not found

time,
i.

in Britain, in Caesar's

10. note.

Oath, Amphictyonic form of the, i. 201, 202. the Greeks and Per, ceremonies attending the oath of fidelity, between The salutary superstition which taught to respect the obsians, iv. 182. servance of oaths, fast wearing away in the time of Aristophanes, 119. Observer, of Cumberland, observations on the aspersions on the character of 141. note. Socrates contained in this work, iv. 139 Ochlocracy, or mob-rule, i. 253. Ochus. See Artaxerxes Ochus. Funeral ceremonies of, 310. Odrysians, their depredations, iv. 309. CEneus, catastrophe of, i. 44. CEnoe, siege of, ii. 372, 373. the surrender of, how effected by Aristarchus, iii. 382, 383. , OZnophyta, battle of, ii. 26O.
CEta, mount,
,

i.

12.

ridsje of, the

ii.

southern boundary of Thessaly,

its

situation

and advan-

tages,

26.

of, i. 42. 44. 222. Ogyges, king of Attica, and his reign, What places were called Ogygian, 45. 44, 45. The inventor of Olen, the Lycian, his hymns the oldest in Greece, 5. 69. the Grecian hexameter verse, ib. One of the fathers of Grecian poetry, ib. Account or this form of government Oligarchy, import of the term, i. 251.

Ogyges, flood

ib. 252. And proOlive branch, custom respecting, in the temple of Ceres, iv. 106. 108. secution against Andocides for a breach of this custom, 106 Olive crown, reward of the, conferred on Eurybiades and Themistocles, ii.

85.
tree, sacred, at
,

Athens, i. 362. prosecution of an Athenian for removing the decayed stump

ii.

of

one,

iv.

9296.
491.

Olpae, battle of,

Olympia, account of the oracle at, i. 188. Treaties often proclaimed at, 212, Its sacred treasury robbed by the Arcadians, battle of, v. 204. , 207. Olympiad, remarks on the chronology of the, i, 238 241. the 104th, distinguished by the battle of Olympia, v. 204. , account of the Macedonian, vii. 275, 276. 345, 346. Olympian games, account of, i. 208 212. Benefits resulting from them, Date of the first catalogue of victors at, 218. 236. 212. an object of curiosity at, than the, a Lacedaemonian more conquerors, v. 137. The Eleans excluded from the presidency of, by thr
,

Arcadians, 202, 203.

festival at

Memphis,

Dionysius of Syracuse unsuccessful vii. 538.

at,

46&.

GENERAL INDEX.
Olympias married to Philip of Macedon, vi. 290. is afterwards Alexander the Great, 295.
is

547
Gives birth to a son,

who

173. repudiated, creates disturbances in Macedonia, viii. 384. Olympiodorus attacks and defeats the Persians under Masistius,
vii.

ii.

101

103.

Olympus, mount,
,

i.

12. 38.

the father of Grecian music, i. 69. Olynthiac orations of Demosthenes, account of, vi. Olynthus besieged and taken by Artabazus, ii. 88.
,

385

387.

rise

and growing power of the republic

of, v. 7.

The Olynthians

associate the neighbouring towns in their civil and political rights, ib. Several of the Macedonian towns join the association, 7, 8. System of go-

vernment in Olynthus, 8. Intermarriages, and intermixed possessions, allowed their townships by the Olynthians, 9. The Olynthians successful in two engagements with the Peloponnesians, 22 24. Reduced to subRemarks on the Olynthian jection to Lacedannon by Polybiades, 33. union, as sketched by Xenophon, 34. Olynthus re-enforces the Lacedaemonian army, 59. the Olynthians gain possession of Pella, vi. 100. Subdued by , the Lacedaemonians and Macedonians, 101. Restoration of the confederacy,
102.

152
ib.

Hostility of, to Athens, 104. Account of the Olynthian confederacy, Its opposition to Athens, Its alliance with Amphipolis, 154. 154. Take ChariThe Olynthians compel Tirnotheus to retreat, 162.

into their service, 167. Join Macedonia against Amphipolis, 180. Negotiate with Athens, 184, 185. Besiege Amphipolis, 187. PoMake peace with Athens, 381. Their war with. litical state of, 38O. Macedon, 390 392. Remonstrate with Athens, 393. Defeated by Philip, Effects of the conquest of, 404, 405. Surrender to him, 397. 395. Omares, general of the Persians at the battle of the Granicus, vii. 402. Is slain, 410. Omens, abundance of, in the time of Alexander and following ages, viii.

demus
184.

(See Prognostics.) 431, 432. Second Onesicritus, a Macedonian naval commander, account of, viii. 285. His narrative of the voyage, 289. His to Nearchus, 286. command in Notice of, 331. He proceeds to Susa, 344. dispute with Nearchus, 319.

Receives a golden crown, 361. Onesilus, king of Salamis, revolts against the Persians, i. 472. Onomarchus appointed general of the Phocians, vi. 285. Takes Thronium. Gains Orchoinsnus, 288. Plunders Doris, ib. and Amphissa, 287. Repulsed at Chasronea, ib. Sends succours to Lycophron, 315. and note. Defeats the Thebans, and gains Enters Thessaly, and defeats Philip, 318.

Coronea,

ib.

Is defeated

and

slain,

320. and note.

Onomastus, notice of, vii. 221. viii. 372382. Opis, on the Tigris, mutiny of the Macedonian army at, "OwXa, meaning of the phrase i? ra, iv. 184. note, liei TO., 197. note. Garrisoned by Ora, besieged and taken by Alexander the Great, viii. 174.
him, 175.
185. Particulars of the oracle i. 107. Origin and progress of, i. 183 Of Olympia, 188. Of Delphi, 189196. of Dodona, 186, 187. of Ammon, vii. 546. (See Delphi, Dodona.) i. 139, 140. note. Oranges, not known in Greece, for ages after Homer, Orators of Athens, weight of their historic testimony, vi. 181, 182.

Oracles,

their importance, vii. 5.

17.

Orchomenus, war between the Orchomenians and Orchomenians oppose the union of all Arcadia, 1

Clitorians, v.

The 56. Engage a body of

Join in a conspiracy with the aristocratical party in mercenaries, ib. OrchoDestruction of the Orchomenian cavalry, 194. Thebes, 193. menus levelled, and its inhabitants slain or sold to slavery, ib. Date of this event, according to Pausanias, and other authors, 194, 195. nptes. _____ Joins the Phocian alliance, 288. , is repeopled, vi. 287.

NN

548
Orchomenus,
thither,
,

GENERAL INDEX.
restoration of,
vii.

336.
to flee

Orestes, son of

Agamemnon, compelled

from Argos,

i.

81.

Returns

and ascends the throne, 177.

king of Thessaly, compelled to flee from his country, ii. 267. son of Archelaus, his death, vi. 96. Are subdued by him, 266. They Orites, the, oppose Alexander, viii. 264. Defeated by Leonatus, ib. revolt, 302. Oroetes, satrap of Sardis, notice of, i. 454. 167. Orontas, governor of Sardis, rebellion of, iv. 144. His treachery, 165
,

His
v.

sentence, 167. Persian general, accuses his superior in , the

246.

And

succeeds him,

ib.

command, Tiribazus, Makes peace with Evagoras, tyrant of

maritime pro-

Salamis, 247.

Engages

in the rebellion of the western

Is elected general of the confederacy, and betrays it, 249. vinces, 248. Favoured by Orontobates, the Persian, gains possession of Caria, vii. 431.

Memnon,

433.

Oropus, port

of, seized

Withdraws from Halicarriassus, 436. Is defeated, 483. by the Athenian exiles, v. 1 80. Held by the Thebans
ib.

in trust, 181.

Orpheus, hymns of, noticed, i. 69. One of the fathers of Grecian poetry, Orthography of Greek names, observations on, i. 1 3. note. , English, of Greek names, i. 14. note. , French, of Asiatic names, viii. 252. note. O'Ruark, king of Leitrim, anecdote of, i. 282, 283. Ossa, mount, i. 12. 38.

Ostracism, nature of, ii. 61. His execution, 352. Oxathres, appointed satrap of Paraetacene, viii. 52. Tried and executed, ib. Oxines, a Persian, charges against him, viii. 349. Oxus, river, notice of, viii. 97 99. Oxyartes the Bactrian, account of, viii. 131. His fort besieged by Alexander, 132. How taken, 133. His daughter married to Alexander, 134. He submits to him, ib. His interview with Alexander, 249. Made satrap of

Paropamisus,

ib.

Oxycanus, the Indian, opposes Alexander, viii. 251. Oxydracs, the, submit to Alexander, viii. 247. Oxylus, an /Etolian chieftain, notice of, i. 179. Ozolian Locris. See Locris.
P.

Is taken prisoner, ib.

Paches, son of Epicurus, takes the command of the Athenian army in Lesbos, His treachii. 437. Proceeds to Ionia, 446. Besieges Mitylene, 442. ery and cruelty, 446 449. Charge of peculation against him, 457. Hi*
death, ib.

Pactolus, river, notice of, i. 415. of the, iv. 345, 346. , battle His subsequent adventures, to his Pactyas, revolt of, from Cyrus, i. 429. 432. betrayal by the Chians, 430 ii. 423. note. Paean, song, Are bribed by Paconians, the, make an eruption into Macedonia, vi. 118. 121. Are overthrown Become annexed to Macedon, 125. Philip,

by Philip, 294. Psestum, or Posidonia, site and foundation of, ii. 166. Modern opinions re, magnificent ruins of, i. 83, 84 ; ii. 166. Its prosperity, 174. 175. note. specting them, controverted, ii. 167. 173 Destroyed by the Saracens, ib. Pagasaean Bay, battle near the, vi. 320. 83. Page's, M. his remarks on the ancient war-galleys, ii. 81 Pages, probable first institution of by Philip, vii. 280, 281. - of 157. Alexander, their conspiracy against him, viii. 152
Pagondas, the Theban Delium, iii. 26, 27.

B ceo

t arch,

his

conduct before and at the battle of

GENERAL INDEX.
Painters, celebrated, at Athens, in the time of Pericles,
ii.

293.

Palermo.

See Panormus.

Palm-trees, the summits of, used as food by Alexander's soldiers, viii. 268. Pammenes, the Theban general, compels the residence of the country gentlemen in Megalopolis, v. 240. Is Destroys their former seats, ib. sent to Artabazus, vi. 282. His successes, 283. Pan, worship of, when introduced into Athens, i. 496, 497.

Panathensea, festival of, when established, i. 64. Pansenus, a celebrated painter, notice of, ii. 293. Pancration, when introduced into the Olympic games, i. 211. Panhellenes and Achaioi, all Greeks included under these names by
198. note. Panic in the camp of Clearchus, iii. 341. Panionian synod, nature of the, i. 341.
i.

Homer,

Panoply, what comprehended under the term, i. 385. Imilcon Panormus, or Palermo, a Phenician settlement in Sicily, ii. 138. enters the port of, with the Carthaginian armament, v. 415. Pantiles, being disgraced for having been absent from the battle of Thermopylae, strangles himself, ii. 44. Paper-credit, lines on, from Pope's Moral Essays, iv. 351. note. Paphlagonia, alliance of, with Lacedaemon, iv. 360, 361. , the Paphlagonians enter into a treaty with Alexander,

vii.

473.

Revolt at, 132. Paractacene, subdued by Alexander, viii. 52. The rebellion there quelled, 137. of, 135. Parasang, computation of, iv. 182. note. Paredri, or assessors to the archons, how chosen, i. 383. Parian Chronicle, account of, i. 221.
Paris, rape of Parmenio, the

Description

Is sent defeats the Illyrians, vi. 294. to Eubcea, 369. Arrives Athens, 423. is sent into Asia, vii. 172. Entrusted with the defence of Mace-

Helen by, i. 75. Macedonian general,

donia, 304.

His conduct in lEotia. alluded to, 378, 379. His advice to Takes Grynium, 389. Alexander, 381. Keeps Memnon in check, 390. His advice to Alexander Superintends the passage of the Hellespont, ib. at the river Granicus, 402. His station in the battle there, 405. Gains His advice at Miletus, 423. Is sent to Magnesia, 420. Dascylium, 413. The trust reposed in him by Alexander, 441. Discovers a plot against Authorised to arrest Alexander, son of Aeropus, 445. Alexander, 442.
Is sent by Alexander to secure the pass into Syria, 480. His situation at the battle of Issus, 503. Takes Damascus, 518. His con-, his advice previously to the battle of Arbela, viii. 16. Is sent into His passage over the Susiad rocks, 35. duct there, 20 '22. The treachery of his son Philotas discovered, 68. Few Hyrcania, 55. His reproof to Philotas, 71. accounts remaining respecting himself, 70.

Is left %vith the chief command in Media, ib. Is tried and executed, 76. and note.

His family

calamities, 72.

Parnassus, mount, i. 12, 13. Parnes, mount, i. 13. Paropamisan Alexandria. See Alexandria. Paros, siege of, by the Athenians, i. 507. Parrhasius, notice of, ii. 293. See Persepolis. Parsagardae.
Parthians, the, allusion to,
viii.

11.

Party

i. 411, 412. and note. 5O7 510. observations on, vi. 1 94. Pasimelus, a Corinthian chief, his attempts to overthrow the democratical His plan for the introduction of Praxitas into the 397. party, iv. 395 Slain in combat with the Argives, 400. city, 398. Pasion and Xenias, Grecian generals, desert from the army of Cyrus, iv.

spirit, effects of, at

,

Athens,

161.

Generous conduct of Cyrus on the occasion, 162.

NN

550

GENERAL INDEX.

Pasinees, notice of the, viii. 307. Pasitigris, river, notice of, viii. 343.

Passaron, the capital of Molossis, notice of, vii. 218. Paterculus, his eulogy upon Athens, iv. 34. note. Patriotism, Greek terms for, v. 45. note. Made a naval station by Alexander, 25G, Pattala, its situation, viii. 256. Alexander's return hither, 262. 257. Notice of, 238. Pausanias, the historian, veracity of, i. 59. note. , a Spartan general, commander of the Macedonian army, ii. 98. His altercation with Amompharetus, Attended by an Elean prophet, 99. 112. His preparations for the battle of Plata?a, 110. 113, 114. Anecdote of, 119. Marches against Thebes, 123. Orders the execution of Timegenides, and some other Thebans, 124. Appointed commander of the Grecian fleet, 200. Takes Byzantium, 201. Instance of his arrogance, Particulars of his intrigues with Persia, 202, 203. ib. Charges against His recall, ib. Treasonable practices and death of, 219 222. him, 204. king of Sparta, marches into Athens, under pretence of supporting the Council of Thirty, but really with another view, iv. 66, 67. Arrives in the Theban territory with his army, 356. His pusillanimous conduct, Is capitally prosecuted, and ilees to Tegea, 357, 358. 357. Passes his remaining days in banishment, 35S. his influence exerted with his son Agesipolis, to protect the democratical chiefs of the Mantineans, v. 4. His death, 97. 96. , king of Macedonia, assumes the throne, vi. a favourite at the court of Philip, king of Macedon, stabs Philip, vii. 174. Account of his death, ib. His motives for the assassination of Philip, 174, 175. the throne of Macedon, vi. , son of the former, attempts to ascend 109. Abandons his enterprise, 111. an Athenian Of a seaman, ib. soldier, ii. 438. Pay of Peculation of the Athenians proverbial, iv. 19. title of the iv. 329. Peers, Spartans, among Called Danaans, after the 28. Pelasgians, colonies from the east. i. 26 of 31. Their The name of Danaus, reign religion not polytheistic, 94. grows obsolete at an early period, 181.
, , ,

Pelion and Ossa, mountains of, i. 12. Pella, the principal city of Macedonia, joins the Olynthian association, v. 8. becomes the capital of Macedonia, vi. 101. Pellene, a Laconian town, stormed by Lycomedes of Mantinea, v. 133. Distinguished from the Achaean city so called, ib. note. 392. peninsula of, vi. 157 Battle of, 314. Pellion, the capital of Jllyria, vii. 313. Is raised to the office of Bceotarch, 52. Pelopidas, character of, v. 51. Directs, with Intrigues to set Athens at variance with Laceda?mon, ib. Epaminondas, the Theban councils after the congress of Lacedasmon, 86. Shares with his colleague the glory of the victory of Leuctra, 89 93. Leads an army into Thessaly, H3. Concludes a trenty with Alexander Returns to Thebes with Philip the future king king of Macedon, ib.
,

of Macedon, 144. Re-arriving in Thessaly, is imprisoned by Alexander, Is at length released, ib. Conflicting accounts of tagus of Plierae, ib. Sent on the part of Thebes to historians as to his merits, 145. note the congress at Susa, 147. Slights Antiochus, the Arcadian minister 148. His complete success, and political abilities, 148, 149. there, Is killed in a drawn Marches to support the Thessalian cities, 195. His character, ib. battle with Alexander of Pherae, 196. Takes Philip the youngest his embassy to Macedon, vi. 113. -, son of Amyntas to Thebes, 114. Peloponnesian war, history of, from its commencement to the death of Pericles, 404. From this period, in the third year, to the application for ii. 364 peace from Lacedasmon, in the seventh, 405 522. , from this period to the Conclusion of peace between

GENERAL INDEX.
Lacedsemon and Athens, in the tenth between Lacedajmon and Athens, 76
year, iii. 142.
1

551
75.

During

the peace

9. Peloponnesian war, recapitulatory synopsis of the, iv. 1 Peloponnesus, boundaries of, i. 13. Whence it derived its ancient name, 27. Political state of, in the times described by Homer, 112 115. Conquered by the Dorians under the Heraclidae, 178, 179. Its unsettled state in

consequence of the early dissensions among the Heraclidean princes, 203, Government established there by them, 247. 204. force contributed by the Peloponnesian cities to the defence of Themopylai, ii. 28, 29. The Poloponnesians confine themselves to the defence of their own peninsula, 59. Their conduct in the defence of Their 97. 184. Greece, jealousy of the Athenians, 182 Operations under 264. Influence of the Athenians in Tolmides, 263, against them, 268. of Pericles The Expedition to, 269. Peloponnesus, Peloponnesians invade Attica, under Plistoanax, 285. Cause of their retreat, ib. The Peloponnesians deficient in naval skill, 316. Assembly of Second assembly, 349. The Pelodeputies from, at Lacedaemon, 331. Invade and ravage ponnesians join the Lacedamonian confederacy, 365. Second invasion, 385, 386. 375. First effort of their fleet, Attica, 372 398. Attempt to send an embassy into Persia, 398, 399. Their inducements to undertake the siege of Plataja, 405. Account of their operations in the seige, 406 411. Send assistance to the Ambraciots, 414. Their fleet defeated by Phormion, 421 424. Attempt to surprise Pirams, 425, Third invasion of Attica, 430. 426. An army sent into the western Ozolian Locris acquired to the confederacy, ib. Their provinces, 486. fifth invasion of Attica, 496. Besiege Pylus, 503 505.
,

sures, 305.

361
fleet

365.

Its meaPeloponnesian confederacy at Corinth, iii. 304. Dissatisfaction of the Peloponnesian armament with its general, Send assistance to Pharnabazus, 362. Transactions of the

Their fleet captured at 390. 395, 396. Distresses of, 399. Cyzicus, 398. Liberality of Pharnabazus to, ib. Battle at Arginussas with the Athenian fleet, 445 448. And of yligosEnd of the Peloponnesian war, 493, 494. 481. potami, 478 fatal consequences of the sovereignty of the people in, after the battle of Leuctra, v. 261 265. Similarity between its political state and that of France at the revolution, 261. note. Sketch of the troubles
Isocrates, 265. -, forces levied in, from, to Sicily, how made, 11.
of,

under Meridanes, 384

by

by Dion and Heraclides, vi. 10. Its share in the Amphictyonic

11,12.

Passage
rites,

237.

War

in,

355, 356. animosities

,

in, vii.

league, Settles in Greece, and Pelops, emigration of, from Asia Minor, i. 32, 33. gives his name to the peninsula, 7O. Peltast, or middle-armed infantry of the Greeks, account of, i. 386. Peneus, river, notice of, i. 38. Penestians, their state of vassalage under the Thessalians. v. 99.

viii.

the states in, which opposed 47, 48.

and joined the Lacedaemonian

Pentacosimedimnians, i. 373. Pentathlon, the, when introduced into the Olympic games, i. 211. Penteconter, a small Grecian vessel, description of, ii. 45. Pentecosters, rank of, in the Lacedaemonian army, i. 293. Peparethians surprise the island of Halonnesus, and carry off" the Macedonian garrison, vii. 51. Perdiccas, son of Alexander, king of Macedonia, takes the command of the And defeats the Persian at the battle of Strymon, army, ii. 125. ib. The foundation of the Macedonian monarchy attributed to him, 321. His intrigues against the Athenians, 325, 326. Instance of his tergiverTerms of his Joins Sitalces in Athenian alliance, 383. sation, 330.
treaty with Sitalces, king of Thrace, 430.

N N

552
Perdiccas,
his

GENERAL INDEX.

views with respect to the principality of Lyncus, iii. 33. His operations in Disappointed in the conduct of Brasidas, 34. Thrace, 50 52. of Macedonia in his reign, vi. 86, 87. His death, 87. , state of Amyntas, ascends the throne of Macedon, vi. 111. Suc, son cessfully defends the Amphipolitans against the Athenians, 114. Makes war with Illyria, is defeated and slain, 116. Alexander's general, assaults Thebes, vii. 33O. Is overpowered, , Assisted by Amyntas, and again repulsed and wounded, ib. 331. is sent against Astes, viii. 164. Completes a bridge over the Indus, 176. Accompanies Alexander across the Hydaspes, 193. Notice of, 239. His appointment, 241. His success against the Indians, 248. Marries a daughter of Atropates, 356. Perga, Alexander's route to, described, vii. 446. Their dePerioecians, a people of Laconia, revolt from Lacedcemon, 131. fection compels the employment of mercenary forces, 254. Periander, tyrant of Corinth, notice of, i. 263. Account of Pericles, the patron of the colonisation of Thurium, ii. 165.
ii

His character and talents, 248. Concurs in the his descent, 247, 248. And in the proposal for depressing the power banishment of Cimon, 249. of the Areopagus, ib. Commands an expedition to the western coast of Moves the decree for the recall of Cimon, 271. Persuades Greece, 269. the people to pass a decree for constructing the long walls at Athens, 272. Restores the supremacy of the temple at Delphi to the Phocians, 278. His conduct in the lifetime of Cimon, 279. Extraordinary powers of his His policy on the PeloDefeats the Megarians, 284. eloquence, 280. confidence of the Athenians in, ib. Singular ponnessian invasion, 285. His power and glory, 287. Reduces the island of Euboea, 286. His Indebted to Aspasia for the influence in maturing Attic genius, 289. Great men with whom he associated, ib. cultivation of his mind, ib. DiHis private life, vorces his wife, and becomes attached to Aspasia, 292. his of the works of ib. ib. undertaken arts, Stupendous Policy patronage How he confirmed his authority over the by his direction, ib. 293.
Athenians, 293, 294.
Strict

economy

of, in his

private affairs, 294.

Why

Testimonies compelled to overlook the licentiousness of the people, ib. His policy to keep the people either amused or to his intregrity, 295. His energy in settling disputes between different employed, 295, 296. Noble project attributed to him by Plutarch, 297 299. states, 296. Takes the command of a fleet against Samos, and defeats the Samians, 301
303.
in

Honours received by him

his

for his funeral oration at the solemnities

countrymen, who were slain in the war with Samos, 304. The Athenians induced by his eloquence to form an alliance with CorHis speech concerning the embassies from Lacedaemon, 350 cyra, 314. 355. Prepares the minds of the Athenians for the invasion by the

honour of

And displays the resources of the commonPeloponnesians, 367, 368. 370. His measures for the protection of the city, 374, 375. wealth, 368 377, 378. Ravages Megaris, 380. His funeral panegyric over the remains of those slain in the Poloponnesian war, a masterpiece of oratory, 384. Takes the command of the fleet, and ravages the Peloponnesian Summons an assembly of the people, 394. His speech to coast, 392. Causes which led to his disgrace, 395, 396. His domestic them, ib. misfortunes, 396. Principles of philosophy by which he was influenced, ib. Retires from public business, 397. Recalled and appointed comFalls a victim to an endemial disorder, 4O1. mander-in-chief, 397, 398. Outline of his character, 4O2. Objections against his political conduct, and the vindication of which it is susceptible, 403, 404. on the probable effect of the execution of his project for , speculations a federal union of the Greek nation, iii. 1, 2. notice of his plan for freeing Attica from a superabundant popula,
ion, TI. 162.

GENERAL INDEX.
Pericles, the

553

Athenian general, appointed one of the ten generals, on the de-

and Thrasybulus, iii. 434. Condemned to death and executed, 459. Perinthians, conduct of Cotys, king of Thrace, to the, vi. 195. 65. Perinthus, siege of, vii. 63 Periphetes, an Epidaurian chief, slain by Theseus, i. 57. Perrhasbians, the, revolt of, vii. 322. His stay there, Persepolis, Alexander's conduct at, viii. 37, 38. and notes. 39. He marches from it towards Media, 52. He returns to it, 347. Deof the scription sepulchre of Cyrus there, 347, 348. Perseus, the founder of Mycenas, notice of, i. 32. of the first public transaction between Greece and Persia, i. 413, Persia, origin 414. Lydia conquered by the Persians under Cyrus, 428. Accession and 441. Of Darius, 441. Constitution of the Persian reign of Cambyses, 436
position of Alcibiadcs

446. Immediate causes of the wars beReligion, 444 tween Greece and Persia, 456 458. Persian expedition against Naxos, and its result, 459 461. Revolt of the Asian Greeks against the Persian government, 462 464. War between them and Persia, 472 476. Subjugation of the Asian Greeks to Persia, 477, 478. Liberal administration of the conquered provinces under the Persian dominion, 432, 483. First Persian armament against Greece, 483 485. Second Persian armament, 493 498. The Persians invade Attica, 498 501. And are defeated at the battle of Marathon, 502506. accession of Xerxes to the throne, ii. 1. Immense preparations of the

empire, 442, 443.

court of Persia for conquest in Europe, 3 5. Assembly of the army at 7. Account of the fleet, 7, 8. Sardis, 5. March and muster of the army, 5 Rapacity of the Persians on their march to Greece, 9. Compel the Grecian and Thracian youth to join the army, 10. Arrival of the army and fleet at

Therme,
',

in

Macedonia, 11.

opinion of the Greeks respecting the power of, ii. 13, 14. The army crosses the Hellespont, and directs its march westward, 23. The fleet falls in with, and engages the Greeks at Artemisium, 30. Its progress to Sepias, In great part destroyed by a storm there, 33, 34. 32. Progress of the army to Thermopylae, 32. Numbers of the Persian forces, 33. The most numerous ever assembled, ib. Account of the losses by the shipwreck of the fleet, 36. Head quarters of the army at Trachis, 37. Attack of the Per44. The Persians, a people sian army upon Leonidas at Thermopylae, 39 of liberal sentiments and polished manners, 45. Sea-fight oft' Artemisium with the Grecian fleet, 48 52. March of the Persian army towards Their attempt against Delphi, 55, 5G. Take the city of Athens, 55. Athens, 63. Notice of the progress of the Persian fleet from Artemisium, ii. 65. heroine Artemisia, who commanded five galleys, 66. Sea-fight of the Per74. Importance of Persian histories, sians with the Greeks off" Salamis, 71 Eunuchs at the court of, 75. The fleet withdraws to the Hellespont, 74.
,

and the army to Thessaly, 76. Three hundred thousand men left under Mardonius to complete the reduction of Greece, 77. Sufferings of the army on their retreat, 78. The Persians take Olynthus, 88. liaise the siege of The fleet winters at Samos, 90. Potidasa, and proceed to Thessaly, 89. Encampment of the army in the Theban territory, 99. They attack the Megarian camp, 101 103. A Greek prophet attends the army in Bceotia, 120. Retreat of 114. Battle of Plataea, 115 107. Campaign there, 107 the army towards Asia, 124, 125. A large part cut off and made prisoners Which consummates the destruction of the at the battle of Strymon, 125.
Persians, ib.
the Persian fleet at Samos, ii. 127. Defeat of the , measures taken by Persians at Mycale, 130, 131. Death of Xerxes, and succession of his third son Artaxerxes to the throne, 209. The Persian cities in Europe retaken by Their fleet and army defeated at Eurymedon, 214, the Greeks, 209, 210. 215. Their power in Greece destroyed, 215, 216. Measures taken for the 266. recovery of Egypt, 264

554

GENERAL INDEX.

Death of Artaxerxes, and Persia sends an embassy to Lacedaemon, iii. 8. succession of Darius II. to the throne, 299, 3OO. Implication of Grecian and Persian interests, 300 302. Alliance with Lacedsemon, 312. Consideration of the treaty with, 325, 326. New treaty with, 342, 343. State of the empire, 423, 424. Succeeded by Artaxerxes Mnemon, ib. , death of Darius II., iv. 143. State of Origin of the enmity between him and his brother Cyrus, ib. a affairs which afforded Cyrus pretext for collecting a military force against 146. Province committed to the immediate government his brother, 144 Course of the march of Cyrus from Sardis to Cunaxa, of Cyrus, 146. Instance of Persian respect for Grecian superstition, 170. 152 171. Battle of Cunaxa, 172177. Cyrus slain, 175. Treaty with the Greeks on their retreat, 187. Dissension of Greeks and Persians, 189. Increase Seizure and massacre of the Grecian generals by .of mutual ill-will, 191. The Persians harass the Greeks on their retreat, 196. Tissaphernes, 193 315. Treaty concluded 206, 207. 216, 217. War with Lacedoemon, 299 with Dercyllidas for the emancipation of the Asian Greeks from Persian Battle dominion, 316. Renewal of the war with Lacedasmon, 335 344. of the Pactolus, 343 346. Death of Tissaphernes, 347. Weakness of the 350. Timocrates sent into Greece from the Persian government, 347 Plan of Agesilaus for dismembering the Persian satrap of Lydia, 351. 367. Pharnabazus empire, 359. His conference with Pharnabazus, 364 assisted by Conon, 382, 383. Pharnabazus and Conon invade Laconia, 401 403. Their operations, 403 405. Unsteadiness of the Persian government, 421, 422. War with Lacedsemon, 423 451. Peace of Antalcidas.

452460.
.

influence of the king of, at the peace of Antalcidas, v. 107 109. His rescript to Greece after Greece no longer fearful of his power, 1 08. the congress at Susa, 148. Compared with the peace of Antalcidas, ib. The Persians, as described by Antiochus the Arcadian minister, 15O. Persia loses the dominion of Egypt, 243. Despatches an army and a fleet for the Cyprian war, 246. Feudal vassalage closely resembled
,

by tenures in
pire,

Persia, 247. note.

Cyprus preserved

to the Persian
ib.

em-

248.

Revolt of the western maritime provinces,

Syria recovered,

249.
,

state of, vi. 372,

'

against, advocated vii. 86.

-,

373. Employs Grecian mercenaries, 373. War Jealous of Macedonia, by Isocrates, 452. 457, 45S.

the history of, from the reign of Darius Nothus of Darius Codomannus, vii. 347 Estimation 377. Their policy in engaging in which the Persians held the Greeks, 347. Instances of their liberality to Greeks, Greek mercenaries, 348, 349. Rebellion of Cyrus the younger, 350. Grecian histories of Persia, 349. 351. Troubles of the Persian court, 352 356. Naval preparations in the The Persians retake Cyprus, 365, 366. and note. Persian harbours, 358. And recover Egypt, 369. Darius Codomannus ascends the throne of Persia, 376. Alexander's expedition against, first campaign, vii. 378 437. , Amount of Persian forces under Memnon, 398. Council of war in the Battle with Alexander determined on, 401. DisPersian camp, 399. Defeated at the river Granicus, position of their forces, 402. and note. 404 411. Their loss, 410. Account of the Persian fleet, 421. They arrive at Miletus, 422. Offer battle to the Macedonian fleet, ib. Retire to Samos, 426. Alexander's winter campaign in Asia, and measures of the Persian , armament under Memnon against Greece, vii. 438 476. The Persians Gain Tenedos, 465. take Chios and Lesbos, 462, 463. Alexander's second campaign in Asia, vii. 477. et seq. Amount , of Grecian troops in the Persian service, 485. Greek agents at the The Persian army reaches Issus, 493. Its amount, Persian court, 490.

summary view of

to the accession

GENERAL INDEX.
498 501. and notes.
Defeated at Issus, 504

555

Amount of its loss, 512. 511. Its retreat, 51 3. and note. The Persian fleet proceeds to Chios, 515. Alexander's third in viii. 139. Amount of the Persia, Asia, campaign Persian forces at Arbela, 13, 14. Their disposition, 15 17. Account of Persian scythed chariots, 16. Defeat of their army at Arbela, 18 25. and notes. Amount of their loss, 22, 23. Treatment of the Persian religion by 31. The Persians defend the Susiad 34. Defeated Alexander, rocks, by His conduct at the Persian ancient capital, 57, 38. and Alexander, 36.
notes.
",

Alexander's fourth campaign in Asia,

viii.

40

79.

Account of

bribery

among

the Persians,

46

49.

Alexander's fifth campaign in Asia, which completed the conquest , of the Persian empire, viii. 80 137. The northern provinces of the Persian empire described, 81 Different character of the people of 85. these provinces, 121, 122. Ancient and modern geography of the Persian gulf, 333, 334. Ancient and modern names of the places in it, mentioned in the voyage of Nearchus, 334 345. Ancient description of, 346. and note. Persian officers taken into favour by AlexThe Persian gulf explored by Alexander's orders, ander, 377, 378.

416

419.

Pestilence.

See Plague.

His preferPeucestas, the Macedonian, his personal bravery, viii. 242, 243. ment, 276. Appointed satrap of Persis, 349. Receives a golden crown, 360. Notice of, 371. His arrival at Babylon, 430. Passes a night in the temple of Serapis, 447. Phaja, a female robber, notice of, i. 57. Phaeacia, form of government in the island of, i. 112, 113. Whence his Phaeax, architect of the famous sewers at Agrigentum, v. 337. name became the Grecian term for a sewer, ib. vi. 328. Checked Phalscus, the Phocian, and Mnaseas appointed generals, Is at Chasronea, 329. Phalaecus invades Bceotta, but is driven out, 357. the 414. Robs Delphian treasury, 428. deposed, 408. Again predominates, Defeats the Thebans, 432. His situation, 434. and note. Emigrates, 462. Serves in Crete, 464. Phalantus, circumstances that led to the foundation of Tarentum by, i.
311. Phalanx, description of, i. 143. Phalaris, tyrant of Agrigentum, notice

of, ii. 139. Pharacidas, a Lacedaemonian, commands a fleet destined to relieve Dionysius, v. 423. Pharasmanes, king of the Chorasmies, his visit to Alexander, viii. 119,

120.

Pharax defeats Dion,

362.

vi.

25.
visit to

Pharismanes, the Persian, his

Alexander,

viii.

274.

His appointment,

Pharnabazus, his liberal conduct to the Lacedaemonians, iii. 399. Defeated by Alcibiades, 411. His agreement with the Athenian generals at Chalcedon, 415. Events of his sumptuous palace at Dascylium, iv. 361. , His conference with Agesilaus, 365, 364. the war in his satrapy, 361
366.

Taken prisoner, Notice of, 515. -, subdues Tenedos, vii. 465. See Conon. and escapes, 543. and note. Is defeated, Pharnuches, the Lycian, sent against Spitamenes, viii. 109.
114. Pharsalus, a city in Thessaly, its subjection to Polydamus, Phaselis, siege of, ii. 213, 214.
v.

97.

Phasians, account of the, iv. 227. Phayllus, general of Phocis, defeated by Philip, vi. 317. Appointed autocraConquers Locris, 327. His death, 328. tor-general, 326. Ouyo?, or fagus, not the beech-tree, i. 9, 10. note.

556
Phenicia, rise of

GENERAL INDEX.
commerce in, i. With Sicily, 347.
7, 8.

Early commerce

of,

with Greece, 16.

129.142.
,

sketch of the history of the Phenicians, ii. 134 138. ravaged by Evagoras, tyrant of Salamis, v. 246. of the Phenician cities, vii. 362. Revolt of, 363. , state Suppression of the revolt, 364. Parties in, 524. Pherae, nature of its government, vi. 107. Grecian congress removed thither, 441. and note. Pherecydes, of Athens, one of the early Grecian prose writers, whose works had any considerable reputation with posterity, i. 129. 216. of Scyrus, one of the earliest Grecian prose writers known to ,
,

the ancients, i. 129. 216. Phidias, the Athenian, his capacity and genius, ii. 289. Celebrity of his sculpture, 293. Phidon, tyrant of Argos, notice of, i. 243, 244. 258 ; vii. 220. Phigalia, sedition in, after the batte of Leuctra, v. 262. Philip, king of Macedon, son of Amyntas, first mention of, in Grecian history, v. 144.

Ascends the throne of MaHis qualifications, 119. Decircumstanced, 118. feats Argaeusand the Athenians, 122. Dismisses the prisoners unransomed, 123. Makes peace with Athens, 124. Annexes Paeonia to Macedon, 125. Subdues the Illyrians, 126, 127. Conflicting accounts of historians re130. note. specting, 127 Co-operates with Athens to reduce Olynthus, 156. His success, 157. Indignant at the conduct of the Athenians, 158. His letter to the Athenians, 185. His treatment of the town of Anthemus, 186. Besieges Amphipolis, 187. His treatment of its inhabitants, His clemency, 190. 188. Takes Pydna and Potida;a, 189. Remarks ort his life by Leland, ib. note. His war with Cotys, and its causes, 194. His acquisition and management of the Thracian mines, 196. Founds the town of Philippi, 197. Sources of his revenue, ib. His expedition into Thessaly, 199. His conduct there, 200. Marries Olympias, 290. Overthrows the Paeonians, 294. Wins the palm in the Olympian race, ib. His forbearance towards Exclamation on his various successes, ib. 295. Methone, 306. Is wounded, 316. Takes Methone, ib. Defeats LycoIs defeated by Onomarchus, 318. His retreat, ib. Defeats phron, 317. Onomarchus and Lycophron, 320. His moderation, 321. Is praised by His popularity, ib. Remarks on his supposed Justin, 324. and note. Sends Parmenio to Eu361. note. expedition into Peloponnesus, 357 His popularity, ib. 377. His Successes of his fleet, 376. bo?a, 369. further successes, 381. Enters the Olynthian territory, 391. His successes in Sithonia, 395. Twice defeats the Olynthians, ib. Besieges and takes Olynthus, 396, 397. Revives the Olympian festival, 399. and note. Accused of bribery, 401. and note. His justification, 402 404. DisHis reception and treatment of the misses Stratocles unransomed, 413. Athenian embassy, 417 419. He vanquishes Kersobleptes, 425. AudiRemoves the conence given by him to the Athenian ambassadors, 438. His settlement of the conflicting interests gress to Pherae, 441. and note. of the congress, 443. His letter to the Athenians, 446. His second letter, 448. Meets with a denial, ib. Remarks on, and extracts from, the oraHis offer to Lacdaemon, 460. tion of Isocrates to them, 452 459. Marches to Thermopylae, 461. Is joined by the Thebans, 462. His spirit of conciliation, 462 464. Puts an end to the sacred war, 464. and note. Writes to the Obtains the Phocian votes, 473. Invites a congress, 466. The credit he acquired by it, Result of the letter, 475. Athenians, 474. 476, 477. His poto the support of his friends in Thessaly, vii. 22. , marches pularity there, 23. The effect of bribery, 24. His letter to the Athenians Oration attributed to Hegerespecting the island of Halonnesus, 26, 27.
visits

Thebes

for his education, vi. 114.

cedon, 117.

How

sippus, concerning,

2836.

His operations

in Thrace

and Scythia, 36

GENERAL INDEX.
39.

557

Lays siege to Perinthus, 63 65. His letter in answer to the embassy from Athens, 66, 67. On important occasions his own secretary, 70. His second letter of remonstrance, 70 79. Speech of Demosthenes on He abandons his projects in Thrace, -87. Supposed 85. the same, 80 Makes war against the Scythians, 104. causes of his so doing, 87, 88. The office to which he was appointed, 105. Second epistle of Isocrates to him, 105, 106. and note. Appointed general of the Amphictyons, ib. Joins the Amphictyonic meeting at Thermoplas, 115. His requisition to Reduces the Amphissians, 117. His mothe Peloponnesians, 115,116. deration to the Boeotians, 120. Sends addresses to Athens and Thebes, 123, Sends Python to Thebes, 132. Garrisons Elatea, 125. 124. and note. Makes fresh propositions for peace, 138. But they are rejected at Athens, 139. Appointed autocrator-general of the Grecian confederacy, 142. and note. Marches towards Chseronea, 145. Defeats the Athenians, 146, His generous conduct to them, 150. He proceeds to Thebes, 151. 147. Restores Oropus to the Sends Antipater ambassador to Athens, 154. Is addressed a third time by Isocrates, 160. His purAthenians, ib. Assembles a congress at poses respecting a war with Persia, 170, 171. Corinth, ib. His measures opposed by the Arcadians, 171, 172. and note. Sends Attalus and Parmenio into Asia, 172. Repudiates his queen OlymIs assassinated by Pausanias, 174. pias, 173. And marries Cleopatra, ib. His care of the civil rights of his subjects, 181, 182. Admissions of Demosthenes respecting his character, 183. Anecdote of, from Diodorus, 184 186. Anecdotes of, from Plutarch, 186 189. Account of his encouragement of literature from Aulus Gellius, 186, 187. Cicero's eulogium on his letters, 188. and note. Further anecdotes of, 189 192. Anecdote of, related by Seneca, 192. Refutation of the charge of bribery His character illustrated by Polybius, 195, 196. 195. against him, 192 His eulogy on him, 197, 198. Adduced as an example by Cicero, 197. Summary of his character by Diodorus, 198. His policy in reviving the Macedonian Olympic festival, 276. Description of his court, 278 281. Plans which he adopted for the education of the young Macedonian Arrian's account of the events succeeding his death, 282. nobility, 280 291, 292. and note. Alexander's charge against the Persian court, of being
523. implicated in his assassination. 521 Philip, an Acarnanian, physician to Alexander the Great, cures Alexander at Tarsus, vii. 479. son of Machatas, commands the garrison of Peucelaotis, viii. 176. ,

And sent against the Assakenes, 204. His Is appointed a satrap, 190. Is made satrap of Mallia, 247. Notice of, 236, 237. appointment, 234. His death, 273. Philippi, foundation of, vi. 197. Philippe, an Armenian, his extraordinary skill in throwing a stick, i. 147.
note.

Philippus, polemarch of Thebes, assassinated by Phyllidas and Mellon, v. 37, 38. Philiscus, of Abydus, arrives as mediator for the king of Persia in Greece, v. Procures a congress at Delphi, ib. Requires that Messenia should 141. be again subjected to Lacedaemon, ib. Levies mercenaries for the Lace-

daemonian service, ib. Philistus, of Syracuse, notice of, v. 851.

354.
affairs
,

The want of

his history regretted,

Directs supports the election of Dionysius the younger, vi. 3. Is opposed by Dion and Heraclides, 6. his reign, 5. Goes with Dionysius to Sicily, to provide against the preparations of Dion and Returns with Dionysius to Syracuse, and passes back Heraclides, 1 1

under

Makes an assault on Leontini, is repelagain to Italy for assistance, 5. led, and joins Dionysius in the citadel, ib. Contradictory accounts reUnanimity of those accounts respecting the specting his death, 16. indignities offered to his body, 1 7. Cicero's opinion of his Sicilian history,
ib.

and note.

558

GENERAL INDEX.
MaceMoves

Philocrates, the Athenian, propopes the admission of heralds from donia, vi. 407. Is accused in consequence, but acquitted, 409, 410.

a decree for negotiating for a ransom of prisoners with Macedonia, 413. Moves a decree for sending an embassy to Macedonia, and accompanies the same, 415, 416. vii. 13. Accusation of, by Demosthenes, 14. Seeks , notice of,
safety in flight, ib.
Is apPhilomelus, general of the Phocians, his address to them, vi. 262. pointed autocrator-general, 265. Proceeds to Lacedaemon, ib. And gains He recovers Delphi, 266. Dethe assistance of the government, 265. Fortifies Delphi, 268. Measures taken by him feats the Locrians, 267. Attacks the Locrians, 270. to defend Phocis, 269. Use which he makes of the Delphic oracle, 271. His manifesto to the Grecian states, 272. Again defeats the Locrians, 274. Gains two victories, 278. And is
slain, 279. Philon, the Phocian, is put to death, vi. 428. Philosophers, republican Greek, who followed the court of Alexander the 143. Great, viii. 138 126. Philosophy, Grecian, origin and progress of, iv. 12) son of Former geneParmenio, his treachery discovered, viii. 68. Philotas, to of Alexander His and him, 69. private public character, 70,71. rosity

Remains
note.

in Parthia, 72.
of,

Arrested,

ib.

His

trial

and death, 72, 73. and

Anecdote

142.

Philoxenus, satrap of Susa, notice of, viii. 29. Brings recruits to Babylon, 430. Phliasia ravaged by the Athenian Phlius, affairs of the republic of, iv. 407. general Iphicrates, 408. its exiles restored through the influence of the Lacedaemonians, , The Phliasians deny justice to them, 27. Rebellion in Phlius v. 6.
against Lacedaemon, 28. The city besieged by Agesilaus, ib. Surrenders, and is garrisoned by the Lacedaemonians, 32. Fidelity of the Phliasians to Lacedaemon, 160. Attempt of the exiles in the second invasion of PeThe Phliasians, reduced to great exigencies, are loponnesus, 161, 162. assisted by the Athenian general, Chares, 163. Surprise Thyamia, 164. Incitements to their spirited conduct, 165, 166. They evacuate Thyamia, Sedition in Phlius after the Their exiles retain Tricranurn, ib. 186. battle of Leuctra, 263. Phocaea, siege and capture of, by the Persians, i. 432. Towns settled by the

Phocaeans after their expulsion 433, 434. Phocian, or first Sacred war, notice of, i. 390. Phocians, enmity of, to the Thessalians, ii. 55 ; vi. 255. 312. Phocion, the Athenian, account of, vi. 330, 331. Commands against Euboea, 370. Gains the battle of Tamynas, 371. Measures of his party at Athens, 446 451 ; vii. 13. 39. 42, 43. 58. His expedition to Euboea, and operations there, 60, 61. Supersedes Chares in the Hellespont, 87. Opposes Conduct of himself and party, a decree proposed by Demosthenes, 132. His resolution, 342. 155. Phocis, i. 12. Not an object of history, i. 44. Government of the Phocians,
197.
i

war of, with Doris, ii. 256. Contest of the Phocians with the Del, The supremacy phians, for the command of the temple at Delphi, 277. restored to them, 278. for effecting a revolution in, in. 23. , plan war of, with Locris, iv. 353, 354. , Asserts its indeinvaded by the Thebans, v. 65. Evacuated, ib. pendency of Thebes, 222. Joins the Lacedasmonians, 251. , summary history of, vi. 238, 239. Prosecuted by the AmphicSubsequent conduct of the Phocians, 252.
260. Alarmed thereat, 261. Appoint Philomelus tyonic council, 258 Recover Assisted by the Lacedaemonians, 265. autocrator-general, 263.

GENERAL INDEX.
Defeat the Locrians, 267.

55 ( j

Defended hy Philomelas, 269. Delphi, 266. Enter the Theban territory, 270. Disposition of other Grecian states 275 The 278. towards them, treatment of Phocian prisoners by the Their retaliation, ib. Failure of their negotiations with Thebans, 279. and note. 281. Use the 314. Appoint Thebes, treasury at Delphi, 313 326. Joined And by Phayllus autocrator-general, by Lycophron, 327. Mnaseas the Locrians, 328. and Phalaecus Join Appoint generals, ib. the Lacedemonians, 355. Revolution in Phocis, 409. Proposal of the Phocians to Athens, ib. Counter-revolution in Phocis, 414. Inquire respecting the Delphian treasury, 427, 428. Are defeated by the Thebans, Defeat them, 432. Affairs of Phocis, 448, 449. and note. 431. Submission of the Phocians, 462, 463. Judgment on, by the Amphictyonic Their votes transferred, 473. council, 471, 472, 473. Phcebidas, the Lacedaemonian commander, encamps under the walls of Obtains possession of the Cadmea, or citadel, 16. His Thebes, v. 14. conduct favoured by Agesilaus, 17. Protects the allies of Lacedasmon in His death, 59. Thespiae, 58. Sent to Phormion, the Athenian commander, blockades Potidaea, ii. 393. His brilliant naval victory over the blockade the Corinthian gulf, 400. 419. And the Peloponnesians, 421 424. His success Corinthians, 417 in Acarnania, 426, 427. Phoroneus, the foundation of Argos attributed to him, i. 25. Nothing known of Greece before his time, ib. Joins Phradaphernes, satrap of Parthia, surrenders to Alexander, viii. 62. him at Zariaspa, 115. Employed by him, 130. Fidelity of, 203. His able conduct, 273. Phrynicus, Athenian commander-in-chief, his opposition to the overtures of His conduct examined, 335, 336. Joias the Alcibiades, iii, 334, 335. Is assassinated, 375. oligarchal party at Athens, 351. those who prosecuted the assassins of, iv. , proceedings against
91, 92.

Phrynon, an Athenian, account

cedonia, 406.

of, vi.

405.

Accompanies Ctesiphon

to

Ma-

Phylarchus, office of the, i. 372. Phyle, proper meaning of the term, i. 371. Phyllidas, secretary to the Theban polemarchs, restores democracy in Thebes,
42. v. 37 Phylobasileus, office of the, i. 372. Physic, state of, among the ancient Greeks, i. 158. Phyton, commander in Rhegium during the siege, is put to death by the Syracusans, v. 453. Picture-writing, notice of, i. 122. (See Hieroglyphics.) Pinarus, river, notice of, vii. 501, 502. Pinaster, remarks on the tree so called, v. 300. note. Pindar, panegyric of, upon Corinth, i. 264. note. His eulogy upon Croesus,
i. 423, 424. note. Pindus, mountains of, i. 12. i. 18. Piracy, why held in high estimation in ancient times, 33O, , remarks on, viii. 328 Pirseans, their right to the presidency of the Olympian festival maintained by the Arcadians, v. 203. At191. Piraeus, port of, improved and fortified by Themistocles, ii. 189 tempt of the Peloponnesians to surprise it, 425, 426. Pirates of the JEgean, expedition against, ii. 211. licensed by the Athenian naval commanders for their , or buccaneers,
..
.

own profit, vii. 302. for a Pisander, the Lacedaemonian admiral, his proposition to the Athenians Inducements used by him to bring change of government, iii. 337, 338. over the general assembly to the proposals of Alcibiades, 338. Negotiates Success of Pisander and his colwith, him and Tissaphernes, 340, 341.

560

GENERAL INDEX.

leagues in establishing oligarchy, 345, 346. Proposes the new form of government, 349. Pisander appointed commander of the Lacedaemonian fleet, iv. 350. Killed in battle, at Cnidus, with Conon and Evagoras, 383. Pisidians, the, description of, vii. 448. Pisistratidae, the nearest approach made to the virtuous age of Greece under
their

government,

iv.

119.

Pisistratus, descent

and character of, i. 392. His political antagonists, 391. By what circumstance he was raised to the tyranny of Athens, 393, 394. By what artifice he recovered his power, after his first expulsion by his opIs expelled a second time, and retires to Eubcea, 401. ponents, 399, 400. His influence during his exile, ib. Returns again to Athens, 402. Obon his servations His death, 404. foreign and domestic policy, 403, 404.
ii.

Pissuthenes, the Persian satrap, his conduct towards Colophon,

ITrToj, sense of, iv. 168. note. Pithagoras, the soothsayer, account of,
viii.
viii.

447.

Pithon, son of Socicles, his bravery,

Scythians, ib.

437, 438. Is taken prisoner by the 125.

52. Pittheus, son of Pelops, notice of, i. 50 many of the same name, i. 45. Plague, at Athens, in the time of Pericles, whence
Places,

it was supposed to have been communicated, ii. 386. General symptoms and nature of the dis389. The mortality tremendous, 389, 390. Moral effects order, 387
it,

attributed to

victims to

it,

390, 391. 477.

Continuation

of,

and number of those who

fell

Plane-tree, a prodigious one in the island of Cos described, v. 270. note. 119. Dedications and festivals in honour of, 179. Platsea, battle of, ii. 114 Circumstances which led to its dependency upon Athens, 356, 357.

'

Attempt of the Thebans against, 357 363. Motives which induced the Peloponnesians to undertake the siege of, 405. Negotiations that took Force of the place prior to the commencement of hostilities, 406, 407. 411. Flight of part of the gargarrison, and process of the siege, 407 442. Surrenders to the Lacedaemonians, 458. Distress of the rison, 439 Plataeans, 459. Exasperations of the Thebans against them, 460 462. Fate of the town and people, 463, 464.
,

the Plataeans expelled by the Thebans,

ib.
vii.

v.

79.

Find an asylum at

Athens,
,

restoration of,

336.

Plato, theory of, on the origin of polytheism, i. 92, 93. slave by Dionysius r , the story highly improbable of his being sold for a of Syracuse, v. 469. and note. Letters attributed to him spurious,

470. note. the invitation of Dion, revisits Syracuse, vi. 7. His anecdote of , at Archelaus of Macedonia, 88. note. His attachment to Philip of Macedon, 117. Pleuron, one of the principal towns of Greece at the siege of Troy, i. 44. Plistoanax, king of Sparta, his conduct in the invasion of Attica, ii. 285. Is condemned to pay a heavy fine, ib. Plutarch, the credit of certain passages in his life of Themistocles disputed, ii.
191, 192. note.

His inpresumptuous criticism of Clearchus, iv. 172. note. Xenophon, ib. and 296. note. in inconsistencies his account v. of the delivery of Thebes, , 42, 43. His partial views of Pelopidas, 145. note, 152. note. His merits note. as a writer, 3 1 3 His general account of Dionysius of 315. and note.
,

his

attention to

Syracuse, 475. -, incongruity of his accounts of Dion and Heraclides, vi. 22, 23. notes. Careless of order in his narrative, 26. note. Remark on a passage of, 2 7. His attempt to soften the tyrannical character of Dion, 30. note.
,

account of his

treatise

on Alexander's fortune,

vii.

474

476.

GENERAL INDEX.

5(jl

Plutarch, the writer of Vitas Oratorum, character of, iv. 97. note. Plutarchus of Eretria, notice of, vi. 369. Poetry, probable design of the invention of, i. 135. Uses to which it was The general means of popular applied before the invention of letters, ib. instruction in the early ages of Greece, 273. Point of honour, the rights of hospitality so called in the East, i. 162. Polemarch, office of the, i. 355. Polemon, son of Andromenes, trial of, viii. 74. and note. Political clubs at Athens, account of, iii. 839. Politics, ancient or foreign, care required in the consideration of, not to be misled by names, i. 254. note. 212. Polity of Aristotle, remarks on, vii. 203 Polis commands the Lacedaemonian fleet Is defeated against Athens, v. 63.

by Chabrias, ib. Polls of Athenian citizens, i. 367. Polyaces, notice of, viii. 269. Polyanthes, a Corinthian commander, defeated hy Diphilus in the Corinthian gulf, iii. 248, 249, Subdues Polybiades succeeds Agesipolis in the Thracian command, v. 33. the Olynthians, ib.
Polybius, his observation on the constitution of Sparta, i. 287. Polycrates, a private citizen of Samos, acquires the supreme authority there, i. 450. The Machiavel of his time, ib. 451. His favourite maxim, 451. His connexion with Amasis, king of Egypt, and remarkable cause of the .rupture between them, 451, 452. Deep stroke of policy on the part of Polycrates toward the Samians, 452, 453. His character, and cruel death, 454. Polydamas elevated to supreme power in Pharsalus, v. 97. His conference with Jason of Pherae, 98 100. Its result, 101. is assassinated, vi. 107. Polydamidas, the Spartan commander, his conduct to the Mendians, iii. 54. Polydorus and Polyphron, brothers to Jason of Pherae, succeed him in the office of Tagus, v. 105. Its proPolytheism, origin of, according to Plato and Aristotle, i. 92 94. Not justly charged upon the Persians, gress among the Greeks, 9598. 445, 446. Polyxenus married to the sister of Dionysius of Syracuse, v. 364. Obtains maritime assistance from the Italian Greek cities and Greece, 423. Poor, the, how supported at Athens, i. 371. Pope's translation of Homer, will seldom answer the end of those who desire His misto know, with any precision, what Homer has said, i. 104. note. translations of Homer corrected, i. 117. note. 169, 170. note. 173. note. ii. 1 1 note. , additions in his translation not warranted by the original, comment on his distich relating to "forms of government," iv. 55. ,
.

note.
,

his probable imitation of Demosthenes, v. 102. note. imbibed much of the French political philosophy, viii. 225. note.

quoted, iv. 351. note. Of Attica, 48. Population, where it first rose, after the flood, i. 5. Port-Calpe, transactions of the Cyrean army there, iv. 254 256. Re-union of the Cyrean army at, iv. 256. Situation and advantages of, 257. Account of the stay of the army there, 257 264. Porticos, the first founder of, ii. 234. Leads his army to the Hydaspes, 191. Porus, his ambition, viii. 188. Amount of his forces, 192. Defeated by Alexander, 197. Surrenders to His interview with Alexander, 198, 199. and note. Is reconhim, 198. Is declared king of ciled to Taxiles, 203. Re-enforces Alexander, 209.

India by Alexander, 233. " the , called bad," sends a deputation to Alexander, viii. by Arrian 204. Situation of his states, ib. He becomes hostile to Alexander, 205.

VOL.

VIII.

O O

562

GENERAL INDEX.
is

Meaning of his name, 206. note. His kingdom 207. See Psestum. Posidonia.

subdued by Hephsestion,

Potidaea, siege of, by Artabazus, ii. 89. Treachery of the commander of the forces of, discovered, ib. And the siege raised, ib. Another battle and Blockaded by Phormion, 393. siege of, 330. Besieged by Xenophon, And surrenders to him, 401. 400.

taken by Timotheus, v. 220. garrisoned by the Athenians, Is taken by Philip, 189.

,
,

vi.

157.

Its

importance to them, 183.

iv.

Praxitas, the Lacedaemonian general, his successes near Corinth, Priam, king of Troy, extent of his territory, i. 73.

398.

Priene, city

of, its

foundation,

i.

341.
ii.

Priestcraft in Egypt, the inheritance of particular families, i. 89. Prisoners of war, in ancient times, generally condemned to slavery,

147.

Stupendous works executed by those taken by the Agrigentines, 147, 148. Private rights, how far respected under different governments, vii.'429, 430. Prizes, in poetry and music, contention for, a favourite entertainment of the
early Greeks,
i.

205, 206.

bill, i. 379. Prodicus, of Ceos, his celebrity as a sophist, iv. 1 26. Proedri, office of, i. 377. Professions in Egypt, hereditary, i. 89. Progeny, numerous, why esteemed a great blessing among the early Greeks, i. 161. 439. (See Omens.) Prognostics, respect for, among the ancients, viii. 436 Promanteia, honours of the, to whom granted, ii. 277.

Proboulema, or parliamentary

Property, insecurity of, at Athens, iv. 12. And Prophets, one in attendance upon the Lacedaemonian army, ii. 99. upon the Persian army, 107. Policy by which their predictions were
regulated, ib. Known as historians Prose-writers, the earliest in Greece, i. 129. 216, 217. in the times of .SSschylus and Pindar, i. 236. note. Of the 85. Prosecutions, Athenian, of the son of Alcibiades, iv. 81 Of a citizen supposed to have appropriated nephews of Nicias, 86, 87. forfeited to the Of those who prosecommonwealth, 87 91. property Of a citizen for grubbing the cuted the assassins of Phrynichus, 91 94.

stump of a sacred olive-tree, 92 96. Of Andocides for impiety, 96 1 18. 147. Prostration, remarks on the ceremony of, viii. 144 Protagoras, the philosopher, one of the adventurers in the colonisation of Thurium, ii. 164. Constitution framed for, by him, 165. Proteas, the Macedonian, defeats Datames, vii. 466.
Protector, the title of, assumed by Lycurgus, during the pregnancy of his brother's widow, i. 270. Protesilaus, the Grecian, account of, vii. 391. Protomachus, appointed one of the ten generals on the deposition of Alcibiades

and Thrasybulus, iii. 434. Proxenus, the Theban, circumstances which led him to the court of Cyrus,
150.

iv.

Seized by Tissaphernes, and beheaded, 193. 195. His ', the Tegean, projects the union of all Arcadia, v. 114. death, 115. ^ vi. 409. Substance of his de, the Athenian, appointed general, Retains his command, 448. spatches, 414. Their power, ib. Prytanes, who they were, i. 376. Prytaneum, or council-hall, etymology of the word, i. 377. Psammenitus, king of Egypt, subdued by Cambyses, i. 440. Psammitichus, king of Egypt, reign of, i. 437, 438.

and TOOTC, distinction between, viii. 241. note. Psilus, or light-armed infantry of the Greeks, account of, Psyttalea, massacre of the Persians af, ii. 73.
Vi\ot,

i.

385.

GENERAL INDEX.

563

Ptolemy, regent of Macedon, deserts of the Athenian alliance, and engages Put to death by Perdiccas, according to Diodoin the Theban, vi. 113. Refutation of this opinion, 114, 115. note. rus, 114. note. who had fled from Philip's anger, recalled by Alexander, , son of Lagus, Refutation of the scandal against his mother, 290, '291. note. vii. 290. appointed one of the lords of the body-guard to Sent to Spitamenes, 100. Alexander the Great, viii. 79. Ordered by
to pursue Bessus, 100, 101. His appointment against the Kills an Indian Prince, 167. Is wounded, 165. His Sogdians, 123. command in the army, ]69. His share in the taking of Aornos, 177, 178. His operations against the Indians, 177 179. He accompanies AlexHis account of the Macedonian fleet, ander across the Hydaspes, 193. Anecdote of, 244. His appointment, 237. Is married to a 233. Is chiefly employed by Alexander, 408. daughter of Artabazus, 356. Is present at the death of Calanus, 435. -, son of Seleucus, slain at the battle of Issus, vii. 514. Public buildings, nature of those required in every town in Greece, v. 273. funerals, institution of, by the Athenians, ii. 181. garden and library, the first, founded by Pisistratus, i. 404. Punishments, summary, ordered by Alexander, viii. 378, 379. See Dicsearchia. Puteoli. It revolts at the instigation of Pydna, treatment of, by Archelaus, vi. 89. 91. Is taken by Philip, 189. Athens, 158. See Thermopylaj. Pylae. Pylagore, a representative sent from every state to the Amphictyonic council,

Alexander

i.20l. Pylagoras, the title of one of the Amphictyonic representatives, vi. 245. SiPylus, or Navarino, harbour of, fortified by Demosthenes, ii. 498, 499. Nature of the tuation of, 501. Besieged by the Lacedaemonians, ib. the between Athenian and attack upon it, 503, 504. PeloponSea-fight nesian fleets in the harbour of, 505, 506. (See Sphacteria). the held democratical v. and of seized a town 192, 193. Elea, party, , by Distinguished from the Triphylian and Messenian towns so called, 192. Is besieged and taken, 202. note. His resiPythagoras, the philosopher, settles at Crotona, in Italy, i. 350. Beneficial effects of his doctrines there, ib. dence in Sicily, ii. 157. Mention of, by different Directs his pupils to the study of nature, 160. writers, 162. note. Pythian games, notice of, i. 206. vi. 205. Python of JEnus, together with Heraclides, assassinates Cotys, Takes refuge at Athens, 206. Has honours decreed to him, ib. worthy rival of Demos, the Byzantine eloquence of, vii. 132.
.

Sent to Thebes by Philip, ib. Is sent to . son of Agenor, takes a town of the Mallians, viii. 239. , Takes Musicanus a Is made a satrap, 249. the river Hydraotes, 240. Passes a night in the temple of Serapis, 447. prisoner, 254. How chosen, her office, and Pythoness, etymology of the word, i. 190, 191.
thenes, ib.
qualifications,

194196.

a
Quarter not given in ancient times,
i.

166, 167.

R.
Ragusa, allusion to, vii. 208. Raicewick, Mr., his work on the seat of Philip of Macedon's winter campaign in Thrace, noticed, vii. 39. note. O O 2

564

GENERAL INDEX.
The Macedonian
66. 251.

Rajah, Greek word synonymous with, viii. 162. note. Raleigh, Sir Walter, commendation of, i. 457. note. Rambacia, a Macedonian colony settled there, viii. 265. 304. fleet refit at, 301

Ranks, distinction
.

of,

when

first

established in Greece,
iii.

i.

Solon's

division of the people into four ranks, 373. of citizens in England, harmony between,
of,

Rapes, prevalence
Paris, 75.

among

Paralleled by

the ancient Greeks, i. 74. that of Dervorghal, 82, 83.

460, 461. 466. note. Rape of Helen, by

Curious Ravens, symbols of the Egyptian priests, vii. 547, 548. and note. anecdote of the Cheshire raven, 548, 549. note. or fawn, meaning of, viii. 299. note. 339. note. 'PH^EI')) Recreations, allowed by Lycurgus, at Sparta, i. 284. Reformation of the Athenian government and jurisprudence by Solon, i.
364. Registry of children at Athens,
ib.
i.

372.

Of

youths at eighteen and twenty,

Of the early Greeks, 89 110. Measure Religion, origin of, i. 86, 87. Of the adopted by Solon, with respect to the religion of Athens, 362. 446. Persians, 444 Religious persecution of the Athenians, instance of, iv. 124. Rennell, Major, his observations respecting the tide in the Indus, viii. 258.
note.

'

Reomithres, his treachery enables the king of Persia to recover Syria, v. 249. Republic, no mention of one in Homer, i. 1 15. Republican government, question of its fitness for small states, iv. 96, 97. Greek philosophers attending the court of Alexander, viii. 138
143. Retaliation, law of, generally pleaded to justify almost any atrocity,

ii. 399, 400. Retreat of the Cyrean army after the battle of Cunaxa, and their return to Europe, iv. 178 298. (See Greece.)

Revenge, prevalence of, in early times, i. 161. Revenue, public, of Athens, account of, iv. 13 Treatise on, 20 24.
,

19.

Notice of Xenophon's

Syracusan, v. 462. of Athens, origin of Xenophon's treatise on of Macedon, whence it arose, vii. 249, 250.

the, vi. 148.

Rhadamanthus, i. 20. Rhegium, foundation

>,

of, by a Greek colony, i. 323. 346. the party of Daphnaeus and Demarchus concentrate at, v. 377. The Joins Messena in a naval attack upon Dionysius in Syracuse, 378. The Rhegians excited to refugees from JEtna, supposed to settle at, 387.

a war with Dionysius, 395. Are pardoned by him, 397. Refuse him permission to marry the daughter of a Rhegian citizen, 403. Rhegium becomes the head of the party adverse to Syracuse, 434. The Rhegians alarmed by the restoration of Messena, 437. Assemble the dispersed Catanians and Naxians at Mylas, 438. Are comBesiege Messena, 439. Their territory plundered by Dionypletely routed by the Syracusans, ib. sius, 441. Rhegium heads the confederacy of Italian Greeks, 446. Unites with Crotona, 448. The Rhegians and Crotoniats defeated near Caulonia Surrender unconditionally, 451. The Rhegians by Dionysius, 449. break the compact entered into, and are besieged by Dionysius, 452. Their miseries during the siege, 453. Surrender, and are sent prisoners to Allowed to redeem themselves at the price of a iniua each, Syracuse, ib.
ib. Rhegium subsequently flourishes, 455. Rhetorician, the first who reduced his profession to an art, iii. 156. ~ cause of the use of rhetoricians under the Athenian democracy,
,

iv.

80.

GENERAL INDEX.
Rhodes, island
,

5()5
of,
i.

of,

opulence and happy government

342.

revolt of, to the Peloponnesian confederacy, iii. 326. iv. 430. , affairs of, Ascendancy of the democratical party there, 432. enters into alliance with Thebes, v. 219. Extraordinary prosperity the establishment of a liberal aristocracy, 270, 271. of, through revolts against Athens, vi. 172. Sedition at, 360. Calls in the assistance of the Carians, 360. and note. The cause of the Rhodians advo-

cated by Demosthenes, 361

.

assists

Byzantium,

Rollin, M., how v. 394. note. influenced by the eloquence of Demosthenes, vi. 161. note. entire confidence in Demosthenes, 1 82. and note. 1 85. note. Rome, remarks on the history of, i. 353.
1

365. 86. perplexed by the discordance between Diodorus and Plutarch,

vii,

His

'

treaty between Carthage and Rome, ii. 156. on the accession of Alexander the Great to the throne of Macedon, vii. 202, 203. Constitution of, compared with those of Thessaly and Lacedaamon, 253263. Al-, state of, under Augustus, considered, viii. 225, 226. and notes.
,

earliest

known

state

of,

Roman navigators, 281. Power of, at the time of Alexander, Respect for divination there, 438, 439. Rooke, Mr., his notes to his translation of Arrian rarely of any value, viii.
lusion to

364.

87. note.

Rousseau,
note.

J. J., his

remark on Lycurgus's scheme of government,

i.

299.

Roxana, daughter of Oxyartes, married to Alexander the Great, viii. 134. Extracts Royal Day-book of Alexander the Great, compilers of, vii. 285. 458. from, viii. 451
Russell, Lord, his fate contrasted with that of Socrates, iv. 138.

S.

Sacerdotal character, the, unknown in the early ages of the world, i. 87. Sacred War, i. 39O; ii. 277, 278; vi. 234464; vii. 1, 2. 103117. The omission of, Sacrifices, how anciently performed in Greece, i. 101. supposed to excite divine resentment, 103. Instances of human sacrifices, 105, 106. at Delphi, by Croesus, vi. 247 249. , magnificent one vii. 313. , singular one of the Illyrians, Saddles, not used by the Greeks and Romans, iv. 215. note. Sadocus, son of Sitalces, notice of, ii. 399. Saint Croix, Baron, his remark on Plutarch's deficiencies as an historian,
v.

315.

" Critical Examination of the Historians , notice of his His opinion that " only an Englishman of Alexander," vii. 287. note. could write a history of Greece," 288. note. Salagassians, the, defeated by Alexander, vii. 460. Their town taken, ib.
Salamis, island, revolt of, from the Athenians, i. 358. Second revolt, 361. covered, 359. the Greeks and Persians, , sea-fight off, between i. 343. , in Cyprus, foundation of the city of,
Is subsequently reii.

71

74.

supplies Athens with corn, and its consequent alliance with that goiv. 379, 380. Flight of Conon to, after the battle of jEgospoAnd his importance to Evagoras, tyrant of Salamis, 380, 381. tami, 380. Its Defeat of the Lacedaemonian fleet by the Salaminians, 382, 383. connexion with Athens, 442, 443. Salentum, foundation of, i. 347. Samarcand, ancient name of, viii. 102. Sambus, an Indian satrap, his revolt noticed, viii. 252, 253.

vernment,

O O

566
Samos, 452.
city of, its

GENERAL INDEX.

foundation, i. 341. Reign of Polycratcs, tyrant of, 450-' His deep stroke of policy towards the Samians, 453. Its result, ib. of in town founded The Samos Crete, Cydonia, by the Samians, 454. subdued by the Persians, ib. The Samians join the confederacy of the With whom they privately make peace, Ionian cities against Persia, 475. and retire, 476. 302. Its subjection to the Athenian , war of, with Miletus, ii. 299

power, 303.
,

revolt in,

iii.

314.

Prevalence of the democratical party

in,

357.

Attacked by the allies in the , Social war, 219, 220. Sangala, the people of, defeated by Alexander the Great, viii. 208, 209. Slaughter of, when their town was taken, 209, 210. Sardanapalus, account of his monument, and traditions respecting him, vii.
481, 482.
Sardis, advantages of its situation,
i.

Measures adopted by them, 359, 360. subdued by Timotheus, vi. 156.

415, 416.

Taken by

the Scythians,

421.

Xerxes winters there, ib. assembly of the Persian army at, ii. 5. surrenders to Alexander, vii. 414. Saronic gulf, success of the Athenians in, iii. 306. Satibarzanes assassinates Darius, viii. 59. Surrenders to Alexander, 66. His treachery and defeat, 67. Returns into Restored to his satrapy, ib.
,

Is slain, 92. Asia, 91. Satire, metrical, extent of, at Athens, iv. 28, 29.

Satraps, Persian, jurisdiction of, i. 442. 352. , their crimes and merits, viii. 349 Scanderbeg, allusion to, vii. 314. Scarlet, or crimson, a common uniform of the Greeks, iv. 384. Scepsis, the seat of government removed from Troy to, i. 79. of Dercyllidas at, iv. 307. , successes

Science took its origin in Asia, i. 6. , circumstances of individuals in the Grecian commonwealth, favourable to the cultivation of, iv. 121, 122. (See Arts.) His description of the Scillus, in Triphylia, Xenophon settles at, v. 293. advantages of its situation, 294. Scione, why the people of, were disposed to a Peloponnesian connexion, iii. Means used by Brasidas for gaining the town of, 47. Honours 46, 47. Measures adopted by him for the paid to him by the inhabitants, 48. Surrender of Scione, and fate of the inhasafety of the Scionaeans, 51.
bitants, 87.

Scripture history confirmed by the traditions of early Greece, By Plato and Hesiod, 92, 93.

i.

3,

121.

Scylleticum, or Scyllacium, foundation Scyrus, expedition against, ii. 211. Scytale of the Lacedaemonians, ii. 219.

of,

i.

347.

260. Scytalism, the sanguinary sedition at Argos so called, v. 258 Asia Minor overrun by Scythians, ancient, manner of life of, i. 419, 420. them and the Cimmerians, 421. Nature of their warfare, 448. Invasion

of Europe and Scythia by Darius, 448.

> Scythian
ii.

273.
, ,
,

bowmen, the attendants of the Athenian magistrates, Three hundred bought for the use of the republic, ib. Athenian settlements in Scythia, vi. 335, 336. war of Macedonia with Scythia, vii. 38, 39.

the Scythians negotiate with Darius, viii. 53, 54. Description of the two people of that name, 104. They negotiate with Alexander, the banks of the 105. revolt on Assemble 106. him, They against Tanais, 109. Their taunts to Alexander, 110. Are dispersed by the MaceSend deputies to Alexander, 112, 113. Their chadonians, 111, 112. racter as given by Homer and Arrian, 120, 121. and note. Circumstances relative to Scythia,
1

28,

29.

GENERAL INDEX.
Sea-fight, date of the earliest,
i.

567

265. Account of one off Lade, 475 477. in the neighbourhood of Artemisium, ii. 30. Off Artemisium, 48 52. Off Salamis, 71 74. Of the Eurymedon, 214. Off Actium, Off Sybota, 315, 316. 31O. Between the Peloponnesian and Athenian 419. 421 424. 503 505. fleets, 417 in the Corinthian gulf, between the Athenians and Corinthians, iii. In the harbour of Syracuse, 251 248, 249. 255. 265 269. 271. Of Near the Trojan shore, 393, 394. Cynosema, 389. Near Cyzicus, 397, 398. Of Notium, 430, 431. Of Arginussae, 445 448. , near Cnidus, iv. 382, 383. near Naxus, vi. 63. At Corcyra, 64. Seaman, Athenian, pay of one, ii. 438.
1

ii. 285. Seleucus, one of Alexander's captains, accompanies him across the HydasHis share in the battle there, 195. Marries the daughter pes, viii. 193. of Spitamenes, 357. Anecdote of, 429. Passes a night in the temple of Serapis, 447. Belgians, the, conclude a treaty with Alexander, vii. 459.

Seamen, superstition of, ii. 31. Sea-ports, English, remark on, vi. 92. note. Secret service money, how employed by Pericles,

Selinus, foundation of,

,

i.

349.
iii.

war between, and Egesta,

its

65.

ancient magnificence,
ib.

under Hannibal,

massacred, 322. Retaken by Hermocrates, 328. Yielded to Carthage, 460. Is retaken by Dionysius, 473. Sellasia, town of, recovered by the Lacedaemonians from the revolters, v. 190.
'S.rt/j.a.Ta.

Is besieged by the Carthaginians, 321. Stormed, and sixteen thousand of its inhabitants The prisoners and refugees restored to possession, 324.
v.

Xuypa, explanation of, i. 1 22. Semiramis, queen of Assyria, notice of, viii. 263. Senate. See Council. Sepias, storm and shipwreck of the Persian fleet at,

ii. 33, 34. Serpent, the divine one, which guarded the temple of Minerva at Athens, ii. 62.

Servants, occupations of, in the early ages of Greece, i. 170. Sestus, Alexander's visit to, vii. 390, 391. Seuthes, son of Maesades, a Thracian prince, his descent, iv. 280, 281. Effects of his reign, 281. His measures on arriving at manhood, 282. Distinction between him Seuthes, son of Sparadocus, 282, 283. note. Interview between Seeks the aid of the Cyrean army, 283, 284. him and Xenophon, 285. Promises held out by him to the army in

general, and to

Xenophon

and becomes a powerful

in particular, 285. prince, 288, 289.

Recovers

his

patrimony,

Did not

Evades understanding or just views of honour, 289. Manner in which he at length fulfilled his contract Cyrean army, ib. with them, 290,291. distinction between him and Seuthes, son of , son of Sparadocus,
Maesades, iv. 282, 283. note. Sewers, unknown in Grecian towns, ii. 389. Origin of the Cloaca Maxima, See Phaeax. ib. note. Sewers seen among the ruins of Carthage, ib. Shakspeare, vindication of, i. 147. note. Shields, of the Grecians, how arranged in battle, vii. 305. What ships of war built by the Ships of the early Greeks, i. 154, 155. Corinthians, 263. Defects of the, remarks on the ancient ships of war, ii. 79 83.

possess any great the payment of the

315.
, description of the sails of, v. 73. note. another, 414.

How

distinguished from one

O 04

568

GENERAL INDEX.

Ships, account of the various sorts of Grecian ships, and their improvements, viii. 417. and note. (See Galleys.) Sicans, the, join Hannibal on his arrival in Sicily, v. 324. Preserve Sicels, the, join Hannibal on his arrival in Sicily, v. 324.

attachment to the Carthaginians, 440. But are conciliated by Dionysius, 441. peace relative to them concluded by Dionysius and Magon, 443. Sicilian Greeks, condition of, at the succession of Alexander the Great to the Throne of Macedon, vii. 202. 350. Sicily, notice of Greek colonies planted in, i. 347 Sketch of the history -, Phenician factories on the coast of, ii. 137. State of, when Xerxes invaded of the Grecian colonies in, 138 151.
their

Greece, 144. -, account of the affairs of, and of the Athenian expedition into, iii. 143 288. Affairs of, during the reigns of Gelon, Hieron, and Tbrasy148. bulus, 144 Expulsion of the family of Gelon, and independent democracies established, 148 150. Ducetius Agrarian law, 150. becomes the principal potentate of the island, 151. And Syracuse the sovereign city, 153. War between the Dorian and Ionian Sicilians, First interference of Athens in the affairs of Sicily, 156 155, 156. 1 60. Peace procured by Hermocrates of Syracuse, 161. New troubles and new interference of Athens, 162 164. Intrigues among the Sicilian cities, 206, 207. Athenian invasion to , affairs of the Grecian settlements in, from the the settlement of the Syracusan government under Dionysius and Hipparinus, v. 310. et seq. Deficiency of historical materials with regard to Sicilian cities, 316. Greek settlements in Sicily, as in the mother country, divided into small republics, 317. The Grecian cause broken by the revolution effected by Diocles, 319. Invaded by Hannibal, the Carthasecond time invaded by Hannibal, 333. ginian general, 321. -, affairs of the Greeks in Sicily and Italy, from the settlement of the Syracusan government under Dionysius and Hipparinus, to the restoration of the Syracusan supremacy over the Sicilian, and its extension over the Italian, Greek cities, v. 365. et seq. Harvest management in Sicily and Greece, 385. , affairs of the Sicilian and Italian Greek cities, from the establishment of the Syracusan empire to the death of Dionysius, v. 398. et seq. Peace Peace throughout the Grecian settlements of throughout Sicily, 445. Invasion of Sicily and Italy by the Carthaginians, Sicily and Italy, 456. 459. -, affairs of the Grecian settlements of Sicily and Italy, from the death of the first Dionysius to the restoration of the second Dionysius, vi. 1 From the restoration of the younger Dionysius to the death 36. of Timoleon, 37 80. Appointment of Timoleon to manage the affairs of Sicily, 44. State of, under Timoleon, 64, 65. Repeopled by him, 70. Prosperity of, under his rule, 76, 77. (See Athens and Syracuse.) Sketch of the history of, 264, 265. Sicyon, the oldest city in Greece, i. 23. affairs of, v. 167 176. , History of the tyrant Euphron, ib. The Sicyonians recover their port, with the assistance of the Arcadians, 180. Sedition in Sicyon after the battle of Leuctra, 264. Sicyon a school of the fine arts, 270. an The great seat Sidon, opulent city, in the earliest ages of Greece, i. 8. of manufactures, 142.

account

of, vii.

362, 363.

Revolts against Persia, 363.

Subdued

by Artaxerxes, 364. Submits to Alexander, 524. Siege, the first of which any connected detail exists, ii. 407.
,

inefficiency of ancient sieges,

iii.

30, 31.

Sigeum, establishment of an Athenian colony at, i. 403. 2uiEA<Tiif and ZtxeXo'f, distinction between, v. 395. note.

GENERAL INDEX.
vili. 2i'x<f>iov,

92, 93.' note.

viii.

Simmias, the Macedonian, his conduct at the battle of Arbela, Accused of treason, but acquitted, 74.

21.

Simmis, a robber-chief, slain by Theseus, i. 57. Simonides of Ceos, invited to Athens by Hipparinus, and maintained there by him, i. 406. Sindomana, notice of, viii. 253. Account of, ib. Sinope, site and foundation of the town of, iv. 248, 249. Transactions of the Cyrean army there, 249, 250. Sisicottus appointed to the command of Aornos, viii. ] 80. Sends despatches to Alexander, 203. Sisygambis, mother of Darius, intercedes with Alexander on behalf of the
Greeks, viii. 34. Sisyphus, a prince of Corinth, i. 24. Sitalces succeeds to the sovereignty of Thrace, ii. 382. His alliance with Athens and Perdiccas, 383. Causes of his invasion of Macedonia, and terms of the treaty, 427 43O. 86. 89. , his irruption into Macedonia, vi. of Alexander's generals, notice of, viii. 76. Recalled from , one Media, 275. Executed, ib. in state i. Tribute of, imposed by Minos, 60. 20. Slaves, of, Crete, necessary at Sparta, 278. Regulations of Lycurgus concerning them, 29O, 291. Their condition at Athens, and regulations of Solon respecting

Why

them, 368

370.

The

first

occasion

upon which they were admitted

to

military service, 499. note.

, of, shared by the Agrigentines, ii. 158. in their condition during the Peloponnesian war, iv. , improvement 8. Greek words used for, 194. Those of servile origin not admitted to the first honours of the state at Lacedaemon, 330. note. 422. -, account of slavery among the ancients, viii. 420 Smindyrides, notice of, vii. 220. Popular custom in EngSneezing, Grecian superstition respecting, iv. 203. land respecting, probably derived from Greece, 202, 203. note. Social war, the allies in the, attack Samos, vii. 219. Succour Byzantium, Peace concluded with them, 221. Negotiate with the Athenians, 225. 233. Society, good effects produced on, by the hospitality of the early Greeks, i. 165. He professed to Socrates, profited from the instruction of Aspasia, ii. 289. have learned eloquence from her, 291. , his narrow escape at the battle of Delium, iii. 28. his descent, iv. 1 27. Derived his first impressions from the , account of The conclusions and opinions he was led to theology of Anaxagoras, ib. deduce from these principles, ib. His mode of communicating instruction, Account of the manner in which he passed his time, and of his 127, 128. general habits, 1 28= How far he was subject to superstition, 128, 129. His His. practice in the forms of worship and ceremonies of his country, 1 29. Occasions on which he discharged the duties of a faith in oracles, ib. The unbending uprightness which citizen in war and in civil affairs, 130. Cause for the hostility of Aristophanes to him, as shown he exhibited, ib. " In what light he is represented in the comedy of the Clouds," 131. How this was received by the Athenian audience, 132. Inthere, ib. Grounds stated by JElian for formation laid against him by Melitus, ib. These confirmed by other writers, 133. his condemnation, 132, 133. Nature of his defence, 133, 134. Reasons of the popular jealousy against
.

immense number

him, 134.

His political principles, where particularly declared, ib. note. Account of his accusers, and the parties to which they belonged, 135. The Beprobability of his condemnation a subject of rejoicing to him, 136. lieved in the immortality of the soul, and the superintending Providence of

570

GENERAL INDEX.

an all-good Deity, ib. His age at the period of his prosecution, ib. How he might have obtained his acquittal, 136, 137. His conduct on his trial, 137. Circumstances which occasioned his respite, ib. Refuses the means of of his Manner In what his singular merit condeath, 138. escape, ib. sisted, 138, 139. His life an aara in the history of Athens and of man, 139. on the on his Observations character, collected from ancient aspersions writers by the author of the Observer, 139 141. note. Socrates, the master, friend, and adviser of Xenophon, v. 278, 279. to visit the court of Archelaus, king of Mace, account of his refusal
don, vi. 93. Revolts of the Sogdians, Sogdiana, its capital and modern name, viii. 102. 106. 121. Soldiers and sailors, diet and clothing of British, iv. 236, 237. note. Soldier, Athenian, pay of one, ii. 438. Festival celebrated there by him, Soli entered by Alexander, vii. 482. 483. Solois, a Phenician settlement in Sicily, ii. 138. Solon introduced into public life by a remarkable political event, 5. 359. State 361. of affairs between the Eupatrids and the people at Athens, 359 Effects of the oligarchal principle in the Athenian constitution, 360. Invites Epimenides to Athens, 362. Appointed archon, 363. Measure adopted with respect to the public religion, ib. Defects of the Athenian constitution, ib. Reformation introduced into it by Solon, 364. Law of debtor and creditor Component members of the Athenian commonarranged by him, 365. wealth, 367. Citizens, ib. Meticsor freemen, not being citizens, 368. Slaves and their condition, 368 370. Account of the Athenian democracy, 370 375. Of the council or senate of five hundred, 375. Power of the Prytanes, 376. Business of the general assemblies, 377, 378. Mode of enacting laws, Power of the court of Areopagus, 380, 381. Other courts 379, 380. for administering justice to inhabitants of the country at a distance from Enactments of Solon respecting military service, 384. Athens, 382, 383. His success as general-iri-chief in the first Sacred war, 390. Expedient adopted by him to preserve his institutions from the opposition of factions, His conduct after the revolution effected by Pisistratus, 397. His 391. death, 398. defects in the Athenian constitution, as established by him, iv. 3, 4. The How intranscription of his code of laws committed to Nicomachus, 75.
i

terpolated
,

and

altered, 76.

Decree respecting, 77.

vi.

account of his legislation for the Amphictyonic council,

explanation

243

245.
of, vii. 291. note. 109. Sophists, who first attained eminence in the profession of, iv. 126. their instructions, and causes of their success at Athens, ib.

"StufjiaTo^vKa^,

Soothsayers,

i.

107

Nature of

they rethemselves to public notice, ib. See Eurymedon. Sophocles, son of Sostratidas. Sophroniscus, the father of Socrates, notice of, iv. 127. The falsehood of this accusation, ib. Sosis accuses Dion of tyranny, vi. 18.

How

commended

Condemned to death, ib. Soul, the, believed immortal among the Greeks, i. 109. Spain, the peasants in some parts of, eat the roasted acorns of the evergreen oak, i. 9. note. use of sepulchral barrows in, ii. 11. note. , -, the Spaniards in the defeated Carthaginian army are taken into Syracusan pay,
v.

430.
of, vii.

and France, remarks on the governments See Lacedaemon. Sparta.

277.

Spenser's description of the ancient state of Britain, i. 55. note. Sphacteria, island of, its situation, ii. 501. Blockaded by the Athenians, 511.

GENERAL INDEX.

,571

Attack upon, by Demosthenes, 515 519. Surrenders to the Athenians, Treatment of the prisoners, 521. 520. (See Pylus. ) Sphodrias, the Lacedaemonian general, left in command at Thespia?, v. 49. Is tried at Lacedaomon, and Invades Attica by night, 53. acquitted through the interest of Agesilaus, 54.
91.
Spies, the first instance 21.

Is killed at the battle of Leuctra,

ii.

on record of

their being treated with generosity,

Spitamenes, satrap of Sogdia, his message to Alexander, viii. 100. His revolt, 108. Defeats some Macedonian forces, 114. He retreats before Alexander, ib. Makes an inroad into Bactria, 124. Surprises a body of Macedonians, Circumstances in which he was placed, 126, 127. Is defeated by 125. Ccenus, ib. His death, 128. Is slain, 410. Spithridates, the Persian, joins Arsites, vii. 397. Stadion, or foot-race, the only game exhibited at the Olympian festival, as i. 211. established by Iphitus, Stagira, account of, vii. 203, 204. Alexander's Stasanor, one of generals, sent against the Arians, viii. 115. Joins

His origin, 131. Alexander at Nautaca, 130. Stasippus, the Tegean, opposes the union of Arcadia,
116.
Statira,

v.

114.

His death,

queen of Persia, anecdote

of, vii.

519.

2n'^oj Stonehenge, considered to be a temple, i. 102. Storm, a remarkable one, assails the Lacedaemonian army, under Cleombrotus, v. 49. Strabo, his division of Peloponnesus, i. 13. Stratege, rank and power of, i. 388. iii. 422. note. 2TpaT)iyof, signification of, Stratocles, the Athenian, account of, vi. 412, 413. of the word, v. 223. note. J,rpa.T07ri$ov, meaning Stratus, battle near, ii. 415, 416. Battle of, 125. Strymon, river, bridge built over, ii. 4, 5. Suffete, explanation of the title of, ii. 1 46. The use made of by Superstition, why Egypt the great school of, i. 88, 89. Of seamen, ii. 31. Solon, 361.
,
,

Statius, his allusion to the mountain of Anopasa, ii. 41. note. Sthenelaidas, speech of, at the congress at Lacedasmon, ii. 342. synonymous with Ao^oj, i. 388. note.

remarkable instance

of, iii.

57, 58.
soldiers, iv. 241. 250.

influence " of, over the

Greek

256. 258,

259, 260. 262. 374.

Surgeons in the army, when first mentioned, iv. 214. Susa surrenders to Alexander, viii. 29. Spoils found there by him, 29, 30. Darius's family settle there, 30. The Susiad rocks defended by the Persians, 34. Are passed by Alexander, 36. The rivers on which Susa was situated,
Alexander's return thither, 350. 343. Swords, two kinds of, used by the Greeks of the heroic age, i. 52. note. Sybaris, foundation of, i. 347. The luxury of its citizens extent of territory belonging to, ii. 157. , The native inhabitants, expelled proverbial, 158. Beauty of its coins, 159. by Telys, take refuge in Crotona, ib. Destruction of their commonwealth,

Population of, 161. note. Mention of, by different writers, 161, 162. Consequences of the conquest of, by the Crotoniats, 163, 164. Style Destruction of the remnant of of architecture of the Sybarites, 174. note. this unfortunate people, 165. Sybota, sea-tight off, ii. 315, 316. the term, iv. 24. Encouragement afforded by Sycophant, original meaning of the Athenian government and judicature to, 25, 26. Revival of sycophancy,
ib.

note.

78, 79.

GENERAL INDEX.
Syennesis, negotiation of Cyrus with, iv. 154. Syllium, fortress of, noticed, vii. 453. Syndics, office of the, i. 378. Synedrians, account of the, vi. 422. Synedrium, or congress of states of Athens, constitution of the, vi. 145. Synomosies, or political clubs at Athens, account of, iii. 339. Syracuse, at first subject to Corinth, i. 262. Becomes independent and wealthy, Founds its own colonies in Illyria, ib. By whom originally founded, ib.

348, 349.
151. Situation and advantages of , sketch of the history of, ii. 139 the city, 142, 143. Made the seat of government by Gelon, 143. (See Gelon.) situation and the town was composed, iii. 145. of which , of, parts Becomes the sovereign city of Sicily, 153, 154. Ac218, 219. note. cedes to the Lacedaemonian confederacy, 154, 155. Defects of its conMeasures taken against the Athenian invasion, stitution, 183, 184.

Account of the 209. Preparations of the Syracusans, 205 237 239. 257 260. Naval actions in the harbour of, 251 255. 265 269. 271. Improvements in the triremes of, 251. Retreat of the Athenians from, 272 284. The Syracusans decree Nicias and Demosthenes to death, 285. Their cruel treatment of the Athenian the Syracusans obtained the freedom of the prisoners, 286, 287. Honours obtained by, for their conduct at city of Antandrus, 400, 401. Ephesus, 409. the Syracusans send maritime assistance to Lacedasmon, v. 75. , The Syracusan auxiliaries described, 1 36. They invade Sicyonia, and Auxiliaries again sent to the Lacedaemonians, 141. 188. return, ib. Its govern190. Syracuse becomes the leading state of Sicily, 317. ment a pure democracy, ib. Hermocrates, son of Hermon, at the head of its affairs, ib. Diocles takes upon himself the office of legislator, 318. The Syracusans send a deputation to Carthage, deprecating war, 333. Equip a fleet, which defeats the Carthaginians, 334. Take the lead in the defence of Sicily, 335. State of Syracusan affairs on the downfall of Agrigentum, 349. The Syracusans dismiss their generals, and appoint Dionysius, 352. Restore the party of Hermocrates, 354. Appoint Dionysius and Hipparinus autocrator-generals, 359. Vote a guard of six hundred men to Dionysius, 362. Are defeated by the Carthaginians before Gela, 368. the port improved, and the maritime power of, advanced by , division of lands among the people, 375. Dionysius, v. 374. The city regained by him, 381. Dionysius besieged in the island, 378. Nature of the connexion between Syracuse and Lacedaemon, 383. Which is Corinthian party, in opposition to the Lacedaemonian, at, 384. disarmed during the season of harvest, 385. The mercenary troops increased, 386. Works, of magnitude before unknown, executed in The Syracusan empire extended generally over the Syracuse, 392.
184
186.
siege, 218. 234.

How

Motives and preparations for war with Grecian towns of Italy, 397. Violence of the Syracusans toward the CarthaCarthage, 398 401. herald despatched to Carthage, announcing war, ginian residents, 408. 409. -, the harbour attacked by Imilcon, in the absence of Dionysms, v. 411. The Syracusan territory is fortified against Imilcon, 419. Syracuse is besieged by him, and the division of Achradina taken, 422. Successes of Dionysius, 428. Peace made, 429. The Syracusans oppose the fulfilment of the conditions, 430. War of Rhegium with, 434. War renewed by CarWar of Rhegium and Crotona with, 449. Enjoys a peace of thage, 440. sixteen years, 460. Is greatly enlarged and embellished by Dionysius, 461. Literature encouraged, 468. Assistance sent to Syracusan revenue, 462. Lacedaemon against Thebes, 471. War renewed with Carthage, 472. Death of Dionysius, 473.

GENERAL INDEX.
Syracuse, alarm created
at,

573

by the proceedings of Dion, Heraclides, and Andromachus, vi. 1O. Is invested and taken by Dion, 13. State of, dissensions of the Dion and Heraclides, 19. A new election of during ib. The fleet baffled of, generals, by Nypsius, and two quarters of the town taken by him, 21. Is still agitated by the continued rivalries of Dion and Heraclides, 23 30. Introduction of Corinthians there by Dion, 30. Plot against, and murder of Dion at, 31, 32. State of, on the death of Dion, 33. 35. Dionysius the younger returns to, 36. It is taken possession of by Icetes, 49. And is conquered by Timoleon, 51. Desolation of, 53, 54. Attacked by Icetes, 55. The magistracy at, established by Timoleon,
72.

one of the earliest civilised countries, i. 5. recovered to the empire of Persia through the treachery of Reomithres, v. 249. , the entrances into, described, vii. 493, 494. Syrmus, king of the Triballians, notice of, vii. 308. 310, 311. Syrphax, notice of, vii. 417, 418.
Syria,
,

T.

Deserted Tachos, king of Egypt, engages Agesilaus and Chabrias, v. 250. by his people, he takes refuge in Sidon, 252. Is restored to the Egyptian throne, 253. note. See Army, Military Affairs. &c. Tactics.

Taenarum, promontory of, i. 14. Tagus, explanation of the term, ii. 267. note ; v. 100. note ; vii. 294. Tamynae, battle of, vi. 371. Tanagra, battle of, ii. 258. Ravaged by Nicias, 480. Alexander wounded on Tanais, river, its various names, viii. 103. and note. its banks, ib. A colony founded there by him, 1 09. Taocs, account of the, iv. 227.
Tapoors, the, notice

Tarentum, the foundation

of, viii. 61. note. of, i. 311. 346. the Tarquinii, principal city of Tuscany, a Corinthian colony settled there, ii. 155. Tarquinius Priscus, king of Rome, his descent, ii. 155. Tarsus, the capital of Cilicia, Alexander taken ill there, vii. 478, 479. By

whom

founded, 481.

Tartars, the modern, inherit the character

and manners of

their ancestors, the

Scythians, viii. 129. Taste, iv. 125. Tatooing, existence of,

among various barbarous nations at a distance from each other, ii. 381. Taulantians, the, join the Illyrians, vii. 314. Repulsed by Alexander the Great, 316. Tauriscus, the Macedonian, anecdote of, viii. 6. Tauromenium, or Taormina, foundation of, i. 349. took its origin from the Sicels of Naxus, v. 41 9. Who obstiReduced, and conferred on the nately retain it against Dionysius, 439. Syracusan mercenaries, 444.
re-established by Andromachus, vi. 10. Its occupation available in detaching the Italian cities from the Syracusan alliance, 11. Applies Arrival of Timoleon there, 49. for the interference of Corinth, 41. Taurosthenes and Callias of Euboea, their projects, vi. 368, 369. the agents of Demosthenes, vii. 90. , Taurus, mountains of, described, vii. 447. ; viii. 81. Taxes of the Persian empire, i. 445. note.

Tauromenium

574
,

GENERAL INDEX.

Taxes imposed on Athenians and free-residents in Attica, iv. 15 17. nature of those imposed by the Syracusan government, v. 463 466. Alexander winters there, 1 90. Taxila, its situation, viii. 189. His interview Taxiles, an Indian prince, submits to Alexander, viii. 164.
with him, 189. And reconciled to him, 203. Sent after Porus, 200. Appointed to superintend the Indian dominion, 274. Taxis and Taxiarch, of the Athenian army, i. 387, 388.
Taygetus, mountain of, i. 13. Taylor, John, his note on a proposed correction of JEschines, vii. 165. note. Observations on his objections to the authenticity of the funeral oration of

Demosthenes, 169, 170. note. Tearless battle, the, gained by Archidamus, son of Agesilaus, v. 142.

Why

so denominated, ib. Tegea, i. 268. Their Tegeans, their dispute for precedence with the Athenians, ii. 1O4. Plunder the magnificent pavilion of Mardonius, bravery at Plataea, 118. ib. Dedicate a part of their spoil in the temple of the Alean Minerva,

119.
,
,

war between Tegea and Mantinea,

the, unite all Arcadia, v. 114

Lacedaemon, 116.
gea, 211.

Deputies from
inactivity of

all

iii. 57. About eight hundred flee to 117. the Arcadian cities assemble in Te-

The

Epaminondas

at,

defended by Xenophon,

223.
Teians, the, retire to Thrace, and found the town of Abdera, i. 434. Telchines, i. 19. Teleclus, king of Sparta, notice of, i. 302. Telesilla, a poetess, story of, i, 490. note. Teleutias, brother of Agesilaus, appointed commander-in-chief of the Lacedaemonian forces in Asia, iv. 431. His peculiar merit, 444. His remarkable speech to his soldiers and seamen, ib. His successes against the Athenians, 445, 446. appointed commander-in-chief in Thrace, v. 21. His first engagement with the Olynthians, 22. His defeat and death, 24. The Telmissians assist the SalaTelmissus, situation of, described, vii. 458. And are defeated, 460. For what celebrated, 469. gassians, 459. Telys, the demagogue of Crotona, notice of, ii. 159. Temenus, Cresphontes and Aristodemus, great-grandsons of Hyllus, associate with them Oxylus, and overrun Arcadia, i. 178, 179. Temenus takes And Cresphontes of Armenia, ib. Death of possession of Argos, 179. the latter, 301. Tempe, vale of, i. 4O. ii. 24. , the Grecian army encamped in, Temperature of the air, viii. 86. Temples rare in ancient Greece, i. 101. Without roofs, 101, 102. Form of, in Africa, 102. note. Temples in Greece converted into banks, 194. Temordered by Xerxes to be burnt, ii. 132. , the Grecian temples ple of Minerva at Plataea, 1 79. See Council. Ten, the. Ten thousand, retreat of the, ii. 178 298. (See Greece.) Tenedos subdued by Pharnabazus, vii. 465. Submits to the Macedonians,

542.

Tennes, king of Sidon, revolts against Artaxerxes, executed, 364. Tennes, of Sidon, notice of, vii. 364, 365. Teos, city of, its foundation, i. 341. recovered to the Athenian alliance, iii. 314. Teres, king of Thrace, notice of, ii. 382.

vii.

363.

Subdued and

Teribazus, the Persian commander against Evagoras, v. 246. and succeeded by Orantas, ib.

Is removed,

GENERAL INDEX.
Terillus, tyrant of Himera, expelled from his government, to Carthage, and is favourably received there, 145.
ii.

575
144.

Flees

Terms of Mercury,
its

ancient use of, iii. 178. Destruction of, at Athens, and consequences, 178, 179. Teucer said to have been the founder of the Trojan state, i. 72. note. Not

known

to

Homer,

ib.
i.

dialects, their affinity with the Greek and Latin, Thais, the Athenian courtesan, account of, viii. 38. the Thales, poet, notice of, i. 272, 273.
,

Teutonic

124. note.

of Miletus, origin of Grecian philosophy attributed to him, iv. 121. his learning from Egypt, ib. The kind of philosophy and science Rule of morality for which he was celebrated, possessed by him, 122. 123. it Difference between and the Christian precept, 123. note.' 122, Thalestris, story of, discredited, viii. 404. note. one of the fathers of Grecian Thamyris, poetry, i. 69. Thargelia, a Grecian courtesan, influence of, ii. 291. Tharyps, king of Molossis, joins the Lacedaemonians, vii. 224. Account of, 225. Thasos, or Thasus, island of, noticed, i. 18 ; vi. 193. of the Thasians, ii. 236. Reduced to obedience , revolt by Cimon, 237. Theatres at Athens, a proportion of the public revenue devoted to the service of, vi. 139. Theatrical satire at Athens, effect of, iii. 59, 60. Extent of, iv. 28, 29. Thebaid, the, ravaged by Agesilaus, v. 57. Again invaded by the Lacedaemonians, 59. Thebe, wife of Alexander, tagus of Thessaly, joins in a plot to assassinate him, v. 266. and note. Its ancient celebrity, ib. Five Thebes, in Boeotia, foundation of, i. 43. places of this name, 45. taken against, by Pausanias, ii. 123, 124. The Thebans , revenge attempt the recovery of their ancient authority, 259. Attempt of the Thebans against Plataea, 356 363. Their exasperation against the PlaThe town and territory of Plataea given to them, 463. 462. toeans, 460 resort of the Athenian fugitives to, iv. 55. Causes for its alienation from Lacedaemon, 320. Origin of the war with Lacedaemon, 353, 354. The Thebans march against and defeat Lysander, 355. Its citadel , the bad government and violent factions at, v. 14. Reduced to dependency betrayed by Leontiades, the polemarch, 16. Revolution in favour of democracy, 37 42. upon Lacedaemon, 18. Their system of warfare, 58. The Thebans appoint Bceotarchs, 52. They invade Thespiae with success, ib. Obtain corn in their distress from Reduce all Boeotia to subjection, 64. Invade Phocis, Euboea, 60 62. Their tyranny over Boeotia, 78. 65. Expel the inhabitants of Plataea and Thespiae, 79. Join the general congress at Lacedaemon, 82. Resign their supremacy over the Boeotian cities, 83. But retract, and are excluded from the treaty, 84. 85. Gain the victory of Leuctra, 90 93. Thebans invade Laconia under Epaminondas, v. 123. Place i, the Sparta in imminent danger, 126. Besiege Gythium without success, 127. Withdraw from Laconia, 130. Effect a passage into Peloponnesus, and Ravage the lands of the Epidaurians, ib. join their allies there, 135. And the Corinthian territory, ib. Are recalled by the Thessalian war, ib. and note. Thebes eminent only through the talent of a few extraordinary men, 137. War with Thessaly, 142 147. congress procured at Susa, 147. rescript in favour of Thebes obtained from the king of Persia, 148. The Thebans now assume to be arbiters of Greece, 149. They summon a congress at Thebes, ib. Propose an oath to the various depuFailure of their attempt to acquire the supremacy of Greece, ties, 150. 151, 152. They march an army into Achaia under Epaminondas, 157. Their impolitic illiberality, 159. Trial at Thebes of the assassins of

Derived

i,

576

GENERAL INDEX.
A

Euphron, of Sioyon, 172 176. peace concluded between Thebes and Sedition of the aristocratical party in Thebes and OrclioCorinth, 1 86. menus, 193, 194. The Thebans assist the Thessalian cities against Alexander of Pheras, 195. And mediate a peace, 197. Seize the principal Arcadian citizens at Tegea, 212. But set them at liberty, 213. Are unsuccessful in their maritime attempts against Athens, 219, 22O. Amount of the Theban army on the fourth invasion of Peloponnesus and Epaminondas, 223. They re-enter Laconia, and attempt to surprise Sparta, Hasten to the Mantinean territory, 228. Are worsted by the 225, 226. Athenian horse, ib. Gain the victory of Mantinea, 233 235. Thebes, the Thebans make an alliance with Macedon, vi. 113, 114. They

Are obliged to leave Eubcea, 178. State Eubceans, 175, 176. the death of Epaminondas, 252, 253. The Thebans prosecute Laced aemon in the Amphictyonic council, 254. and note. Their designs 260. Grounds of the war between it and Thebes, ib. against Phocis, 255 The Thebans deficient in generals, 276. Their alliance against the PhoTheir treatment of the Phocian prisoners, 279. Failure of cians, 227. the negotiation with the Phocians, 281. and note. Send Pammenes to Artabazus, 283. and note. Are defeated by Onomarchus, 318. Decay of Thebes, 347. The Thebans march into Peloponnesus, 355. They plunder Phocis, 357. Send an embassy to Persia, 372. Defeat the But afterwards are defeated by them, 432. Send an Phocians, 431. embassy to Philip, 433. Notice of the Thebans by Isocrates, 454. They
assist the
of, after

join Philip, 462.

connected with the Athenian confederacy, vii. Preponderance of the Athenian party there, 120. The allurements held out to the Thebans by Demosthenes, They renew their peace with Philip, 123. And receive a letter from 124. Form an alliance with Athens, 134. Operations of Thebes Athens, 135, 136. The Thebans reject Philip's offers of peace, 141.
,

how Thebes was

14.

Political state of, 119.

119, 121.

him,

and

Theban and Athenian army march against Philip, 145. and note. are defeated at Chseronea, 146, 147. Account of the government of Its disturbed state, 318. Its citadel, how garrisoned, 319. Thebes, 152. Assassination of the commanding officers of the citadel, 321. general insurrection there, 322. Commotions on the approach of Alexander, 324. of the TheAttack of the Theban horse on the Macedonians, 325. Reply ban generals to Alexander's proclamation, 326. Particulars of the siege

The They

and the taking of Thebes, 330 334. Thebans slain and of those sold, 339. Theft encouraged by Lycurgus, i. 284.

Its destruction, 335.

Amount of

First public measure adopted by him for Themistocles, character of, ii. 16. His interpretation of the response of the Delthe defence of Athens, ib. His plan for keeping the Grecian fleet at Artemisium, phian oracle, 19. 48. His expedient for creating disaffection among the Persians, 52, 53. His character compared with that of Aristides, 60, 61. Part which he took in the naval councils, 64. Extraordinary measure adopted by him for the purpose of bringing the Persians to an engagement off Salamis, 67. His interview with Aristides, 68. Difference in the principle on which Themistocles and the Persian commander respectively manned their vesIn what service he employed the fleet, 84, 85. note. How sels, 69, 70. Honours received he enriched himself at the expense of the islanders, 85.

by him,

86, 87. Measures adopted by him for rebuilding and fortifying Athens, 182. Policy of his conduct with respect to Lacedaemon, 184, 185. Undertakes the embassy to Sparta, 185. And his proceedings there, 186 188. Improves and fortifies the port of Pirams, 189 191. Complaints against him, 194. Revenge of Timocreon against, 194. His integrity

His banish198. doubtful, 195. Party against him at Athens, 195 His reception at the Persecution and flight of, 223 226. ment, 198. Persian court, 226, 227. His death, 228. Examination of his character, 229.

GENERAL INDEX.
Themistocles, his reception

577

by the prince of Molossis, noticed, vii. 223. Theocles, or Thucles, founds the first Grecian town in Sicily, i. 348. Theodorus, a Syracusan, inveighs against Dionysius at an assembly of the
people, v. 425.
Sparta, leads an army toward Ithome, i. 388. Battle with the Messenians in his reign, decided by a combat of 300 men on each The establishment of ephors referred to him, 328. side, i. 326. Saying reported of him, 329. Theoric portion of the revenue, vi. 385. Thera, island of, noticed, i. 344. Theramenes joins the oligarchial party at Athens, iii. 350. Accused of instiHis measures, 377, 378. Success of his party, 382. gating sedition, 377. And to Lacedaemon, 491. Elected one His mission to Lysander, 489. of the Council of Thirty, 493. account of his family, character, and political conduct, iv. 41 ,

Theopompus, king of

Prosecuted and condemned to death, 50 53. 50. A Carthaginian army land* Therma, in Sicily, origin of its name, vi. 333. Another place of that name, near Himera, ib. note. at, ib. Therme, arrival of the Persian fleet and army at, ii. 11. Thermopylae, pass
,

of,

i.

12.

it,

28, 29.

Honours

and advantages, ii. 27, 28. Measures for defending Station of the Grecian army there, 30. Battle of, 38 45. paid to those who fell there, 180, 181. Inscriptions on, 181. and
its

situation

-, meeting of a congress at, vi. 468. Theron, tyrant of Agrigentum, notice of, ii. 144. His adventures, Theseus, son of JEgeus, birth and education of, i. 52, 53. Is recognised by JEgeus as his son, 58. 57. Arrives in Attica, ib. Signalises himself by the destruction of wild beasts, 59. Goes with the Athehis nian captives to Minos, 60, 61. Liberates country from tribute, 62.

Annual ceremony instituted to commemorate that event, ib. New-models and improves the Athenian government, 63 67. Dies in exile, 68. The
succession of his family to the throne of Attica terminated, 335. Thesmophoria, the ceremony so called, remarks as to the season of, v. 16. note. Thesmothete, six of the nine archons so called, i. 355. Thespiae, how oppressed by Thebes, iii. 57. the Thebans, v. 79. Find an asylum at , the Thespians expelled by Athens, ib.
, restoration of, vii. 336. Thessalians, enmity of, to the Phocians,

ii. 55 ; vi. 255. 312. Natural cirThessaly, boundaries and geographical description of, i. 12. cumstances of, 38, 39. Emigration of Thessalians after the Trojan war, 331. taken by the Thessalians against the Persian invasion, , measures ii. 23, 24. Thessaly the only province of Greece that possessed any considerable strength of cavalry, 24. party among the Thessalians disposed Send their profession of submission to Xerxes, to the Persian interest, 25. ib. The defence of Thessaly given up by the confederates, 26. Origin Success of the Thessalians, 267, 268. of the war in, 266. of Pherae, v. 97. War with Thebes, , state of, in the time of Jason 142 147. The Thessalian cities apply to Thebes for assistance against Peace obtained through the mediation of Alexander of Pberas, 195. Numerous Thessalian auxiliaries re-inforce Epaminondas't Thebes, 1 97. Political state of Thessaly on the death of the tagus Alexanarmy, 222.

der, 266.

the nobility of, receive Amyntas, king of Macedon, vi. JOO. Philip's expedition thither, 1 99. Interest of Thessaly in the Amphictyonic council, 236, 237. Expedition of, against Crissa, 24O. Joins Thebe*

against Phocis, 277. inelus, 278.

The

Thessalians and Locrians defeated by Philo-

VOL.

VIII.

P P

578

GENERAL INDEX.

Thessaly, assistance rendered by Philip to, vii. 22, 23. Analogy of the Thessalian constitution to those of Lacedaemon and Rome, 253 258. The Thessalians elect Alexander to the supreme dignity, 294. The general assembly declares war against Athens and Thebes, 322. revolt takes place in, viii. 48. , a pronounced as 2 by the Lacedaemonians, iv. 40O. Thetes, what citizens comprehended under the rank of, i. 374. Thimbron appointed commander-in-chief of the Lacedaemonian forces in Asia, iv. 301. 422. Is joined by the Cyrean forces, ib. His operations, 301, His death, 302. Defects of his conduct, 303. His character, 422. 423.
Thirty, the.

See Council Thoas, commander of the JEtolians at the siege of Troy, i. 44. how employed, viii. 268. 270. Appointed satrap , Alexander's general, of Gadrosia, 273. Thrace, coincidences tending to show that its early inhabitants were the same with those who inhabited Greece and Asia Minor, i. 68. 70. 383. , summary view of the history of, ii. 380 of Brasidas into, iii. 32, 33. His successes there, 43 45. , march Transactions in, 46 55. Massacre of the inhabitants of Mycalessus by the Thracians, 245, 246. in the time of Seuthes, iv. 280 290. , circumstances of, Severity of the winter in, 287. Moral principles of , produce of the Thracian gold mines, vi. 150. the Thracians, 211, 212. Notice of the royal family of Thrace, 212, 213.
note.
-,

war of Macedonia with, 37

','''' 39.

tution, 260, 261.

The Thracians and Agrians

Account of the Thracian constidefeated by Alexander the

Great, 306, 307.

Thracian Chersonese.

See Chersonese. Thracidae, allusion to the term, vi. 266. Thrasius heads the mutiny in Timoleon's army, vi. 58. Party formed Thrasybulus succeeds to the throne of Syracuse, iii. 147. Retires to Locri, ibt against him, 148. son of Lycus, and Tbrasyllus, leaders of the democratical party , Measures of, 359, 360. in Samos, iii. 357. Transactions of the fleet

under

their

command, 385

Alcibiades, 432, 433. 434.

-,

390. Part taken by Thrasybulus against Dismissed, with Alcibiades, from his command,

their

army

his first enterprise against the Council of Thirty, iv. 56. Defeats And restores the demoat Munychia, 59. Enters Athens, 69.

Praise of his political conduct, 77. Sent to Aria with the His successes there, 432 436. Killed in his tent His character, ib. Cornelius Nepos's eulogy by the Aspendians, 436. of him, 437. note. Transactions of the fleet Thrasyllus leads his forces against Agis, iii. 405. under his command on the Asiatic coast, 407 411. Appointed one of the the and ten generals on deposition of Alcibiades Thrasybulus, 434. Condemned to death and executed, 459. (See Thrasybulus.) Thrasymelidas, commander of the Peloponnesian fleet at Pylus, notice of, ii. 503. Thronium taken by the Phocians, vi. 287. Thucydides, the historian, his simple affirmation of more authority than that of any other writer, i. 178. Notice of, term used by him explained, ii. 80. , nautical 295, 312. commands the Athenian squadron at the island of Thasos, iii. 37. His influence among the Greeks and Thracians, 39. Deprived of his command, and banished for twenty years, 41. How he employed his leisure time, ib.
cracy, 70, 71.

Athenian

fleet,

432.

GENERAL INDEX-

,579

Thucydides, son of Milesias, brought forward by the Athenians in opposition to Pericles, ii. 279. His descent and character, ib. Candid acknowledgment of his rival's powers, 230. His banishment, 287. Thurium, or Thuria, causes which led to the colonisation of, ii. 164. Great men who accompanied the expedition thither, 165. Foundation of the

town,
,

ib.

member of the Rhegian confederacy, v. 447. More than ten thousand Thurians destroyed by the Lucanians, ib. The rest of their army Thurium gained to the Syracuse generously treated by Leptines, 448.
alliance, ib.

Thyamia surprised by the Phliasians, Thymbron. See Thimbron.

v.

164.

Evacuated, 186.

Thymoetes, king of Attica, deposition of, i. 335. Thyrea taken and burnt by the Athenians, iii. 10. Tibarenes, notice of the, iv. 240, 241. Tides of rivers, observations on the, viii. 258. note. Tigranes, general of the Persian army, encamps at Mycale, with sixty thouIs slain in the battle there, 130. sand men, ii. 127. His passage up the, 369. Tigris, river, crossed by Alexander, viii. 11. Timajus Siculus, means used by him for the correction of chronology, i. 218. his history only known by the quotations of other writers, vi. 11. , Accused by JLschines, Timarchus, his accusation of ^Eschines, vii. 16.

and condemned,

ib.

Timegenides, the Theban, one of the heads of the faction which led the Executed by order of PausaBoeotians to the Persian alliance, ii. 123.
nias, 124.

Timoclea, a Theban lady, anecdote of, vii. 337. Timocrates, the Lacedaemonian, account of his death, at the battle of Naupactus, ii. 423. of Rhodes, sent on a mission to the Grecian republics by Tithrau, stes, iv. 351. the Athenian minister, character of, v. 178. Tried and executed , on his return from the Persian embassy, 179. Timocreon, of lalysus, the poet, notice of, ii. 1 94.

Timolaus, notice

of, vii.

309.

Timoleon causes

his brother to

be assassinated,

vi.

42. Appointed to the

ma-

nagement of

Superstition he resorted to on his emGoes to Rhegium, 48. Arrives at Metapontium, 47. barkation, 46. Gains possession of Reaches Tauromenium, 49. Icetes defeated by, ib. Is joined by Mamercus, 50. Completes the conpart of Syracuse, ib. quest of Syracuse, 51. Negotiates with Dionysius the younger, 52. Difficulty in rewarding his troops, 54. Overcomes Leptines, 55. His conduct
affairs in

Sicily, 44.

His army mutinies, 58. Gains Gains over Icetes, 57. at Entella, 56. His treatment of the mutineers, and the battle of the Crimesus, 60, 61. Enters into a their fate, 63. Imports colonists from Peloponnesus, 64. His measures to reduce the indetreaty with the Carthaginians, ib. His cruelty to Icetes, 66. His pendent Grecian chiefs of Sicily, 65. His measures for repeotreatment of Mamercus and Hippon, 67, 68. pling the country, 70. The magistracy established by him at Syracuse, 72. Character of his administration, 74, 75. Anecdotes of, ib. State of Sicily

when governed by him, 76, 77. His blindness, 77. Timophanes of Corinth, his popularity, vi. 41. Assassination of, 42. Timotheus, son of Conon, appointed to command the Athenian fleet, v. 63. His liberal conduct there, ib. Gains Corcyra to the Athenian cause, 64. Defeats the LaPanegyrics upon him by Cicero and Diodorus, ib. note.
cedasmonian
ib.
,

fleet

Iphicrates, 70.

under Nicolochus, ib. Believes Cyzicus, 220.

Superseded in the

command by

And

takes Torona and Potidaea,

Is sent to take the

command
ib.

in Asia,

156.

Overcomes Cyprothemis,

Subdues Samos, vi. 155. Co-operates with Philip against the

P P

580
Olynthians, 156, 157.
treat,

GENERAL INDEX.
Supersedes Iphicrates,
16'0.

Is

compelled tore-

162.

His expedition against the Thracian Chersonese, 162. 165.

to

His address His success,

Chares, 221.
noticed, 367.

the Athenians, 176. Commands against Euboea, 177. Is impeached by Is sent to relieve Samos, 220. And fined, 223. His death, ib. His retirement to Euboea
178.
his treacher-

Timoxenus, commander of the Scionasan auxiliaries in Potidaea, ous correspondence with Artabazus, ii. 89. Tinian, notice of an ancient temple in, i. 102. and note.

Tiribazus, governor of western Armenia, his transactions with the Greek army under Xenophon, iv. 223 225. Embassy to him from Lacedaemon, 411,412. His measures in favour of Antalcidas, 412. His proposal of peace to the Greek nation, 449. his treatment by Artaxerxes Mnemon, vii. 354. Plots against ,

him, and is slain, 355. Tisamenus, son of Orestes, notice of, i. 179. , the Elean prophet, attends the Lacedaemonian army under PauHonour conferred upon him, 1OO. sanias, ii. 99, 100. Tisophonus assassinates Alexander, tagus of Thessaly, v. 266. Succeeds him
as tagus, ib. Tissaphernes, a satrap of Persia, Alcibiades tries to set him at variance with the Peloponnesians, Hi. 328 331. Renews negotiations with them, 341. And concludes a treaty with them, 342, 343. His wily and treacherous Defeats Thrasyllus at Ephesus, 4O9. policy, 391. His oper173. , post which he held at the battle of Cunaxa, iv. Concludes a treaty with the Greeks after the battle of Cuations, 1 74. His perfidious seizure and massacre of the Grecian generals, naxa, 187. 192, 193. Probable motives for this conduct, 196. Succeeds Cyrus in the command of the army, 300. Bargains with Dercyllidas for a particular

peace with his own provinces, 304. Union between him and Pharnabazus, His conference and treaty with Dercyllidas, 316. His message to 314. His measures for the preservation of his own provinces, Agesilaus, 340. 340, 341. Superseded arid beheaded, 347. Tithraustes, satrap of Lydia, succeeds Tissaphernes as viceroy of the Persian empire, iv. 347. Strange proposal to Negotiates with Agesilaus, 348. which he accedes, 348, 349. Means to which he has recourse for exciting enmity against Lacedasmon, 351. Titormus, the strongest man in Greece, notice of, vii. 220. and note. Tmolus, mountain of, anciently abounded in gold, i. 415. Sent to reduce Tolmides, the Athenian commander, successes of, ii. 264. the Boeotians, 282. Killed at Coronea, 283. Torone taken by Brasidas, iii. 44. by Timotheus, v. 220.
garrisoned by the Athenians, vi. 157. Torture, existence of, in Macedonia, viii. 73. note. Extensively used by almost every known government, ib. Toxolas, or bowmen, attached to magistrates, i. 395. TooTai and ^i\ol, distinction between, viii. 241. note. Trapezus, or Trebizond, account of, iv. 230, 231. note. Transactions of the Cyrean army at, 232 235. Treason, law of, at Athens, iii. 32 ; iv. 32, 33.
79. , trials for high treason, viii. 68 Treaties often proclaimed at Olympia, and columns erected, with the treaties engraved thereon, i. 212.

Trebizond.

See Trapezus.

vii. 262. They join the confederacy against Alexander the Great, 303, 304. Are put to flight by him, 308. Enter into a treaty with Alexander, 31O. Tribunes at Rome, their resemblance to the Ephors at Sparta, i. 329.

Triballians, notice of the,

Tricranum held by the Phliasian

Trierarch, rank of,
i.

exiles, v. 186.

388.

GENERAL INDEX.
Trieris, or trireme,

581
v.

how improved by Dionysius of

of, for

Triopium, promontory

what celebrated,

i.

Syracuse, 343.

400.

Triphylia, district of, subject to Elis, v. 139.

The

the Arcadians, 140. Tripod, at Delphi, nature of the, Tripolis, origin of, vii. 362.

Triphylians protected by

i.

19O.

Trireme, by whom first made, i. 263. Description of, ii. 45. Troezen, town and territory of, i. 50. Trojan war, observations on the conflicting dates of chronologers concerning, i. 229. note. shore, sea-fight near the, iii. 393, 394. Tromes, meaning of the word, vi. 333. note. Trophonius, prophetical cavern of, ii. 107. Succession of kings of, from Dardanus to Priam, Troy, origin of, i. 71, 72. Ex72, 73. Flourishing condition of the Trojan state under Priam, 73. Fate of Troy, 79. And of the 78. pedition of the Greeks against, 76 The authority of Homer's account of the TroTrojan state and name, ib. 84. Resemblance in the Trojan war to circumjan war vindicated, 81 stances in modern history, 82, 83. Destruction of Troy, and the name of its people, 340. visited by Alexander, vii. 392. , the site of,

Turkish titles, disquisition respecting, viii. 251 253. note. Tuscans, the, make themselves masters of the Campanian plain, and found the city of Capua, ii. 172. the principal pirates of the western parts of the Mediterranean, v. 457. , Are repressed by Dionysius of Syracuse, ib. (See Etruscans.)
Tydeus, i. 43. Oath exacted by, of the Tyndareus, king of Lacedaemon, notice of, i. 37. chieftains who sought his daughter in marriage, 74. Tyndaris, or Tyndarium, a city in Sicily, founded by the Peloponnesian MesTheir superiority to the Sicilian Greeks, ib. senians, v. 435. They obtain Enna, and the Greek towns of Cephaledion and Solus, 436. Tyranny, definition of the term, i. 253, 254. nearly related to democracy, ii. 273. Import Tyrant, when the term was substituted for that of king, i. 1 15, 1 16. Distinction between Evils incident to a tyranny, 253. of the term, 250.
>,

the ancient and

,

modern sense of the term, 394. application of the term to the Athenian people in the age of Pericles,
between the attendants of tyrants and kings,
ii.

ii.

250.
-,

distinction

273.

Tyre, celebrity of, i. 446. of Tyrian families to Carthage, ii. 136. , migration of Salamis, v. 246. , stormed by Evagoras, tyrant send a message to Alexander, vii. 524, 525. Description , the Tyrians of Tyre, 526, 527. Tyre besieged and taken Cruelty of the Tyrians, 529. viii. 3. by Alexander, 530, 531. and note. His arrival at, Is sent of Paropamisus, viii. 163. Tyriaspes, a Persian, appointed satrap 204. against the Assakenes, See Etruscans. Tyrrhenes. Athens to Sparta, in consequence of an oracle, i. 314. Tyrtseus sent from Powerful effects of his poetry, 315. vii. 329. note. Tzetzes, John, quotation from, respecting Demosthenes,

U.
Universal History, remarks on the writers of the, 181. note. 221. note. 385, 386. note. 'Ywwosf, explanation of the word, ii. 231. note. of, ii. 80. 425. note.
vii. 6.

note

viii.

78. note.

'rn(ie-w, signification

582

GENERAL INDEX.

vi. 'TTroypa/wjfMtTftW, office of,

334. note. Usher, archbishop, his chronology of the foundation of Sicyon, i. 25. Abstract 224. Corrections of it by Sir of his chronology of Grecian history, 221 Isaac Newton, and others, 225. Utica, foundation of, ii. 135. Uxians, the, account of, viii. 32. They send a deputation to Alexander,
33. note.

And

are repulsed by him, 34.

Treatment

of,

by Alexander,

ib.

and

V.

One of the of philosophy, ib. Venice, local advantages of, v. 268. note. that of Tyre, vii. 526. , the site of, compared with allusion to, viii. 32O. note. , Another statue of, similar design, 273. note. Venus, Medicean, v. 272. See Galleys, Ships. Vessels, ancient Grecian. Victory, token of, in ancient and more civilised times, i. 168. Villoison, vii. 287. note. ReVincent, Dr., his remark on the petulance of Voltaire, viii. 258. note. marks on his commentary on Nearchus, 278, 279. His suppositions respecting the early embarkation of Nearchus, 296, 297. His account of Babylon, 422, 423. (See Nearchus.) Virgins' tomb, in Bceotia, oracular saying respecting, v. 89. Virtuous age of Greece, not easy to fix the existence of, iv. 118, 119. When the nearest approach made to, 189. What times so called by the orators, 120, 121.
:

Value of commodities, measure of, in ancient Greece, i. 1 40. Velia, on the Lucanian coast, foundation of, i. 433; ii. 171.
earliest seats

Voltaire,

M. remarks on his petulant observations respecting the Macedonians,

,

I. of England, viii. 258. note. Vowels of the Vowel-points of the Arabs and Persians, origin of, i. 128. ancient Greek alphabet compared with those of some other nations, i. 132,

and William

133. note.

See Nearchus. Vulcanius, instance of his malice against Philip,

Voyage of Nearchus.

vii.

229, 230. note.

W.
Walachia, notice of, viii. 86, 87. 90. War, first instance of any thing approaching to regular war in Greece, i. 43.^ State of the art of, in the Homeric age, i. 143145. 147 152. CircumDefects in stances favourable to its improvement in ancient Greece, 143.

Homer's
i

art of war,
illiberality

149

barism and

151. Cruelty of ancjent warfare, 165. of the warriors, 166 168.

Bar-

, improvement in the art of, by the Athenian general Iphicrates, iv. 406. Welsh language, its resemblance to the Arabic, i. 124. note. William I., observations on his making of the New Forest, viii. 258, 259.

note.

Winds in the Mediterranean, how named Tower of the, ib.

in the present day,

ii.

34. note.

Wine, origin of drinking it over the graves of the dead, iv. 310. Wolfe, general, comparison between him, and Brasidas, the Spartan commander, iii. 69. note. Women, condition, manners, and pursuits of, in the early ages of Greece, i. Their pursuits and condition at Sparta, 279 281. 172 176. , political fury of those of Athens, ii. 97. Change in the condition of those of Greece, 290, 291.

GENERAL INDEX.
Wood, Mr.,
note.

.583
i.

his opinion

on the age of Homer controverted,

233

23/5.

World,

state of, before the first accounts of Greece, i. 1 5. at the time of the retreat of Xerxes from Greece, ii. 170", 177. when Alexander succeeded to the Macedonian throne, ,
,

vii.

199

282.

Wrestling,

when introduced

into the

Olympian games,

i.

211.

X.
Xanthippus, his accusation of Miltiades, i. 510. commander of the Athenian fleet, ii. 90. Commander of a , His attack upon the Cherpart of the Grecian forces at Mycale, 129.
sonese, an Athenian colony, 132. Xenetus, of Locri, marries his daughter Doris to Dionysius of Syracuse, v. 4O3. Xenias. See Pasion. Xenophon, son of Euripides, besieges and takes Potidaea, ii. 400, 401. Enters Is defeated and Chalcidice, and ravages the country about Spartalus, 412.
slain there, ib.
,

public revenue of Athens,

the

the historian, son of Gryllus, account of his treatise on the iv. 20 24; vi. 148. His description of an

eminent man, reduced from wealth to indigence, iv. 30. His character of His account of the proceedings of the Athenian populace, 35. Council of Thirty, confirmed by Lysias and Plato, 45. Circumstances which led him to the court of Cyrus, 151. His preparations for the battle of Cunaxa, 172. His judicious conduct after the seizure of the Grecian

The station he held in the army, generals by Tissaphernes, 194. His belief in dreams and auguries, 199 241. 198. Passage in his Anabasis explained and translated, 211,212. note. Causes assigned for his His appointment, 201. Meaelevation to the rank of general, 200, 201. sures and order of march recommended by him for conducting the retreat of the Greeks, 203, 204. His error in pursuing Mithridates, 205. His His narrative generally to be credited, 224. affair with the Cardoos, 222. His expedient for supplying the troops at Trapezus with necessaries, 233, His attack upon the Trapezuntines, 234. Difference between him 234. and Thucydides when they speak of the religion of their age, 24O, 241. The use he made of the influence of superstition, 241. 256. 258 260. His proposal to colonise the Greeks on the Euxine shore, 243 245. 262. Calls the army together, and explains his conduct and intentions, 245, 246. Declines the offer of being elected commander-in-chief, 250. Commences his march with a part of the army towards Chalcedon, 253, 254. Hi* His conduct of the war stratagem for alarming the Bithynians, 255, 256. with them, 255 263. Advantage of his policy, 263, 264. His speeches 270. at an assembly of the army in the affair of Dexippus, 268 Adthe army from outrage at Byzantium, 274, with which restrained dress he the to Leads Return for his 276. Perinthus to 275. services, army embark for Asia, 278. His probable motives for this conduct, 278, 279. Returns to the camp, 279. Proposes to negotiate with Seuthes, prince of His nocturnal interview with Seuthes, 284, 285. Account Thrace, 284. of his operations with the army when in the pay of Seuthes, 286 289. Knew how to value freedom, but not nicely scrupulous of supporting desHis dexterous conduct towards Charminus and Polynices, potism, 288. His own account of a nocturnal expedition against a Persian, 291, 291. His age at the time of engaging with Cyrus, deduced from internal 292.
evidence in the Anabasis, 292 296. note. claim to this work, and the solution which it 298. note.
is

Objection made against his capable of admitting, 296

584
Xenophon, Hellenics
392. note.
,

GENERAL INDEX.
of,

intended

as a

continuation

of Thucydides,

iii.

of, emended, v. 11. note. remarkable brevity on the war of Thebes with Thessaly, v. Memorials" of Xenophon, 277 309. 144, 145. note. -, the purpose of his Cyropaedia, vii. 205, 206. His moXerxes, son of Darius, his accession to the throne of Persia, ii. 2.
-,

passage in Hellenics
his
'.'

His immense preparaundertaking the expedition to Greece, ib. His motive for constructing the canal of Athos, 3, 4. And the to Goes Critali to take the command bridges built over the Hellespont, 5. of his forces, 5. Winters at Sardis, ib. His ridiculous punishment of the Hellespont disputed, 8. Honours paid to him on his march, 9. ArHis generous conduct to the rives with his army and fleet at Therme, 1 1
tive for
tions, 3.
.

And afterwards at Trachis, Sends a herald near Thermopylae, and fixes his head-quarters there, 37. to Leonidas to come and deliver his arms, 38. Commands the Medes and
Greek
spies, 20, 21.

Arrives in Pieria, 30.

Cissians to bring the Greeks under Leonidas alive into his presence, 39. orders the immortal band to the assault, ib. The means which he possessed of rewarding his followers, 40. Indignities offered by him to the body of Leonidas, 45. His return into Asia, 77. Fabulous accounts of his retreat noticed, 78. note. Receives news in Sardis of the defeat of his forces at Mycale, 1 32. Moves to his distant capital of Susa, and orders all the Grecian temples to be burnt, ib. Abandons himself to indolence and debauchery, 209. Xerxes and his eldest son murdered, ib.

And

-,

and /ua^aipa,

notice of the spoils taken by distinction between,

him from Greece,

i.

viii.

29, 30.

52. note.

Z.

Zacynthus, island of, complains to Lacedasmon of the restoration of its exiles by Timotheus, v. 66. Account of hi Zaleucus, the first who committed laws to writing, i. 350.
institutions, ib.

Zancle, or Messena, foundation Zaranga, notice of, viii. 82, 83.

of,

i.

349-

Zarex, mountain of, i. 13. Zeugites, rank of, i. 373, 374. Zeus, origin of the name, i. 96. and note.
Zeuxis, the celebrated painter, notice of, ii. 293. visits the court of Archelaus, king of Macedonia, 446. Zoroaster, theology of, i. 444
vi.

94.

THE END.

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