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Hippocrates in Context

This book is printed on acid-free paper. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted without prior written permission from the publisher. Papers read at the XIth International Hippocrates Colloquium University of Newcastle upon Tyne 27-31 August 2002.

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Hippocrates in Context

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Baruch Von Pankäke

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HIPPOCRATES IN CONTEXT

STUDIES IN ANCIENT MEDICINE

EDITED BY

JOHN SCARBOROUGH PHILIP J. VAN DER EIJK ANN HANSON NANCY SIRAISI

VOLUME 31

HIPPOCRATES IN CONTEXT
Papers read at the XIth International Hippocrates Colloquium University of Newcastle upon Tyne 2731 August 2002

EDITED BY

PHILIP J. VAN DER EIJK

BRILL
LEIDEN BOSTON 2005

Cover illustration: Late fifteenth-century portrait of Hippocrates sitting, reading. Behind him, two standing philosophers dispute (Wellcome Library, London).

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A C.I.P. record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.

ISSN 09251421 ISBN 90 04 14430 7 Copyright 2005 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands

CONTENTS

Preface ........................................................................................ Acknowledgements ...................................................................... Abbreviations ..............................................................................

ix xiii xv

1. THE EPISTEMOLOGICAL CONTEXT OF HIPPOCRATIC MEDICINE Cause and crisis in historians and medical writers of the classical period .................................................................. Jacques Jouanna Hippocratic explanations ............................................................ Jane Barton On Ancient Medicine and its intellectual context ........................ Francis Dunn On Ancient Medicine on the nature of human beings ................ Mark J. Schiefsky Art, science and conjecture, from Hippocrates to Plato and Aristotle ............................................................................ Vronique Boudon-Millot

Modelli espositivi relativi alla prognosi nel Corpus Hippocraticum (Prorrhetico 2, Malattie 13, Aezioni, Aezioni Interne, Prognosi di Cos) ................................................ 101 Daniela Fausti

contents 2. THE SOCIAL CONTEXT OF HIPPOCRATIC MEDICINE

The social and intellectual context of Regimen II .................... 121 John Wilkins The Hippocratic impact on healing cults: the archaeological evidence in Attica .................................................................. 135 Maria Elena Gorrini The cities of the Hippocratic doctors ...................................... 157 Hui-hua Chang Error, loss, and change in the generation of therapies .......... 173 Julie Laskaris The Hippocratic Treatise Peri Opsios, De videndi acie, On the Organ of Sight .............................................................. 191 Elizabeth M. Craik Coan promotions and the authorship of the Presbeutikos .............. 209 Eric D. Nelson

3. HIPPOCRATIC AND NON-HIPPOCRATIC MEDICINE Air, pneuma and breathing from Homer to Hippocrates ...... 239 Antoine Thivel Microcosm and macrocosm: the dual direction of analogy in Hippocratic thought and the meteorological tradition .................................................................................. 251 Frdric Le Blay About philosophy and humoural medicine .............................. 271 Paul Demont

contents

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The way to wisdom in Platos Phaedrus and in the Hippocratic Corpus ................................................................ 287 Elsa Garca Novo Medici contemporanei a Ippocrate: problemi di identicazione dei medici di nome Erodico .................................................. 295 Daniela Manetti Hippokratisches bei Praxagoras von Kos? ................................ 315 Diethard Nickel Theophrastus biological opuscula and the Hippocratic Corpus: a critical dialogue? .................................................. 325 Armelle Debru

4. THE HIPPOCRATIC MEDICAL DISCOURSE IN ITS LINGUISTIC AND RHETORICAL CONTEXT Form and function in Prorrhetic 2 .............................................. 345 Tim Stover Special features in Internal Aections. Comparison to other nosological treatises ................................................................ 363 Pilar Prez Caizares On enantisis in the Corpus Hippocraticum: The eu-/dus opposition ................................................................................ 371 Marcos Martnez

5. THE IMPACT AND LATER RECEPTION OF HIPPOCRATIC MEDICINE Greek Medical Papyri from the Fayum village of Tebtunis: Patient involvement in a local health-care system? ............ 387 Ann Ellis Hanson

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contents

Celsus and the Hippocratic Corpus: The originality of a plagiarist ............................................................................ 403 Muriel Pardon Areteo di Cappadocia lettore di Ippocrate .............................. 413 Amneris Roselli Hippocrates in the context of Galen: Galens commentary on the classication of fevers in Epidemics VI ...................... 433 In-Sok Yeo Galens Commentary on Hippocrates De humoribus ................ 445 Ivan Garofalo Autour de la connaissance du trait Hippocratique Des hmorrodes lpoque byzantine ............................................ 457 Alessia Guardasole Franois Tissard and his 1508 edition of the Hippocratic Oath .......................................................................................... 465 Thomas Rtten General Index ............................................................................ 493 Index of Passages Cited ............................................................ 503

PREFACE Philip van der Eijk

The XIth International Hippocrates Colloquium was held on the campus of the University of Newcastle upon Tyne during ve days of bright sunshine in late August 2002. Guests were welcomed to an opening reception in the Council Room of the Armstrong Building, the Universitys characteristic Victorian stronghold, named after the 19th century Newcastle entrepreneur and scientist Lord William Armstrong, and situated opposite the Royal Victoria Inrmarytwo buildings that aptly illustrate Newcastle Universitys origins in the School of Medicine and Surgery (later the College of Medicine), established in 1834, and Armstrong College, which was founded in 1871 for the teaching of physical sciences. These two colleges, originally part of the University of Durham, merged to form Kings College in 1937, and in 1963 Kings College became the University of Newcastle upon Tyne. Forty years of expansion followed, and early in the twenty-rst century, the Universitys student population had risen to nearly 20,000 (including more than 2,000 overseas students), its teaching and research activities spanning seven areas: agriculture and biological sciences, arts and humanities, education, engineering, social sciences, medicine and dentistry, and physical sciences. Latin and Greek have been taught at Newcastle since 1874, Ancient History and Classical Archaeology since 1910 and 1931 respectively. Academic proceedings lasted for three days, featuring a busy programme of forty-four presentations and lively discussions. Half way through the programme, the Lord Mayor and Lady Mayoress of the City of Newcastle upon Tyne provided generous hospitality with a buet lunch in the Civic Centre, while delegates were given a presentation about the ambitious Newcastle-Gateshead Initiative and its impressive programme of cultural activities as instruments of urban regeneration. The Colloquium was concluded with a festive conference dinner in the splendid nautic surroundings of Trinity House on the Newcastle quayside. Those who had the time to stay for the next day enjoyed an excursion to Cragside house and gardens in the

preface

delightful Northumberland countrysideanother of Lord Armstrongs remarkable creations, the rst house in the world to be lit by hydroelectric power. It was the rst time, thirty years after its foundation by Jacques Jouanna and Louis Bourgey in Strasburg in 1972, that the Colloque International Hippocratique was held in the English speaking world. Newcastle was a natural venue, for it was here that the subject of ancient medicine, long before it became a fashionable topic in degree programmes in Classical Studies at British universities, had been taught for many years as part of the Classics undergraduate programmesupported by precious Library resources such as the Pybus Collection (a rich collection of historical medical works from the 16th century onwards, engravings, letters, portraits and busts), and the Medical Collection (18th19th century medical books and pamphlets). Indeed, the Hippocrates conference marked an important moment of further growth in the study of medical history at Newcastle. Building on the foundation laid by James Longrigg (who retired in 1998), the subject has rapidly expanded and has become one of the Universitys major international research and teaching strengths. The combined support of the University and the Wellcome Trust, enabling inter alia the appointment of Thomas Rtten in 2002, resulted one year later in a Wellcome Trust Enhancement Awarda very generous and highly competitive grant, which provided the basis for the Centre for the History of Medicine, a partnership between the medical historians at the Universities of Newcastle and Durham. The activities of the Centre comprise a co-ordinated research programme, a Masters training programme in the History of Medicine, a number of Ph.D. projects, a series of seminars/workshops/conferences (including the well-known Pybus History of Medicine seminars), History of Medicine teaching initiatives within the medical curriculum, and a series of public engagement activities. Of particular interest to the study of ancient medicine are the annual Approaches to Ancient Medicine conferences, alternating between Newcastle and Reading. The Newcastle Hippocrates conference was attended by over a hundred participants, representing a wide variety of disciplines (including members of the medical profession). As such, the conference testied to the remarkable growth of Hippocratic studies over the last ten years, and its development from a rather specialised, inti-

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mate Colloque, predominantly philological in scope, to a much broader, interdisciplinary forum for a wide range of dierent approaches. What is particularly striking is the way in which, most notably in the anglophone world, ancient medicine has gained ever broader appeal, especially among scholars and students of Greek and Roman antiquity but also in other disciplines such as the history of medicine and science, the history of philosophy and ideas, (bio-) archaeology and environmental history, the study of the linguistic, literary, rhetorical and cultural aspects of intellectual discourse, and even areas such as bio-ethics and medical and social anthropology. The popularity of the subject even extends beyond the connes of academic communities, and ancient medicine has proved to be an eective tool in the promotion of the public understanding of medicine and its history. Greatly helped by scholarly eorts to make the subject more accessible by means of modern translations of the original texts, increasing numbers of students of the Greek and Roman world have now embraced ancient medicine as a new area of research with very interesting implications for the wider study of the societies and cultures of classical antiquity. Medical ideas and medical texts have enjoyed a surge of interest from students in ancient philosophy and in the eld of Greek and Latin linguistics. Likewise, the social and cultural history of ancient medicine, and the interface between medicine, magic and religion has proved a remarkably fruitful eld of researchnot to mention areas such as women and gender studies and studies into the body. The theme of the conference, Hippocrates in Context, was meant to tie in with this general scholarly tendency. The purpose of the conference was to broaden the appeal of Hippocratic studies even further by encouraging research into the Hippocratic writings from the point of view of their relationship with the historical context in which they were written, and the impact they had on ancient society, culture, mentality and morality, language, literature and thought. For however inuential the Hippocratic writings have been in later periods, and however much the name of Hippocrates and all it has come to stand for is sometimes believed to be of all times, these works arose at a particular time and place in historyand indeed they also shed light on that history, for they are important documents for the social, intellectual and cultural history of the classical world, and their potential is by no means exhausted. Context here

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is not restricted to the Greek world, but also includes the medical thought and practice of other civilisations in the Mediterranean, such as Persian, Babylonian, and Egyptian medicine. A further point of interest were the relations between the Hippocratic writings and non-Hippocratic medical authors of the fth and fourth century BCE, such as Diocles of Carystus, Praxagoras of Cos, as well as the relevant works of Plato, Aristotle and Theophrastus. This is a rich eld, with many interesting questions of intellectual development, inuence and exchange, but also a dicult eld, due to the fragmentary nature of the evidence. Thirdly, the conference aimed to promote research into some of the more neglected works in the Hippocratic Corpus, such as Internal Aections, On the Eye, and Prorrheticon. And nally, as has become customary in Hippocratic studies, a number of papers were devoted to the impact and reception of Hippocratic thought in later times. As Plato reminds us, healthy and eager growth also has its painful side-eects, particularly when it comes to the editing and publication of the conference proceedings (only a selection of the papers that were presented have been included in the present volume).1 On the other hand, the Hippocratic Colloquia boast a proud tradition of Acta, which document the state of the subject at a given time to members of the scholarly community, the wider public as well as to future generations. Studies in ancient medicine are ourishing like never before, and it is hoped that the present volume both testies and contributes further to this development.
The following papers were read during the conference but, for various reasons, not included in this volume: Elena Balycheva, Towards a grammar of Hippocratic prescriptions; George Boger, A Hippocratic prescription for philosophy: an ideological dierence between ancient medicine and ancient philosophy; Scott Anthony Burgess, The formation and dissolution of the tissues in Platos Timaeus and the Hippocratic Fleshes; Simon Byl, Hippocrate et lambivalence; Lesley Dean-Jones, Polybus heartless man; Nancy Demand, Hippocratic doctors and non-compliant patients; Philip van der Eijk, Diocles of Carystus and his intellectual context; Klaus-Dietrich Fischer, Fresh light on the Hippocratic Aphorisms in Latin in the early Middle Ages; Manfred Horstmansho, Uroscopy in theory and practice. From divinatory sign to medical symptom; Jennifer Clarke Kosak, An economy of pain: some patterns of remedy in the Hippocratic Corpus; Alessandro Lami, Linizio di Aezioni interne; Juan Antonio Lpez Frez, Euphemisms relating to sexual intercourse in the Hippocratic Corpus; Ignacio Rodrguez Alfageme, Noise and sound in Corpus Hippocraticum; Christopher Tuplin, Doctoring the Persians (see Klio 86, 2004); and Heinrich von Staden, Sexual intercourse and sexual abstinence: Hippocratic therapeutics in its cultural contexts.
1

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This conference, and the volume that has resulted from it, would not have been possible without the generous nancial support of the Wellcome Trust, the British Academy, the Catherine Cookson Foundation, the City of Newcastle upon Tyne, the Classical Association, the Department of Classics of the University of Newcastle, the Faculty of Medicine of the University of Newcastle, the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences of the University of Newcastle, and Brill Academic Publishers. In addition, I should like to thank all those who have provided invaluable assistance in the practical organisation of the conference, especially Sarah Francis, CoraBeth Fraser and Dawn Robinson. For their assistance with the preparation of this volume, I am indebted to Christine Salazar, Manuela Tecusan and Arachne van der EijkSpaan, and to the editorial sta at Brill for their patience and practical support. Newcastle upon Tyne, April 2005

ABBREVIATIONS R. Herzog, G. Klaenbach (1959), Asylieurkunden aus Kos, Berlin. BL Berichtigungsliste der griechischen Papyrusurkunden aus gypten, ed. W. Clarysse, Leuven 1989. Bud Collection des Universits de France. Checklist (2001) R.S. Bagnall, et al. (eds.), Checklist of Editions of Greek, Latin, Demotic, and Coptic Papyri, Ostraca, and Tablets, Oakville, Connecticut, and Oxford (= Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists Supplement 9). For an online and updated version of the Checklist, http// scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/papyrus/texts/clist.html. CMG Corpus Medicorum Graecorum. DELG Dictionnaire Etymologique de la Langue Grecque, ed. E. Boisacq, Heidelberg 1916. DK H. Diels, W. Krantz, Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, 3 vols., Berlin, 196110. FrGrHist F. Jacoby (19231958), Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, 3 vols., Leiden. ID A. Plassart, J. Coupry, F. Durrbach, P. Roussel and M. Launey (eds.) (19261972), Inscriptions de Dlos, 7 vols., Paris. IG Inscriptiones Graecae, Berlin 1873. K. C.G. Khn, Claudii Galeni opera omnia, 22 vols., Leipzig, 18211833, repr. Hildesheim, 19641965. L. E. Littr, uvres compltes dHippocrate, 10 vols., Paris, 18391861. LSJ H.G. Liddell, R. Scott, H.S. Jones, A Greek-English Lexicon, Oxford, 19969 (with revised supplement). M-P 3 (1997) M.-H. Marganne and P. Mertens (eds.), Medici et Medica, 2e dition, in: I. Andorlini (ed.), Specimina per il Corpus dei papiri Greci di Medicina, Florence, 371. NS A. Maiuri (1925), Nova silloge epigraca di Rodi e Cos, Florence. Asyl.

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abbreviations

PGM Papyri Graecae Magicae, ed. K. Preisendanz, Munich 2001. RC C. Waltz (1934), Royal Correspondence of the Hellenistic Age, New Haven. RG L. Spengel, (1853), Rhetores Graeci IIII (rep.), Osnabrck. SB Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus gypten, I, 1915. SEG J. Hondius, A. Woodhead, H. Pleket and R. Stroud (eds.) (19231971), Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum 125, Leiden; (19711980) 2627, Alphen; (1982) 28, Amsterdam. SIG 3 W. Dittenberger (19151924), Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum3, 4 vols., Leipzig. SM Galenus, Scripta minora, edd. I. Marquardt, I. Mller, G. Helmreich, 3 vols., Leipzig 18841893. Syll 3 Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, ed. W. Dittenberger, 3rd ed. Leipzig 19151924. TLG Thesaurus Linguae Graecae, CD ROM #D, Irvine, California. TLL Thesaurus Linguae Latinae, CD ROM #5.3, Packard Humanities Institute. Hippocratic texts are normally cited by reference to the page and line numbers in the most recent critical editions in the Corpus Medicorum Graecorum (CMG) or in the Collection des Universits de France (Bud), but in all cases the volume and page numbers of the Littr-edition (L.) are listed as well (E. Littr, vres compltes dHippocrate, 10 vols., Paris, 18391861). Thus 4.270 L. refers to vol. 4, p. 270, of Littrs edition. Works of Galen are referred to according to the most recent critical editions in the CMG or in the Teubner series (where these exist), but in all cases the volume and page numbers of the edition by Khn (K.) are given as well (C.G. Khn, Claudii Galeni opera omnia, 22 vols., Leipzig, 18211833, repr. Hildesheim, 19641965). Thus 5.244 K. refers to volume 5, p. 244, of Khns edition. Details of critical editions can be found in Fichtner (G. Fichtner, Corpus Hippocraticum. Verzeichnis der hippokratischen und pseudohippocratischen Schriften, Tbingen 1989; Corpus Galenicum. Verzeichnis der galenischen und pseudogalenischen Schriften, Tbingen 1989). All other abbreviations, unless indicated otherwise, are used according to Liddell & Scott (LSJ, see above), and P.W. Glare (ed.), Oxford Latin Dictionary, Oxford, 1982.

PART ONE

THE EPISTEMOLOGICAL CONTEXT OF HIPPOCRATIC MEDICINE

CAUSE AND CRISIS IN HISTORIANS AND MEDICAL WRITERS OF THE CLASSICAL PERIOD* Jacques Jouanna

Summary There is nothing articial in considering possible points of contact between medicine and history in the classical period: doctors are no strangers to a historical way of thinking, and historians sometimes deal with disease in the course of their historical accounts. This paper studies the notions of cause and crisis as used by the Hippocratic writers and by the historians Herodotus and Thucydides. Introduction There is nothing articial in considering possible points of contact between medicine and history in the classical period: doctors are no strangers to a historical way of thinking, and historians sometimes deal with disease in the course of their historical accounts. The esprit historique of medical writers is a fairly unfamiliar aspect of classical medicine, and one which it would be interesting to investigate further. In order to establish the basis for a comparison between historians and doctors of the classical period, suce it here to call to mind two aspects of this historical consciousness of the Hippocratic doctors. On the one hand, they reconstructed a history of the advances of the art of medicine from its origins, just as the historians were able to retrace the steps of civilisation. The history of the art of medicine in the Hippocratic treatise On Ancient Medicine has rightly been compared to what is known as the Archaeology of Thucydides.1 On the other hand, the Hippocratic doctors were historians of disease, not only in compiling case records on individual patients, recording the development of their condition, sometimes day by day, as

* English translation by Christine F. Salazar. 1 See in particular De Romilly (1966).

jacques jouanna

cause and crisis in historians and medical writers

ings on the historians. Some sourceshistorical as well as medical have after all been lost. Sometimes the dierences are more signicant than the similarities. Hippocratic rationalism has notor not completelypenetrated Herodotus thinking about causation for the explanation of diseases, since the historian still believes in divine intervention into human aairs. And even if Thucydides, whose rationalism can be compared to that of the Hippocratic physicians, is perfectly well informed about medical concepts such as the precipitating cause or thecrisis of an illness, there is an important dierence in the historians refusal to make a statement about the initial cause of the plague in Athens. Less shackled by a systematic causality than the Hippocratic doctors, the historiansbe it Herodotus or Thucydideswere able to report information or make observations about diseases which the doctors had not considered relevant because they did not agree with their theories. The indirect use of medicine as metaphor in the political domain ts into a tradition already familiar from poetry: in Thucydides discourse it appears in a moment of crisis of the city. It attests the prestige of the physician, who appears as the saviour. As for Thucydides transfer of medical concepts well known to him into his historical method, it is more delicate to establish than one would normally assume, and remains problematic where the notion of crisis is concerned, perhaps even for the notion of cause. Let me nish this attempt to compare historians and medical writers with a remark on methodology. The contextual method, based on comparison, can be very fruitful, as long as one can resist the temptation to do violence to the texts for the purpose of comparison, that is, as long as one respects the internal logic of each genre or of each author. Bibliography
Brandenburg, D. (1976), Medizinisches bei Herodot, Berlin. Cochrane, C.N. (1929), Thucydides and the Science of History, London. Dawson, W.R. (1986), Herodotus as a medical writer, with notes by F.D. Harvey, Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the University of London 33, 8796. Debru, A. (1982), Lpilepsie dans le De somno dAristote, in: G. Sabbah (ed.), Mdecins et mdecine dans lAntiquit, Saint-Etienne, 2541. Demont, P. (1983), Notes sur le rcit de la pestilence athnienne chez Thucydide et sur les rapports avec la mdecine grecque de lpoque classique, in: P. Mudry, F. Lasserre (eds.), Formes de pense dans la Collection Hippocratique, Geneva, 341354.

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. (1988), Hrodote et les pestilences, Revue de Philologie 62, 713. Grmek, M.D. (1989), Diseases in the Ancient Greek World (tr. of Les maladies laube de la civilisation occidentale by M. and L. Muellner), Baltimore and London. Holladay, J. (1987), Thucydides and the recognition of contagion: a reply, Maia 39, 95000. Irigoin, J. (1983), Pralables linguistiques linterprtation de termes techniques attests dans la Collection hippocratique, in: P. Mudry, F. Lasserre (eds.), Formes de pense dans la Collection hippocratique, Geneva, 173180. Jouanna, J. (1975), Hippocrate, La nature de lhomme, CMG I 1, 3, Berlin. . (1978), Le mdecin modle du lgislateur dans les Lois de Platon, Ktema 3, 7791. . (1980a), Mdecine et politique dans la Politique dAristote, Ktema 5, 257266. . (1980b), Politique et Mdecine. La problmatique du changement dans le Rgime dans les Maladies aigus et chez Thucydide (livre VI), in: M.D. Grmek, F. Robert (eds.) Hippocratica, Paris, 299319. . (1989), Hippocrate de Cos et le sacr, Journal des Savants, 422. . (1994), Limage de lEurope chez Hrodote et Hippocrate: essai de comparaison, in M. Perrin (ed.), Lide de lEurope au l de deux millnaires, Paris, 2138. . (1996), Hippocrate, Airs, eaux, lieux, Paris. . (2000), Miasme, maladie et semence de la maladie. Galien lecteur dHippocrate, in: D. Manetti (ed.), Studi su Galeno, Florence, 5992. . (2001), Air, miasme et contagion lpoque dHippocrate, in: S. BazinTacchella, D. Quruel, . Samama (eds.), Air, miasme et contagion. Les pidmies dans lAntiquit et au Moyen Age, Langres, 928. and Grmek, M.D. (2000), Hippocrate. pidmies V et VII, Paris. Langholf, V. (1990), Medical Theories in Hippocrates., Berlin. Lateiner, D. (1986), The empirical element in the methods of early Greek medical writers and Herodotus: A shared epistemological response, Antichthon 20, 120. Lichtenthaeler, Ch. (1965), Thucydide et Hippocrate vus par un historien-mdecin, Geneva. Lieber, E. (1996), The Hippocratic Airs, Waters, Places on cross-dressing eunuchs: natura yet also divine, in: R. Witter, P. Pellegrin (eds.), Hippokratische Medizin und antike Philosophie, Hildesheim, 451476. Munson, R.V. (1991), The madness of Cambyses (Herodotus 3.1638), Arethusa 24, 4365. Nestle, W. (1938), Hippocratica, Hermes 73, 138. Page, D.L. (1953), Thucydides description of the great plague at Athens, Classical Quarterly, NS 3, 97119. Parry, M. (1969), The language of Thucydides description of the plague, Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies of the University of London 16, 106118. Poole, J.C.F. and Holladay, A.J. (1979), Thucydides and the plague of Athens, Classical Quarterly, NS 29, 282399. Radt, S.L. (1978), Zu Thukydides Pestbeschreibung, Mnemosyne 31, 233245. Rechenauer, G. (1991), Thukydides und die hippokratische Medizin, Berlin. Romilly, J. de (1966), Thucydide et lide de progrs, Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, ser. II, vol. 35, 143191. Solomon, J. (1985), Thucydides and the recognition of contagion, Maia 37, 121123. Staden, H. von (1990), Incurability and hopelessness: the Hippocratic Corpus, in: P. Potter, G. Maloney, J. Desautels (eds.), La maladie et les maladies dans la Collection hippocratique, Qubec, 75112. Thomas, R. (2000), Herodotus in Context. Ethnography of Health, Sciences and the Art of Persuasion. Cambridge. Vegetti, M. (1999), Culpability, responsibility, cause: Philosophy, historiography, and medicine in the fth century, in: A.A. Long (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Early Greek Philosophy, Cambridge, 271289.

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Weidauer, K. (1954), Thukydides und die hippokratischen Schriften, Heidelberg. West, S. (2000), Hippocrates Scythia sketches, Eirene 35, 1432. Withington, E. (1920), The meaning of krsiw as medical term, Classical Review 34, 6465.

HIPPOCRATIC EXPLANATIONS Jane Barton

Summary This paper considers VMs largely unrecognised contribution to a debate which spanned philosophy and medicine concerning the demands an adequate explanation must meet in the operation of a craft. VMs special contribution consists in indicating a means to an understanding of a mutual interdependence of theory and practice which acknowledges the strengths of a theoretical explanatory framework, but also recognises that practical success should inform that theory.

In this paper, I shall consider some of the most developed views of what demands must be met by an explanation of what health, disease and the operation of the medical craft are within the Hippocratic Corpus, concentrating on the work On Ancient Medicine (Per rxahw htrikw, De vetere medicina, VM ). The purpose of this investigation is to bring to light some of the explanatory problems which would have faced philosophers who sought to provide a coherent theory of the nature of medical science, and to highlight the diculties faced by the Hippocratics in answering one of the challenges posed by philosophers. The particular challenge with which I am concerned focuses on the search for an adequate explanation: how an adequate explanation would be structured, and, further, how an adequate explanation would be recognised as such. The philosophical challenge, as it emerged from the works of Presocratics such as Empedocles, was based on Presocratic frameworks of explanation.1 Empedocles explanatory framework was seen
1 Those belonging to the Empedoclean school of medicine seem to have made the four chief elements, earth, air, re and water, as the basic constituents of the cosmos, also the basic constituents of disease: disease was the excess of one of these constituents (see Menons account of Philiston (Anon. Lond. XX), cf. Plato, Timaeus 86 a). For the opposing and widespread acceptance of a four humour theory see, e.g., Nature of Man 35 (pp. 170,8176,9 Jouanna; 6.36,1742,8 L.); cf. Sacred Disease 16 (6.390,10392,3, 394,9396,9 L.).

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as reductive by the author of VM in that any phenomenon could be reduced to, and so exhaustively explained by, the fundamental physical elements of earth, air, re and water (or these elements expressed through their qualities of the hot or cold or wet or dry).2 A reductive explanatory scheme is attractive in that it appears to oer a complete understanding of all phenomena: when such analysis has been completed at the level of elements and their combination, the structure of all nature is taken to be exposed. Such analysis and understanding would encompass health and disease as much as any other area of phusis. It thus is a necessary condition for a full understanding of all subject matters and all phenomena. In the particular case of medicine, a reductive explanatory scheme oers the possibility of total control over the maintenance of health and the eradication of disease, on the assumption that all matters can be controlled in practice.3 Even if a reductive explanatory scheme were obtained, however, it is a further matter to know how actually to achieve that control. VM makes this abundantly clear when it asks: what should be prescribed for someone suering as a result of a poor diet: hot or cold or dry or wet?4 The response of the prac-

That the explanations of Empedocles himself were not reductive, or eliminitivist (for the latter claim see Sauve Meyer (1992) 791825), is shown by Empedocles as preserved in the Strasbourg Papyrus, ensembles a (esp. a(ii) 17) and d, with DK B 17, which emphasise not only the importance of the powers of Love and Strife for the dierent combinations of the elements in the creation and destruction of the cosmos, but also the central, if obscure, role of the daimones in that process (see also Martin and Primavesi (1998) 6164, 8386, 9095, 283284). 3 In itself, a reductive explanatory scheme does not oer the possibility that all diseases are curable in theory, as it could expose the incurable nature of a disease. Although not reductionist, the possibility of such total control is the position adopted by On the Art 11 (per txnhw, de Arte), in which all diseases are seen as in theory curable, and the ability to achieve that level of cure is limited only by the evidence available to the practitioner, and the point in the development of the disease at which he becomes acquainted with the case (De arte 11.1, p. 237,79 Jouanna; 6.18,1720,1 L.). 4 VM 13.2 (p. 133,19134,1 Jouanna; 1.598,1314 L.): t de toigaron boyhma paraskeusasyai d xont yermn, cuxrn, jhrn, grn; cf. VM 15.1 (p. 137,1517 Jouanna; 1.604,1416 L.): o gr stin atoisin, w g omai,
jeurhmnon at ti f vuto yermn, cuxrn, jhrn, grn, mhden ll edei koinvnon. No-one has discovered absolute hot, cold, wet or dry, rather all

is compounded, and so such absolutes are of no use in medical treatment. These absolutes are clearly the postulated ontological absolutes of the opponents of VM, and are not used . . . in their ordinary sense (it feels hot) as Hankinson (1998, 67; 1990, 64) suggests as a possible interpretation of VM 15.1. All texts reproduced are those of Littr, unless otherwise stated. All translations are my own.

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titioner is that the explanation of the reductionist philosopher is of no use in treatment or diagnosis. Further, such explanations rest on mere postulates. That nature is composed of such elements is no more than a proposed answer, and any such proposed or postulated answer should be rejected:
ksoi pexerhsan per htrikw lgein grfein, pyesin sfsin atoisin poymenoi t lg, yermn, cuxrn, grn, jhrn, ll ti n ylvsin, w brax gontew tn rxn tw athw tosin nyrpoisi tn nosvn te ka to yantou, ka psi tn athn, n do proymenoi, n pollosi mn ka osi lgousi katafanew esn martnontew: mlista d jion mmcasyai, ti mf txnhw oshw, xronta te pntew p tosi megstoisi ka timsi mlista tow gayow xeirotxnaw ka dhmiourgow. es d dhmiourgo, o mn flaroi, o d polln diafrontew: per, e m n htrik lvw, mhd n at skepto, mhd eroito mhdn, ok n n, ll pntew n movw athw peiro te ka nepistmonew san, ka tx n pnta t tn kamnntvn diketo. nn d ox otvw xei, ll sper ka tn llvn texnvn pasvn o dhmiourgo polln lllvn diafrousi kat xera ka kat gnmhn, otv d ka p htrikw. di ok joun gvge kenw athn poysiow desyai, sper t fana te ka poremena: per n ngkh, n tiw pixeiroh lgein, poysei xresyai: oon per tn metervn tn p gn e lgoi tiw ka ginskoi w xei, ot n at t lgonti ote tosin koousi dla n eh, e te lhya stn ete m: o gr sti prw ti xr panengkanta ednai t safw.

VM 1.13 (pp. 118,1119,11 Jouanna; 1.570,1572,8 L.) All who attempt to speak or write about medical matters posit their own hypothetical postulate for their argument, hot or cold or wet or dry, or whatever else they wish to adopt, reducing the rst principle of the cause of diseases and death to mankind, and this is the same in all cases, as they propose one or two postulates, and in many things they say5 they are clearly mistaken; but they are most open to blame concerning a craft that exists, which all use in connection with the most important circumstances, and they especially honour good craftsmen and practitioners. Some practitioners are poor, others outstanding; which would not be the case at all, if there were, in general, no medical science,6 nor if there had been no inquiry into it, nor if nothing

5 ka A M, Jouanna, Jones, L.: kainosi Khlewein after Schne in their new theories see Jouanna note ad loc. for a discussion of these and further possible (minor) emendations. 6 It is not clear whether e m n htrik lvw at VM 1 (p. 118,1112 Jouanna; 1.570,10 L.) refers to (the existence of ) a medical science at all or to a universal science of medicine: I have tried to keep the translation as neutral as possible between these alternatives. The resolution of this issue is tied to a textual matter:

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had been discovered, but all would be equally inexperienced and without knowledge, and all treatment of the sick would be by chance. But now this is not the case, but just like all the other crafts, so in the case of medicine, practitioners dier a great deal from one another in dexterity and understanding. The result is that I myself do not think there is any need of any empty7 postulate, as is the case with not visible and mysterious issues, about which it is necessary, if anyone tries to give an account, that they make use of a postulate; as for instance, concerning matters in the sky or below the earth, if anyone were to give an account and understand how these things are, it would not be apparent either to the speaker himself or his listeners whether what he said was true or false; for there is nothing by reference to which it is necessary that one would know clearly.

VM is questioning the basis upon which medical understanding should be founded: should that basis be a hypothetical postulate or postulates, such as the hot, the cold, the wet and the dry, and if not, what? But before those questions can be examined, it is necessary to consider the use of the term hupothesis, pyesiw in this work.8 It
VM 2.2 (p. 120,12 Jouanna; 1.572,1516 L.): g peirsomai pidejai, lgvn ka deiknw tn txnhn ti stn. ti stn: A, Jouanna; that the science exists: ti stn: M, Jones, L.; what it is. To follow MS. A is to set the agenda of VM as primarily concerned with establishing the existence of medicine as a techn. To follow MS. M sets the agenda of VM as primarily concerned with what sort or type of techn medicine is. The reading of MS. A pursues a justication of medicine as worthy of craft-status, as does De arte, although VM employs dierent arguments to that treatise, for instance that lack of precision is permissible within the operation of a techn. The reading of MS. M is preferable as it takes the existence of the medical techn to be established by VM 1.12 (pp. 118,7119,4 Jouanna; 1.570,6572,2 L.), and then continues to explain what type of techn medicine is, specically examining what level of precision the medical techn properly displays (VM 9.3, pp. 128, 917 Jouanna; 1.588,13590,4 L.; VM 12; pp. 132,18 .; 1.596.8 . L.). The reading of MS. M is also supported by the parallel with VM 20.1 which addresses the question whether anyone can know medicine who does not know t stin nyrvpow (pp. 146,2 Jouanna; 1.620,11 L.). 7 kenw M, Jones, L.: kainw A, Jouanna; a new postulate. The reading of MS. M here, and of MSS. A and M as set out in n. 7 above, is to be preferred as it is not the novelty of any postulate employed in such theories with which the author disagrees, but that the theory is grounded by postulate(s). See Jouanna note ad loc. 8 pyesiw is found only once outside VM in the Hippocratic Corpus, in the last chapter of the probably contemporary On Breaths (per fusn, De atibus, Flat.), 15.2 (p. 125,1 Jouanna; 6.114,18 L.), and, coming at the end of the treatise, it points to the main theory of the work (that air is the fundamental constituent of the world, and so also the primary cause of health and disease). The use of this term to refer to the positive theory of the author clearly contrasts with the use of the term in VM, where it is reserved for the postulated rst principles of his opponents (as noted by Lloyd, 1963, 110 n. 2). For textual issues (pyesiw M L.: psxesiw A), see Jouanna (1988) 1501. On the date of On Breaths, see Jouanna (1999) 378. poysyai, however, is found in Vict. 1.2 (6.470,22 L.), Carn. 1.3 (p. 188,3 Joly; 8.584,3 L.),

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is clear that the author of VM is concerned with postulated assumptions of some sort, as is clear in his reference to the hot, cold, wet and dry derived from philosophy, but his are physical, not mathematical, postulates.9 The adoption, however, of the term hupothesis may have been inuenced by the mathematical use of hupothesis.10 What we know from the text of VM is that the term is used of the theory of his opponents, the hupothesis is introduced by them in order to make an inference to a conclusion and the hupothesis itself is not apparent or self-evident (ot n . . . dla n eh). This echoes Karasmanis claim about hupothesis in Plato that, Platonic Denitions dened a hupothesis as an undemonstrated principle (arch anapodeiktos). But in Platos dialogues, the usual meaning of the word hupothesis is starting point for the discussion . . . The hypothesis is always posited provisionally, and the suggestion is that Platos use of hupothesis is one derived at least partially from Hippocratic texts.11 But there is a dierence in attitude towards hypotheses between Plato and VM. In Plato, hypotheses are set down as propositions to be proved or refuted.12 Hypotheses in VM indicate that the assumptions made by the authors opponents cannot be proven or refuted in this way, for they are accepted by the author only in cases, such as matters below the earth or in the sky,13 where it would not be apparent either to the speaker himself or his listeners whether what he said was true or false. It is necessary, therefore, not to look to Plato or to other philosophical or mathematical writers, but within the text itself for further information on these hypothesised postulates.14 In attempting to x the authors objections as precisely as possible, a textual matter is crucial: instead of the discussing empty
and Praec. 4 (poyseiw R: poys p. 31,19 Heiberg: poysyai; 9.256,1 L.). See further Khn & Fleisher (1989) 829 under potyhmi. 9 As pointed out by Lloyd (1979) 135 and n. 50, and Hankinson (1990) 57. 10 For the mathematical uses of pyesiw, see Lloyd (1963) and (1979) 111115, and Karasmanis (1987) chs. 2, 78. 11 Karasmanis (1987) 9 and n. 18. 12 For instance, Plato, Meno 86 e87 c; Phaedo 92 d, 101 d 2; Republic 388 e, 437 a; Sophist 237 a; Timaeus 61 d. 13 Matters in the sky seem to refer to the astronomical, rather than the atmospheric (such as lightening). See Plato, Apol. 23 d 6 (t metvra ka t p gw). 14 Lloyd (1963) suggests that, as far as evidence allows, it seems that the doctrines attacked in VM are those of Philolaos of Croton. This suggestion has been taken up by Human (1993) 7892, who stresses the theoretical precision sought in his theory of rxa (cf. VM 2.1, p. 119,13 Jouanna; 1.572,10 L.; VM 7.3, p. 126,16 Jouanna; 1.586,12 L.). Whether the author is attacking a single author, or many, his target is postulate-grounded theories of medicine.

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postulates, VM could be read as rejecting the adoption of new postulates.15 However, it is unclear how a new postulate, or a series of them, would fall foul of the authors objections. For a new postulate might actually give us the answers in medicine, as much as in matters below the earth and in the sky, and be shown to be true or false. What is of interest is why the postulated theories of those such as Empedocles are considered empty. Empty can be understood in three ways: (1) On the strictest reading, empty could be taken as without content: as such, postulated theories would mean nothing as they say nothing, in a manner comparable to the rejection of all theory and theoretical reasoning by later strict Empiricists.16 (2) Empty could be taken as unsubstantiated, that is, the postulated theory would have content, but there would be no evidential support for the theory, for it would not be supported by the consideration of either past cases or ongoing or future success. This would be illustrated by the case of the patient with a poor diet, for whom reference to the hot, the cold, the wet and the dry is of no use. In such a case, reference to the hot, the cold, the wet and the dry is empty since reference to postulates does not explain the progress of past or present cases. Nor does a postulate-grounded theory oer the possibility of prediction, for no perceptual or observational evidence links cases to theory at any level. It is observational evidence which needs to be referred to (prw ti . . . panengkanta)17 in order that one is compelled of necessity (xr) to know clearly (ednai t safw).18

See notes 5 and 7 above. As for instance in Galen, Subguratio empirica 4, 48,8 ., 65.5 . (ed. Deichgrber (1930). See also Frede (1990). 17 Cf. prw nafrvn (VM 9.3, p. 128,11 Jouanna; 1.588,14 L.) quoted and discussed below, where the author claims that the only metron, or measure, to which one can refer is the inexact one of perception. 18 Cf. Aristotles use of kenos in relation to theories not connected to appropriate archai which are too (lian) general and unconnected to the facts, Arist. GA 748 a 711: otow mn on lgow kaylou lan ka kenw: o gr m k tn okevn
16

rxn lgoi keno, ll dokosin enai tn pragmtvn ok ntew. o gr k tn rxn tn gvmetrikn gvmetriko, movw d ka p tn llvn: t d kenn doke mn ena ti, sti d oyn. cf. Met. 992 a 28: di kenw lgomen. See fur-

ther Bonitz (1955) ad loc.

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(3) Empty could be taken as without possible proof . This reading could be supported by the manner in which the author discusses the theories of matters below the earth and in the sky: the postulated theory has content, but due to the domain or type of subject matter (the not visible, the mysterious), no possible proof of truth or falsity can be provided. It is a proof which is required in order that one is compelled of necessity to know clearly. Clearly position (3) rests on a more demanding view of what is required than that of (2): where (3) speaks of proof, (2) only requires some evidential link between perceived medical cases and an underlying theory. Position (1), however, where empty is taken as without content, would be a self-contradictory position for the author to have taken: what he criticises as empty in the case of medicine would similarly be without content in the case of matters under the earth or in the sky, in which case also they could not claim to give any account at all. VM I states that the use of postulates, which gives an empty account in the case of medicine, is necessary in the case of matters under the earth or in the sky. Thus, position (1), where empty would be taken as without content is to be rejected. What remains to be seen is whether VM is concerned with the demand for an evidential link (that which empty accounts do not provide in position (2) or for proof of truth or falsity (that which empty accounts do not provide in position (3). To clarify this, VM s discussion of matters under the earth and in the sky needs to be considered again. In that domain, since postulate-grounded accounts are said to be necessary if any account is to be given of such matters, the only type of account available is one based on such postulates. The diculty with any such account is that its subject matter is not visible and mysterious, that is, it is remote, and so in general inaccessible. As a result, the account can not be substantiated, as there is no means by which such substantiation could be reached. The account is empty, but nevertheless some sort of account is given in such cases. It seems that the only account which can be given or expected in such not visible and mysterious cases is a consistent one. A consistent account would give an explanation of sorts for the phenomena witnessed, but would do so without any evidential link to the phenomena discussed.

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VM claims that medicine is a completely dierent type of case to astronomy, since the phenomena in medical cases are accessible. The author of VM states that those who consider postulate-based accounts, as are necessary in astronomy, sucient or even useful in medicine are clearly mistaken (katafanew esn martnontew). Medicine is said by VM 2.1 to have found a rst principle, an arch (rx . . . erhmnh, VM 2.1, p. 119,1213 Jouanna; 1.572,9 L.), other than the postulates adopted in astronomy and by Presocratic philosophers such as Empedocles.19 The arch is tied to the method (ka rx ka dw erhmnh, VM 2.1, p. 119,1213 Jouanna; 1.572,9 L.), which VM states must be pursued in order to inquire or give an account.20 The arch and the method must focus on the point of view of the lay person,21 in order that an account is given of the craft of medicine:
mlista d moi dokei per tathw den lgonta tw txnhw gnvst lgein tosi dhmtsin.

VM 2.3 (p. 120,35 Jouanna; 1.572,1819 L.) And especially, it seems to me that the person giving an account of this craft must give an account of things which are familiar to ordinary people.

The arch will be shown to be the perceptible phenomena, accessible to lay people as much as practitioners, since the choice and the success of treatment given in the exercise of the craft of medicine must be able to be evaluated by all. The method by which medical knowledge is acquired will be shown to be through reection on the actual treatment of cases, a pragmatic progress of regular success with certain types of treatment.
19 VM may have been interested in Empedocles in particular not only because he employed the postulated hot, cold, wet and dry in his medical accounts, but also because he employed these same postulates in his cosmological and astronomical accounts. 20 o gr per llou tinw ote zhtein proskei ote lgein, VM 2.3 (p. 120,56 Jouanna; 1.572,1920 L.) 21 VM 2.3 (p. 120,35 Jouanna; 1.572,1819 L.): mlista d moi dokei per tathw den lgonta tw txnhw gnvst lgein tosi dhmtsin. cf. Vict. 3.68 (6.594,3 . L.) addresses itself to the many; Morb. 1.1 (6.140,1 .) seems to include lay people as much as practitioners in questioning proposed treatment; per txnhw, De arte 4.1 (p. 227,7 Jouanna; 6.6,7 L.) states that the starting point should be accepted by all, which presumably also includes lay people as well as theorists; Nat. Hom. 12 discusses epideixis competitions concerning the elemental constitution of the body: such a debate called on lay people as much as theorists through the universal applicability of reason.

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It could be claimed that the adoption of a perceptually-graspable starting-point opens up VM to the objection that medicine is left without any theoretical underpinning if it rejects the philosophers postulates. The objection would be that, without a theoretical underpinning such as is given by a postulate-grounded theory, medical accounts can demonstrate no causal basis for regularity of symptoms over cases of disease, or success over a number of cases with a certain medicine, and so on. VM s claim, however, is that it is not hypothesised postulates that one needs for that underpinning, but rather one needs to get to know the operative causal bases of health and disease, and these bases are to be accessed from the starting point of perceptible phenomena. Since the arch of VM is perceptual phenomena, as opposed to postulates, VMs method is inductive, as opposed to the deductive method pursued by those who adopt hypothesised, postulated archai derived from Presocratic philosophy, such that the arch, the rst principle, is the starting point of discovery in medicine.22 As a result of his phenomenon-grounded inductive method, the author of VM concentrates in particular on human interaction with those foods which are regularly perceived to be tting for the human constitution, and those which are regularly too strong for the body to cope with.23 This information, and an operative understanding of it, is gained through the continued development of human regimen (VM 7.2, p. 126,814 Jouanna; 1.584,1116 L.), which is the result of the many ne discoveries which have come about over time and will continue to do so in the future (t erhmna poll te ka kalw xonta erhtai n poll xrn, ka t loip ereysetai. VM 2.1, p. 119,1315 Jouanna; 1.572, 1011 L.). Consideration of this focus on foods and regimen will make clear the crucial points: what it is to know clearly (ednai t safw) and how this relates to the method and the arch of the medical craft. In VM there is a recognition of the needs of the practitioner to look to an assessment of a right amount in his prescriptions (of certain foods, and in certain preparations), together with an acceptance
22 Arch can be translated rst principle as well as starting point; see Lloyd (1987) 129, n. 93 and LSJ ad loc. 23 VM 14.3 (p. 136,35 Jouanna; 1.602,46 L.): ll t sxurn kstou ka

t krsson tw fsiow tw nyrvpnhw: o m dnato kratein, toto blptein gsanto, ka toto zthsan felein. cf. VM 10.19 where it is discussed that

it is necessary to match the prescribed diet to the constitution of the individual. cf. 20.1 (pp. 146,17147,1 Jouanna; 1.622,710 L.).

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of the idea that accuracy in medicine is rarely obtainable in practice. The medical practitioner is classed as a craftsman, even though he does not deal with exact quantities, assessable on an accurate scale of measurement. The author of VM is aware that his dismissal of exactitude, whilst maintaining the craft-status of medicine has to be justied, since general lack of accuracy would tend to speak against the operation of a craft:
mtron d, od staymn, od riymn odna llon, prw nafrvn es t kribw, ok n erohw ll to smatow tn asyhsin: di rgon otv katamayen kribvw, ste smikr martnein nya nya: kn g toton tn htrn sxurw painoimi tn smikr martnonta. t d kribw ligkiw st katiden: pe o pollo ge tn htrn tat moi dokousi tosi kakosi kuberntsi psxein.

VM 9.34 (p. 128,1118 Jouanna;1.588,14590,5 L.) But no there is no measure by reference to which can one know exactly, neither of number nor weight nor of any other sort, other than the perception of the body; and so it is laborious to make understanding exact to that degree that only small mistakes are made here or there. I would strongly praise that doctor who made only small mistakes. Accuracy is encountered on very few occasions: since the majority of doctors seem to me to be in the same state in these respects as poor helmsmen.

Small mistakes are often made by helmsmen, and these mistakes are of no consequence in calm weather. It is when large mistakes are made in serious circumstances, such as in a crisis at sea, that the incompetence of the helmsman becomes evident. While these grave mistakes call into question the ability, and craft-status, of an individual, there is no hint that small mistakes threaten the craft-status of helmsmanship. Each case to which a doctor is called, however, is a crisis.24 So how accurate must the response of the doctor be to
24 Cf. On Diseases 1, which sets out a theory of disease based on the postulates of bile and phlegm, but claims that there is no demonstrated beginning or principle (rx podedeigmnh) for medicine as a whole, as illustrated by the dierence in the kairo (critical turning-points) between diseases, between one body and another or between ages (Morb. 1.9, 6.156,14 L., cf. Morb. 1.5, 6.146,15 L.). As a result, it is not possible to have exact knowledge (t kribw ednai, Morb. 1.16, 6.168,23; 170,24 L; cf. Vict. 3.67, 6.592,1594,2. L). Cf. De arte 7.2 (pp. 231,811 Jouanna; 6.10,2123 L.) where mistakes made by practitioners are evidence for the existence of the art of medicine, rather than the opposite proposed by medicines detractors: for when medicines are properly applied the working of the craft is displayed, mistakes merely show the incorrect application of remedies. See also Lloyd (1987) 253270 for further examples.

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the crises with which he deals in order to retain his craft-status? At VM I.3 (p. 119,11 Jouanna; 1.572,8 L.) we are told that in the case of postulate-grounded accounts (for instance, the astronomical), there is nothing by reference to which one would necessarily know clearly (o gr sti prw ti xr panengkanta ednai t safw). In the passage quoted above, VM 9.34, we are informed about the nature of this point of reference (prw nafrvn). We are told in VM 9.34 that there is no metron measure in medicine by reference to which we could know accurately; nor is there such a point of reference in astronomy. I suggest, therefore, that to know accurately, both in medicine (ednai t safw, VM 9.34) and in astronomy (es t kribw, VM 1.3) would require a metron such that one would know an exact measure quantied in some way (number, weight, and so on). Strict accuracy would require the calculation of a precisely quantiable measure. Such accuracy is not available in astronomy or medicine, for any supposed quantiable precision would be without the evidential support of reference to the phenomena. Even if someone were to grasp astronomical theory in a way in which theory precisely and completely explained reality, VM asserts that they could not know it to be true.25 Postulate-grounded
In the case of astronomy, as well as matters under the earth, the phenomena are so remote that they are largely not visible and, as a result, mysterious (mystery here is clearly concerned with the inability to perceive certain phenomena, rather than any links to magic or mysticism). That only minimal phenomena are grasped by humans makes a phenomenon-grounded account of the sort that VM will be shown to propose for medicine not possible, in the sense of unavailable. There seems no reason in theory why a phenomenon-grounded account of these subject matters should not be able to be constructed, were the phenomena to become accessible. The practical inconceivability of such access, however, leads the author to speak of the necessity of a postulate-grounded account in such cases (per n ngkh, n tiw pixeiroh lgein, poysei xresyai, VM 1.1). Hankinson (1992, 58) claims that a similar distinction to that of VM is made by Xenophanes DK B34:
ka t mn on safw otiw nr den od tiw stai edw mf yen te ka ssa lgv per pntvn: e gr ka t mlista txoi tetelesmnon epn, atw mvw ok ode: dkow d p psi ttuktai. where clear knowledge (t mn on safw) of the truth about the gods could never
25

be known clearly by humans. This inability to attain knowledge also applies to the other subject matter referred to here (ka ssa lgv per pntvn): the lack of sucient context leaves it unresolveable whether the reference is to the subject matter of Xenophanes poem as a whole or to knowledge of the cosmos. Even if humans came across the truth by chance, they would be unable to translate acquaintance with this truth into knowledge, the best that humans can achieve epistemologically is belief (dkow). Xenophanes, however, in his discussion of knowledge of t safw

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theories are empty because they are based on arbitrary assumptions. This is not due to the generality of the theory, as claimed by Hankinson (1990, 58). It is rather, as Lloyd (1987, 2801) points out, because a precise account could also readily be assumed to be an accurate one. He uses the example of the casting of horoscopes to illustrate that the mathematical rigour of an entire enquiry . . . could be impeccable, but the inquiry remains with too little purchase, too little grip on the phenomena. The appeal to the mathematical often gave a spurious air of certainty, the precise being confused with the accurate.26 Instead, an observation-based assessment of balance and harmony is central to the understanding of the work of the doctor. The strength and amount of food required is grasped through the doctors perception of the body of the patient (to smatow tn asyhsin).27 The accurate measure, metron, must be aimed at (de gr mtrou tinw stoxsasyai, VM 9.3, p. 128,1011 Jouanna; 1.588,14 L.), but accuracy is rare in the operation of this craft (t d kribw ligkiw st katiden), due to the inexactitude of a perceptual measure. Hence, accurate knowledge (es t kribw) is unobtainable if the demand is for precisely quantiable accuracy (od staymn, od riymn). But why is accurate knowledge unattainable by the craft of medicine? VM 20.1 addresses the issue of the scope of the medical craft in considering whether anyone can claim to know medicine without knowing what man is, t stin nyrvpow (pp. 146,2 Jouanna; 1.620,11 L.) even though, at VM 20.2, the author states that the study of nature, phusis, is of no more relevance to the medical art than it is to the graphic:28
lgousi d tinew ka htro ka sofista w ok ni dunatn htrikn ednai stiw m oden t stin nyrvpow: ll toto de katamayen is concerned with the impossibility of the verication of (certain kinds or domains of ) truths; VM is concerned with the level of accuracy demanded for knowledge of t safw. Cf. Gorgias, DK B11a10, 1921; edw kribw dojzvn: Gorgias DK B11a136. 26 See also Lloyd (1987) 312319 on the aims and assumptions of Greek astronomers. 27 See Bratescu (1983) 137144 for a summary of previous interpretations of to smatow tn asyhsin, noting especially those of Deichgrber (Hermes 68, 1933), Muri (Hermes 71, 1936) and Diller (Hermes 80, 1952) who claim that aisthesis refers to the sensations felt by the patient, not the perception of the doctor as argued here. See also Jouanna (1990) 1735 ad loc. 28 VM 20.2 (p.146,89 Jouanna, 1.620,1314 L.): sson nomzv t htrik txn proskein t grafik. It is unclear whether literature or writing skill is being referred to here.

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tn mllonta ryw yerapesein tow nyrpouw. tenei d atoisin lgow w filosofhn, kayper Empedoklw lloi o per fsiow gegrfasin j rxw t stin nyrvpow, ka pvw gneto prton ka pvw junepgh.

VM 20.1 (pp. 145,18146,7 Jouanna; 1.620,712 L.) Certain doctors and sophists29 say that it is not possible for someone to know medicine who is ignorant of what a man is; but the one who is going to treat people correctly must learn this thoroughly. But this question of theirs tends to philosophy,30 just as for Empedocles or others who have written about nature from a rst principle [or: from the beginning] what man is and how he rst came into being, and how he was constructed.31
29 tinew htro ka sofista A: tinew ka htro ka sofista M; the reading of MS. M makes a more distinct separation between the doctors and sophists; MS. M is supported due to the parallel with 20.2, 146,78 Jouanna; 1.620,1213 L.: tin sofist htr. Jouanna (1990) 20, is mistaken in taking this section as separate to the previous attack on opponents to the method of VM, thereby taking it that a discussion of what a human being is, is a completely unconnected topic to that of debates covering the acceptability or otherwise of philosophical postulates and methods of inquiry. 30 This is one of the earliest uses of the term filosofh in surviving Greek literature, and therefore should not point to a sharp distinction, if any at all, between philosophers and sophists. The distinction seems to be between those working with a hupothesis, such as sophists, Empedocles, and those who construct postulate-grounded theories, and those who are pursuing the method advocated by VM. 31 per fsiow: it is clear that Empedocles was concerned with more than just the status of human beings in the cosmos, and this suggests that per fsiow in VM should be read as referring to nature as a whole, generally understood (that is, part of a general or universal account of nature). This translation is wider in scope than that of Jouanna, who takes it as though the writer of VM is considering Empedocles as someone whose central concern was the understanding of human beings, and all discussion of the nature as a whole is subordinate to understanding the place of human beings within it. Even if that were the intended focus of Empedocles (for instance through his emphasis on the daimones), and that focus is echoed in VM, a human-focused reading can not be maintained (contra Jouanna (1990) 208, who claims all occurrences of per fsiow in this chapter are concerned with human nature): for the nature of human beings was not the central concern of other Presocratic philosophers ( lloi o per fsiow gegrfasin) who wrote about medicine, such as Democritus and Pythagoras (Celsus, Proem. 7). See Jouanna (1990) 207, who conjectures tenousi from tenei in the main clause, to grammatically complete the kayper clause (rather than an understood repetition of gegrfasin). Jouannas reading would have VM claim that Empedocles and the other Presocratics merely tend to philosophy, losing the distinction between those who erroneously write like the philosophers by employing philosophical postulates when concerned with medicine, as opposed to those who take the phenomena as their rst principle in medical explanation. On possible copyist errors, in which 20.1 146, 25 Jouanna; 1.620,811 L.: ll toto . . . stin nyrvpow is a marginal note which entered the text and as such should be removed, see Jouanna in the Bud, 9394. This would remove all mention

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It is made clear that although medicine can not be learned by means of the study of nature, the study of nature can only be known from the basis of the previous study of medicine and by means of its methods. The craft of medicine is the means to understanding what the nature of man is.32 In this way, the medical methods adopted by VM do appropriately tend to philosophy, that is, medical understanding and the method of inquiry VM advocates are the only means by which one can get to know about nature, but to go beyond the scope of the medical craft is the work of philosophy. By exceeding the scope of the medical craft one could, perhaps, come to understand the whole of nature, that is, the cosmos. For it is by means of observational archai, together with the method of reection on cumulative success, that one can come to know the nature of man. From that point, extending medical understanding to the understanding of the science of nature, one could, perhaps, get to know the nature of the cosmos. The method employed would be the medical one which begins with the observable and reects on successful interaction with the observable to achieve an understanding, but one

of Empedocles and other Presocratics, and with it the force of VM s argument. j rxw: it is not clear whether j rxw should be taken with stin or gegrfasin. Placement would make it be read most naturally with gegrfasin, with t stin nyrvpow as complement. Yet this would give a temporal sense to j rxw, either in the sense of from the beginning of their works, or from the origin of man. The latter would repeat the sense of the indirect questions with which the author immediately continues, and the former would contradict what is known about the beginning of Empedocles poem, that it began with a discussion of general causal principles in the cosmos, rather than a discussion of human anatomy, physiology, etc. (see Martin and Primavesi (1998) 10311). Further, either of the above translations would not capture the crux of the disagreement discussed, which is between those who begin their speculation from a philosophically-postulated rst principle and those who begin from the phenomena. The greatest support, therefore, is for the reading of j rxw with stin and the translation rst principle, in the sense of starting point in argument. 32 VM 20.2 (p. 146,915 Jouanna; 1.620,14622,5 L.): nomzv d per fsiow
gnna ti safw odamyen lloyen enai j htrikw. toto d, on te katamayen, tan athn tiw tn htrikn ryw psan perilb: mxri d toutou pollo moi dokei den: lgv d tn storhn tathn ednai nyrvpow t sti, ka di oaw ataw gnetai, ka tlla kribvw. VM allows both gnsiw and pistmh to be qualied by both kribw and safw. The only way in which one

can understand anything clearly about nature is from the basis of medicine, VM 20.2 (p. 146,911 Jouanna; 1.620,14 L.): nomzv d per fsiow gnna ti safw odamyen lloyen enai j htrikw. It is in this way that one will gain accurate knowledge (ednai t safw, VM 1.3 p. 119,11 Jouanna; 1.572,8 L.; es t kribw 9.3, 128,12 Jouanna; 1.588,15; ednai . . . kribvw 20.2, 146,1415; 1.622,45 L.). See further Khn & Fleisher (1989) ad loc.

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which extends beyond its origins in the medical craft, and so is not the work of the medical craft.33 The author of VM has been shown to have three major and distinct areas of concern (though these are interwoven in the text). In each of these areas he makes apparent a criticism of postulategrounded medicine, and replies to it. His three major areas of concern are: (1) the type of starting points for explanation upon which an account of medicine must rely have to be accessible to the subject in some way (Philosophy: hypothesised postulates; VM: the perceptual evidence of phenomena), (2) the method of inference to be employed in inquiry/working out what to do in a particular case (Philosophy: deduction; VM: induction), and (3) the level of accuracy demanded of an explanatory account in medicine (Philosophy: the precisely quantiable; VM: that which can be perceived in practice to remove symptoms/restore the patient to health, not precisely-quantiable).34 It is clear, therefore, that the author of VM is seeking to distance himself not only from the postulate-driven theories which derived from Presocratic philosophy, but also the methods of such theorists in general: as a result of his concentration on (1), points (2) and (3) are raised in the text. Since they could not be substantiated, such postulate-based theories opened up an explanatory gap between practice and theory, where practice and theory do not inform one another. But in trying to bridge this practice-theory gap, it is also clear that the author of VM is no strict empiricist who rejects all theory and theoretical reasoning.35 For he is committed to the use of reasoning,

33 Perhaps philosophy would be able to grasp the accurate metron, but it would do so as the work of the philosophy, not as work in any way relevant to the medical craft. cf. Nat. Hom. 1, CMG I.I.3, p. 164,14. The opponents of Nat. Hom. are those who extend their arguments about the nature of man beyond that which is relevant to the craft of medicine: they claim that man is composed of earth, air, re or water. 34 VM does not separate, either in his account or in his criticism of his opponents, accuracy of quantication from testability through success, even though these aspects are conceptually distinguishable. 35 Hankinson (1998, 65) claims that VM is concerned with empirically-based medical practice, and in the next paragraph that medicine is a respectable empirical science. These are two distinct claims and Hankinson seems unclear about

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logismos, to uncover causes, as explicitly stated in VM 1 and 21,36 and this use of reasoning is contrasted with chance (tuch ), for instance at VM 12 (pp. 132,18133,6 Jouanna; 1.596,8598.2 L.).37 Most importantly his is not the deductive reasoning which descends from the postulates of the philosophers, but the inductive reasoning which has the phenomena as its rst principle and starting point. The author of the VM is making inferences to causes for health and disease just as much as the Empedoclean school of medicine and other Presocratics, and just like them he reasons to a disruption of the normal balance and functioning of the body. The inferential results the author reaches, however, are not theory-driven ones concerning a precisely quantiable disruption of the balance of the postulated hot, cold, wet and dry, which it is the job of medical theory to calculate. His concern is with the perceptible balancing of the strengths of foods, as excessive strength in foods is seen to cause imbalances in the body, a theory constructed by inductive inference from the starting point of observation. His method of reasoning proceeds from the earliest discoveries that some foodstus are too strong, ischuron, and need to be blended or weakened to be made palatable. It is by consideration of each case from that general basis that all humans, with their many dierent individual constitutions, can gain mastery over their regimen and so achieve health (VM 3.4, pp. 122,13123,3 Jouanna; 1.578,27 L.).38 It seems that this method explains the use
which claim(s) he is making for VM (idem, 68), The causal assumptions in play here [he has just quoted 15. 1825] are not . . . obviously compatible with the strictest empiricism. But at least his account is empirically motivated. It is clear that VM is advocating an empirical basis for medical practice, but the treatise is in no way claiming that medicine is compatible with the strictest empiricism. For if medicine were a strict empirical science, then it would have to conform to strict empiricist claim that no more than visible signs are admissible as the bases for treatment. Strict empiricism would constitute the rejected position 1 discussed above. 36 VM 1 (pp. 118,14 Jouanna; 1.118,14 L.); VM 21, (p. 148,7 Jouanna; 1.570,6 L.). 37 Cf. De arte is concerned with the craft-status of medicine, as opposed to cures being due to luck, for instance, see 4.1 (p. 227,812 Jouanna; 6.6,710 L.), and sets up as central the use of reasoning, logismos, to reason to that which is not openly observable, dhla, 11.1 (p. 237,5 Jouanna; 6.18,16 L.), that is, the doctor should use the eye of the mind, 11.2 (p. 237,1113 Jouanna; 6.20,23 L.): sa gr tn tn mmtvn cin kfegei, tata t tw gnmhw cei kekrthtai: De arte 9.4 (p. 235,38 Jouanna; 6.16,1014). Illnesses which are external (i.e., have apparent and observable causes) should be cured infallibly, because their cures have been discovered. The doctor needs to be naturally clever enough and properly educated, however, for this to come about, cf. Loc. hom. 46.1. (p. 84,1720 Craik; 6.344,49 L.). 38 The emphasis is on dierent foods, such as cheese, VM 20.6 (pp. 147,16148,1 Jouanna; 1.624,59 L.), producing dierent eects on dierent people in dierent

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of opposites in 14.5 (p. 136,1920 Jouanna; 1.602,1617 L.), which seems no more than general practical guidance to veer away from the extremes of bitterness and sweetness,39 as being bad for the human constitution in general, corresponding to Aristotles practical advice over the doctrine of the mean: if you nd yourself tending to one excess, aim for the other.40 Empty postulates are rejected in medicine not only because the hypothesised explanations of philosophers are of no use in diagnosis and treatment, but also because such postulates ignore the progress made as a result of the operation of the craft of medicine and the work of practitioners. The perceptual starting-point of VM, however,

states of health and disease. The eects of these foods are the graspable phenomena from which starting point any understanding of medicine proceeds and which an account must explain. The qualities of foods, however, are not referred to by means of a single technical term, suggesting that the understanding of them is not central to an explanatory account (the qualities are often referred to as powers dunmeiw, or as humours xumo or by means of the article and neuter adjective). Since the qualities of foods are not the graspable phenomena from which an account must proceed, the qualities do not constitute hypothesised postulates as dismissed by the author in the rst chapter of the treatise. Hankinson (1998, 66) appears to suggest that VM is objecting to hupothesis-based theories as the authors concern with foods is not supposed to be an a priori conceptual truth, but he does not make it clear how we should understand this suggestion in connection with VM. In his 1990 paper, however, Hankinson (1990, 5960), with reference to Lloyd (1976, 146149), notes the claim that in spite of his aversion to arbitrary hypotheses . . . our author apparently makes use of assumptions no less arbitrary and speculative. Hankinson proposes that the author nowhere suggests that a foods strength or weakness can be inferred a priori from its colour, or its weight, or its namealthough empirical connections can be established. That the strengths of some foods can in general be predicted to be harmful is something that has been discovered, not something that has been inferred. Although Hankinson does not explain the distinction he is relying on between discovery and inference, he is correct to read VM as concerned with empirically-based investigation, rather than substituting the postulates he rejects with others pertaining to foods. Edelstein (1967, 352), on the other hand, notes the concern of the author of VM about how the uniqueness of existing phenomena can ever be comprehended by any general theory but is mistaken in his claim that he therefore rejected generalizations altogether. VM proposes that the mapping of empirically-accessed likenesses over similar individual cases permits the formation of general understandings which can be employed in prognosis and the justication of treatment. 39 As Hankinson (1990, 64) points out, the bitter and the sweet are not postulates of the sort rejected, rather they are phenomenal properties which are accessed empirically and are seen to be causally operative in cases of health and disease. Even if the hot, the cold, the wet and the dry were considered as phenomenal properties rather than ontological absolutes, at VM 15.1 (discussed above) they are said to be of no therapeutic, and so no causal, relevance. 40 Arist., EN 1109 a 341109 b 7.

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is not empty as the explanations of the craft of medicine evidentially refer back to these perceptual phenomena, as postulates do not. It is at the level of everyday success and failure that medicine is relevantly understood by both lay people and experts, not at the level of postulates which are evidentially unsupported. VM is therefore concerned with the demand for an evidential link (that which empty accounts do not provide in position (2), not proof of truth or falsity (position (3). The study of VM has opened up a major issue with which the Hippocratics wrestled: should an understanding of health and disease, and of the workings of the craft of medicine, be founded on postulates such as the hot, the cold, the wet and the dry, such as were taken to be employed by Presocratic philosophers as their fundamental explanatory elements, or should medicine be based on consideration of the day-to-day observations of doctors and the accumulated successes of their practice? Such a debate seems to have arisen partly from the concern that accumulated success alone fails to detect or engage with an underlying causal basis for disease which the postulates of the philosophers would have provided. But the latters postulates were precisely thatpostulatesas a result there seemed no way in which they could tie together theoretical explanation and practice into a single coherent theory. Of course, many details are lacking of the ways in which VM s observationally-assessed correctness together with inductive inferential thought in practice makes progress stage-by-stage to a unied and complete science. The special contribution of VM, however, is that it sought to bridge that explanatory gap between theory and practice by championing an observation-up, not postulate-down, theory for gaining knowledge. Bibliography
Bonitz, H. (1955) Index Aristotelicus, Berlin. Bratescu, G. (1983), Le problme de la mesure dans la Collection Hippocratique, in: F. Lasserre, P. Mudry (eds.), Formes de la pense dans la Collection Hippocratique, Geneva, 137144. Craik, E.M. (1998) Hippocrates: Places in Man, Oxford. Deichgrber, K. (1930) Die griechische Empirikerschule, Berlin. Edelstein, L. (1967), The Relation of Ancient Philosophy to Medicine, in: L. Edelstein, Ancient Medicine, Baltimore, 349366. Frede, M. (1990), An Empiricist view of knowledge, in: S. Everson (ed.) Epistemology, Cambridge, 225250.

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Hankinson, R.J. (1998) Cause and Explanation in Ancient Greek Thought, Oxford. . (1992), Doing without hypotheses: the nature of Ancient medicine, in: J.A. Lpez Frez (ed.), Tradatos hipocrticos: actas del VIIe Colloque international hippocratique, Madrid, 5567. Heiberg, I.L. (ed.) (1928), Hippocratis Indices librorum, Iusiurandum, etc. C.M.G. Vol. I.1, Berlin. Human, C.A. (1993), Philolaos of Croton, Cambridge. Joly, R. (1967), Hippocrate. Du rgime, Paris. . (1970), Hippocrate. De la gnration, etc. Paris. . (1972), Hippocrate. Du rgime des maladies aigus, etc., Paris. . (1978), Hippocrate. Des lieux dans lhomme, etc., Paris. . (1984), Hippocrate, Du rgime, Berlin. Jouanna, J. (1987), Hippocrate. La nature de lhomme, Berlin. . (1988), Hippocrate. Des vents, De Lart, Paris. . (1990), Hippocrate. De lancienne mdecine, Paris. . (1999), Hippocrates, Baltimore. Karasmanis, V. (1987), The Hypothetical Method in Platos Middle Dialogues, unpublished doctoral thesis, Oxford. Khlewein, H. (1894, 1902), Hippocratis Opera, vols. I & II, Leipzig. Khn, J.-H. & Fleischer, U. (1989), Index Hippocraticus, Gttingen. Lloyd, G.E.R. (1963), Who is attacked in On Ancient Medicine?, Phronesis 8, 10826. . (1979), Magic, Reason and Experience, Cambridge. Martin, A. and Primavesi, O. (1998), LEmpdocle de Strasbourg, Berlin. Meyer, S.S. (1992), Teleology and Necessity, Philosophical Review 101, 791825.

ON ANCIENT MEDICINE AND ITS INTELLECTUAL CONTEXT Francis Dunn

Summary The argument of this paper is twofold. First, it shows that the anthropological digression in chapter three of On Ancient Medicine is more original and sophisticated than is commonly supposed: the discussion of diet and of the discovery of medicine describes an empirical process that is non-teleological and subject to chance. Secondly, it shows that the programmatic claims in chapter one and elsewhere advance an empirical model of techn that is best paralleled in arguments of the later sophists. Taken together, these results nd greater methodological coherence in the treatise and situate it more clearly in its intellectual context.

Although scholars agree that On Ancient Medicine is one of the more important treatises in the Hippocratic corpus, they continue to dier on such fundamental issues as its date (does it pre-date Anaxagoras or post-date Plato?) and its content (is it primarily medical, scientic, or sophistic?).1 This lack of consensus is compounded by a shift in tone and direction in the opening chapters. The treatise begins with a polemic against medical writers who argue from postulates or hupotheseis, it praises instead an empirical method, and it illustrates this method by describing the origins of human diet. Readers primarily interested in the authors account of a primitive human condition and the gradual development of skills such as cooking and medicine tend to see him as a typical progressive of the late fth century.2 Those especially interested in the authors polemical stance and intellectual sophistication see him as a sophistic intellectual of
1 Diller (1952) 385386, Lloyd (1963) 108109, and Lichtenthaeler (1980) 910, catalogue the many points of scholarly disagreement. 2 Thus Herter (1963) and Miller (1949); compare discussion with note 14 below.

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the later fourth century.3 Those interested in his (negative) rejection of hupotheseis tend to see the author as a conservative, resisting the inroads of philosophy upon the traditional and practical craft of medicine.4 Those interested instead in the authors (positive) program of empirical method tend to view him as a pioneer avant la lettre of scientic empiricism.5 I shall argue that these conicts are both more substantial and more illusory than is generally recognised. They are substantial because the conicting interpretations of scholars reect real dierences in the text itself: the author is at the same time progressive in approach and sophistic in tone, an opponent of excessive abstraction and a champion of empirical method. These conicts are illusory because the dierences are not mutually exclusive: an innovative empiricist can be sophistic in tone while rejecting novel abstractions. Recognising how these contrasts cohere will let us see more clearly both the originality of this treatise and its engagement with current intellectual issues. The account of primitive society in On Ancient Medicine and the polemic on medical techn are part of a larger argument that presents a sophisticated understanding of human resources and their limits. I begin with the anthropological narrative in chapter three, which describes the development of food, cooking, and medicine. This passage has played a leading role in the debate over ideas of progress in classical antiquity, and gives one of the most detailed reconstructions of the early inventions and discoveries that separate human culture from a primitive or bestial condition.6 My interest here is not in the content of this development (i.e., the subjects of food, cooking, and medicine, and how these are described) but the form of this development (i.e., the manner in which various changes take place). On Ancient Medicine is especially original in its close attention to the temporal dimension of cultural change. First, it emphasises the pervasiveness of change by showing that practices and institutions are not xed and given entities but rather arise and develop through time. Second, it emphasises the uncertainty of change by showing that such development is not necessary or inevitable, but is in important ways

Thus Diller (1952) and Lichtenthaeler (1980). Thus Vickers (1979) and Longrigg (1963). 5 Thus Jones (1946) and Festugire (1948). 6 For recent discussions of progress in antiquity, see Blundell (1986), Sihvola (1989), and Meier (1990) chapter eight.
4

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and its intellectual context

subject to chance. To illustrate these points, I will turn to some earlier passages which oer contrasting accounts of cultural change. In Prometheus Bound, which was probably written before the middle of the fth century,7 the protagonist is chained to a rock as punishment for giving re to mortals. In the course of the play, he claims responsibility for all the cultural institutions that distinguish humans from animals (Prometheus 436506). He gives a lengthy description of the many benets he has given mankind: how to build houses from bricks and wood, how to measure seasons and harvests by the settings of stars, how to record words in writing, domesticate animals, build ships, cure disease, read omens, perform sacrices, and extract metals from the earth. Understand it all in a single phrase, he concludes, all skills for mortals come from Prometheus (braxe
d my pnta sullbdhn mye:/ psai txnai brotosin k Promhyvw.

505506). The speech gives a full, nearly exhaustive, account of the skills and technologies humans have acquired, and in so doing, contrasts the prior helpless condition of humans with their subsequent abilities to cure disease and read the will of the gods. If we consider not the content of these institutions but the mechanism of change, we nd it simple and static. At some time before, humans were foolish and blind and lived like imsy ants (st suroi/ mrmhkew, 452453). Then somehow (he does not explain how) Prometheus intervened to give humans intelligence and skills: originally witless, I made them intelligent and eective in thought (nhpouw ntaw t prn/ nnouw yhka ka frenn phblouw 443444); in need of medicine they would wither away, until I showed them mixtures of soothing remedies with which they ward o all diseases (480483); I launched mortals on the path to an obscure art and opened their eyes to ery signs that were murky before (497499). There is in this account no sense of temporal development, of struggle or diculty in acquiring new skills. Rather than a slow process of change, we have a sudden moment of transformation, a Titanic intervention that turns witless humans into intelligent and eective beings. Yet even if the manner of change is superhuman and atemporal, the fact of change is in itself noteworthy, especially by comparison
7 My discussion does not rely upon authorship by Aeschylus, which has been challenged by Grith (1977) and West (1990). Those who accept attribution to Aeschylus tend to place the play late in his career (thus Herington [1970] 119); Grith (1977) 32 and West (1990) 53 place it in the 440s or 430s.

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with Hesiod. The story of the ve races in Works and Days (109201) suggests, collectively, a pattern of decline, but there is no indication that a given race or genos can change. Each change in the human condition requires the destruction of one race and the creation of another. Thus the golden race is replaced by that of silver, silver by bronze, and bronze by the race of heroes, and Hesiod foretells a similar fate for the race of iron. Their evils are so great and aict them so young that Zeus will destroy this race of mortals as well when they are grey-haired at birth (Zew d lsei ka toto gnow merpvn nyrpvn,/ et n geinmenoi poliokrtafoi telyvsin 180 181). In Aeschylus, however, the mechanism of change is external, a momentous (and mysterious) intervention by the son of Iapetos. The human condition is nevertheless subject to change as it is not for Hesiod, who anticipates destruction rather than transformation. The fundamental notion that human society is subject to change through time is then probed more closely by subsequent writers. The chorus in Sophocles Antigone describes the remarkable achievements that give humans mastery over the natural world. Creon has heard that someone (or something) has again dared to scatter earth upon the body of Polyneices, and the chorus members then sing an ode, the so-called Hymn to Man, reecting on human accomplishments. Many things are astounding, they begin, but none more astounding than humankind (poll t dein kodn nyrpou deinteron plei, 332333). They continue with a catalogue of human skills: sea-faring, tilling the earth, hunting and shing, all performed by very skillful man (perifradw nr 347). The catalogue emphasises human superiority to the animals: the birds he hunts are weak in thought (koufonvn 342), and domesticated animals he rules by his contrivances (mhxanaw) and fastens with the yoke (347352). The rst half of the ode does not say how humans acquired these astounding skills. Only in the second half does the chorus describe a mechanism:8
ka fygma ka nemen frnhma ka stunmouw rgw didjato ka dusalvn pgvn payreia ka dsombra fegein blh pantoprow: porow p odn rxetai t mllon. (35361)
8

The text follows Lloyd-Jones and Wilson (1990); the translation is my own.

Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides. Hans Herter calls our author a child of his times;14 I would call him a pioneer instead. There are possible objections to my interpretation, and these lead me into the second part of my argument, which has to do with the notorious problem of the authors programmatic stance. One objection involves the supposed optimism of On Ancient Medicine.15 The treatise certainly expresses a condence in the art of medicine. According to the method it describes, we are told in chapter two, many excellent discoveries have been made in the course of time, and the rest will be discovered if one is competent, and aware of prior discoveries, and starts ones own inquiry from these (poll
te ka kalw xonta erhtai n poll xrn, ka t loip ereysetai, n tiw kanw t n ka t erhmna edw k totvn rmmenow zht. 2.1; 1.572 L.). After describing the doctors empirical method,

the author concludes in chapter 8, all these are indications that the entire craft of medicine can be discovered if it is followed in the same way (tata d pnta tekmria ti at txnh psa htrik t at d zhteomnh erskoito n. 8.3; 1.588 L.). Yet it is one thing to express optimism, and quite another to believe that a course of development is necessary or predictable. Notice rst the conditions necessary for further discoveries: if one is competent, if one knows prior discoveries, and if one starts from those (2.1; 1.572 L.) and, more generally, if one follows the same method (8.3; 1.588 L.). Recall also the authors awareness of the many diculties and the many opportunities for failure (noted above). As Jacques Jouanna puts it, by comparison with other Hippocratic treatises, the author of On Ancient Medicine is remarkable for his gradualist and open view of the evolution of the art.16 I would go further and state that he rejects the notion of necessary or inevitable development, and that he would not endorse the organic development often associated with our concept of evolution. Our author does not express condence in a large-scale mechanism of change, like the world-formation of Democritus.17 Nor does he express condence
14

Thus Herter (1963) 470; similarly Blundell (1986) 179180 and Jouanna (1999)

239.
15 Just the same, he remains an optimist, Jouanna (1999) 238; compare previous note. 16 Jouanna (1999) 238. 17 As Mark Schiefsky argues elsewhere in this volume, our author likewise rejects

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that change is always for the better. He has a conditional condence in techn, in the practice of medicine, and proclaims his hope or expectation that the rest will be discovered in order to rally other practitioners to his cause. As Julie Laskaris argues, the early Hippocratic treatises were, in part, protreptic or proselytising speeches.18 If others fail to follow his empirical method, our author argues, the excellent discoveries of medicine may be lost. Another objection involves an apparent conict between the account of cultural development, with its pioneering interest in the mechanism of change, and the beginning of the treatise, with its rejection of abstract postulates or suppositions. In rejecting hupotheseis and defending the traditional practice of medicine, the author seems to reject a newer and more rational or philosophical form of medicine and to argue for returning to an older one. He bitterly opposes newer forms of medicine, as Ludwig Edelstein puts it, and believes that only by following the example that was set of old can further discoveries be made.19 The sophisticated and revisionist author of the section on human development would thus seem to be at odds with the naive or reactionary author of the work as a whole. To this we might add the apparent conict between the works sophistic ourishes and its positivistic, empirical method. I shall argue that these are false contradictions. The rejection of hupotheseis, the reliance upon the senses, and the call for a strictly empirical method, are all pioneering in spirit, and the whole treatise can be read as a contribution to the intellectual ferment of the late fth century. Let us begin at the beginning. The treatise starts with a challenge that is bold and sophisticated: All who have tried to speak or write about medicine are clearly wrong when they propose to rest their argument upon a supposition (hupothesis) (ksoi mn pexerhsan
per htrikw lgein grfein pyesin ato vutosin poymenoi t lg . . . katafanew esin martnontew. 1.1; 1.570 L.).20 For all
developmental models such as that of Empedocles, for whom suppositions about an organisms origins account for its behavior at later stages. 18 See Laskaris (2002), especially chapter three. She explains the grandstanding of On the Sacred Disease as rhetorical posturing in a highly competitive environment (91). Compare Thomas (1993) 233237 on the early Hippocratic treatises as competitive rhetorical performances. 19 Edelstein (1967) 38. 20 The boldness of this opening assertion is often diluted by translators who restrict error to a smaller class. Thus Jones (1923) translates, All who, on attempting to speak or to write on medicine, have assumed for themselves a postulate as a basis

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the rhetorical ination of this opening salvo, our author gives clear epistemological reasons for his position.21 It is appropriate to make suppositions, he explains, only in connection with invisible and insoluble matters. Even if one were to speak of these things and know how they work, it would remain unclear to both speaker and listener whether they are true or not, since there is nothing to compare them with, which clear knowledge requires (. . . o gr sti prw ti xr panengkonta ednai t safw. 1.3; 1.572 L.). There is no clear knowledge a priori, he tells us. Knowledge in general must follow from observation, not from suppositions. Likewise knowledge of food in particular must follow from careful observation, since we cannot know beforehand which foods are good and which are bad; as he explains at length in chapters six through eight, what is healthy for one person will harm another. Rather than rejecting new ideas, the author advances a full-edged materialism and argues that knowledge rests strictly upon matter and sensation; as he puts it in chapter nine, you cannot nd any measure, neither number nor weight, that you can appeal to for accurate knowledge except bodily sensation (mtron d od riymn ote staymn llon prw nafrvn
es t kribw, ok n eroiw ll to smatow tn asyhsin.

9.3; 1.588590 L.). The argument that the senses are the only reliable criterion was common among the sophists, and the rejection of abstract suppositions is most notoriously illustrated by Antiphons squaring of the circle: if the sides of a polygon are suciently small, it is identical to a circle (87 B 13, DK)presumably because a circle is a line we perceive as round, not some abstract entity, and a polygon of suciently small sides we perceive as round.22 This tendentious empiricism is closely connected to the authors argument that medicine is a skill or techn involving techniques that must be learned, and may be applied with greater or lesser skill:
for their discussion . . . obviously blunder, as if reading ksoi mn pyesin pyesan pixeiromenoi per htrikw lgein grfein . . . esin martnontew. Jouanna (1990) likewise reverses the main verb and the participle. Chadwick and Mann (1978) are more accurate: In all previous attempts to speak or write about medicine, the authors have introduced certain arbitrary postulates . . . 21 This rhetorical ination makes it less likely that the author is attacking one individual (thus Lloyd [1963], arguing for a polemic against Philolaus) than broadly contrasting general methods (thus Schiefsky in this volume, arguing that the author rejects the developmentalism of cosmologists such as Empedocles). 22 On the priority Antiphon gives to the senses, and his corresponding rejection of abstractions, see Dunn (2002) 212213.

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Es d dhmiourgo o mn flaroi, o d polln diafrontew: per, e m n htrik lvw mhd n at skepto mhd erhto mhdn, ok n n, ll pntew n movw atw peiro te ka nepistmonew san, tx d n pnta t tn kamnntvn dioiketo. Nn d ox otvw xei, ll sper ka tn llvn texnvn pasvn o dhmiourgo polln lllvn diafrousi kat xera ka kat gnmhn, otv d ka p htrikw. (1.2;

1.570572 L.) Some practitioners are poor and some are much better, which would not be the case unless medicine fully existed and involved continual inquiry and discoverybut all would be equally ignorant and inexperienced of it, and all care of the sick would be governed by chance. That is not how it is, but just as the practitioners of all other crafts dier greatly in skill and knowledge, so also in medicine.

This is an ambitious claim, summarizing in a few lines the kinds of claims sophists made for the technai of rhetoric and civic excellence that these are specialised crafts that can be acquired by inquiry and practice.23 Just as our author proudly points out that some practitioners will be better than others, Protagoras explains in Platos dialogue that some practitioners of civic excellence will be more eective than others (Protagoras 327 ab). Despite its intellectual sophistication, one feature of the treatise has inclined scholars to consider it retrograde, belonging either to a conservative in the larger quarrel between old and new, or to a naive doctor resisting the inroads of philosophy upon medicine.24 This feature is the rhetoric which explicitly praises the old method by which medicine has made its discoveries:
O fhmi d den di toto tn txnhn w ok osan od kalw zhteomnhn tn rxahn pobalsyai, e m xei per pnta krbeian, ll pol mllon di t ggw omai to trekesttou mo dnasyai kein logism k pollw gnvshw yaumzein t jeurhmna w kalw ka ryw jerhtai ka ok p txhw. (12.2; 1.596598 L.)

It follows that we must not reject the old techn as non-existent or poorly investigated if it lacks accuracy about everything; on the contrary, I think we should admire what it has discovered, since it came

23 On the discussion of techn in On Ancient Medicine, compare Miller (1955) and Heinimann (1961). 24 A conservative in the quarrel between old and new: Jouanna (1999) 232 (noting the contradiction this entails); a doctor resisting the inroads of philosophy: Vickers (1979).

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by reasoning from much ignorance to approach great accuracy, and did so by good and true inquiry, not by chance.

I say rhetoric praising tn rxahn txnhn because the paradoxical rehabilitation of old or conventional notions was a hallmark of the later sophistic period.25 The Anonymus Iamblichi, for example, maintains the importance of law and justice, but argues that they must be founded upon self-interest (DK 89 B 3). Prodicus praises an excellence that involves hard work, moderation and good reputation and condemns wickedness, pleasure and self-indulgence; his reasons, however, are unconventional both in form and in content: the personied Excellence appeals not to Heracles innate virtue or his ancestry in describing the advantages of a virtuous life, but to his own interests (DK 84 B 2). Thrasymachus explicitly praises the ancestral constitution, although to judge from other fragments, he is likely to have based such praise upon a shocking calculus of power (DK 85 B 1; compare 6a). On Ancient Medicine follows the same rhetorical strategy. The old practice of medicine is praised not because it is venerable or has some kind of innate and long-standing authority. The old techn is praised because it is based strictly upon the senses and involves an empirical method founded on a calculus of self-interest: in each situation one must ask, will this food be harmful or will it help? Some scholars have already noted sophistic features in On Ancient Medicine. Hermann Wanner (1939) considers the work a doctors pamphlet inuenced here and there by contemporary sophistic ideas. Felix Heinimann (1961) points out that it shares with sophistic works a sustained interest in theorizing techn. I would go further and suggest that On Ancient Medicine is an important intellectual work in its own right, one that stands at the forefront of the later sophistic period. Against those who would nd certainty in suppositions such as hot and cold, our author argues that the medical craft has no certainty at allexcept in careful observations, skilled inferences from those observations, and a body of practitioners willing and able to accumulate this kind of empirical knowledge. The old techn is right after all, but only when founded upon a sophisticated model of empirical method. I will conclude with one more illustration, bringing us back to the treatises heightened interest in the uncertainties of change.
25 On rehabilitation of the virtues among the later sophists, compare de Romilly (1992) chapter seven.

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The sophists, to Platos dismay, theorised the concrete and the practical. They were interested in eective rhetoric and eective government. Insofar as On Ancient Medicine is sophistic, they were interested in eective medicine. And at least one of them was interested in eective advice. The fragments of Antiphon, like those of Democritus, are full of aphorisms oering practical advice on how best to conduct ones life. In fact, Antiphon was nicknamed Nestor because (as he claimed) his advice could cure any suering, however great (DK 87 A 6). One fuller example of this practical concern is Antiphons account of the choices and uncertainties facing a typical young man. The fragment begins as a young man enters a new stage in his life:26
Fre d proelytv bow ew t prsyen ka gmvn ka gunaikw piyumhstv. Ath mra, ath nj kaino damonow rxei, kaino ptmou: mgaw gr gn gmow nyrp. E gr txoi m pitdeia genmena, t xr t sumfor xrsya; xalepa mn kpompa, tow flouw xyrow poisai, sa fronontaw, sa pnontaw, jisanta ka jivynta: xalepn d kektsyai ktma toioton, dokonta donw ktsyai lpaw gesyai. . . .

(DK 87 B 49) Well then, let his life advance forward, and let him desire marriage and a wife. That day, that night, is the beginning of a new life, a new fate. Marriage is a great gamble for a man. If the wife turns out to be incompatible, what should he do in this situation? Divorce is dicult, making enemies of his friends, men who think and breathe like him, whom he thought worthy and who thought him worthy [of this alliance]. But it is also hard to keep such a possession, getting vexations where he expected to acquire pleasure.

Embarking on marriage, which might have seemed a fairly simple decision, turns out to be exceedingly complex, both because the young man cannot foresee if the wife will be compatible, and also because marriage will involve him in important social alliances that cannot easily be undone. Antiphon goes on to say that even if the woman is compatible, she will bring more work because he will now have two people to look after:
okoun dlon ti gun ndr, n katayuma, odn lttouw tw filthtaw parxetai ka tw dnaw atw at pr te tw gieaw dissn svmtvn pr te to bou [ka] tw sullogw pr te tw svfrosnhw ka tw ekleaw. Fre d, ka padew gensyvsan: frontdvn dh
26

I follow the text of Pendrick (2002).

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pnta pla ka joxetai t neotsion skrthma k tw gnmhw ka <t> prsvpon okti t at. (DK 87 B 49)

So isnt it clear that a wife, even if she is after a mans heart, gives him no less aection and distress than he gives himself, since he must now look after the health of two bodies and their sustenance and their moderation and their reputation? Well then, suppose children are born as well. Then everything is full of worries, and the youthful skip is gone from his mind, and his face is no longer the same.

At this point Antiphon moves on to the next stage of a mans life, with all of its uncertain pleasures and troubles. Antiphon is concerned, not with the uncertain collective experience of earlier humans or later doctors, but with one persons experience, and he colours his narrative with the young mans anticipations of the future and regrets for the past. Even so, the sophistic Nestor and the medical technites share an interest in the uncertainties of experience. In chapter thirteen the author of On Ancient Medicine renews his attack upon an abstract method by considering a concrete situation. Suppose a man is sick and his constitution weak: will he be helped more by adapting his diet to his weakened condition, or by following suppositions concerning hot and cold, moist and dry? Clearly, the empirical approach is more eective. Yet at this point our author stops himself. Yes, it is more eective, but it will never be entirely eective. Because we cannot anticipate every contingency, and because we cannot know the eect of every kind of food upon every kind of person, the doctor must accept uncertainty in his craft:
Oda mn gr ka tde dpou ti diafrei w t sma to nyrpou kayarw rtow jugkomistw ptstvn purn ptismnvn poll dati pefurhmnow lg <> sxurw pefurhmnow frhtow joptow nvmow, lla te prw totoisi mura. w d atvw ka per mzhw . . . (14.1; 1.600 L.)

Of course I also know that it makes a dierence for a persons body whether bread is rened or coarse, made of winnowed or unwinnowed wheat, kneaded with much or little water, heavily kneaded or unkneaded, fully baked or undercooked, and countless other things as well. And the same is also true of barley . . .

This acceptance of the need to face bewildering uncertainties, and somehow struggle through them without a priori certainties, makes our Hippocratic author a comrade of Antiphons man entering adult

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life. Thus On Ancient Medicine, in its account of cultural development, in its call for an empirical method, and even in its practical wisdom, holds an important place in the intellectual world of late fthcentury Greece. Bibliography
Blundell, S. (1986), The Origins of Civilization in Greek and Roman Thought, London. Chadwick, J. and W.N. Mann, trans. (1978), Tradition in Medicine, in G.E.R. Lloyd (ed.), Hippocratic Writings, Harmondsworth, 7086. Cole, T. (1990), Democritus and the Sources of Greek Anthropology, revised ed., Atlanta. Diels, H. and W. Kranz (1952), Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, 3 vols, Berlin. Diller, H. (1952), Hippokratische Medizin und attische Philosophie, Hermes 80, 385409. Dunn, F.M. (2002), Rethinking Time: from Bakhtin to Antiphon, in: R.B. Branham (ed.), Bakhtin and the Classics, Evanston, 187219. Edelstein, L. (1967), The Idea of Progress in Classical Antiquity, Baltimore. Festugire, A.-J. (1948), Hippocrates, LAncienne Mdecine, Paris. Grith, M. (1977), The Authenticity of Prometheus Bound, Cambridge. Guthrie, W.K.C. (1965), A History of Greek Philosophy, 5 vols, Cambridge. Heinimann, F. (1961), Eine vorplatonische Theorie der txnh, Museum Helveticum 18, 105130. Herington, C.J. (1970), The Author of the Prometheus Bound, Austin. Herter, H. (1963), Die kulturhistorische Theorie der hippokratischen Schrift von der alten Medizin, Maia 15, 464483. Hirsch, U. (1990), War Demokrits Weltbild mechanistisch und antiteleologisch? Phronesis 35, 225244. Jones, W.H.S. (1946), Philosophy and Medicine in Ancient Greece (Supplement to Bulletin for the History of Medicine 8), Baltimore. . (1923), Hippocrates, vol. 1, Cambridge MA. Jouanna, J. (1999), Hippocrates, trans. by M.B. DeBevoise, Baltimore. . (1990), Hippocrate. De lAncienne Mdecine, Collection Bud, Paris. Laskaris, J. (2002), The Art is Long: On the Sacred Disease and the Scientic Tradition, Leiden. Lichtenthaeler, C. (1980), Chronologische und gedankliche Bezugssysteme in und um ber die alte Medizin (tudes dHistoire de la Mdecine 6), Geneva. Lloyd, G.E.R. (1963), Who is attacked in On Ancient Medicine? Phronesis 8, 108126. Lloyd-Jones, H. and N.G. Wilson (1990), Sophoclis Fabulae, Oxford. Longrigg, J. (1963), Philosophy and Medicine: Some early interactions, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 67, 147175. Meier, C. (1990), The Greek Discovery of Politics, tr. D. McLintock, Cambridge MA. Miller, H.W. (1949), On Ancient Medicine and the Origins of Medicine, Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 80, 187202. . (1955), Techn and Discovery in On Ancient Medicine, Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 86, 5162. Pendrick, G.J. (2002), Antiphon the Sophist: The Fragments, Cambridge. de Romilly, J. (1992), The Great Sophists in Periclean Athens, trans. by J. Lloyd, Oxford. Sihvola, J. (1989), Decay, Progress, the Good Life? Hesiod and Protagoras on the Development of Culture (Commentationes Humanarum Litterarum 89), Helsinki.

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Thomas, R. (1993), Performance and written publication in Herodotus and the sophistic generation, in: W. Kullmann and J. Altho (eds.), Vermittlung und Tradierung von Wissen in der griechischen Kultur, Tbingen, 225244. Vickers, D.W. (1979), The naive empiricism of On Ancient Medicine, Apeiron 13, 18. Wanner, H. (1939), Studien zu Per rxahw htrikw, Diss. Zrich. West, M.L. (1990), Studies in Aeschylus, Stuttgart.

ON ANCIENT MEDICINE ON THE NATURE OF HUMAN BEINGS Mark J. Schiefsky

Summary This paper discusses the theory of human nature (phusis) presented in On Ancient Medicine. In contrast to thinkers who claimed that medicine must be based on an account of the origin and development of human beings out of elemental constituents, the author of this treatise argues that the true foundation of medicine is knowledge of the humoral constitution of dierent individuals and of the interactions of the internal organs with uids and air in the body. Such knowledge is limited in scope and can be attained only by reasoning from everyday experience and experience in medicine.

In this paper I shall attempt to bring out the distinctive character of the theory of human nature ( phusis) developed by the author of the Hippocratic treatise On Ancient Medicine (De vetere medicina, VM). Scholars have long recognised that the methodological dispute between the author of this text and his opponents marks a crucial moment in the development of the relationship of medicine and philosophy in ancient Greece. The authors vigorous attack on his opponents, who advocate adopting a philosophical foundation for medical practice, has attracted a great deal of scholarly attention. But perhaps because of the very success of the authors criticism, the originality of his own positive proposals has attracted rather less attention. It has sometimes escaped notice that the author of VM, far from renouncing the need for medicine to be based on knowledge of human phusis, in fact considers a certain kind of knowledge of human phusis to be essential for medical practice and sets out a coherent and highly original method of attaining it. My goal here is to give an account of the character of this theory and to place it in context by contrasting it with a style of theorising about human phusis that found numerous representatives in philosophical and medical writers of the fth and fourth centuries BC. I shall do this by means

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of a close examination of chapter 20 of the text, where the issue of what kind of phusis theory should be adopted as a foundation for medicine comes into sharp focus. I begin by oering a translation of chapter 20 and a summary of its contents:1
20 1 Now concerning these matters I think that I have given an adequate exposition of my views. But some doctors (itroi ) and sophists (sophistai ) say that it would be impossible for anyone to know medicine who does not know what the human being is, and that anyone who is going to treat patients correctly must learn this. Their account tends towards philosophy ( philosophi ), just like Empedocles or others who have written about nature ( phusis) from the beginning, what the human being is and how it originally came to be and from what things it was compounded. 2 But I say that whatever has been said or written about nature ( phusis) by a sophist or doctor pertains less to the art of medicine than to writing ( graphik ), and I think that it is impossible to have clear knowledge about nature ( phusis) from any source other than medicine. This can be acquired when one has correctly comprehended all of medicine, but until then it is impossibleI mean this science (histori ) that consists in knowing what the human being is and by what causes it comes to be and all the rest, with precision. 3 For this I think is what it is necessary for a doctor to know about nature ( phusis) and to make every eort to know, if he is going to fulll any of his obligations: what the human being is in relation to foods and drinks and other practices, and what will be the eect of each thing on each individualnot simply that cheese is harmful food, for it causes trouble to one who eats a lot of it, but rather what trouble, and why, and which of the things in the human being it is inimical to. 4 For there are many other harmful foods and drinks that aect the human being in a dierent way. Accordingly, let me take this example: unmixed wine, drunk in large quantities, aects human beings in a certain way. All who see this would recognise that this is the power (dunamis) of wine and that it alone is responsible; as for the things in the human being that it is especially able to aect in this way, we know what they are. 5 This is the sort of truth that I want to be revealed in other cases as well. For cheese (since I have made use of this example) does not harm all human beings alike: there are some who can eat their ll of it without being harmed at all, and

1 All translations from VM are my own, based on Jouannas text ( Jouanna 1990). I have also adopted the section divisions from his edition. Translations of other texts are my own unless otherwise indicated. For further elaboration and justication of the argument presented in this paper, see Schiefsky (2005).

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indeed it provides a wondrous strength to those whom it benets; but there are others who have diculty coping with it. 6 Accordingly the natures ( phusies) of these people dier, and the dierence concerns the very thing in the body that is hostile to cheese and is stirred up and set in motion by it. Those in whom such a humour (chumos) happens to be present in greater quantity and to exert more power in the body will naturally suer more; but if cheese were bad for human nature ( phusis) in general, it would harm all people. (pp. 145.17148.2 Jouanna; 1.620624 L.)

The author attacks thinkers who claim that a doctor needs knowledge of what the human being is ( ti stn nyrvpow) in order to treat patients correctly. He responds that this procedure tends towards philosophy in the manner of Empedocles and others, who attempt to explain how human beings rst arose and the constituents from which they were formed. In section 2 the author rejects the claim that this kind of knowledge of human phusis is necessary to treat patients correctly: everything these thinkers have said or written concerning nature ( peri phusios) is more appropriate to writing ( graphik ) than to medicine. But his claim is not that such knowledge is unattainable; on the contrary, he argues that it can be attained, if one masters medicine rst. His position is that it is impossible to know anything clearly about nature ( peri phusios) except from medicine, where knowledge about nature is the knowledge of human origins and development that his opponents claim is a necessary prerequisite to therapy: I mean this science (histori ) that consists in knowing what the human being is and by what causes it comes to be and all the rest, with precision. Despite the vehemence of the authors tone in the opening two sections of the chapter, it becomes clear in section 3 that it is not the claim that medicine needs to be based on a theory of human phusis that he rejects. Rather, what he objects to is the attempt to make a particular sort of phusis theory the foundation of medical practice. In section 3 he emphatically states that the doctor must know what the human being is in relation to foods and drinks and other practices and what will be the eect of each thing on each individual. The doctors knowledge must go beyond crude generalisations such as cheese is harmful food, for it causes trouble to one who has eaten a lot of it: he must be able to specify the precise nature of the trouble, its cause, and the thing in the body that it harms. The remainder of the chapter presents two examples that are meant to clarify the nature of the

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doctors knowledge. The rst example (section 4) appeals to dierences between foods: other foods and drinks, such as wine, can cause harm, but they do not aect human beings in the same way as cheese. The eect of drinking too much wine is dierent from the eect of eating too much cheese, and the doctor must know what these eects are and how they are caused. The second example (sections 56) appeals to the variation between dierent individuals. Cheese when eaten in large amounts is not harmful to all; while some are harmed by it, it is benecial to others. These individuals dier in phusis, and these dierences are understood as dierences in their humoral constitution: those in whom the humour hostile to cheese is present in greater quantity or in greater concentration suer more by eating it. Cheese is not harmful to human nature in general; if it were, it would harm all people in a similar way. Before turning to a closer examination of the type of phusis theory that the author rejects here as irrelevant to medicine, I want to make two preliminary points. First, it is clear from this summary that the issue between the author and his opponents is not whether medicine should be based on a theory of human phusis, but rather what sort of theory it should be based on. The author is no sceptic about the possibility of acquiring knowledge of human phusis. His point is not that a knowledge of human origins and development is unattainable, only that it is irrelevant to medicine. Indeed he states quite clearly that the knowledge of human origins and development which his opponents purport to have can be acquired, though not by the method they follow. I shall return to this remarkable claim at the end of this paper. For the moment, I want only to stress that the author shares with his opponents the assumption that medicine must be based on a theory of human phusis. This is just one illustration of the fact that despite the vehemence of the authors attack on his opponents, he and they actually share a good deal of common ground. In particular, they share a conception of medicine as a techn, an art or science made up of a set of procedures organised in a highly systematic fashion and based on an understanding of the phusis of its subject matter: the human body and the various factors that account for health and disease. This conception of techn was later developed by philosophers such as Plato and Aristotle and came under intense scrutiny in the debate between the so-called Rationalist and Empiricist doctors in the Hellenistic period; but the evidence suggests that it

sweetest, of the bitter the bitterest, of the sour the sourest, and of each of all the constituents, the extreme degree. 4 For they saw that these things are also in human beings and that they harm them: for there is in the human being salty and bitter and sweet and sour and astringent and insipid and myriad other things having powers of all kinds ( pantoias dunamias), in quantity and strength. These when mixed and blended (memigmena kai kekrmena) with one another are neither manifest nor cause the human being pain; but when one of them is separated o and comes to be on its own, then it is both manifest and causes pain. (pp. 135.14136.16 Jouanna; 1.602 L.)

According to this theory the body contains many dierent uid substances or humours (chumoi ), each of which is characterised by a particular avor such as salty or bitter, and each of which has its own dunamis, a distinctive power or capacity to aect the body in a certain way.10 To explain health and disease, the theory appeals to the notion of krsis or blending: when these uids are well mixed and blended with one another, the person is healthy, but when one is separated and stands apart, it causes pain. As we have seen in discussing the cheese example of chapter 20, the theory is also meant to explain the eects of dierent foods on dierent healthy individuals: dierent krseis in both foods and individuals are distinguished by the amounts and strengths of the various humours making them up. The remainder of chapter 14 makes clear that this theory is based on a close analogy between the composition of the human body and the composition of foods. Just as foods cause harm only when they possess a strong, unblended avor or humour (chumos), so the humours in the body cause harm only when they are unblended (14.56). The claim that the same substances are present in the body and in foods is probably based on a view of nutrition as occurring by the assimilation of like to like; at any rate the closest parallels to the authors theory are found in accounts of plant nutrition that endorse this view.11
10 Following Plambck, I take the basic meaning of the term dunamis to be an abstract capacity to aect, derived from the verb dunamai (1964, 64). In VM dunamis is sometimes used of a quality such as hot or cold; cf. VM 16.1 (p. 139.46 Jouanna, 1.606 L.). But it is important to recognise that this is because the author conceives of each quality as having a specic capacity to aect the body. 11 Cf. On Diseases (De morbis) IV, 34.1 (pp. 85.2586.1 Joly; 7.544 L.): For the earth contains innumerable virtues (dunameis) of all kinds, for it provides every individual plant which grows in it with a humour (ikmas) similar to that humour which each plant possesses congenitally and which is akin to that plantso that each plant draws from the earth nutriment such as the plant itself is (tr. Lonie 1981). The

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The detailed interpretation of the authors theory of krsis involves a number of complex and somewhat obscure issues that I cannot discuss here.12 My concern is simply to draw attention to the sharp contrast between this theory and Empedoclean-style theories of human phusis, a contrast that involves both the scope of the theory and the method used to reach it. Like Empedocles and a number of Hippocratic writers, the author gives an account of substances in the human body whose behavior accounts for health and disease. But he never claims that these are the constituents of everything in the universe, like the Empedoclean elements. Nor does he even claim to be able to give a complete account of the substances in the body: he says only that there is in the human being salty and bitter and sweet and sour and astringent and insipid and myriad other things (VM 14.4, p. 136.1011 Jouanna; 1.602 L.). No claim is made about the role of these substances in the formation and development of the human being, nor are they said to undergo variation with the seasons like the four humours in On the Nature of Man (De natura hominis), a text which is widely considered to show Empedoclean inuence. There is also a clear contrast of method between Empedoclean-style theories of human phusis, which are based on general cosmological considerations, and a theory like VM s, which begins from the observation of the reactions of dierent individuals to dierent foods. Thinkers like Empedocles treated the origin of the human being in the context of a general theory of the development of the cosmos as a whole. In contrast, the author of VM insists on the need to begin with the study of the capacities (dunameis) of dierent individuals to assimilate dierent foods. The observation of such diering reactions provides the only reliable basis for drawing conclusions about human phusis, as in the cheese example of chapter 20. Such observation (we may note) is also of fundamental importance in the account of the discovery of medicine that the author presents in chapters 38. The second main aspect of the authors theory of human phusis involves knowledge of the internal organs of the body. In particular, the doctor must have detailed knowledge of the relationship between their shape, consistency, and/or texture and their capacity
author makes this statement to support his view that human nutrition occurs by the assimilation of like to like; cf. Morb. IV, 33.3 (p. 85.1924 Joly; 7.544 L.). 12 For full discussion see Schiefsky (2005).

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to act on or be aected by uids and air in the body. The following passage from near the beginning of chapter 22 illustrates the authors approach:
22 2 Now which structures would best be able to attract and draw moisture to themselves from the rest of the body: the hollow and extended, the solid and round, or the hollow and tapering? I think it is these, the ones that taper from wide and hollow to narrow. 3 But one must learn these things from evident things outside the body. For on the one hand, if you keep your mouth wide open you will not be able to draw up any liquid, but if you thrust your lips forward and contract and compress them, you will draw some up; and indeed, if you go on to place a tube upon them, you will easily draw up whatever you like. Again, cupping instruments that are applied to the skin and taper from wide to narrow have been crafted for the purpose of attracting and drawing uid from the esh; and there are many other examples of this kind. 4 Of the structures within the human being the following have such a nature ( phusis) and shape: the bladder and the head, and the womb in women. These obviously attract most of all and are always lled with acquired moisture. (pp. 149.10150.8 Jouanna; 1.626628 L.)

The author begins by asking which shapes are such as to attract uids. Based on experience with things external to the body, such as straws and cupping instruments, he concludes that things that are hollow and tapering are best able to do this. He then draws on his knowledge of the shape of the internal organs to infer that it is the bladder, the head, and the womb that are especially able to attract uids. The authors concern here is not with anatomy, if we understand anatomy to refer solely to the structure or consistency of the internal organs, independent of their capacity to act on and be aected by the substances in the body. Throughout the chapter he displays familiarity with such features of the internal organs as their shape, texture, and consistency. The spleen, the lung, and the breasts he knows to be spongy and porous, and so he concludes that they are especially suited to absorb moisture (VM 22.6, p. 150.1317 Jouanna; 1.628 L.). The liver is broad and resistant but also tender, swollen, bloody, and close in texture, so that it suers sharp and frequent pains from the eects of wind in the body (VM 22.8, p. 152.113 Jouanna; 1.632634 L.). The diaphragm is broad and resistant but also more sinewy and stronger then the liver; hence it suers less pain (VM 22.9, p. 152.1317 Jouanna; 1.634 L.). In sum, knowledge of the shape and consistency of the internal organs is

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presupposed; what the doctor needs in addition is knowledge of how they will act on and be aected by the substances in the body. This knowledge is to be gained by drawing analogies with everyday experience (the use of a straw to draw up liquids) and experience in medicine (the use of cupping instruments to draw uids from the body). Once again we may distinguish the authors theorising about the internal organs from Empedoclean-style accounts in terms of both scope and method. His discussion of the internal organs makes no mention of their formation; the entire discussion is concerned with their behavior in the mature human being. Moreover it is restricted to a study of the interactions between the organs and the substances in the body; the author does not discuss topics such as the operation of the sense organs, an understanding of which is apparently considered an essential part of medicine by some medical authors.13 As for method, it has often been noted that the authors recommendation to use analogies with familiar processes to suggest hypotheses about matters that cannot be directly observed is similar to Empedocles use of analogy to elucidate the working of the eye or the process of respiration (DK 31 B 84, B 100). But two features at least distinguish the authors use of the analogical method from Empedocles. First, the author uses analogy to gain knowledge about matters concerning which he already knows a great deal. He already has a substantial amount of knowledge about the internal organs; he uses analogy to learn about how they behave in the body. Secondly, the hypotheses that he formulates using analogy are conrmed by his medical experience and serve to explain that experience. Thus he concludes section 22.4, quoted above, by stating a fact of medical experience which conrms the hypothesis that he formulated on the basis of analogy: the bladder, head, and womb are known to attract uids most of all and to be lled with liquid drawn in from elsewhere. This carefully controlled appeal to analogy to extend medical knowledge and to explain facts of medical experience stands apart from Empedocles use of analogy to elucidate obscure physiological processes that arguably have no relevance to the practice of medicine. Reduced to its bare essentials, the methodological contrast between the author and his opponents is a contrast between the attempt to
13

A prime example is Carn.; cf. Jouanna (1992).

ON ANCIENT MEDICINE

on the nature of human beings

explain the fully-formed human being in terms of its development from simpler constitutents, and a theory that takes the mature human being as its starting point and investigates the eects that dierent foods have on it. When the author claims that the only way to attain a developmental account of human phusis is by rst attaining a complete grasp of medicine, he is claiming that the entire approach of attempting to explain the fully formed living thing by giving an account of its development from simpler constitutents is mistaken. The way to proceed is not to try to understand the nature of the mature human being from its development, but to try to infer the process of development from the study of the mature human being. In this respect, the authors stance towards Empedocles and his followers is similar to that of Aristotle, who insists that the study of fully-grown organisms must precede any investigation of their origin and development.14 Finally we may return to the authors remarkable statement in section 20.2 that the developmental knowledge of human phusis which his opponents claim to have can be attained, but only if one has mastered all of medicine. The author evidently thinks that a complete mastery of medicine will enable the doctor to draw reliable conclusions about the formation and development of the human being. Medical experience, in other words, is the only reliable foundation for developing accounts of embryology or anthropogony. The author presumably understands the complete mastery of medicine to involve a thorough understanding of the eects of all aspects of regimen on individuals with dierent humoral constitutions, as well as a full account of the internal organs and their behavior. It might also involve the systematic study of the behavior of the humours outside the body (cf. VM 24, p. 153.719 Jouanna; 1.634636 L.). To derive an account of human origins and development from a complete mastery of medicine as the author understands it would require drawing conclusions about the past state of the human being from its present state and behavior. This would presumably involve
14 Cf. PA 640 a 1822 (quoted above, p. 77). In saying this I do not mean to suggest that the reasons that led Aristotle to this criticism were the same as those that led VM to his view. What motivates Aristotle to criticise Empedocles approach to the study of living things is a commitment to teleological explanation; VM is concerned instead to stress the speculative character of Empedocles approach and its irrelevance to medicine.

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the use of the analogical method, given the impossibility of investigating such questions through direct observation. It is important to note that the author has no objection to using analogy to draw conclusions about the past from the present; such reasoning in fact underlies the account of the discovery of medicine that he presents in chapters 38.15 In a similar fashion, he might have thought it possible to draw on a complete knowledge of the behavior of the uid substances now present in the body and the internal organs to reach reliable conclusions about the way in which those substances and organs were originally formed. I shall close on a somewhat more speculative note. Since the author is attacking opponents who give an account of human origins and development in a cosmological context, it is possible that he thought that a complete account of human origins and development, appropriately derived from the study of medicine, would have implications for cosmology as well. If one could somehow develop a satisfactory account of the substances from which the human being originated, that might allow conclusions to be drawn about which substances played the major role in the original formation of the cosmos. We might thus imagine that the author envisioned the formulation of a general anthropogony and cosmology as the culmination of the study of medicine. This is a rather tantalising possibility, but it seems to me unlikely to be correct in light of the authors emphatic statement in chapter 1 that no clear knowledge is possible concerning things in the sky and under the earth:
1 3 For this reason I have deemed that medicine has no need of a newfangled hypothesis like things obscure and dubious, concerning which it is necessary to make use of a hypothesis if one undertakes to say anything; for example, concerning the things in the sky or under the earth. If anyone should recognise and state how these things are, it would be clear neither to the speaker himself nor to his listeners whether what he says is true or not, for there is nothing to which one could refer to attain clear knowledge. (p. 119.411 Jouanna; 1.572 L.)

This passage, I suggest, expresses a cautious ideal of empirical veriability: theories about invisible things can be conrmed if there is some way to assess them on the basis of human experience. But while the author evidently thinks that inferences to the internal state
15 Cf. Jouanna (1999) 239 on the authors use of analogy as a method for reconstructing the past.

ON ANCIENT MEDICINE

on the nature of human beings

of the humours in the body or the behavior of the organs fall within the realm of such empirical veriability, it is hard to see how any inference about things in the sky and under the earth ever could. No matter how rich a base of experience we may accumulate, these topics are simply so far removed from human experience that we cannot hope to gain clear knowledge of them. Bibliography
Jouanna, J. (1990), Hippocrate II, 1 (De lAncienne mdecine), Paris. . (1992), La naissance de la science de lhomme chez les mdecins et les savants lpoque dHippocrate: problmes de mthode, in: J.A. Lpez-Frez (ed.), Tratados hipocrticos: estudios de su contenido, forma, e inuencia (actas del VII e Colloque international hippocratique), Madrid, 91111. . (1999), Hippocrates, Baltimore. Kahn, C.H. (1960), Anaximander and the Origins of Greek Cosmology, New York. Lloyd, G.E.R. (1979), Magic, Reason and Experience, Cambridge. Lonie, I.M. (1981), The Hippocratic Treatises On Generation, On the Nature of the Child, Diseases IV, Berlin. Plambck, G. (1964), Dynamis im Corpus Hippocraticum, Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur, Mainz. Abhandlungen der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse 2, 58111. Pohlenz, M. (1918), Das zwanzigste Kapitel von Hippokrates de prisca medicina, Hermes 53, 396421. Schiefsky, M.J. (2005), Hippocrates On Ancient Medicine. Translated with Introduction and Commentary, Leiden.

of the individual dierences of each patient, the Hippocratic doctor has no other recourse for achieving the greatest accuracy and the just measure than reasoning. Although his aim may well be the attainment of a just measure (mtrou tinw stoxsasyai), logismw remains the only means to achieve it. And it is in this sense, because of the neat dierentiation of goals and means, that Hippocratic medicine cannot yet be called stochastic in the sense in which Galenic medicine is. Galen would make stoxasmw a conceptual tool in its own right, along with reasoning and experience (logismw ka pera) and make it an art in itself ( stoxastik txnh), capable of taking over from the traditional tools of reasoning when these are foiled. There is not yet any such thing in the author of On Ancient Medicine, and therefore he cannot be credited with having invented stochastic medicine. Nevertheless, by emphasizing the irreducible uniqueness of the medical art, faced with both a legitimate requirement of accuracy and the need for taking individuality into account, the Hippocratic author has blazed a trail for an idea that is echoed in Plato and Aristotle, before taking pride of place in the Galenic corpus. Art, Ignorance and Conjecture in Plato As we have seen above, the only occurrence in which Littr has ventured to translate stoxzesyai by conjecture, in Epistle 16, could be justied by the context of ignorance in which the doctor nds himself in providing purgatives. Now it is exactly when reasoned knowledge is lacking that Plato, in the course of a reection on the status of the various arts, introduces the notion of stoxzesyai in the Gorgias (464c f.). This is the famous passage dealing with the Socratic theory of attery. According to Socrates, attery has four subdivisions which pass for arts but are not, such as cooking, which is a matter of practice and routine (mpeira ka trib), rhetoric, cosmetics and sophistry. Cooking counterfeits medicine, as the art of cosmetics does with gymnastics, sophistry with legislation and rhetoric with justice. Flattery had noticed that the four true arts were established with a view to the greatest good, be it of the body or of the soul, and thus it divided itself so as to slip each of its parts under the corresponding art. In doing so, according to Plato, it was act-

art, science and conjecture

ing not by reasoned knowledge (of which it is incapable), but by conjecture (o gnosa lgv ll stoxasamnh).19 Ifin Hippocrates as well as in Platothe recourse to stoxzesyai takes place in contexts where the arts resources fail when faced with ignorance, in the Gorgias this form of conjecture brings with it also the downfall of the art that is condemned to be nothing more than a pretext.20 In other words, for Plato conjecture excludes art; it is incompatible with true art. The specic case of medicine, as one of several arts, is dealt with in the Philebus in a radical fashion. In Platos view, as a matter of fact, the arts dier according to their greater or lesser degree of accuracy and according to whether they make greater or lesser use of the art of counting, weighing and measuring. Thus, to Socrates or Plato, an art that in its daily practice does without those resources has no great value. For in such a case, that is, if one does without the resources of numbers, weights and measures, our only resource after this [exclusion] would be to infer from conjecture, and to exercise the senses by experience and some routine, and to avail ourselves of the powers of stochastics, which many call the arts.21 This is the case, in particular, with the art of ute-playing, which creates harmony not by measure but by conjecture (t smfvnon rmttousa o mtr ll melthw stoxasm), and in general with all music, which pursues the measure of each vibrating chord through conjecture (t mtron ksthw xordw t stoxzesyai feromnhw yhreousa), so that it contains much inaccuracy and little certainty (ste pol memeigmnon xein t m safw, smikrn d t bbaion). However, this is also the case with medicine, agriculture and with the skills of pilots and generals. Ingenkamp takes the presence of the verb

19 Plato, Gorgias 464c: Tettrvn d totvn osn, ka e prw t bltiston yerapeuousn tn mn t sma, tn d tn cuxn, kolakeutik asyomnh, o gnosa lgv, ll stoxasamnh, ttraxa autn dianemasa, podosa p kaston tn morvn, prospoietai enai toto per pdu.

Plato is very clear on this matter in the Gorgias (465a) when he concludes: Now I call this attery, and I state that such a thing is shameful. . . .; and I say that it is not an art but a matter of routine . . . (Kolakean mn on at kal, ka asxrn fhmi enai t toioton . . . : txnhn d atn o fhmi enai ll mpeiran). 21 Plato, Philebus 55e: T gon met tat ekzein lepoit n ka tw asyseiw katameletn mpeir& ka tini trib, taw tw stoxastikw prosxrvmnouw dunmesin
w pollo txnaw ponomzousi.

vronique boudon-millot

stoxzesyai in both the Philebus and On Ancient Medicine as justication

for concluding that there is an exact parallel between the status of music and that of Hippocratic medicine. However, it seems to me on the contrary that Platos conclusion on the status of stochastics in the Philebus (56c) is diagonally opposed to the text of On Ancient Medicine as far as the preoccupation with the mtron, the right measure, is concerned. In fact, Plato diers radically from the Hippocratic author when it comes to the means to be employed to achieve this. While the author of On Ancient Medicine stresses the importance of stoxzesyai in order to attain the mtron, the exact individual measure, Plato sees the exclusive use of accurate instruments of measurementsuch as the rule, the compass, the carpenters rule or the lineas the only means of achieving precision. Moreover, his conclusion is denitive: Let us therefore divide that which is called the arts into two classes: those that bear resemblance to music and have less precision in their works, and the others, which are similar to architecture and are more accurate. While the Hippocratic author praises the doctor who is able to attain knowledge suciently accurate for making only small mistakes,22 for Plato the recourse to conjecture is only a last resort. Where the author of On Ancient Medicine appears to allow the possibility, however exceptional, of perfect accuracy (t d trekw ligkiw sti katiden), Plato on the other hand relegates conjecture to the ranks of experience and routine. In this sense, the Platonic concept of conjecture appears to be resolutely negative, going as far as denying medicine the status of an art in its own right.23 From the Right Measure to the Due Mean It is certainly Aristotles merit to have contributed to the rehabilitation of stoxzesyai by operating a subtle shift from right measure (t mtron) to the right mean (t mson). Indeed, while in the Hippocratic Corpus the recourse to stoxzesyai appears intrinsically linked with the search for the right measure (t mtron), now, in the
Hp. Vet. med. 9.4 (p. 128,15 Jouanna; 1.590 L.). For example, if one separates all the arts from that of counting, measuring and weighing, one can say that what remains of each of them will not have great value (Plato, Philebus 55e).
23 22

art, science and conjecture

Nicomachean Ethics (1106ab), it appears to be indissociable from the right mean (t mson). In considering the nature of virtue (ret), Aristotle is led to discard all excess and all deciency concerning human passions and actions, and to propose a due mean. He denes this mean as the point at equal distance from excess and default, even though this does not constitute a precise arithmetical proportion. Aristotle moreover emphasizes this point: If we assume that ten is many and two is few, six is the middle in relation to the thing, for it is superior and inferior to the same amount [i.e. four]. However, Aristotle adds, the mean in relation to us is not to be taken like this. And in order to clarify his point, the Stagirite uses a comparison borrowed from medical practice: for, if [for one man] eating ten mnai [of food] is [too] much and [eating] two is [too] little, the trainer will not prescribe six mnai [to all]; for this may be [too] much or [too] little for the one who eats it.24 And in Aristotles view, it is precisely this search for the right mean that is the basis of the superiority of the arts, because it is thanks to this prudent moderation that every science fulls perfectly its own objective, never losing sight of the mean (t mson), and directing its works towards it. The best way to achieve this, in Aristotles opinion, just as earlier on in Hippocrates, is to aim at this right mean: If virtue is more accurate and better than all art, as nature is, it would be aiming for the mean.25 Or in other words, virtue is a kind of mean (mesthw), since the mean is the goal at which it aims (stoxastik ge osa to msou).26 In this sense, Aristotles thought seems much closer to that of On Ancient Medicine than to the Philebus. The context in which the activity of stoxzesyai takes place is indeed precisely comparable with that of the Hippocratic treatise: it is the preoccupation with the greatest possible accuracy with respect to the individual standard. However, the conclusions about the status of the art that Aristotle draws from this are diagonally opposed to Platos. Far from denying
24 Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics 1106 a 33 .: Oon e t dka poll t d do lga, t j msa lambnousi kat t prgma: s gr perxei te ka perxetai: toto d mson st kat tn riymhtikn nalogan: t d prw mw ox otv lhpton: o gr e t dka mna fagen pol do d lgon, lepthw j mnw prostjei: sti gr svw ka toto pol t lhcomn lgon. 25 Aristotle, EN 1106 b 1416: d ret pshw txnhw kribestra ka menvn stn sper ka fsiw, to msou n eh stoxastik. 26

Aristotle, EN 1106 b 28.

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medicine the status of an exact art, of a fully developed science, the recourse to stoxzesyai, by contrast, seems to guarantee the virtue attached to each artusing virtue in the strong sense of ecacy that Aristotle confers to it.27 What is more, Aristotle makes the search for the just mean the very goal of an art: That is why often one says in praise of well-made works [of art] that one could neither remove nor add anything; as if to say that if excess and default can destroy perfection, the just mean alone can assure it.28 Therefore one would do well, at least for the Hippocratic Corpus, to refrain from translating stoxzesyai by conjecture or use conjecture, at least in the specialized meaning in which it would be used later by doctors such as Galen. Nevertheless, at the same time one can see that the context in which the verb is used, by alotting a large space to the Hippocratic doctors need for attaining a just measure adapted to each individuals nature, already combines all the ingredients of a future reection on the status of the art.29 It is one of the more remarkable traits of the extraordinary fertility of Hippocratic medicine that it has been the inspiration and point of reference to the two diverging conceptions of the subject in Plato and Aristotle. The recourse to stoxzesyai, presented as legitimate in the Hippocratic Corpus, is stigmatized by Plato before being rehabilitated by Aristotle in the name of the ideal of a just equilibrium and a just mean. Nevertheless, I do not believe that one should venture to speak of a fully developed stochastic art in either Plato or Aristotle. The recourse to conjecture as a reasoned approach for reconciling the conicting requirements of txnh and pistmh, as conceptualized by a doctor such as Galen and before him by the Stoics, does not yet have a place in the Platonic and Aristotelian oeuvres. However, by striving to combine individual standard and scientic accuracy, the

27 Every virtue is, for the thing of which it is the virtue, that which at the same time fulls its good disposition and ensures the perfect execution of the task proper to it. Thus, for example, the virtue of the eye makes the eye and its function excellent. (Aristotle, EN 1106 a 1519). 28 Aristotle, EN 1106 b 914. 29 The echoes of this debate on the role and status of conjecture, begun by the Hippocratic author, can be found even in contemporary medicine: cf. IerodiakonouVandenbroucke (1993) 542543; Vandenbroucke (1998) 1216; Vandenbroucke (1998) 20012006; Vandenbroucke-de Craen (2001) 507513. I am grateful to Professor H.F.J. Horstmansho for these references.

art, science and conjecture

Hippocratic doctor was the rstnot the least of his achievements to establish the henceforth unchangeable perimeters of a still relevant debate about the unique status of the medical art. Even so, the recourse to stoxzesyai does not yet constitute more than one of several possible ways of reconciling art and science within medicine; Galen was to be the rst doctor to bring this endeavour to a successful conclusion in the framework of the Galenic corpus.30 Bibliography
Boudon, V. (2003), Art, science et conjecture chez Galien, in: J. Barnes, J. Jouanna (eds), Galien et la philosophie, Entretiens sur lAntiquit Classique, vol. XLIX, Vandoeuvres-Geneva, 269305. Bratescu, G. (1983), Le problme de la mesure dans la Collection hippocratique, in: F. Lasserre, P. Mudry (eds), Formes de pense dans la Collection hippocratique, Geneva, 137144. Chantraine, P. (1999), Dictionnaire tymologique de la langue grecque, Paris. Ierodiakonou, K., and Vandenbroucke, J.P. (1993), Medicine as a stochastic art, The Lancet 341, 542543. Khn, J.-H.; Fleischer, U.; Alpers, K.; Anastassiou, A.; Irmer, D.; Schmidt, V. (19861989), Index Hippocraticus, Gttingen. Ingenkamp, H.G. (1983), Das stoxsasyai des Arztes (VM, 9), in: F. Lasserre, P. Mudry (eds), Formes de pense dans la Collection hippocratique, Geneva, 257262. Vandenbroucke, J.P. (1998a), Clinical investigation in the 20th century: the ascendancy of numerical reasoning, The Lancet 352 (SII), 1216. . (1998b), Medical journals and the shaping of medical knowledge, The Lancet 352, 20012006. , de Craen, A.J.M. (2001), Alternative medicine: a mirror image for scientic reasoning in conventional medicine, Annals of Internal Medicine 135, 507513.

30 This study is in fact the rst part of my research on the status of the art of medicine from Hippocrates to Galen, the principal results of which were presented in Geneva in the setting of the Entretiens de la Fondation Hardt about Galen and Philosophy: Boudon (2003).

MODELLI ESPOSITIVI RELATIVI ALLA PROGNOSI NEL CORPUS HIPPOCRATICUM (PRORRHETICO 2, MALATTIE 13, AFFEZIONI, AFFEZIONI INTERNE, PROGNOSI DI COS) Daniela Fausti

Summary In the Corpus Hippocraticum, prognosis and therapy are developed through observation of signs, as prescribed by Prognostic and Prorrhetic 2; the signs considered most signicant are non-verbal signs, i.e. clues, because they cannot be voluntarily altered and the sign provides a hypothetical indication (semiotic abduction). In the examined texts the attention is devoted to the use of these signs with prognostic and therapeutic indication value and we can observe that the inferential scheme tends to aphoristic forms because the doctors need quick reference books, such as Coan Prognoses.

Gi mile Littr nel 1839 nellIntroduction alla sua edizione di Ippocrate aveva notato1 che la prognosi era uno dei punti essenziali che separano la medicina antica da quella moderna. Ci che noi intendiamo per smiotique qualcosa di completamente diverso: una frazione dellenciclopedia medica, che ci informa sul valore dei segni, ma non ha un predominio assoluto sulle altre parti, anzi subordinata alla diagnostica; nei testi del Corpus, invece, la prognosi domina tutta la scienza, per cos dire una chiave interpretativa, perch quello che si prevedeva diventava la regola. In questo modo, ci che noi chiamiamo diagnosi2 e ci che chiamiamo prognosi si trovano confuse e riunite, poich la medicina ippocratica diagnosticava a partire da una condizione attuale, ma prevedeva secondo le regole dellarte un certo sviluppo della malattia
Cfr. Littr (1839) Introduction, Ch. XIII, vol. 1, 451454. Si intende per diagnosi l identicazione di una malattia in base ai sintomi che presenta e allanamnesi; la prognosi invece il giudizio dato dal medico sul probabile decorso ed esito della malattia o sulle conseguenze di un fatto traumatico. Cfr. per una breve storia dei due termini nelluso medico, Marcovecchio (1993) ss. vv.
2 1

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e nel contempo ne valutava alcune circostanze del passato, come detto chiaramente nel primo capitolo del Prognostico, trattato che il punto di riferimento principe sullargomento: la pronoia, la previsione del medico consiste nel proginskein e nel prolegein cio non solo nel prevedere, ma anche nel dichiarare prima, stando vicino al malato le sue condizioni presenti, passate e future; a partire dai mali presenti si potr prescrivere la terapia migliore.3 Sulla confusione fra questi elementi sono illuminanti le osservazioni di Mirko Grmek, che sottolinea il fatto che se alcuni autori, ad es. quello di Epidemie 13, preferiscono gli enunciati sotto forma di prognosi a quelli sotto forma di diagnosi,4 per pi corretto ritenere che il medico non abbandonasse eettivamente lesercizio della diagnosi. La contrapposizione fra queste due modalit dellindagine clinica chiara e completa solo nelle formulazioni astratte e si sfuma molto quando ci si volge ai concreti procedimenti intellettuali del medico dinanzi al malato. Per un verso la diagnosi moderna implica la prognosi, per un altro la prognosi ippocratica almeno in parte, una diagnosi camuata. Aveva infatti anzitutto uno scopo tassonomico, evidenziare le regolarit tipologiche dei sintomi e fare ordine nella massa dei dati clinici, ma permetteva anche dal punto di vista sociale di avere immediatamente un riscontro sulle capacit del medico. La previsione non il suo unico ne (come abbiamo visto nel primo capitolo del Progn.), sono perci possibili distinzioni e accostamenti nosologici che fanno funzionare la prognosi ippocratica come la diagnosi dei medici moderni.5 Limportanza dellargomento gi nel I d.C. non era sfuggita ad Erotiano, che nel suo lessico, dandoci la lista delle opere ippocratiche mette al primo posto proprio i trattati di semeiotica.6 Quelli considerati propriamente semeiotici sono Progn., Prorrhetico 1 e 27 e gli
3 Prog. 1 (p. 13, 17 Alexanderson; 2. 110 L.); cfr. anche Epid. 1.11 (p. 164, 910 Jones; cap. 5, 2.634 L.): il compito del medico descrivere il passato, conoscere il presente, prevedere il futuro. Cfr. su previsione e memoria le osservazioni di Vegetti (1996) 6581:7780. 4 Sul metodo di descrizione dei sintomi in Epid 13, cfr. Langholf (1983) 109120. 5 Cfr. Grmek (1985) 499501:500. 6 Fra i trattati autentici di Ippocrate alcuni sono semeiotici, altri relativi alla physis ed eziologici, altri sono dedicati allarte medica, altri ancora sono trattati terapeutici che si suddividono in dietetici e chirurgici, quelli dellultimo gruppo sono misti (si tratta di Aph. ed Epid., perch contengono elementi di semeiotica e terapeutica). Ed. Nachmanson (1918) 36,127. 7 Questopera viene giudicata non autentica da Erotiano, ed in ogni caso indipendente da Prorrh. 1; questultimo forse ritenuto autentico dal grammatico,

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Umori (De humoribus) Su base contenutistica oltre a queste opere possiamo inserire nel gruppo anche Epid., Aforismi, Crisi (De crisibus) Giorni critici (De diebus decretoriis) Prognosi di Cos (Coae Praesagitiones).8 Il grammatico, prima di esporre la raccolta dei lemmi,9 dichiara che bisogna cominciare apo tn smeiotikn, perch la smeisis deve precedere leziologia e la terapia, e inizia lo spoglio proprio dal Progn. Questo testo si impone quindi come fondamento di ogni teoria semeiotica e semiotica, poich il primo scritto che tenta unelaborazione sistematica dei segni ed i cui punti portanti sono, oltre al primo, i capp. 24 e 25 dove compaiono le parole chiave di una costellazione semiotica costituita da smeion, tekmrion e logismos o i verbi collegati. Al cap. 24 leggiamo: Chi sopravviver e chi morir dei bambini e degli adulti bisogna inferirlo attraverso tutti i segni cos come sono stati singolarmente descritti per ogni singolo caso. Questo dico sulle malattie acute e le loro conseguenze.10 E ancora pi precisamente al cap. 25:
Bisogna che chi si appresta a prevedere correttamente chi guarir e chi morir . . . conosca approfonditamente i sintomi e sia in grado di valutarli, considerando la loro ecacia reciproca, come stato descritto in generale . . . bisogna inoltre sapere sui segni certi e su tutti gli altri segni che in ogni anno e in ogni luogo segni cattivi indicano qualcosa di negativo e segni buoni qualcosa di positivo . . .11

Quindi valutando con attenzione questi segni li si pu giudicare correttamente e avere successo. Il meccanismo abbastanza chiaro: i segni che conducono alla prognosi sono i smeia che, ponendosi alla base di un ragionamento di tipo inferenziale, forniscono innanzitutto una indicazione ipotetica (labduzione semiotica)12 e in seguito, dopo osservazioni ripetute,

che ne trae pi di 20 glosse; cfr. Potter (1995) 168; per notizie generali Jouanna (1992) 556557; per problemi di datazione e stile di Prorrh. 2, cfr. Garcia Novo (1995) 537552 e Sierra Grado (2002) 591610. 8 Cfr. Jouanna (1999) 14. 9 Su Erotiano e le sue fonti, cfr. von Staden (1992) 549569. 10 Cap. 24 (p. 230, 14 Alexanderson; 2.188 L.). 11 Cap. 25 (p. 230, 12 e 231, 1 Alexanderson; 2.188190 L.). 12 Unabduzione un metodo per formulare una predizione generale senza alcuna assicurazione positiva che essa risulter valida n in un determinato caso n solitamente. Tuttavia questo lunico metodo possibile per prevedere razionalmente il futuro sulla base dellesperienza passata. Cfr. la denizione di Peirce (1931) 152, trad. it.

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possono trasformarsi in segni certi, prove cio tekmria, diversi dai semplici segni, smeia.13 Il processo congetturale o deduttivo che viene applicato ha il suo punto fondamentale nellinferenza, Se ci troviamo in presenza del segno x, allora si vericher levento y, rappresentabile dallespressione se p allora q (che indicano le proposizioni); naturalmente bisogna sempre tenere presente un codice che consenta labbinamento fra i segni e gli eventi, codice elaborato in forma pi o meno chiara dalla medicina ippocratica.14 Allinterno del Corpus c solo un altro trattato che programmaticamente aronta con la stessa metodologia questi problemi, aggiungendovi unaperta polemica contro quei medici che guardano solo allapparenza e ricercano la spettacolarit: il Prorrh. 2. Prorrhetico 2 Il trattato ha lo scopo di dimostrare lattendibilit di un determinato metodo di lavoro, presenta aspetti epidittici, didattici ed impiega nellesposizione vari mezzi retorici;15 su questo aspetto non ci soermeremo,16 concentrando invece lattenzione sugli altri due. La parte epidittica occupa i primi quattro capitoli, i capp. 543 contengono invece la parte didattica, tesa a dimostrare lapplicazione pratica di quanto teorizzato prima, presentando il signicato prognostico dei segni relativi a varie malattie. Linizio un chiaro attacco polemico: Vengono raccontate molte predizioni di medici belle e meravigliose, tali che io stesso non ho mai fatte n ho sentito fare da altri.17 Questi cattivi medici spostano lattenzione dal problema reale, annunciando per esempio ad un paziente che non sembra in grado di sopravvivere, che riacquister

13 Lavori di riferimento principali: Diller (1932) 106123; Di Benedetto (1986) 97125; Manetti (1987) 5779; Langholf (1990) 232257 e (1997) 912921; Perilli (1991) 153179 e (1994) 5997; Sebeock (19992000) 3760: 4652. 14 Cfr. per la medicina galenica le interessanti osservazioni di FortunaOrilia (2001) 110121 e specicamente sul metodo diagnostico di Galeno, Fortuna (2001) 284304: 295 ss. 15 Anche la lingua nella parte iniziale ricercata e possiamo individuare termini rari. 16 Cfr. le relazioni di Tim Stover, Rhetoric and discursive technique in the Hippocratic treatise Prorrhetic 2 (in questo volume, pp. 345361) e Nancy Demand, Hippocratic Doctors and Non-compliant Patients, presentate in questo convegno. 17 Cap. 1 (p. 218, 14 Potter; 9.6 L.).

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la salute, ma le dita dei piedi si anneriranno e andranno in cancrena oppure un altro tipo di previsione consiste nel vaticinare ( prophtizein)18 riguardo alle malattie e ai tempi passati senza mai commettere errori. Il giusto metodo per elaborare la prognosi viene esposto allinizio del cap. 2: Io invece non far divinazioni di questo genere (manteusomai ),19 ma scrivo i segni attraverso i quali si deve congetturare (tekmairesthai )20 tra i malati quali guariranno e quali moriranno e quali moriranno in un tempo breve o lungo.21 Si contrappone linferenza logica basata sui segni allinferenza divinatoria basata pure sul segno, ma su un segno ambiguo,22 non caratterizzato come quello medico dallunivocit di signicato (cfr. Prog. cap. 25); i segni divinatori sono segni deboli, quelli della medicina sono segni forti, che possono trasformarsi in prove.23 Pi avanti si sottolinea che chi voglia fare con successo le sue previsioni deve farlo dopo aver osservato attentamente tutti i particolari e ricordando di essere prudenti.
Io consiglio symbouleu,24 di essere il pi possibile accorti non solo nella medicina in generale, ma anche nelle previsioni di questo genere, tenendo presente che se uno fa una esatta previsione sar ammirato dal paziente che sta curando, ma se sbaglia, non solo sar odiato, ma

18 Unica occorrenza nel CH (p. 218, 18 Potter; 9.6 L.); sul signicato ironico delle formazioni verbali in zv, cfr. Garcia Novo (1995) 548; il verbo nella forma usuale, prophteu compare usato sempre ironicamente in Galeno, in Hipp. de nat. hom. (15.172 K.) contro medici ciarlatani, mentre il sostantivo usato per deridere medici saccenti in Hipp. Prorrh. 1, 3.18 (16.761 K.) e sapienti in genere (in Hipp. 3 Epid. 17A. 568 K.). 19 Il verbo ha naturalmente un uso marginale allinterno del CH; compare qui e in Epist. 27 (p. 112, 26 Smith; 9.410 L.) e nella forma composta con kata- in Art. 9 (p. 218, 14 Whitington; 4.100 L.) e Epist. 20 (p. 96.22 Smith; 9.386 L.). In Art. usato con il senso di fare aermazioni senza fondamento. 20 Siamo nella linea di pensiero scientico inaugurata da Alcmeone di Crotone, il tekmairesthai il tipo di indagine concessa agli uomini, mentre la saphneia appartiene solo agli dei (DK 24 B 1). 21 Cap. 2 (p. 220,711 Potter; cap. 1, 9.8 L.). Il passo famoso; citato da Galeno nel De praenot. ad Posth. 4 (14.620 K.) (CMG V 8,1), 8890 dove peraltro nega allopera la paternit ippocratica. 22 Cfr. allinterno del CH lanalogo atteggiamento in Acut. 8 (p. 39,820 Joly; 2.240242 L.). 23 Cfr. Manetti (1994) 2327. 24 Il verbo poco utilizzato nel CH; lo troviamo oltre che in questo passo, in A. 6 (p. 14,13 Potter; 6.214 L.), Fract. 16 (p. 136,23 Whitington; 3.474 L.) e Vict. 4.88 (p. 99,9 Joly; 6.644 L.). Cfr. lIndex Hippocraticus, s.v. ed il TLG in versione computerizzata. Questi strumenti sono stati utilizzati per vericare le varie occorrenze.

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dar limpressione di essere folle. Perci io consiglio keleu di fare le previsioni e tutto il resto con prudenza.25

Il metodo ribadito anche nel cap. 3 dove lautore discute la presunta precisa conoscenza da parte di alcuni medici sugli esercizi e le fatiche siche e dichiara di non poter impedire che qualcuno ci creda, perch le supposizioni (hyponomata)26 non sono sottoponibili a verica, in quanto non sono intaccate da nessun segno, n buono n cattivo. Le supposizioni non devono dunque avere parte nellarte medica perch non sono frutto di vera indagine; la sua linea di comportamento ancora una volta chiara:
anzitutto conoscendo questo bisogna fare linferenza sulla base dei segni, poi fare le previsioni in maniera dubitativa (endoiasts)27 e nei limiti della conoscenza umana (anthrpins)28e contemporaneamente pensare che le persone che riferiscono un fatto, presentano le cose in maniera pi straordinaria di quanto sia accaduto.29

Al cap. 7 troviamo una sintesi di tutto il sistema: dopo aver considerato comparativamente tutti i segni, nei casi di suppurazione e consunzione bisogna predire chi sopravviver e chi morir.30 Sono quindi presenti nellopera le parole chiave della costellazione semiotica inferenziale; vediamo ora lapplicazione pratica di questa teoria. Nei testi ippocratici lo schema inferenziale se p allora q, di cui si gi detto sopra, costituisce spesso il meccanismo congetturale che permette al medico, prima di conoscere, e poi procedere alla prognosi o a ci che necessario. La prima parte introdotta da se (protasi) costante e ci riporta i dati dellosservazione, la seconda (apodosi) pu variare, di solito contiene una prognosi, ma talvolta anche diagnosi o terapia e pu essere pi o meno articolata. Lo schema tipo ad es. al cap. 15 del Prorrh. 2: Questi sono i segni: se il pus si forma nellarticolazione, questa necessariamente divenCap. 2 (p. 222, 1622 Potter; 9.10 L.). Hapax nel CH; (p. 224, 2 Potter; 9.10 L.). 27 Due occorrenze nel CH, Prorrh. 2, 3 (p. 224, 8; 9.10 L.) ed Epid. 1.1.2 (p. 148,14 Jones; 2.224 L.). 28 Lavverbio ricorre nel CH in Prorrh. 2, 2 al comparativo (p. 220, 19 Potter; 9.8 L.) e nel cap. 3 (p. 224,9 Potter; 9.10 L.); e Coac. 118 (5. 608 L.). Lautore ben consapevole in assoluto dei limiti dellarte medica, poich non sempre la techn umana pu guarire, come dice nel cap. 8 a proposito dei pazienti anziani e gottosi che conducono una vita sedentaria. Aermazioni simili al cap. 19: n il tempo n larte in alcuni casi possono restituire la vista, cfr. von Staden (1990) 8597. 29 Cap. 3 (p. 224, 710 Potter; 9.10 L.). 30 Cap. 7 (p. 240, 1618 Potter; 9.26 L.).
26 25

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Questi modelli espositivi molto vari e articolati in capitoli abbastanza lunghi e discorsivi, diventano invece regolari e stringati in Coac., che sono un vero e proprio prontuario prognostico organizzato in modo che la lettura possa essere cominciata in ogni punto senza conoscenza del contesto e tuttavia rimanendone allinterno. Siamo cio di fronte ad unopera aforistica che consiste di 640 sentenze molto brevi, in media di 13 righe (la pi lunga di 9 righe nelled. di Littr),69 che dal punto di vista stilistico presenta tre caratteristiche fondamentali: 1 2 3 Espressioni brachilogiche Struttura asindetica Mancanza o minimo signicato di una macrostruttura del testo.70

Questa secchezza espressiva non impedisce il raggiungimento dello scopo dellopera, che quello di costituire un ampio manuale di consultazione sulla prognosi a cui durante la sua attivit il medico possa riferirsi per inquadrare determinati sintomi. Siamo ormai negli ultimi decenni del IV a. C., in una fase della scienza greca che rielabora e raggruppa in nuovo modo testi letterariamente compiuti; lo stile aforistico71 diventa un mezzo di condensazione e concentrazione che rende pi facile e certo pi veloce il ricorso ad un trattato che aiutava il medico antico in un campo, come pi volte si sottolineato, molto importante per la sua fama. Come notava gi il Littr72 esistono vistosi punti di contatto con Progn., Prorrh. 1 e Aph.; in particolare interessante un gruppo di sentenze (482487)73 che si presenta come un prontuario dedicato a sintomi selezionati, che possono essere segni da osservare in prima istanza, derivati dal Progn. Si vedano ad es. 482, 483, 484, sulla

69 Cfr. Littr, vol. V, 1846 (1978) e le osservazioni di J. Altho (1999) 52. Su Coac. esiste la dissertazione dattiloscritta del 1959 di O. Pppel e si attende led. di Langholf, cfr. 52 nota 49. 70 Cfr. J. Altho (1999) 37. 71 Sulla presenza di diversi generi letterari nel CH, cfr. Wittern (1998) 1763. 72 Cfr. anche Jones (1923) XXII, che conclude che il Prorrh. 1 era il testo pi antico, circa 440 a.C. e Coac. il pi recente, 410 a.C.; sullargomento cfr. le osservazioni di Jouanna (1992) 554555: lopera ha come sue fonti principali, Progn., Prorrh.1, Aph.; non nella lista di Erotiano, ma citata due volte nel Glossarium di Galeno. 73 Indicati come paragrafo XXVII nelled. Littr, 5. 692694.

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temperatura delle parti del corpo, sulla facilit di movimenti, sullannerimento delle dita che sono una suddivisione in tre parti del cap. 9; 487 riunisce parti del cap. 3 sulla posizione del malato, che deve essere il pi possibile simile a quella dei sani e del cap. 10, sul sonno e linsonnia. Questi interventi sembrano nalizzati a rendere pi rapida la consultazione.74 Se esaminiamo il gruppo di aforismi dal 224 al 229 dedicato ai segni sulla lingua75 constatiamo che la lunghezza oscilla fra le tre e le quattro righe, tranne lultimo, che del tipo pi sintetico possibile. Lingua ispida, disseccata, segno di frenite76 due aggettivi al nominativo fanno conoscere il sintomo, un terzo aggettivo ha valore prognostico, la struttura sintattica ridotta al minimo (cfr. la frase identica in Prorrh. 1, 3).77 Negli altri casi la prognosi espressa con laggettivo con valore prognostico thanasimon e kakon (224 e 227), con smeion + genitivo (225 e 227), con il verbo smainein 225, 226, 228. Il 225 pi articolato, perch d indicazioni temporali sulla base dellintensit del segno: La lingua coperta alla biforcazione di una specie di saliva bianca segno smeion di allentamento della febbre, se la copertura spessa, per quel giorno stesso, se pi sottile per il giorno successivo, se ancora pi sottile per il terzo giorno; il medesimo inspessimento sulla punta della lingua, indica smainei la stessa cosa con minor forza. Nel primo caso usato il sostantivo, nel secondo il verbo con una piccola variatio. Da segnalare al 226 lavverbio asms dallaggettivo asmos non contraddistinto da segni individuali, senza segni indicanti crisi;78 anche lassenza va valutata.

74 Lopera, che segue lordine a capite ad calcem in alcune delle sue parti (155319 e 357465), nelledizione di Littr divisa in sette sezioni e trentacinque paragra, in realt dal punto di vista contenutistico questa suddivisione si pu limitare a quattro grandi blocchi, cfr. Jouanna (1992) 555. 75 La lingua era un organo facilmente visibile, ma anche interno al corpo, quindi costituiva un punto di osservazione importante; 5. 634 L. 76 Caso analogo con aggettivo indicante la malattia il 239 (9.636 L.): Sputo frequente, soprattutto se vi si aggiunge qualche altro segno, preannuncia la frenite; stesso testo di Prorrh. 1, 6. 77 Nel paragrafo XII sulla voce ci sono altri aforismi presenti anche nel Prorrh. 1; ad es. 244 la perdita della voce in seguito a una soerenza indica una brutta morte (cfr. Prorrh. 1, 55). 78 Usato in Epid. 13 per indicare la scomparsa di malattie senza sintomi indicanti una crisi, cfr. Berrettoni (1970), p. 240; allinterno di Coac. in 226, 366, 364, 367, 369.

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Questi esempi, che si possono moltiplicare, mostrano chiaramente le formule stereotipe dellaforisma prognostico. La forma espositiva pi semplice quella con smeion: Brividi e dispnea sono segni di consunzione; dolori ai lombi sono segno di emorragia alle emorroidi (17); Torpori e insensibilit sono segno di imminente paralisi (466);79 o in alternativa con smainei: I lividi che sopravvengono durante una febbre indicano una morte rapida (66); Lurina acquosa indica le stesse cose se sono presenti i (sintomi) suddetti (86); sonni profondi indicano una crisi sicura (147).80 Spesso come abbiamo visto nei passi gi esaminati, la prognosi espressa da un aggettivo. In qualche caso lapodosi precede la protasi,81 mettendo in prima linea lesito della malattia: Si muore a causa delle ferite, se si colpiti al cervello . . . si muore, se ci sono grosse ferite al polmone . . . (499);82 in ogni caso lesposizione sempre secca e stringata. Alla ne di questo percorso, partito dal testo che d la prima elaborazione teorica sul modo di elaborare la prognosi, il Progn., e dallaltro testo teorico che vuole aermare la superiorit di questo tipo di procedimento, il Prorrh. 2, si arriva con il progressivo ridursi della variet espositiva allorganizzazione aforistica di Coac. Il smainein del dio di Del83 ha perso la sua ambiguit ed diventato il fondamento di un manuale di consultazione. Bibliografia
Alexanderson, B. (1963), Die Hippokratische schrift Prognostikon, berlieferung und Text, Gteborg. Altho, J. (1998), Die aphoristisch stilisierten Schriften des Corpus Hippocraticum, in W. Kullmann, J. Altho, M. Asper (eds.), Gattungen wissenschaftlicher Literatur in der Antike, (ScriptOralia 95, Reihe A, B. 22), Tbingen, 3763. Berrettoni, P. (1970), Il lessico tecnico del I e III libro delle Epidemie ippocratiche, Annali Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa 39, 290311. Di Benedetto, V. (1986), Il medico e la malattia, La scienza di Ippocrate, Torino.

Coac. 5. 590 e 688 L. Coac. 5. 598; 602; 614 L. 81 Lo schema rovesciato q se p non frequente. 82 Le ferite non sono una causa preferenziale di morte, ma qui lautore sta segnalando quali sono le parti del corpo dove pi facilmente le ferite causano la morte, seguendo una scala di pericolosit discendente (5.698 L.). 83 Eraclito DK 22 B 93.
80

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. (1966) Tendenza e probabilit nellantica medicina greca, Critica storica 5, 315368. Diller, H. (1932), Opsis adln ta phainomena, Hermes 67, 1442. Fausti, D. (2002), Malattia e normalit. Il medico ippocratico e linferenza dai segni non verbali, in A. Thivel A. Zucker (eds.), Le normal et le pathologique dans la Collection hippocratique, Actes du Xme colloque international hippocratique, Nice 1999, Nice, 22924. Fortuna, S., Orilia, F. (2001), Diagnosi, abduzione e metafora del testo, in G. Galli (ed.), Interpretazione e diagnosi. Scienze umane e medicina, Atti del XX colloquio sullinterpretazione, Macerata 2000, Pisa-Roma, 101121. Fortuna, S. (2001), Il metodo della diagnosi in Galeno (De locis aectis, VIII 1145 K.), Elenchos 22, 281304. Garcia Novo, E. (1995), Structure and style in the Hippocratic treatise Prorrheticon 2, in: P.J. van der Eijk, H.F.J. Horstmansho, P.H. Schrijvers (eds.), Ancient Medicine in its Socio-Cultural Context, Papers read at the Congress at Leiden University, 1992, Amsterdam, 537554. Grmek, M.D. (1985), Le malattie allalba della civilt occidentale, Bologna (tr. it.). Jones, W.H.S. (1923), Hippocrates, LCL, 2, London. Jouanna, J. (1974), Hippocrate. Pour une archologie de lcole de Cnide, Paris. . (1983), Hippocrate, Maladies II, Paris, CUF X, 2. . (1992), Hippocrate, Paris. . Magdelaine, C. (1999), LArt de la mdecine, Paris. Khn, J.H., Fleischer, U. (1989), Index Hippocraticus, Gttingen. Langholf, V. (1983), Symptombeschreibungen in Epidemien I und III und die Struktur des Prognostikon, in F. Lasserre Ph. Mudry (eds.), Formes de pense dans la Collection hippocratique, Lausanne 1981, Genve, 109120. . (1990), Medical theories in Hippocrates early texts and the Epidemics, Berlin-New York. . (1997), Zeichenkonzeptionen in der Medizin der griechischen und rmischen Antike, in R. Posner, K. Robering, T.A. Sebeok (eds.), Semiotik/Semiotics, Ein Handbuch zu den zeichentheoretishen Grundlagen von Natur und Kultur, Berlin-New York, 1, 912921. Littr, . (18391861), uvres compltes dHippocrate, Paris (Amsterdam, 19731978 rist. an.). Manetti, G. (1987), Le teorie del segno nellantichit classica, Milano, (trad. ingl., Theories of the Sign in Classical Antiquity, Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1993). . (1994), Indizi e prove nella cultura greca. Forza epistemica e criteri di validit dellinferenza semiotica, Quaderni storici, NS 85, 1942. Marcovecchio, E. (1993), Dizionario etimologico storico dei termini medici, Firenze. Nachmanson, E. (1918), Erotiani vocum Hippocraticarum collectio, Gteborg. Peirce, Ch.S. (1931), Semiotica. Testi scelti introdotti e tradotti da M. Bonfantini, L. Grassi, R. Grazia, Einaudi, Torino 1980 (trad. di Collected Papers, Cambrigde, MA). Perilli, L. (1991), Il lessico intellettuale di Ippocrate. smainein e tekmairesthai, in Lexicon Philosophicum 5, 153180. . (1994), Il lessico intellettuale di Ippocrate. Lestrapolazione logica, Aevum antiquum, 5999. Potter, P. (1988), Hippocrates, LCL, 56, London. . (1995), Hippocrates, LCL, 8, London. Roselli, A. (1990), On symptoms of diseases; some remarks about the account of symptoms in Diseases II and Internal Aections, in P. Potter, G. Maloney, J. Desautel (eds.), La maladies et les maladies dans la collection hippocratique, VIme Colloque Qubec, 1987, Qubec, 159170.

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Sebeok, T.A. (19992000), Sintomo, Symbolon 78, 3760. Sierra de Grado, C. (2002), La composicin del tratado Prorrheticon II, in A. Thivel A. Zucker (eds.), Le normal et le pathologique dans la Collection hippocratique. Actes du Xme colloque international hippocratique, Nice 1999, Nice, 591610. Smith, W.D. (1990), Hippocrates. Pseudepigraphic Writings, Leiden. Vegetti, M. (1996), Iatromantis. Previsione e memoria nella Grecia antica, in M. Bettini (ed.), I signori della memoria e delloblio, Firenze, 6581. Velardi, R. (2001), Retorica, losoa, letteratura, Atti Istituto Orientale Napoli, Quaderni 6. von Staden, H. (1992), Lexicography in the third Century BC: Bacchius of Tanagra, Erotian, and Hippocrates, in J.A. Lpez Frez (ed.), Tratados Hipocrticos, Actas del VIIe Colloque International Hippocratique, Madrid 1990, Madrid, 549569 . (1990), Incurability and hopelessness: the Hippocratic Corpus, in P. Potter, G. Maloney, J. Desautel (eds.), La maladies et les maladies dans la collection hippocratique, VIe Colloque Qubec, 1987, Qubec, 75112. . (2002), w p t pol. Hippocrates between generalization and individualization, in A. Thivel A. Zucker (eds.), Le normal et le pathologique dans la Collection hippocratique, Actes du Xme colloque international hippocratique, Nice 1999, Nice, 2343. Withington, E.T. (1928), Hippocrates, LCL, 3, London. Wittern, R. (1998), Gattungen im Corpus Hippocraticum in W. Kullmann, J. Altho, M. Asper (eds.), Gattungen wissenschaftlicher Literatur in der Antike, (ScriptOralia 95, Reihe A, B. 22), Tbingen, 1763.

PART TWO

THE SOCIAL CONTEXT OF HIPPOCRATIC MEDICINE

THE SOCIAL AND INTELLECTUAL CONTEXT OF REGIMEN II John Wilkins

Summary This paper addresses two questions, what is the social/historical context of Regimen II and how has the author organised his data? It establishes a framework for interrogating the Hippocratic text that is based on Galens use of case studies across a wide social range, on his commentary on Hippocrates, Diocles, Mnesitheus and Praxagoras, and on his approach to terminology, denition and classication. The conclusion is that the Hippocratic text established its data successfully (to judge by Galens criteria) before Aristotle and Theophrastus, but that the text was too laconic to be widely used. Hence Galens new treatise rather than commentary on his Hippocratic predecessor.

Regimen II with its sister treatises Regimen I and III occupies a fascinating position in the intellectual history of late fth and early fourth century Greece. Regimen I introduces re and water as the constituents of the natural order, the rst the dynamic force, the second the nutritive, and places human beings within that order, with some consideration of gender and human reproduction. This book is strongly inuenced by Presocratic thought. In Regimen II, two introductory sections on the winds (3738), which show that extreme winds from the north and the south can damage the civilised settled zone, the oikoumene, where human beings live, are followed by a catalogue of foods that lists many items of the Greek diet and attributes qualities to them. These qualities include sweetness, fat and saltiness, and in particular the dunamis (the power or potential) of a food (39). Regimen III develops the daily and annual regime within which the food will be consumed, and corresponds to the areas of diet that Diocles of Carystus and Galen later entitled Hugiena: there is much comment on a persons daily regime, bathing and exercise. It is in Regimen III that the author comes closest to Platos criticisms of Herodicus of Selymbria as an example of those who give too much

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attention to their physical health, at the expense of more important spiritual and intellectual considerations (Republic 405c406c). I mention this since some, such as Ludwig Edelstein, have viewed ancient dietetics as a plaything of the idle rich. Regimen IV concerns dreams and their links with food and diet, but that treatise will not be discussed here. Questions of diet were a rich area for discussion at the end of the fth century BC. Plato in a number of dialogues approaches problems of provision, luxury, sacrice, the citys relationship to the countryside, and the relationship between body and soul. Plato also mentions in Gorgias the cookery book of Mithaecus, which may herald new developments in cooking. Such developments were also reviewed on the comic stage where all social and cultural aspects of food and eating were a major preoccupation (see Wilkins 2000). Food too was a concern in ocial inscriptions and historical and other treatises since it lay at the heart of a citys ability to maintain vital systems among its population, both in sustaining life and in maintaining festivals and sacrices to its patron gods. The Hippocratic text has an interesting relationship with these other texts. It shares with comedy the desire to name and list a large number of foods; it has a limited interest in social eatingsocial class is considered below, while the number of meals eaten every day is a concern in Regimen III. It also shares with Plato (for example in his Timaeus) a desire to place eating within a cosmic overview. At the same time, the Hippocratic text takes a non-ideological approach to such luxurious items as cooks, sh-heads and pigs feet (see Wilkins 2000).1 Within the Hippocratic corpus, Regimen II is related to the geographical and climatic interests of Airs, Waters, Places and to the developmental approach to civilisation of Ancient Medicine. Cooking is part of the processing of foods that both distinguishes developed human societies from their early and vulnerable antecedents and breaks down dangerous raw qualities in foods into forms that the human body can tolerate (Regimen II.56, Ancient Medicine 3). Also of interest are Nutriment, Humours, Nature of Man and Epidemics. The place of Regimen II in its philosophical context has been fully discussed by Fredrich, Joly (1960) and others, and is summarised in Joly and Byl (1984) 2534. There are echoes of Heraclitus, Empedocles, Pythagoras, Anaxagoras, Hippon and the Sophists, which are syn1

On the ancient diet in general see Garnsey (1999) and Dalby (1995).

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thesised in a complex and sometimes confusing form. My aim in this chapter is to examine Regimen II in a dierent context from the one pursued in these studies, namely, in the light of Diocles Matters of Health (Hugieina) to Pleistarchus and On Vegetables and of Galens On the Powers of Foods and On the Thinning Diet, to establish its sophistication in the light of later developments in diet and nutrition. Galen makes a number of revealing comments on Regimen IIII.2 By the second century AD, there were doubts over authorship; an edition of Regimen II (perhaps with III ) circulated as a book in addition to IIII combined. In Galens view, furthermore, Regimen I does not reect the thought of Hippocrates. It is not clear what he means by this. Perhaps he means the philosophical expression of the duality of re and water, but if that is the case he appears to be content at least with the way in which that duality informs Regimen II. In Galens own version of Regimen II, On the Powers of Foods, at least, diet and nutrition are declared to be the most useful of the medical arts (1.1.1). The author of Regimen II is working within an established dietary tradition: he sets out to correct the errors of predecessors who have spoken (perhaps written, 39) on the subject and have attempted to attribute a particular quality or dunamis to a particular food. These simple assessments do not work, he claims. Something that is sweet may bind or relax the stomach, may dry it or moisten it. Hence the need for a full catalogue of foods, each with its particular range of properties and qualities set out. Both Diocles and Galen address exactly the same problem. Galen (On the Powers of Foods 1.1.4) quotes Diocles comment in Health to Pleistarchus (fr. 176 van der Eijk),
those then who suppose that substances that have similar avours or smells or degrees of hotness or some other quality of this kind all have the same powers, are mistaken; for it can be shown that from substances that are similar in these respects, many dissimilar eects result (trans. van der Eijk).

Galens methodology, which is based on the same idea, has a clearly expressed aim (1.1.4445):
Generally speaking, one cannot properly test anything empirically without rst accurately working out, by reasoning, the disposition to which
2 On the Powers of Foods 1.1.356 = CMG V 4,2 212.12213.10; cf Joly and Byl (1984) 21.

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he is applying what is being tested. . . . Since without knowing precisely the properties of the materials we use it is impossible to help those in need of them, it is necessary here to discuss the properties in foodstus. . . . Knowledge of them is achieved with diculty by a dening test3 over a long time, and from the nature of the odours and avours which the foods being tested appear to have; and as well from the consistency they have acquired in respect of viscidity, friability or loose texture; and solidity, lightness or heaviness. All these contribute to their elucidation so that, if on arrival in a foreign country, you were to see some food you have never seen before, you will have a signicant starting point towards knowledge of its property. (trans. Powell)

The choice of foods in all three authors is revealing, given that certain items are chosen and certain excluded. Galen, even though he has a much larger number of items than our Hippocratic author, has just declared that his methodology should allow a doctor to identify something he has never met before. This seems to be a methodology that can be universally applied. Why then the need to list particular foods? I presume that a certain range of foods is required, so that further new items can be included within certain sub categories, as they are discovered. For cereals, the Hippocratic text (423) mentions barley, wheat, a form of primitive wheat,4 oats and millet. There are many beans and pulses. Animals are listed in the order cattle, goat, pig, sheep, ass, horse, dog, wild boar, deer, hare, fox and hedgehog. Birds named are doves, partridges, pigeons, cocks, turtledoves, geese and ducks and marsh-fowl. Fish are: the scorpion sh, a number of bream, at sh such as the torpedo and turbot, octopus and cuttlesh, a number of shell sh, and pickled sh. Eggs, cheese, honey and wine are listed; then vegetables (which include many herbs) and fruit. In the categories, there is a strong interest in moisture and dryness and heating and cooling, which appears to tie in with the elements singled out in Regimen I. Thus, for example, the headline quality for both birds and sh is dryness, while wild animals are drier than their domestic equivalents (49).
3 For the dirismen peira see van der Eijk (1997). The dening test is presented as Galens contribution, but it not absolutely clear what that means, and how it is better than Diocles method. Both are much more experiment based, apparently, than the Hippocratic author. 4 Joly and Byl (1984) read otruge, a correction by Wilamowitz of strugis in M. This is preferable to the alternative reading tiphe zeia which Jones accepts since Galen explicitly says (1.13) that zeia is not mentioned in Regimen II.

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Why are vegetables and fruit left until the end? The answer may not be that they are less regarded. Regimen III makes it clear that vegetables are a suitable food in summer and not in winter (because they are moist). If they are least regarded, Diocles appears to have redressed the balance with a monograph devoted to vegetables. The order of the foods is not the same as in Galen, who claims that cereals and pulses, other plants and then foods derived from animals had by his time become the standard order. Too little survives of Diocles Matters of Health to Pleistarchus to determine the order there. Also, by Galens day, wheat had become the most important cereal in dietary texts. For our author, barley comes rst, as do cattle rather than pork among animal products. These choices seem to reect the dietary balance of the period as far as barley is concerned, inuenced possibly by the religious importance of barley and cattle (the latter is not likely to have been the most heavily consumed meat). It appears that the foods listed in Regimen II extend beyond the standard human diet. Galen, for example, dismisses those who eat dogs, and is scornful of horse- and camel-eating peoples. The animals listed suggest that the range of the diet is both that consumed by a healthy person and those with special qualities which doctors prescribed to the sick. Horses and dogs, then, we assume, were not part of the normal, healthy diet, but might be prescribed for those with special dietary needs. Such a division was probably made by Diphilus of Siphnos in his Food for the Sick and for the Healthy, which dates to the third century BC, if Athenaeus correctly links him with the court of Lysimachus (Deipnosophistae 2.51a). Foods were also divided by Galen into foods for his treatise On the Powers of Foods and drugs for his treatises on more powerful or unusual items of diet (such as On the Mixtures and Powers of Simple Drugs), which were only to be taken in the case of humoral and other imbalances. Galen also addresses the diet as it was consumed in Asia Minor, Greece and Italy, with comments on foods at the margin of the diet; the Hippocratic author appears not to be concerned to place his foods explicitly within the civilised order. Nor does the Hippocratic author appear to be concerned by specic location. Geography plays a large part, but only as regards climate, season and the wetness or dryness of a place (56). The diet is placed within the natural rather than the polis-centred world, especially so if we read Regimen II in the light of Regimen I. Wines are thus identied

141

sphere. The dedications, the anatomical ex-votos and the reliefs46 depicting families in front of the hero or single patients cured by him, display an individual or, at most, a familiar dimension. Even if the same illness may aect many individuals, each aicted individual is a unique, particular and specic case. Accordingly, the patient turns to the god in order to cure or treat himself or a member of his family, and not the entire community. Illness or disease ceased to be regarded as the result of collective impiety, and the ill were consequently no longer seen as having oended the gods but rather as suering from a particular and personal complaint that has to be cured through particular and specic treatments. This allows us to state that the parallel spread of Hippocratic medicine and rise of the healing heroes is not at all contradictory. Any apparent contradiction recedes when we observe that, whereas the kathartai resorted to magical incantations, the priests of the healing heroes used practices similar to those of the Hippocratics. Temple Medicine and Hippocratic Medicine: a Comparison Though Hippocratic medicine and temple-medicine clearly remained separate entities, there were some distinct points of convergence between the two: both in terms of methodology and literally in the sense of the occasions of their encounters. The Methods Both physicians and priests seem to have used similar dietetic methods. We may consider the evidence of Pausanias,47 Philostratus48 and the lex sacra concerning the worshippers/patients at the Amphiaraium of Oropus.49 From these documents we learn that people who came to consult Amphiaraus had rst to pay a tax at the entrance gate,50 which they
46 For an accurate analysis of the dedications oered in the healing sanctuaries see van Straten (1995) passim. 47 Pausanias 1.34. 3. 48 Philostratus, The life of Apollonius of Tyana 2.37.90. 49 IG VII 325 = Sokolowski (1969) n. 69. 50 See Petropoulou (1981) 3963.

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had to deposit in the thsauros. After that, the worshipper/patient entered the sanctuary,51 and was submitted to the care of the priests, who prevented him from eating for one day or from drinking wine for three, so that he could receive the dream-like epiphany in a condition of extreme purity. He then had to pray and to sacrice to the god. The central element in this act was the sacrice of a ram, whose skin was used for the rite of the incubation: the worshipper/patient slept in the enkoimeterion, wound in the eece of this animal, waiting for the visit of the god in a dream. Once recovered, the patient/worshipper would leave an ex-voto in the sanctuary. These ritual abstentions recall the dietetic prescriptions recommended by the Hippocratics, as is demonstrated by reference to The Sacred Disease.52 Although the author of this treatise criticises the practitioners of irrational medicine, he has to concede53 that in addition to their purications and incantations, which rational medicine condemned, they prescribed dietary restrictions that rational medicine had to admit were sound. As Pigeaud54 has said, rational doctors can accept the regimen imposed by irrational ones; what they cannot accept is that the temple practitioners are not ready to take responsibility for their actions. If the worshippers/patients die, they could always say that it is the gods fault, whereas the medical doctors had to accept failure and responsibility. Furthermore, Hippocratic doctors did not condemn prayers to the gods per se. This point can be established on the basis of two passages of the Corpus Hippocraticum. In On the Sacred Disease, the author criticises the charlatans who believe in the divine origin of the epilepsy, reproaching them for purifying patients with blood as if they were criminals, whereas: They should have brought them to the sanctuaries, with sacrices and prayers, in supplication to the gods.55 We may also note a passage in Regimen 4:56

51 For an archaeological documentation of the entrance-tickets see Petrakos (1968) 126. 52 Hippocrates, The Sacred Disease (De morbo sacro) 2 (Loeb 2, 141142; 6.354356 L.). 53 Jouanna (1992) 265. 54 See Pigeaud (1996) 801802. 55 Hp., De morbo sacro 4, (Loeb II, 149; 6.362 L.). For a commentary on the passage see Jouanna (1992) 275276. 56 Hippocrates, Regimen 4 (De victu 4), 89 (Loeb 4, 437; 6.652,1921 L.).

the hippocratic impact on healing cults

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Precautions must be taken, with change of regimen and prayers to the gods; in the case of good signs, to the Sun, to Zeus Ouranios, to Zeus Ktesios, to Athena Ktesia, to Hermes, to Apollo; in the case of adverse signs, to the Averters of the Evil, to G and to the heroes, that all dangers may be averted.57

We may question why Asclepius is not included in this list. Surprisingly, he is also absent from another list, a Delphic oracle quoted by Demosthenes, dated not long before 348 BCE:
Concerning health, you have to sacrice and to pray To Zeus Hypatus, Heracles, Apollo Prostaterius.58

This is not the place to analyse these single deities59 in detail, but their well known connection with rites of purication, and with the protection of the city and of the individuals could possibly indicate that their area of action was more the prevention than the cure of disease. In fact, at the end of the above passage from Regimen 4 it is explicitly stated that all dangers may be averted (by prayers to the gods).60 Asclepius, then, may have been excluded in this list because he is responsible for curing rather than averting illness. The Meeting of Rational and Irrational Medicine: Medical Doctors in the Temples The puzzling attitude of medical doctors towards temple medicine may be claried by examining the inscriptions from the Athenian Asclepieum from the second half of the fourth century BCE onwards referring to iatroi. Inscriptions 7, 9, 10, 11, 12 and 13 (see table) are especially relevant to our second point: the physical meeting of physicians and

57 For other references to prayers in Hippocratic Corpus see Edelstein (1937) 239240; Jouanna (1989) 322. 58 Demosthenes, Against Meidias 52: per giaw yein te ka exesyai, Di pt, Hrakle, Apllvni prostathr. For an excellent commentary on this oracle see Verbanck-Pirard (2000) 289 f., who however do not mention the Hippocratic text. 59 Suce it to say that some of these deities are included in leges sacrae concerning the prothusi in the liturgical sacrice to Asclepius: the Sun with Apollo and Hermes is mentioned in the lex sacra IG IIIII2 4962 from Zea; Zeus in the valence of Apotropaios and Meilichios, together with G, appears in the lex sacra von der Hallenstrasse from Pergamum: Habicht (1969) 167190. For the problem of the prothusiai, preliminary sacrices in the rituals of the Asclepieia, see Petropoulou (1991). 60 See n. 55 above.

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priests inside the temple. Aleshire has noted the earliest dedication eected by a physician inside the Asclepieum.61 At line 116a of Inventory III (inscription N. 7), dated to 329/8 BCE, a physicians writing tablet is mentioned among the dedicated objects. Although only two dedicants62 have been incontrovertibly identied as physicians, the nature and the number of other dedications may suggest that their dedicants were doctors (Callimachus of Thymaitadai63 and Anticleides Cephisieus64 and Eucolus65 and Melon).66 As Aleshire has pointed out, the dedications of medical equipment, like cauterising implements,67 kulichnides,68 probes,69 and cupping instruments70 were made by doctors: either at the time of retirement or as a thanks oering for a successful treatment.71 The fact that these physicians dedicated objects (as did their patients) inside the sanctuary demonstrates that even medical doctors were worshippers of Asclepius: which is perhaps not surprising given that the god was their ocial patron. IG II2 483 (N. 9) is also signicant: it is a polis decree in honour of Pheidias son of Apollonius of Rhodes, public physician, dated to 304/3 BCE, which was to have been set up in the Asclepieum. This inscription allows us to note an ocial bond between the physicians and the sanctuary through the medium of the city. We also know of the existence of an honorary statue erected in the Asclepieum (N. 7): the statue of Polycritus72 which could have been a representation, according to Aleshire,73 of Polycritus of Mende, a physician of the early 4th c. BCE. The most signicant decree is IG II2 772 (N. 12), dated to 252/1 BCE, which states that public physicians sacriced
See Aleshire (1989) 126165, Inv. III. 117. See Aleshire (1989) 231 and 282. Inv. IV. 67 and V. 78. (table n. 11 and 13). See also table n. 10. 63 See Aleshire (1989) 235: commentary on IV. 84: Callimachus dedicates a kauterion (table n. 11). 64 See Aleshire (1989) 332: commentary on Inv. V. 155: Anticleides dedicates a kylichnis and mele (table n. 13). 65 See Aleshire (1989) 290: Inv. V. 161 (table n. 13). 66 See Aleshire (1989) 280 and 328: Inv. V. 125 (table n. 13) 67 See Aleshire (1989) 235: Inv. IV. 84 a (table n. 11). 68 See Aleshire (1989) 332: Inv. V. 155 c (table n. 13). For the meaning of the word, see Milne (1939), 247254. 69 See Aleshire (1989) 290: Inv. V. 161 c (table n. 13). 70 See Aleshire (1989) 138: Inv. III. 34 a (table n. 7). 71 See Aleshire (1989) 94. 72 On Polycritus see Hofstetter (1978) 157 n. 272, with an earlier bibliography. 73 See Aleshire (1989) 156, commentary of Inv. III. 27.
62 61

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twice yearly to Asclepius and Hygieia on behalf of themselves and the patients they had healed: again, we can note a peaceful coexistence of Hippocratic doctors and temple-priests. Although we cannot determine any medical co-operation between doctors and the priests of Asclepius, we can at least state that medical doctors and priests met each other in sanctuaries. This does not mean, of course, that rational medicine was practised inside the temples, but it indicates two things: that medical doctors respected Asclepius among the healing deities; and that, on the other hand, rational medical practises may have been echoed in the temple healing practises, as a consequence of the intercourse of priests and medical doctors.74 The Crisis of Rational Medicine and the Return to the Temples We may now move to consider the following, nal, questions: why did Hippocratic medicine not eclipse temple-medicine? Were physicians involved with the religious method of healing disease? In order to answer the rst question we should try to consider both categories in their proper context, i.e. the city. From the inscriptions we learn clearly that rational medicine was available in Athens. Honorary decrees75 attest to the presence of foreign physicians76 who received citizenship or other honours for their services to the polis. The situation of medical doctors is better documented during the Roman period. From the late second century CE the ephebic catalogues include a physician.77 This means that the importance of physicians had increased up to the point that they became necessary gures within the ephebic contexts (gymnasia, palaestrae, fortresses) beside the paidotribai and the other traditional teachers. In addition, IG II2 3798 and IG II2 379978 dated to early 2nd CE are the clearest indication that physicians and priests worked side by
See Boudon (1994) 159 and 165. See table N. 2, 8, 9, 16, 18. 76 From cities including Argos Amphilochia (IG II2 374), Rhodes (IG II2 483), Pergamum (IG II2 946) and Sicyon (IG II2 9052). 77 See table N. 2430. 78 See table Nos. 18 and 19.
75 74

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side in the temple. The inscriptions honour respectively Sozon son of Ladicus of Sounion,79 physician and zachorus of Asclepius and Hygieia at the same time, and Asylus Steyrieus,80 physician and zachorus of Asclepius as well. The zachorate became a magistracy devoted (in part) to medical treatment for the suppliants at the sanctuary.81 Throughout the Roman period, too, temple medicine was clearly available if we consider the great number of sanctuaries still working in Athens and in Attica: the Asclepieum, the sanctuaries of Amphiaraus at Rhamnus and Oropus, the Athenian shrines of Pancrates and Amynus all have a Roman phase. Yet we may still question why it was that people chose temple medicine over rational medicine? Firstly, the force of these cults consists in the individual relationship between worshipper/patient and healing hero. The central moment of the cult was the (dream)epiphany. Even if the divine epiphany was provoked by wisely administered drugs, or by the intrigues of the priests, the dream established a direct contact between worshipper/patient and healing hero, the purpose of which was to cure the faithful. In particular, the temple physicians seem to ourish when rational medicine failed. The physicians themselves allow their patients to go to the temple:82 in the case of chronic diseases, of diseases stronger than the knowledge of the physicians, and, of course, in moments of serious danger, specically plagues and other epidemics. At these times people sought refuge in the religious, hoping for a miracle. Accordingly, it is during the periods of plagues and epidemics that we nd an increase of dedicatory inscriptions, as well as an amount of restoration work on the (above mentioned) sanctuaries themselves. Although we have only briey mentioned the Roman epoch, we should remember that the greatest revivals of healing cults are marked by the plagues which tormented the reigns of Marcus Aurelius83 and Gallienus.84 These times coincide with restoration works and peaks
See Aleshire (1989) 59 (table n. 18). See Aleshire (1989) 87 (table n. 19). 81 See Aleshire (1989) 87 . See also Samama (2003) 124 n. 50. 82 Diodorus Siculus, Fragments 30, 43; Pliny, Naturalis Historia 30.98; Plutarch, Concerning the face which appears in the orb of the Moon (De facie quae in orbe Lunae apparet) 920 b; Plu., Pericles 38. 83 See Duncan Jones (1996) 108136. 84 Historia Augusta 23, 5, 5: cum illa pestis inauditae luxuriae impediretur malis. Cyprian, Ad Demetrianum 3.
80 79

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in the dedications at the Amphiaraium of Oropus, and at the sanctuary of Asclepius. This lends support to the hypothesis of Edelstein,85 who regarded the treatments in the Asclepius temples not as alternative medicine, but as the extrema ratio in case of failure of rational medicine. It is in fact not surprising to nd revivals of healing cults even after centuries of Hippocratic practises because, as Parker said, temple medicine was, in fact, a secular medicine . . . but with an injection of supernatural power.86 Conclusions In conclusion, we have moved from the rst idea of illness, understood as pollution and treated through the purications of the kathartai, to consider the spread of Hippocratic theories and the parallel rise of temple medicine. We then examined, noting the obvious dierences, common points between Hippocratic doctors and temple-doctors. We also traced the parallel evolution of rational and irrational medicine, (noting the rise in Greek temple medicine at times of mass distress), and further noted that at a point in the Roman era they in fact work side by side in the temple. We may conclude by observing the closeness of the relation between rational and irrational medicine as it arises at the beginning of the Oath:
I swear by Apollo Physician and by Asclepius and by Hygieia and by Panacea and by all the gods and the goddesses . . .87

See Edelstein (1931) 257. Parker (1983) 249 n. 36. 87 Hp., The Oath (Loeb 1, 299; 4.628 L.). See the recent analysis by von Staden (1997) 157195 with discussion. He analyses also another passage of the Iusiurandum, when the doctor says And in a pure and holy way (gnw ka svw) I shall guard my life and my techn (Hp. Iusi. 4.630, 1011 L.). He interprets it as a reference to the divinely sanctioned sphere of action of the medical doctors, as well as the prayer at the end of the Oath.
86

148

Table: Inscriptions concerning medical doctors88 in Athens Provenance of Type of the document document Attica, without further specication Epitaph Disk of Parian marble unknown Description of the document Physicians citizenship Remarks The man honoured, Aineas, could be identied with the great-uncle of Hippocrates91

Doc. Date90 No.89

Publication

510/500 BCE circa

IG I3 1019 Samama (2003) no. 1 Athens, possibly from the southern slopes of the Acropolis Honorary decree Two fragments of a stele n/a

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446/5404/3 IG I3 164 BCE

The decree is extremely fragmentary and apart from attesting to the existence of public doctors at Athens in the fth c. provides no further information n/a At ll. 1619 some medical equipment mentioned

3 Piraeus Inventory and decree

Early 4th c. BCE

IG IIIII2 47 Samama no. 4

Slab of Pentelic marble

I have not considered the inscriptions mentioning midwives, maiai. See also Samama (2003) no. 8, 14, 15, 16, 20, 23. The consecutive listing of Documents Numbers is chronological, and since many of the inscriptions are dated only by century, the order of listening is frequently arbitrary. 90 In some instances the dating of the inscriptions is a matter of dispute. I have generally given the most recent view. 91 Phillips (1973) 184; Samama (2003) 109.

4
ma[xaraw] atrikw

374 BCE circa

IG II/III2 (ed. minor) 1425 A Once reemployed in the western part of the Parthenon Athens, Ceramicus Sepulchral Marble stele poem in with pediment honour of Aristocrates Catalogue of silver paterae Part of a fragmentary marble stele, Agora Inv. I 5656 Intact stele of white marble with slight bluish cast Fragmentary slab of Pentelic marble n/a n/a Son of a Cypriot (?) Aristocrates father could be a Cypriot from Salamis92 Line 11 mentions an anonymous doctor who lives in Colarge and who devotes a phiale Line 116 mentions a writing tablet for physician (?) Argos The physician Amphilochia Euenor, son of Euepius of Argos Amphilochia is also honoured in the decree IG II2 372, dated to 322/1 BCE Inventory of the quaestores of Athena Slab of Pentelic n/a marble The inventory, at line 275, mentions the ivory handle of a

4th c. BCE

SEG XXII. 196 Samama (2003) no. 3 Athens, Agora

330/22 BCE SEG XXV. 180 Samama (2003) no. 5

329/8 BCE

Aleshire 1989, Inventory III Athens, acropolis Proxeny decree

Athens, Asclepieum

Inventory

the hippocratic impact on healing cults

After 319/18 IG IIIII2 BCE 374 Samama (2003) no. 6

149

Kudien (1986), especially 138 with bibliography; Samama (2003) 111.

150

Table (cont.) Type of document Slab of Pentelic marble with pediment Rhodes Description of the document Physicians citizenship Remarks The decree for Pheidias, son of Apollonius of Rhodes, physician, must have been set in the Asclepieum Line 44 mentions a
daktliow dedicated

Doc. Date No.

Publication

Provenance of the document

304/3 BCE IG IIIII2 483 Samama (2003) no. 7

Athens, between Proxeny the theatre of decree Dionysus and the Herodium

276/5 BCE IG IIIII2 (?) 1534 Samama (2003) no. 10 Inventory Fragments of slabs of Imettian marble Inventory Large slab of very light blue marble, of which thirty-two fragments have been identied. On Face A the present inventory is inscribed, on Face B there is Inscr. N. 13

Athens, Southern slopes of the Acropolis

Athenian, from Melite

by Onetor, physician93 Athenian At line 67 is mentioned a doctor; at line 84 Callimachus from Thymaitadai, an Attic deme, dedicates a kauterion, a cauterising implement.

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274/3 BCE Aleshire 1989, Inventory IV

Athens, Asclepieum

The name Onetor has been rejected by Aleshire (1989) 231.

252/1 BCE (Samama: 270/69 BCE)

IG IIIII2 772 Samama (2003) no. 11 Slab of Pentelic marble with a pediment n/a It says that the public physicians have to sacrice twice per year to Asclepius and Hygieia for themselves and for the bodies of their patients Line 78 mentions Nicomachus iatros who devotes 20 drachmas Sotades Cretan, physician

Athens, between Public the theatre decree of Dionysus and the Herodium

244/3 BCE Aleshire 1989, Inventory V Samama (2003) no. 9 Epitaph Pedimental stele Crete

Athens, Asclepieum

Inventory

See description n. 11 (Face B)

Nicomachus is Athenian

the hippocratic impact on healing cults

Hellenistic

SEG XXIX. 227 Samama (2003) no. 13

Found at the intersection of Leophoros Vassilissis Sophias and Ods Panepistimiou, Athens Epitaph Stele of Hymettian marble, very damaged

Early 2nd c. BCE (Samama: middle 3rd c. BCE)

IG IIIII2 9052 Samama (2003) no. 12

Ceramicus, Athens

Sicyon

It belongs to the familys grave of Philon, son of Philokrates of Sycion, physician

151

152

Table (cont.) Type of document Honorary decree Pedimental slab of Hymettian marble Pergamum Description of the document Physicians citizenship Remarks The man honoured, Menandrus, is known as personal physician of Attalid king Eumenes II (Suidas, s.v. Leschides) Callis is a medical doctor from Miletus

Doc. Date No.

Publication

Provenance of the document

166/5 BCE

IG II/III2 946 (ed. minor)

Athens, Acropolis

Early 1st c. CE

IG IIIII2 9719 Grave-stele Slab of Pentelic marble with pediment and relief Honorary decree marble Acephalous Herm Sounion of Pentelic Miletus

Unknown

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119/120 CE Samama: 98/9103/4 BCE

IG II/III2 3798 Samama (2003) no. 17

Athens, Asclepieium

It honours Sozon, son of Ladicus of Sounion, physician and zachorus of Asclepius and Hygieia Steyria, Attic deme Asylus, son of Zenon (?) of Steyria, was physician and zachorus of Asclepius

128/9 CE

IG IIIII2 3799 Samama (2003) no. 18

Athens. Found near the Propylea, but likely from the Asclepieum

Honorary Base of Pentelic inscription marble on a base

2nd c. CE

IG II/III2 (ed. minor) 3808 Uncertain Fragment of Pentelic marble Stele of white Acharnai marble with relief representing a physician with a patient Kollytai Someone of the deme of Kollytai was a physician The physician is a son of Theomnestus of Acharnai Unknown The document mentions a physician named -en Votive stele

Athens, Asclepieum

Middle 2nd c. CE

IG II/III2 4513 Samama (2003) no. 19 Votive Part of an epiinscription? style of Pentelic marble

Athens

2nd c. CE

IG II/III2 7810 Samama (2003) no. 21 Gravestele Stele of Pentelic marble Athenian

Athens

Late 2nd c. CE (Samama: 1st2nd c. CE) Catalogue Fragment of of ephebes an Herm

IG II/III2 7752 Samama (2003) no. 16

Athens, Ceramicus

Dionysius, son of Eucarpus Phylasius, physician, bridegroom of Lyde, daughter of Soson of the Phalerus Athenian The physician Aurelius Artemisius is mentioned

the hippocratic impact on healing cults

230 CE ca.

IG IIIII2 2234 Samama (2003) 131 n. 70

Athens, near the church of S. Demetrius Catephoris

230 CE ca.

IG II/III2 (ed. minor) 2236

Athens

153

Catalogue Fragment of Athenian of ephebes slab of Pentelic marble, preserved only in the right side

The physician Aurelius Artemisius is mentioned

Table (cont.)

154

Doc. Date No. Slab of Pentelic marble Athenian Line 32 mentions the physician Aurelius Artemisius Aurelius Artemisius is mentioned

Publication

Provenance of Type of the document document

Description of the document

Physicians Remarks citizenship

230 CE ca.

IG II/III2 2237 Athens, near Catalogue the church of of ephebes S. Demetrius Catephoris Slab of Pentelic Athenian marble with pediment, composed by ten fragments, broken away at the right side Fragments of two slabs of Pentelic marble Athenian

After 243 CE

IG II/III2 2243 Athens, near Catalogue the church of of ephebes S. Demetrius Catephoris

maria elena gorrini

3rd c. CE

SEG XXXIX. 189 = IG II2 2235 Athens, near Catalogue the church of of ephebes S. Demetrius Catephoris Athens, Agora Catalogue of ephebes

Athens

Catalogue of ephebes

Aurelius Artemisius mentioned Hermogenes, physician, is named at line 38

Between IG II/III2 2245 262/3 and Samama 266/7 CE (2003) no. 24 (Samama: 255256 CE)

Slab of Pentelic Athenian marble with pediment, composed by many fragments Ten fragments Athenian of grey marble pertinent to a stele

263/4 or 267/8 CE

SEG XXXIII. 158 Samama (2003) no. 25

Physician Iulianus Agathopous

the hippocratic impact on healing cults Bibliography

155

Aleshire, S.B. (1989), The Athenian Asklepieion, Amsterdam. . (1991), Asklepios at Athens, Amsterdam. Bearzot, C. (1981), Problemi del conne attico-beotico: la rivendicazione tebana di Orops, in M. Sordi (ed.), Il conne nel mondo classico, Milan, 80100. Beschi, L. (196768), Il monumento di Telemaco fondatore dellAsklepieion ateniese, Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni Italiane in Oriente 56, 381463. Boudon, V. (1994), Le rle de leau dans les prescriptions mdicales dAsclpios chez Galien et Aelius Aristide, in: R. Ginouvs A. Gumier Sorbets J. Jouanna L. Villard, Leau, la sant et la maladie dans le monde grec, Actes du colloque de Paris 2527 novembre 1992, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellnique Suppl. 28, 157168. Brelich, A. (1958), Gli eroi greci. Un problema storico-religioso, Rome. Camerotto, A. (1998), Le metamorfosi della parola. Studi sulla parodia in Luciano di Samosata, Pisa-Rome. Clinton, K. (1994), The Epidauria and the Arrival of Asklepios in Athens in: R. Hgg (ed.), Ancient Greek Cult Practice from the Epigraphical Evidence. Proceedings of the 2nd International Seminar at the Swedish Institute at Athens, 2224 November 1991 (Stockholm 1994), 1734. Cohn-Haft, L. (1956), The Public Physicians of Ancient Greece, Northampton, Mass. Colli, G. (1978), La sapienza greca, vol. 2., Milan. Connolly, A. (1998), Was Sophokles heroised as Dexion?, The Journal of Hellenic Studies 118, 121. Croissant, F. (1990), LIMC V, 1, s.v. Hygiea, 554572. Dowden, K. (1989), Death and the Maiden, London New York. Duncan Jones, R.P. (1996), The impact of the Antonine plague, in: Journal of Roman Archaeology 9, 108136. Edelstein, L. (1931), Antike Diaetetik, Die Antike 7, 255270. . (1937), Greek medicine and its relation to religion and magic, Bulletin of the Institute of the History of Medicine 5, 201246. Edelstein, E.J. & L. (1945), Asclepius. A Collection and Interpretation of the Testimonies, Baltimore. Epimenide Cretese (2001), Quaderni del Dipartimento di Discipline Storiche E. Lepore, Universit Federico II, Napoli. Federico, E. (2001), La katharsis di Epimenide ad Atene, in: Epimenide Cretese (2001) 77128. Giuliani, A. (1999), Il sacrilegio ciloniano: tradizioni e cronologia, Aevum 73, 2143 Gorrini, M.E. Mel, M. (2002) Larchologie des cultes gurisseurs: quelques observations, Kernos 15, 247265. Gorrini a (2003), Toxaris jnow atrw, Athenaeum 2003, 435443. Gorrini b (forthcoming), Museo in Etruria, in: Acts of the International Congress held in Catania (2529 may 2001), Il Greco, il Barbaro e la Ceramica attica. Habicht, Ch. (1969), Die Inschriften des Asclepieums. Altertmer von Pergamon VIII 3, Berlin Hoessly, F. (2001), Katharsis. Reinigung als Heilverfahren, Zrich. Hofstetter, J. (1978), Die Griechen in Persien, Berlin. Horstmansho, H.F.J. (1989), De pijlen van de pest. Pestilenties in de Griekse wereld, 800400 v.C., Amsterdam. Hurwit, J.M. (1999), The Athenian Acropolis, Cambridge. Jost, M. (1992), La Lgende de Mlampous en Argolide et dans le Ploponnse, in: Polydipsion Argos, Bullettin de Correspondance Hellnique Suppl. 22, 173184. Jouanna, J. (1989), Hippocrate de Cos et le sacr, Journal des Savants, 322. . (1992), Hippocrate, Paris.

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. (1997), Il medico tra tempio, citt e scuola, in: S. Settis (ed.), I Greci. Storia Cultura Arte Societ. Vol. 2.II. Una storia greca. Denizione, Torino, 795815. Kearns, H. (1989), The Heroes of Attica, Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies Suppl. 57, London. Kudlien, F. (1986), berlegungen zu einer Sozialgeschichte des frhgriechischen Arztes, Hermes 1986, 129146. Lechat, H. (1899), Daremberg Saglio s.v. Hygiea, 321332. Leventi, I. (2003), Hygieia in Classical Greek Art, Athens. Lupi, M. (2001), Epimenide a Sparta. Note sulla tradizione, in: Epimenide Cretese 169191. Mc Kay, T.S. (1990), Major sanctuaries of Pamphylia and Cilicia, Aufstieg und Niedergang der rmischen Welt II, 18.3, 211316. Mele, A. (2001), Il corpus epimenideo, Epimenide Cretese, 2001, 227278. Milne, M.J. (1939), Kylichnis, American Journal of Archaeology 43, 247254. Parker, R. (1983), Miasma, Oxford 1983. Petrakos, B. (1997), O pigrafw to Vrvpo, Athens 1997. . (1968), Vrvpw ka t ern to Amfiarou, Athens 1968. Petropoulou, A. (1981), The eparch documents of Oropos, Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 22, 3963. . (1991), Prothysis and Altar: a Case Study, in: R. tienne M.T. Le Dinahet (edd.), LEspace Sacriciel dans les civilisations mditerranennes de lantiquit, Paris, 2531. Phillips, E.D. (1973), Greek Medicine, London. Pigeaud, J., Il medico e la malattia, in: S. Settis (ed.) Noi e i Greci, Torino, 771814. Purday, K.M. (1987), Minor healing cults within Athens and its environs, PhD. Diss. Southampton. Samama, E. (2003), Les mdecins dans le monde grec, Geneva. Scarpi, P. (2001), Il grande sonno di Epimenide, Epimenide Cretese, 2535. Sokolowski, F. (1969), Lois sacres des cits grcques, Paris. Solimano, G. (1976), Asclepio. Le aree del mito, Geneva. Staden, H. von (1997), Character and competence. Personal and professional conduct in Greek medicine, in: H. Flashar J. Jouanna, Mdecine et morale dans lantiquit, Entretiens de la Fondation Hardt 43, Geneva. Tlle Kastenbein, R. (1994), Das archaische Wasserleitungsnetz fr Athen und seine spteren Bauphasen, Mainz am Rhein. Tortorelli Ghidini, M. (2001), Epimenide a Creta: tra biograa e teogonia, Epimenide Cretese, 5376. Travlos, J. (1971), Bildlexicon zur Topographie des antiken Athens, Tbingen. Van Straten, F.T. (1995), Hier Kal, Leiden. Verbanck-Pirard, A., Les hros gurisseurs: des dieux comme les autres, Kernos Suppl. 10, 281332. Vikela, E. (1994), Die Weihreliefs aus dem athener Pankrates-Heiligtum am Ilissos, Athenische Mitteilungen 16 Beiheft, Berlin.

THE CITIES OF THE HIPPOCRATIC DOCTORS Hui-hua Chang

Summary This paper is a study of Greek cities in the northern Aegean, which were recorded in the Epidemics as places that Hippocratic doctors visited. The purpose is to determine how such places may help us to dene the social and economic roles of Greek physicians in the late Classical period. As the historical sources will demonstrate, though lesser-known, these northern cities appear to have been large urban centres and trading posts, where labour division and specialisation were well developed and where wealthy clients resided. As craftsmen who were in constant need of protable returns, the Hippocratic doctors were attracted to these locations due to the protable patronage and employment opportunities they provided.

The Corpus provides historians with valuable information about Greek concepts of health and disease, common treatments of internal illness and injuries, medical theories on men, women and children, and preparations undertaken in order to become a physicianbut it rarely reveals details about the lives of physicians. In this paper I will examine the known Greek cities which Hippocratic doctors visited in the Classical period in order to develop a historical background for their practices. Studying where the doctors went and why they went to those places will help us better to understand the Hippocratic physicians as people and what they wished to achieve in their careers. By examining the cities mentioned in the Epidemics, I hope to demonstrate that the Hippocratic doctors were not undiscriminating health practitioners who simply travelled from town to town or village to village at random, to cure sickness, but rather they visited these places for specic reasons: to seek employment and nancial support. Most of the cities were large urban centres and many were trading posts where labour division and specialisation were well developed; they provided greater job opportunities and facilitated novel ideas, and were locations where wealth and wealthy

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clients were concentrated. As a result, these cities attracted doctors to come to practice their art. In the Hellespont and Thrace, the Hippocratic doctors visited Cyzicus, Perinthus, Cardia, Ainos, Abdera, Acanthus and Olynthus. They had stayed in Thasos, the island o Thrace, for several years. The doctors also went to Macedonia and Thessaly; they recorded cases in Pella, Crannon, Meliboea, Pherae, Pharsalus, and many in Larisa. Cities in other parts of Greece are also mentioned, such as Oeniadae on the western mainland, Elis in the Peloponnese, Delos, Salamis, Athens and Corinth.1 The majority of the cities visited by the doctors were in Northern Greece.2 Because the northern cities generally receive less study and attention, they will be the focus of this study. As I will show, most of them were major cities in the region, well populated and wealthy. Located on the southwestern coast of the Sea of Marmara, Cyzicus was a Milesian colony and was visited by the author(s) of Book III of the Epidemics in the late fth century BCE.3 The city sat on the isthmus of Arktonnesos and was on the trade route from the Black Sea to the Aegean. It was therefore a signicant commercial centre from the beginning. Its coins were widely used in the Eastern Greek world from the sixth century BCE, and were a standard medium of international exchange when Xenophon led the expedition in the fourth century BCE. They bear witness to the citys trade connections to Ionia, Thrace, the Pontis, and even Sicily.4 Cyzicus had a large fertile territory; marble, wine, and saltsh were among its exports. However, its most important commercial activity was to supply the Aegean with wheat from the southern Russian plains, and

The order of the cities discussed here is based on their geographic locations; this is not necessarily the chronological order in which the doctors visited them. 2 Byl (1995) 225235 points out that cities in Thessaly and in Thrace are those most frequently mentioned in the Epidemics. 3 For Milesian colonisation at Cyzicus see Strabo 14.4.6. Scholars are not certain about the date of the colonisation. Hasluck (1910) 163 accepted Eusebius dating (Chronicon 2.81.87) of 756 BCE. Boardman (1999) 240246 states that the eighth-century theory is, however, not supported by archaeological evidence, since the earliest material from the Propontis and pottery from Cyzicus are of the early seventh century. Isaac (1986) 198 adopts this view and dates the colonisation in the rst quarter of the seventh century. For the dating of the Epidemics see Demand (1994) 3942; also Jouanna (1999) 387390. 4 Hasluck (1910) 171. Boardman (1999) 246 believes that the city exploited gold mines on the mainland to issue its electrum coins.

the cities of the hippocratic doctors

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in return to provide manufactured goods to the Euxine.5 The wealth of Cyzicus is attested in the Athenian Tribute Lists, which show that it paid to the Delian fund nine talents from 442 to 440, in 438, 434, 432 and 431, and over eight talents in 429 and 428 BCE. Its tribute was the highest one assessed to a league member on the Asiatic shore of the Propontis.6 In 411 BCE Cyzicus, following Byzantium, tried to revolt against Athens. When Alcibiades led a navy eet against the city, the people of Cyzicus oered a great deal of money so that he would not do harm to the city.7 Though the amount was not specied, it was probably very considerable, since at that time Alcibiades had diculty collecting money from allies, due to the long drawn-out war and numerous other revolts against the empire. Perinthus was a Samian foundation on the northern coast of the Sea of Marmara. Isaac called it the most successful of the settlements on the north shore of the Propontis.8 The city paid ten talents to the Delian fund from 443 to 440, in 438, 434, 432 and 429 BCEthe highest amount on the list from the region of the Propontis, and second overall only to the average of fteen talents from Byzantium.9 Perinthus was a trade city, but it also dominated a wide region inland which produced abundant corn, cattle, and timber. Olive oil from the southeastern coast of the Propontis was sold in Perinthus. When the Hippocratic doctors (books II and VI of the Epidemics) travelled to the northern Aegean in the rst quarter of the fourth century BCE, the city was the major market place of the region. As Xenophon says, in the early 390s BCE, when Seuthes led the Greek mercenaries to raid villages on the Thracian coast and collected a booty of 1,000 captives, 2,000 cattle and 10,000 smaller animals, he dispatched Heracleides to Perinthus to sell the loot, in order to get money to pay his soldiers.10

Hasluck (1910) 170171. Meiggs (1972) 538561. For the tribute payments made by the allies from 453420 BCE, I have used the comprehensive chart created by Meiggs. For detailed information of the assessments of individual years see Meritt et al. (19391953). 7 Strabo 12.8.11; 14.4.6. Xenophon, Hellenica 1.1.2022. For the revolt, see Diodorus Siculus 13.72.2; Xenophon, Hellenica 1.1.32. 8 Isaac (1986) 204. 9 Meiggs (1972) 538561. 10 Xenophon, Anabasis 7.3.487.4.2.
6

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The doctors also visited two Greek settlements on the Thracian coast between the straits of Thasos and the Chersonesus, Ainos and Abdera. May called these places outstandingly wealthy. The sources of their prosperity were, as in the case of Cyzicus and Perinthus, derived from the natural wealth of their hinterlands and the excellent locations of their sites.11 Ainos was located at the mouth of the river Hebros and had a good harbour. The Hebros was the major river in the north Aegean; though its mouth is choked up today, the river was easily navigable and the harbour was very accessible in antiquity.12 Ainos was therefore at the gateway of the rich cornland and the timber-and-fruit producing region in eastern and central Thrace, todays Bulgarian plain. Not only did it serve as a middleman in the trade between the upper-and-middle Hebros and the Aegean, providing crops and slaves to the Greek world and Greek merchandise to central Thrace; Ainos also exported corn and sheries from its rich territory.13 As early as the 470s BCE, the city had issued a steady series of coins as a result of its commercial expansion.14 Ainos was assessed twelve talents as tribute from 453 to 447; ten talents from 445 to 439, and the amount was increased to twenty talents in 425 BCE.15 Ainos

May (1950) 37. May (1950) 3; Isaac (1986) 141. 13 May (1950) 5; Isaac (1986) 142144. For a discussion of the Thracian slave trade see Isaac (1986) 145. Finley (1962, 5253) assumes that all Thracian slaves came from the Black Sea region. Isaac, however, has provided evidence to show that Ainos exported Thracian slaves who were probably obtained from the hinterland or the coast near Ainos. For the sheries from Ainos see Olson and Sens (2000): Archestratus, a mid-fourth-century gastronomist, recommended pig-shes (Fr. 23.1) and large mussels (Fr. 7.1) from Ainos. 14 May (1950) 13. He suggests that a great number of small coins issued in the 450s BCE was for local circulation rather than for international trade, and that these coins indicate the prosperity of the port and the increasing number of people who conducted business in the city (p. 17). 15 Meiggs (1972) 538561. Ainos was absent from the tribute lists from 438 to 428, except for 435 BCEthe year it paid only four talents. May (1950) 73 has summarised the scholarly debate on the reduction and interruption of the tribute at Ainos. Casson (1926) 200201, argues that the Odrysian Kingdom in Thrace had established its control across the trade route to the interior, which would have led to the virtual economic extinction of Ainos. Strack (1912) 133 suggests that a diversion of trade from Ainos to the Pontis, in addition to the Odrysian control over the hinterland, contributed to the decline. However, Isaac (1986) 151156 doubts that the Odrysians would have blocked the trade route and deprived Ainos, which was an outlet for their products, since they beneted from the commerce. May (1950) 7987, recognising the vigorous revival of Ainos coinage around 435
12

the cities of the hippocratic doctors

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enjoyed constant prosperity throughout the fth century BCE, and, though an ally to Athens, the Athenian disaster in Sicily did little harm to its economy. A large series of coins belonging to the years after 417/416 BCE demonstrates a period of heightened prosperity at Ainos; after the fall of Athens in 404 BCE, Ainos adopted the Chian weight and directed its overseas trade towards the coasts of Ionia and Rhodes. Not until 375 BCE did Ainos show signs of depression through a steady decline in the volume of its coinage.16 When the Hippocratic doctors travelled to the city in the rst quarter of the fourth century, what they witnessed was an active commercial city which had been ourishing for almost a century.17 Abdera, on the other hand, did not have a good harbour. Nonetheless, it sat on a fertile and heavily cultivated coastal plain, and on the shortest land route connecting the Aegean to the Danube.18 Corn and sh were among its exports, but the most important one was its silver. May argues that, as early as the mid-sixth century BCE, Abdera had successfully risen to become an emporium for the silver trade, and its silver was directed towards the East and the Egyptian markets.19 Beneting from the fall of Thasos, Abderas longBCE, argues against economic depression and the impoverishment of the city. Rather, he suggests that the absence of Ainos from the list may have been a result of the establishment of an Athenian garrison in the city, and that Ainos paid directly to the commander and was in charge of maintaining the troops. If there was an economic decline in Ainos, it would be hard to explain why the city was assessed twenty talents in 425 BCE. 16 May (1950) 9697, 183194. Ainos condition was made worse by the hostile relations between Athens and the new Odrysian ruler, Kotys, in the 360s BCE. 17 Grmek (1989) 222 translates a passage in book 2 of the Epidemics (4.3, which is repeated at 6.4.11) thus: At Ainos, in the course of a famine, those who ate pulse continuously became powerless in the lower limbs; the condition lasted; and moreover, those who ate bitter vetch had pain in their knees. He attributes Littrs silence about the famine to a transcription error and a misreading of the corrupted text. However, Mays study of the coinage (1950) 177183 shows no sign of severe economic collapse at Ainos during the twenty-ve years following 404 BCE. The facing Hermes head was introduced at the turn of the century, and the artistic work reached a high level in both the large and the small coins. Though the coinage reected a slightly lower level of prosperity in the city between 387 and 375 BCE, the mint continued without interruption, and the standards of art remained high. Diodorus mentions that a famine in 375 BCE drove a barbarian tribe in Western Thrace to invade Abdera (15.36.14), but no famine is recorded to have ravaged Greek cities on the coast. If there was indeed a famine at Ainos during the rst quarter of the fourth century BCE, it would probably have been localised, shortlived, and it would hardly have aected the entire city. 18 May (1966) 14; Isaac (1986) 7375. 19 May (1966) 2. Abderite coins have been found at Ras Shamra, Persepolis and

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time rival in the silver trade, the wealth of the city increased tremendously after 463 BCE, and from 453 to 425 Abdera paid twelve talents or more as tribute at each collection, save in 431 and 429 BCE, when the amount dropped down to ten only.20 Though May suggests that its economy slightly declined in the last quarter of the fth century (as a result of unstable international politics, the rise of a new trade competitorMaroneiaand the recovery of Thasos), Abderas silver trade continued. Furthermore, its local coastal commerce seems to have been prosperous during these years, as well as in the rst decades of the fourth century; this assumption is supported by nds of abundant small coins dated to this period, which were issued to facilitate local trade.21 The city was invaded by a Thracian barbarian tribe in 375 BCE, but was saved by an Athenian squadron. With all of these troubles at home, Abdera was still able to keep the mint going, until the city was absorbed by Macedonia in the mid-fourth century. All of this indicates a strong economic foundation at Abdera.22 The Hippocratic doctors stayed in Thasos for an extensive period of time, and this city became the background of book I and a great part of book III of the Epidemics. The city of Thasos, founded by Paros in the early seventh century on the northeastern tip of the island, was the capital of the state and a major political, commercial, and cultural centre in Thrace.23 Thasos consisted of the island and its property on the mainland across the strait. The island was

Aleppo. However, very few Abderite coins struck after 480 BCE were found in the territories under Persian rule, as Raven (1967) 297 points out. Isaac (1986) 9294 suggests that Abderas silver trade was redirected to the Greek world, for example Samos, in the fth century BCE. 20 Isaac (1986) 8795; Meiggs (1972) 538561. 21 May (1966) 150151, 177185. Abdera was also known for its cuttlesh and grey mullettwo seafood delicacies. See Olson and Sens (2000), Frr. 56 and 44 Archestratus. 22 For the connection between coinage and wealth in Cyzicus, Ainos and Abdera see Nixon and Price (1990) 137170. Nixon and Price argue that a correlation exists between coinage and the levels of tribute payments made by the allies of Athens: most of the big spenders (sixty-seven per cent) issued their own coinage regularly, while the little spenders made only scanty issues of low value. Though resources did not necessitate coinagefor example the big spender Byzantium did not mint its own coinscoinage did imply local resources, which were used as the basis for tribute assessments and included products from both the land and the sea, metals, taxes on markets and harbours, etc. (id., pp. 148149, 156158). 23 Lazaridis (1971) 3335.

169

where daily commercial transactions took place, and was lled with venders and customers. Archaeologists have found many shops around it. Among the commodities was a great volume of luxury items: ivory trinkets, multicoloured glass vases, ne pottery, and, as Plato describes, jewellery and womens adornments made of gold, ivory and bronze, imported from Syria, Rhodes, Chios, the Cyclades, Athens and Corinth.50 Chefs and cooks must have been warmly welcomed there as well, since Thasos produced gourmet seafood such as bullheads (or sculpin), red mullets, and the best octopus for ne cuisine.51 The city also attracted physicians, among them the Hippocratic doctors, to come to practice their art.52 Urban life was associated with freedom from peasant toil and with free time to devote to luxuries, education, and travel; the busy trac of traders and merchants also facilitated and attracted a host of novel and radical ideas. The cities on the northern coast and the Propontis were international trading posts with a widely mixed population; those in the Chalcidice, Macedonia and Thessaly were dominating cities ruled by a wealthy upper class, the members of which were eager to appear to be liberal, intellectual, and enlightened. By the classical period, the Hippocratic doctors had adopted rational medical theories. It was in such places as those described above, where wealth was concentrated and people with open minds resided, that they would nd clients and patrons who were ready to accept untraditional ideas and who would support the art of the Hippocratic doctors. Bibliography
Boardman, J. (1999), The Greeks Overseas fourth edn (originally 1964), London. Byl, S. (1995), Laire gographique des mdecins hippocratiques, in: P.J. van der Eijk, H.F.J. Horstmansho and P.H. Schrijvers (eds.), Ancient Medicine in Its SocioCultural Context, Vol. I, Amsterdam-Atlanta, 225235.

Lazaridis (1971) 49. Olson and Sens (2000), Frr. 30.1, 42.4 and 54.1 Archestratus. 52 Passages from the Epidemics identify locations of the dwellings of patients whom the Hippocratic doctors visited and attest several of the temples and public buildings in the city: the temple of Heracles (Epid. 1.21 = 2.666,3 L; 1 case 6 = 2.698,6 L; Epid. 3 case 3 = 3.112,13 L), the temple of Dionysus (Epid. 1.21 = 2.666,7 L), the temple of Hera (Epid. 1 case 14 = 2.716,4 L), the temple of Artemis (Epid. 3 case 1 = 2.102,11 L), and the theatre (2.660,8 L).
51

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Cahill, N. (2002), Household and City Organization at Olynthus, New Haven and London. Casson, S. (1926), Macedonia, Thrace and Illyria, Their Relations to Greece from the Earliest Times down to the Times of Philip, Son of Amyntas, London. Demand, N. (1994), Birth, Death, and Motherhood in Classical Greece, Baltimore. Finley, M.I. (1962), The Black Sea and Danubian Regions and the slave trade in antiquity, Klio 40, 5159. Grmek, M.D. (1989), Diseases in the Ancient Greek World (trans. M. Muellner and L. Muellner), Baltimore and London. Gude, M. (1933), A History of Olynthus (The Johns Hopkins University Studies in Archaeology 17), Baltimore. Hammond, N.G.L. (1989), The Macedonian State. Origins, Institutions and History, Oxford. Hammond, N.G.L. and G.T. Grith (1979), A History of Macedonia, Vol. II (550336 BC), Oxford. Hasluck, F.W. (1910), Cyzicus, Cambridge. Isaac, B. (1986), The Greek Settlements in Thrace until the Macedonian Conquest, Leiden. Jouanna, J. (1999), Hippocrates (trans. M.B. DeBevoise), Baltimore and London. Lazaridis, D. (1971), Thasos and Its Peraia (Archaies Hellenikes Poleis 5), Athens. Martin, T.R. (1985), Sovereignty and Coinage in Classical Greece, Princeton NJ. May, J.M.F. (1950), Ainos: Its History and Coinage 474341 BC, London. . (1966), The Coinage of Abdera 540345 BC, London. Meiggs, R. (1972), The Athenian Empire, Oxford. Meritt, B.D., H.T. Wade-Gery and M.F. McGregor (19391953), The Athenian Tribute Lists (= ATL), Vol. I, Cambridge MA, Vols. IIIV, Princeton. Nixon, L. and S. Price (1990), The size and resources of Greek cities, in: O. Murray and S. Price (eds.), The Greek City: From Homer to Alexander, Oxford, 137170. Olson, S.D. and A. Sens (eds. and comm.) (2000), Archestratos of Gela: Greek Culture and Cuisine in the Fourth Century BCE, Oxford. Raven, E.J.P. (1967), Numismatic Chronicle (NC), 7th series, vol. 7, London. Stillwell, R.W.L. MacDonald and M.H. McAllister (eds.) (1976), Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites, Princeton. Strack, M.L. (1912), Die antiken Mnzen Nordgriechenlands, Bd. II, Hlbbd. 1, Abt. 1: Die Mnzen der Thraker und der Stdte Abdera, Ainos, Abchialos, Berlin. Westlake, H.D. (1935), Thessaly in the Fourth Century BC, London.

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ERROR, LOSS, AND CHANGE IN THE GENERATION OF THERAPIES1 Julie Laskaris

Summary Hippocratic therapies employing animal excrement are gender-specic, appearing almost exclusively in the gynaecological treatises, and reecting Greek conceptions of women, as von Staden observed. These texts also contain the only early references to the use, likewise by women only, of another symbolic substance human milk. Both therapies are recommended for both sexes in works that arise in Roman contexts. This paper argues that both therapies reect a misunderstanding of magico-religious ritual under circumstances that may also account for their early gender-specicity. Dierent conceptions of gender account for their application to both sexes in later texts.

Greek medical therapies employing substances associated with ritual pollution and purication, such as animal excrement, sulphur, and asphalt, have aroused interest because the most polluting of such substances, the excrement, was recommended in the Hippocratic gynaecological texts exclusively for the cathartic treatment of women, as Heinrich von Staden was the rst to notice.2 The medical use of excrement coheres with the cultures general tendency to characterize

1 This paper has been helped immeasurably by the generous advice of Larissa Bonfante, Christopher Faraone, Ann Hanson, Robert Ritner, and Heinrich von Staden. Any errors that remain despite their eorts are, of course, entirely my responsibility. 2 Von Staden (1992). As von Staden informs us, the Hippocratic gynaecological texts are our source for all early references to the Greeks therapeutic use of animal dung with one exceptionOn Places in Man (De locis in homine) 47.8 (p. 78.2427 Joly; 6.346.1719 L)where, signicantly, it is recommended for womens diseases, (1992) 12. 3 Von Staden (1992); cf. Carson (1990) 135169. For a critique of this view of excrement therapy, see Hanson (1998) 8793. Cathartic therapies are common in traditional medicines when there is an aetiology of intrusion, including ritual pollution, Johns (1990) 270.

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women as sources of pollution,3 especially if they were menstruating, or had recently undergone childbirth, miscarriage, or abortion.4 The gynaecological texts also contain the only early references to the medical use, likewise by women only, of another substance that also bears symbolic meaning, though of a dierent orderhuman milk,5 in some cases specically that of a woman who has borne a male child (hereinafter, kourotrophic milk).6 Though excrement and milk therapies are gender-specic in the Corpus, they are recommended for either sex in works that arise in a Roman context. The Romans, less polarized sexually than the Greeks, and more accepting of womens physical nature, do not associate women with pollution to the same degree7 and so, it will be argued, do not consider them in special need of purication. This easier acceptance of the female body is likewise reected in their rich tradition of depicting nursing mothers, a motif rarely found in Greek art.8 This paper will consider how excrement and milk therapies entered the Corpus, with a particular view as to how the loss or misunderstanding of information, in conjunction with conceptions of gender, played a role in determining which gender(s) received these treatments. It will make three interrelated arguments: 1) that the excrement therapy of the Corpus and later texts may in some cases have resulted from the loss or misunderstanding of the knowledge of magicians and priests; 2) that the use of kourotrophic milk shows the inuence of Egyptian medicine,9 but varies from it suciently to suggest ignorance or misunderstanding of Egyptian ritual practices; and 3) that the lack of gender-specicity in later works is owed in part to their arising in the less sexually polarized Roman context.
4 Cole (1992); Von Staden (1992) 14. Nor were goddesses excepted: the ritual bathing of their cult statues was more frequent than was that of gods, Parker (1983) 2728; Von Staden (1992) 23 n. 46. Theophrastus tells us, in fact, that expiatory sacrices were made when the silver-r statue of Eileithyia menstruated (exuded resin), Inquiry into Plants (De historia plantarum) 5.9.8. 5 Gourevitch (1990) 9398. 6 gala (or galakti ) gunaikos kourotrophou, Diseases of Women (De morbis mulierum) 1.75 (8.166.3 L), 84 (8.206.19 L); 2.158 (336.8 L), 162 (8.340.7 L); Sterile Women (De sterilitate) 3.214 (8.414.18 L). 7 Hanson (1991) 255268; Flemming (2000). 8 Bonfante (1985) 195203; (1997) 174196. 9 Suggested rst by Dawson (1932) 916.

error, loss, and change in the generation of therapies 175 Excrement Therapy Papyri Graecae Magicae 12.401444 (Preisendanz) tells us that Egyptian scribes gave code names to the plants and other things they use (tw botnaw ka t l[l]a ow xrnto [sc. o erogrammatew], 403) to prevent laymen from harming themselves by mispracticing magic. But, says the author, he himself has collected the names of the true ingredients, together with the code names, from many copies of secret holy writings (see Appendix). It is noteworthy that in every case the code name denotes a substance derived from a human, animal, or god, whereas the same is true of only six of the ingredients the priests actually used (marked by an asterisk in the Appendix), the rest being mostly mineral and botanical, the latter indeed emphasized in the line quoted above. The code names are striking, too, because they denote precisely the sort of ingredient that is the hallmark of magical remedies (e.g., Hestias blood, 427; hawks blood, 438), whereas the same is not necessarily true of botanical and mineral ingredients. Since, with few exceptions, such as venoms, substances derived from animals do not have a biochemical eect on our bodies, we tend to assume that any therapeutic eect is primarily emotional or spiritual, arising from the ritual metaphors in which they play a part.10 By contrast, botanical and mineral pharmaceuticals, whether or not they bear symbolic meaning, may interact with the bodys chemistry.11 As a result, we do not normally assume that a medical text recommending white hellebore, for instance, necessarily reects the inuence of magical medicine, whereas we do tend to do so when animal substances are called for. This passage makes clear, however, that the inclusion of animal (or divine) substances in a medical text, while it may indicate the inuence of magicians, does not necessarily reect their true pharmacopia, which may well have relied heavily on botanicals. This

10 It is sympathetic magic or, as Tambiah views it, an analogical mode of thought (1973) 199229. 11 Chemicals derived from plants are among the active components of one-quarter of the prescription drugs in use in the United States today, Plotkin (1993) 7; of the large number of plant-derived drugs in modern medicine, 74% came into use because of chemical analysis isolating the pharmacologically active components of plants known from traditional medicine, Johns (1990) 273.

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opens up the interesting question of whether the priests and magicians did not use magical metaphor in a conscious eort to reassure their patients that their medicines were imbued with the virtues of powerful gods and animals, while themselves having a dierent understanding of their workings. Two of the six cases where the magicians did use animal substances may support this view: leech, for which snakes head is the code name (408), and egg of blister beetle, which is called bulls semen (437). Laboratory-raised leeches are used today in wound treatment, and blister beetle is not chemically inert in the human body, and was used in the aphrodisiac kantharis (Spanish y).12 We can only speculate, but the leeches may have been intended for wound treatment, for which a snakes head would have seemed a reasonable substitute metaphorically speaking, as would bulls semen for blister beetle eggs, if the latter were intended for an aphrodisiac. It would outstrip the evidence to suggest that each time animal ingredients appear in our medical texts we have evidence for the loss or misunderstanding of the closely-held information contained in lists such as the one under discussion. Animal substances appear in virtually every traditional medical system, and it is highly unlikely that they do because of such lapses. Moreover, we know that attempts were made to preserve such information.13 The lists of synonyms that accompany the entries in Dioscoridess On Pharmacy (De materia medica) include names similar to the code names in our Papyrus passage. We see there, for example, the following alternate names for various plants: mans blood (artemisia, 3.127),14 hair of a dogs head (dill, 3.67), blood of an eye (anagallis, 2.209; cf. blood from an eye used of tamarisk gall, PGM 12.421). These synonyms are not from the original text of Dioscorides, but from an external source or sources, and they preserve the identities of the plants in well over a dozen languages, dialects, and systems of nomenclature, the latter of which include names apparently given by priests, magicians, and members of other secretive groups, such as the Pythagoreans. It is signicant for the present argument that when the synonym refers

Scarborough ad loc. in Betz (ed.) (1986, 1992). Scarborough calls our attention to similar lists in later medical texts, in Betz (ed.) (1986, 1992) 167 n. 95. 14 Perhaps there is a connection here with the human blood required by Artemis Ortheia (Pausanias 3.16.716); see King (1998) 7598.
13

error, loss, and change in the generation of therapies 177 to an animal substance, such groups are often mentioned as being the source. Though we will probably never have enough sources such as our Papyrus text to establish particular paths of inuence or transmission, it is intriguing that we have a match between our text and the synonyms in Dioscorides: semen of Hermes is the Papyruss code name for dill (419), and it is also a name the magoi give dill in Dioscorides (3.67). The excrement therapy of the Corpus may reect, I suggest, a loss or misunderstanding of just such closely-held knowledge. The gynaecological treatises probably preserve older knowledge and practices,15 some of it surely handed down by midwives, nurses, and other women,16 some of whom will have been foreign,17 and none of whom will have been well-educated or privy to priestly secret knowledge. It is plausible that along with the many other Egyptian and Near Eastern pharmaceuticals they helped to introduce into the Greek pharmacopia,18 there were some that resulted from the sort of misunderstanding our Papyrus passage would have fostered. And if foreign midwives and nurses had a greater inuence on the gynaecological texts than they did on the rest of the Corpus that, together with Greek views concerning the pollutedness of womens bodies, may have determined the gender-specicity of the excrement therapy in the Corpus. Milk Therapy Egyptian sources may have contributed an unusual item to Greek and Roman pharmacopias: the milk of one who has borne a male child (London Medical Papyrus, 20, 46; Papyrus Ebers 109, 111,

15 Von Staden notes that Hippocratic uses of excrement pharmacy overwhelmingly occur in passages identied by Grensemann as belonging to textual stratum A, that is, to what he regards as the oldest tradition in the Hippocratic gynaecological writingsa factor that he considers signicant in relating Hippocratic womb therapy to puricatory ritual (1992) 13. 16 Views dier as to the role of women in this process: Rousselle (1988); Riddle (1992); Demand (1994) 6370, 132; (1995) 283287. Notes of caution are issued by King (1995) 135148, and Hanson (1998) 7194. 17 Demand (1995) 283. 18 Von Staden relates some of the fumigatory gynaecological therapies of the Corpus to both Near Eastern and Greek traditions of ritual purication (1992) 1718.

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368, 384, 408, 414, 499, 500, 575, 763; Berlin Papyrus 3027 7, 4).19 It is a xed phrase, as is the Greek one for kourotrophic milk (see above), perhaps indicating a direct translation. The Egyptian phrase referred to the goddess, Isis, and her infant son, Horus; Egyptian healers obtained her milk by way of a transubstantiation ritual in which they poured human milk20 into and out of anthropomorphic vases of Isis nursing Horus21 while reciting a historiola about them.22 Despite the ritual emphasis on the milk as nourishment, the Egyptian prescriptions do not generally call for the transubstantiated milk to be drunk, even by infants, but recommend it for washes and ointments; the one exception is where it serves as a fertility test. In the Corpus, kourotrophic milk is called for ve times (see above) and, as with Egyptian practice, is drunk only when used to test fertility. In contrast to Egyptian practice, however, the milk is used primarily for cleansing or softening vaginal pessaries. This use of specically kourotrophic milk mirrors nearly all the remaining eighteen passages in the Corpus in which human milk (unqualied) is recommended:23 fteen call for womans milk to be used in vaginal pessaries, and one for a pregnant womans milk to be used in a cake that will reveal the sex of the baby.24 The remaining two, however, are more similar to Egyptian remedies: one, though it appears in a gynaecological text, recommends womans milk for an eye ointment; the other, for an ear wash. That these recommendations so closely reect Greek or Egyptian kourotrophic milk recipes, are sometimes in close proximity to them,25 and frequently employ

19 I rely for translations on: Ebbell (1937); von Deines, Grapow, Westendorf (1958); Bardinet (1995). 20 Human milk was the optimal ingredient (Robert Ritner, private correspondance), though Desroches Noblecourt (1952) 62 thinks that animal milk may also have been used. 21 The vases are reproduced in Desroches Noblecourt (1952) 4967. 22 Ebers 499; see Ritner (19952) 8, and Ghalioungui (19732) 145. 23 Diseases (De morbis) 3.1 (7.120.9 L); Nature of Women (De natura muliebri ) 32, 109 (7.352.13, 426.6 L); Mul. 1.74 (8.156.10; 160.1, 160.13 L), 75 (8.166.10), 78 (8.172.15, 176.15, 180.12 L), 84 (8.206.13, 208.10 L), 105 (8.228.12 L); Mul. 2.179 (8.362.13 L), 205 (8.394.9; 396.5 L); Steril. 3.216 (8.416.21 L), 3.243 (8.458.2 L). Human and animal milk were also vectors for ingested medicinal plants: Morb. 4.55 (7.600 L); Hdt. 4.58; Thphr. HP 9.15.4; Pliny Natural History (Historia naturalis 24.19, 28, 9899, 28.33.124125; Soranus, Gynaecology (Gynaecia) 2.56 (thanks to Ann Hanson for this reference). 24 See Hanson, (1995) 291307, esp. 302. 25 Three of the kourotrophic recipes have a womans milk recipe on the same

error, loss, and change in the generation of therapies 179 Egyptian ingredients,26 suggest that most or all of them had Egyptian recipes as their source.27 Archaeological evidence supports the view that the Egyptian transubstantiation ritual is connected to Greek use, despite some dierences in the medical application. As noted above, Egyptian inuence on the Hippocratic pharmacopia is marked, and Greeces contact with Egypt, though it may sometimes have vacillated, was never entirely lost from the Bronze Age forward.28 Moreover, the period just prior to our earliest gynaecological texts saw a tremendous increase in contact with Egypt. Nancy Skon-Jedele, for example, has catalogued 5000 Egyptian or Egyptianizing objects that were excavated from Greek sites, usually Geometric/Orientalizing or Archaic contexts in temples on Crete, Samos, Rhodes, and other areas in close contact with Egypt.29 From this and other evidence, it is clear that some Greeks were learning of and even worshipping Egyptian deities, or were syncretizing or associating them with Greek ones.30 For present

or following page of Littr: Mul. 1.75 (8.166.3 L), 1.84 (206.19 L), Steril. 3.214 (8.414.18 L). 26 See, for example, Mul. 1.84 (8.206.13 L), which is followed by a kourotrophic milk recipe (see previous note) that, along with other recipes on the same page of Littr, uses such Egyptian ingredients as silphium, red natron, Egyptian oil, Egyptian scented oil, Mul. 1.84 (8.206 L). 27 Of interest is the eye ointment, Mul 1.105 (8.228.12 L), whose placement here may be owed to newborns tendency to eye infections. Dr. S. Humenick (Virginia Commonwealth University) has documented the cure of a newborns severe eye infection with breast milk (unpubl.). 28 See, for example, Burkert (1992); Faraone (1992); Kopcke and Tokumaru (edd.) (1992); Morris (1992); West (1997). 29 (1995). There is evidence for exchange in the opposite direction, too. For example, Mller notes that It has been observed that a large proportion of early Athenian pottery found outside Attica went to Naukratis or elsewhere in Egypt. Of the vases exported from Attica, two-thirds of those by the Gorgon Painter and his circle, almost all of those from the Keramikos Painter and his workshop, and almost half of the Early Olpai found overseas were discovered in Egypt. Not until near the mid-sixth century can Athenian vases be found in great number all over the Greek world, (2000) 123. 30 Hdt. 2.4165. On the association of Hera with such powerful goddesses of fertility and healing as Isis, I{tar, and Gula, see Burkert (1992) 911, 1523, 2627, 5455, 6263, 7579 (cf. his related discussion there of the derivation of Apollos epithet Asgelatas and perhaps of Asclepius from Gulas cult title Azugallatu (great healer)); Kyrieleis (1988) 215221. See Burkert (1987) 6, 2021, on Greek identication of Isis with Demeter from the Archaic period, and for the inuence of a myth of Isis on The Homeric Hymn to Demeter and the Eleusinian mysteries. On the pervasive Egyptian and Levantine inuence on Rhodian myth and cult, see Morris (1992) 133 (cf. Kingsley (1995) who argues that Anatolian religious and mag-

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purposes, an Ionian dedicatory inscription to Isis on a bronze statuette is of special interest; the provenance is unknown (possibly Naucratis), but the inscription itself is datable on epigraphical grounds to the late sixth or early fth century BCE.31 Among the objects studied by Skon-Jedele are four anthropomorphic vases, similar to the Egyptian ones of Isis nursing Horus mentioned above and possibly of Greek manufacture.32 Their presence suggests that the transubstantiation ritual may have been performed by Greeks, or was at the least known to them. They were found at the Cretan cave sanctuary of the birth-goddess, Eileithyia Inatia,33 where the largest single collection on Crete of Egyptian and Egyptianizing items has been found.34 Representations of Isis suckling Horus were found, too, at the Heraion on Samos, though these were gurines, not vases.35 The Samian cult of Hera had close ties to the Greek trading post of Naucratis,36 where the worship of Hera can be traced from approximately 625 BCE.37 Mller argues that Naucratis was the main channel in the Archaic period for many of the Egyptian items that reached Greece.38 Given Samoss long-standing and involved relationship with Egypt and her close ties to Naucratis, it is not surprising that the Samian Heraion has yielded more genuine Egyptian objects than any other Greek site,39 many of which probably came to Samos via Naucratis.

ical traditions made their way to Acragas via Rhodes and Crete, 224225). For the transmission of ritual practices from the Near East to Greece see, for example, Romano (1988) 127133; Faraone (1992). 31 Tinh and Labrecque (1973) 9 (the inscription was published in Edgar (1904) 337); Mller (2000) 9698, 175176. 32 Skon-Jedele (1995) 17681779, #15621563. 33 Skon-Jedele remarks upon the appopriateness of these and other Egyptian and Egyptianizing oerings to this goddess; in addition to the anthropomorphic vases, there were gurines of Isis (healing and childbirth) and Horus (healing) together and alone; Bes (childbearing and young children); Sekhmet (disease), and her child, Nefertem; monkeys (fertility); and cats (sacred to Bastet, who is associated with sex); (1995) 17681779. 34 Skon-Jedele considers open the question of whether these are imports from Egypt, or Egyptianizing products from Rhodes, (1995) 1778. 35 Skon-Jedele (1995), #15621563. 36 Kron calls the Heraion in Naukratis the Filialheiligtum der samischen Hera in Aegypten, (1988) 145. 37 Mller (2000) 101 (Heras worship); 188, 214 (the earliest Greek presence). 38 (2000) 182215. 39 Skon-Jedele (1995) 1453.

error, loss, and change in the generation of therapies 181 This brief glance shows that Greek-Egyptian contact in the period before and during the writing of the Hippocratic gynaecological texts was of sucient frequency and sophistication to permit the transmission of religious imagery and medico-religious ritual. It is not impossible, in other words, that some Greeks learned how to create the divine milk of Isis from Egyptian priests, spouses, or slaves, or from fellow Greeks travelling to or living in Egypt,40 and that that knowledgeperhaps somewhat alteredeventually entered the oral tradition that shaped the gynaecological treatises, and that probably included the practices of wet-nurses and midwives. Slave wet-nurses, many of them foreign-born, will also generally have been the source for most or all of the actual kourotrophic milk itself (and of the other human milk called for in the Corpus), as middle-class and aristocratic Greek women of the classical period may not have nursed their own babies very frequently.41 Such a path of transmission would at any rate account for the dierences in the therapeutic ends to which the milk is put in the Egyptian and Greek traditions, as the testimony of wet-nurses regarding gynaecological matters would have seemed far more credible to male medical writers than their views on treating other ailments. Or the dierence may have arisen as the result of error, loss of knowledge, or innovation, or it may be that extant Greek texts preserve Egyptian remedies that dropped out of the Egyptian textual tradition as we now have it. In any event, such a path may also account for the appearance of the word kourotrophos in the Corpus. It is a striking word to nd in medical treatises, as it occurs most frequently by far in poetic texts, where it is used almost exclusively of goddesses, but also of homelands, and abstract ideals, which are child-nurturing only in an abstract sense.42 As Bonfante notes, no Greek cult epithet

40 See Mller (2000) 3236 on the Egyptian practice of granting land to mercenaries and on the considerable number of Greeks living in Egypt before 650; cf. Hdt. 3.26 on Samian mercenaries living in what is likely the Khargeh Oasis around 525, Mller (2000) 34 n. 64. 41 Bonfante (1997) 184185. 42 For example: of goddesses (Hecate: Hesiod Theogony 450, 452; Orphic Hymns (Orphica) 1,8; Apollonius, Argonautica 3.861; Artemis: Diodorus Siculus, 5.73.6; Orph. 36,8; Eirene (as goddess or abstraction): Hes., Works and Days (Erga), 228, Euripides, Bacchae 420; Demeter: Orph. 40,2 and 13; 65,9; Earth: Paus. 1.22.3); of homelands (Delos: Callimachus, Hymn to Delos 2, 276; Ithaca: Homer Odyssey 9.27). Kourotrophos may also refer to nursing women, or to other human care-takers of children, but this is by far the rarer use.

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corresponds to Latin nutrix (e.g., Dea Nutrix, Diana Nutrix), which denotes breast-feeding specically, since Greek kourotrophic goddessesat least those from the classical period and the mainland did not care for their kouroi by actually nursing them; the Greek word that does refer specically to a wet-nurse, titthe, is never used of a goddess.43 Kourotrophos, then, is a marked word whose strong religious and metaphorical connotations cohere with what I suggest are the ritual origins of its use in Greek medicine. Isis, who nursed her son back to health, and who granted immortality to the pharoahs through her milk, was kourotrophic sensu strictu, but that representation could not survive in classical Greece for long, where chariness about the naked breast and breast-feeding was so pronounced.44 As Bonfante remarks:
. . . female nudity, including the view of the naked female breast, was generally felt by the Greeks to be something to be avoided. The nursing image in particular was a sign of non-civilisation, characterising the animal nature of such creatures as centaurs and barbarians.45

This same disquietude is reected in Glands (De glandulis) 16 (8.570572 L),46 which states that milk is produced from uterine blood that is drawn up to the breasts and transformed into nourishment for the baby after birth. But, just as with menstrual blood, blockage can cause the woman grave problems: if a woman should lose a breast, she will suer many symptoms, which will arise from the milks continuing to ow from her uterus to her upper body, but having nowhere to go. She will, in fact, experience suocation, just as do women who have an excess of menstrual blood. Others, too, associated milk with blood: Empedocles proposed that milk was putried blood relating, apparently, puon (colostrum) to puos (pus).47 Aristotle, who preserves the fragment, strongly objects, as he views milk as fully concocted blood.48

Bonfante (1997) esp. 186187. Bonfante (1997). 45 (2000) 280. 46 On this and other passages related to human milk, see Dean-Jones (1994) 215223. 47 59 (68) Wright; this point is noticed by Wright ad loc. 48 On the Generation of Animals 777a7.
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error, loss, and change in the generation of therapies 183 The notion that milk is converted or decomposed blood may have reected and re-enforced the fear and discomfort regarding the breast and breast milkand womens physical nature in generalthat was so strongly expressed on the Greek mainland in the classical period. This conception of the nature of human milk, which is inextricably tied up with perceptions of women in general, may also have contributed to the nearly complete segregation of Hippocratic remedies calling for human milk to the gynaecological treatises where, we should recall, it was chiey used in vaginal pessaries. Perhaps it seemed appropriate to place the milk near its point of origin, or perhaps it was felt to be akin to the ingredients of excrement therapy. In any event, the original ritual context for the milk of one who has borne a male child has been lost, as the Greeks of this period will not accept the verbal or visual image of a lactating goddess, and the original therapeutic use has been largely lost or, at the very least, greatly altered. The Roman Context Medical texts that arise in a Roman context mention both excrement therapy49 and remedies involving human milk, including that of a woman who has borne a boy (now identied with the mundane quae marem enixa sit and arrenotokos).50 They are markedly dierent, however, from their Classical predecessors in that they are not gender-specic, nor is the milk used solely in ointments and pessaries, but is often an ingredient of a potion; Galen, in fact, even recommends suckling directly from the woman as the easiest way to get the milk.51 These changes cohere with the views of female phys-

49 See, for example, Dsc., De mat. med. 2.8081; Galen, On the Mixing of Powers and Simples (De simplicium medicamentorum temperamentis ac facultatibus) 10.1, 10.2.15, 1830 (12.247, 284288, 290309 K). On these and other related passages, see Riddle (1985) 132133, 141; Von Staden (1992) 8; Keyser (1997) 186192. 50 For the phrase quae marem enixa sit (Plin. HN 28.21.72); for arrenotokos (Dsc. De mat. med., 5.84; Ps. Gal. On Remedies for Easily Cured Diseases (De remediis parabilibus) 3 (14.519 K.); both are devoid of divine connotations (for cognates of the latter, see Arist. GA 723a27, 765a24, 766b34; History of Animals (Historia animalium) 574a12, 585b26, 586b32; Sor. Gyn. 1.45.2. 51 On the Method of Healing (De methodo medendi ) 6.6 (10.474475 K); On Decay (De marcore) 9 (7.701 K).

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iology that arose in tandem with the greater freedom of movement and social and economic clout enjoyed by women in Hellenistic and Roman societies.52 The crucial dierence in this view is that womens bodies are now seen as analogous to mens,53 rather than as radically dierent from them, or even in polar opposition to them. Though with the male body the standard, the female would necessarily be inferior, still the very willingness to assimilate the female to the male conceptually indicates less wariness of female physicality than we see in classical Greece. The female body is no longer seen as a great soft sponge that soaks up menstrual blood which, if not used up during menstruation or pregnancy, can cause grave problems.54 In fact, the roles played by menstruation and childbirth in a womans health recede to the point where Soranus and other Methodists actually advocate a life of virginity.55 It would seem, then, that while it is not the case that all fears about the female body have vanished,56 in general neither Hellenistic and Roman societies as a whole, nor contemporary medical theorists in particular, see women as being serious sources of pollution with special requirements for purication. This change is reected in artistic representations, as with the advent of the Aphrodite of Cnidos in the mid-fourth century BCE, nude statues of goddesses come into vogue in Greece for the rst time since since the Geometric and Orientalizing periods, though they are still not as explicit sexually as male nudes nor, for that matter, as were female nudes from earlier periods.57 Images of nursing mothers, however, continue to be rare, and often the context of the scene is such as to maintain the Greek association of the naked breast with imminent danger that we understand from scenes where the breast is bared in supplication.58 Etruscan and Italic conventions of female nudity and of nursing mothers are entirely dierent: from

Dean-Jones (1991), Hanson (1991), King (1998), Flemming (2000). Hanson (1991) 259, where she points out that, in the rst place, some of the older ideas still persist and, in fact, interfere with the cohesiveness of the new ones. 54 Hanson (1991) 257258. 55 Hanson (1991) 258260. 56 Plinys famous listing of the destructive powers of menstrual uid and of menstruating women reminds us of the persistence of traditional ideas, HN 28.23.7787. 57 Bonfante (2000) 271273, 278280. Salomon oers a feminist analysis of the Cnidia, paying particular attention to her famous pudica gesture (1997) 197219. 58 Bonfante (2000) 281; (1997) 174175.
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error, loss, and change in the generation of therapies 185 Villanovan votive statuettes of the eighth and seventh centuries BCE forward, female nudes appear frequently in Etruscan and Italic art and votive oerings.59 But it is in the conventions surrounding nursing mothers that we see the sharpest contrast with Greece, as the image of human and divine nursing mothers is very popular in Etruria, South Italy, and Sicilyall regions where the cult of powerful fertility goddesses had remained strong.60 Included among these images are ve of Hera/Unis ritual adoption of the adult Herakles/ Hercle by nursing him; in one instance he is well-muscled and bearded.61 The acceptance of this image, uneasy to our sensibilities, perhaps casts Galens recommendation to obtain therapeutic milk by nursing directly from the woman in a new light. We can consider here only briey the question of whether the rise in the popularity of mystery cults, which we see from the Hellenistic period forward, aected attitudes about excrement therapy. If, in other words, the belief grew that men and women alike were tainted by the mere fact of existence, and were thus in need of ritual purication, medical purication of male patients might have become acceptable, or even expected. Many a Roman soldier, after all, experienced the puricatory taurobolion of the cult of Mithras, where the initiate was drenched in an estimated 50 litres of blood from a dying bullwhy would he nd it objectionable for a doctor or herbalist to treat him with bulls blood (cf. Dsc. 2.97) or dung (Dsc. 2.98)? A mystery cult of special relevance to the present discussion is that of Isis, which found its way into Greece and Italy in the Hellenistic period under the inuence rst of the Ptolemies, and then of the Romans. Ptolemaic and Imperial rulers found useful the central mythos of the cult, in which Horuss accession to the celestial throne represented on the divine plane pharaonic accession. Images of Isis suckling Horusor the pharoahand thus granting him immortality, were ubiquitous in Egypt.62 Macedonian and Roman rulers found it worthwhile to keep this conception of the ruler, and promoted a Hellenized form of the cult. Native Egyptians, however, were the

Bonfante (2000) 278280; cf. Bonfante (1985) 195203. Bonfante (2000) 281; see Bonfante (1997) for an expanded treatment of dierences between Greek and Etruscan and Italic conventions concerning the image of the nursing mother. 61 Bonfante (1997) 180. 62 Cf. Hera/Unis suckling of Herakles/Hercle, discussed above.
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rst members of the cult in Attica, according to a decree dated to 333 BCE, and the same holds true for Delos, where we have evidence for intense cultic activity. Intriguing in this regard is a classical Corinthian anthropomorphic lekythos of a female gure nursing a baby (possibly a nymph with Dionysos);63 it is similar to the Archaic Isis vases discussed above which, we should recall, were found in a cave sanctuary of Eileithyias on Crete. Does this point to the survival of the transubstantiation ritual in Greece, or to its revival, perhaps under the inuence of Egyptian priests? Conclusion Just as medical remedies can be generated as the result of the acquisition of information or familiarity with practices, so can they be by the misunderstanding or loss of prior knowledge. Because medicine deals with the body, and employs some medicaments that bear symbolic meaning, a new therapy has the potential to provoke complex responses, including ones intertwined with ideas and feelings about gender. In the cases at hand we see that the loss or misunderstanding of knowledge, including that preserved by ritual, and together with changes in socially constructed meanings had important consequences for excrement and milk therapies and their application.

Appendix PGM 12.40844464 Code Name A snakes head A snakes ball of thread 410 Blood of a snake A bone of an ibis Blood of a hyrax

True Ingredient a leech* this means soapstone hematite this is buckthorn truly of a hyrax*

63 See Price (1978) Fig. 25, who acknowledges Isis as a prototype for this and other gures, 3140. 64 I rely on Scarboroughs identications and translation in Betz (ed.) (1986, 1992). The list and the prior paragraph (i.e. PGM XII 401407) also appear in Scarborough (1991) 159160. On this and similar lists, see now Li Donnici (2002).

error, loss, and change in the generation of therapies 187 Tears of a Hamadryas baboon Crocodile dung 415 Blood of a Hamadryas baboon Lion semen Blood of Hephaistos Hairs of a Hamadryas baboon Semen of Hermes 420 Blood of Ares Blood of an eye Blood from a shoulder From the loins A mans bile 425 A pigs tail A physicians bone Blood of Hestia An eagle Blood of a goose 430 Kronos spice A lions hairs Kronos blood Semen of Helios Semen of Herakles 435 [A Titans] blood Blood from a head A bulls semen A hawks heart Semen of Hephaistos 440 Semen of Ammon Fat from a head From the belly From the foot dill juice Ethiopian soil blood of a spotted gecko* Human semen* wormwood dill seed dill purslane tamarisk gall bears breach camomile turnip sap leopards bane sandstone camomile wild garlic (?) a mulberry trees milk piglets milk* tongue of a turnip . . . of cedar white hellebore this is mustard rocket wild lettuce lupine egg of a blister beetle* heart of wormwood this is eabane houseleek spurge earth-apple houseleek

Bibliography
Bardinet, T. (1995), Les Papyrus Mdicaux de Lgypte Pharaonique, Fayard. Betz, H.D. (ed.) (1986, 1992), The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, Chicago and London. Bonfante, L. (1985), Votive terracotta gures of mothers and children, in: J. Swaddling (ed.), Italian Iron Age Artefacts in the British Museum, London, 195203.

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Bonfante, L. (1997), Nursing mothers in classical art, in: A.O. Koloski-Ostrow and C.L. Lyons (edd.), Naked TruthsWomen, Sexuality, and Gender in Classical Art and Archaeology, London and New York, 174196. Bonfante, L. (2000), Classical nudity in Italy and Greece, in: D. Ridgway et al. (edd.), Ancient Italy in its Mediterranean Setting. Studies in honour of Ellen Macnamara, Accordia Specialist Studies on the Mediterranean, Vol. 4, London, 271293. Burkert, W.R. (1983), Homo NecansThe Anthropology of Ancient Greek Sacricial Ritual and Myth, trans. Peter Bing, Berkeley and Los Angeles. Burkert, W.R. (1987), Ancient Mystery Cults, Cambridge and London. Burkert, W.R. (1992), The Orientalizing RevolutionNear Eastern Inuence on Greek Culture in the Early Archaic Age, M.E. Pinder and W. Burkert (trans.). Cambridge and London. Carson, A. (1990), Putting her in her place: woman, dirt, and desire, in: D. Halperin et al. (edd.), Before Sexuality, Princeton, 135169. Cole, S.G. (1992), Gynaiki ou themis: gender dierence in the Greek leges sacrae, Helios 19.12, 104121. Dawson, W.R. (1932), Adversaria aegytiacaII.a strange drug, Aegyptus 12.1, 916. Dean-Jones, L. (1991), The cultural construct of the female body in classical Greek science, in: S. Pomeroy (ed.), Womens History and Ancient History, Chapel Hill, 1137. Dean-Jones, L. (1994), Womens Bodies in Classical Greek Science, Oxford. Deines, H. von, H. Grapow, W. Westendorf. (1958), Grundriss der Medizin der Alten gypter, Voll. IV.1,2 Berlin. Demand, N. (1994), Birth, Death, and Motherhood in Classical Greece, Baltimore and London. Demand, N. (1995), Monuments, midwives and gynecology, in: Ph. J. van der Eijk et al. (edd.), Ancient Medicine in its Socio-Cultural Context, Amsterdam, vol. 1, 275290. Desroches Noblecourt, C. (1952), Pots anthropomorphes et recettes magico-mdicales dans lgypte ancienne, Revue dAegyptologie, 9, 4967. Ebbell, B. (1937), The Papyrus Ebers, Copenhagen. Edgar, C.C. (1904), An Ionian dedication to Isis, Journal of Hellenic Studies, 24, 337. Faraone, C.A. (1992), Talismans and Trojan Horses, Oxford. Flemming, R. (2000), Medicine and the Making of Roman Women, Oxford. Ghalioungui, P. (19732), The House of LifePer Ankh: Magic and Medical Science in Ancient Egypt, Amsterdam. Gourevitch, D. (1990), Les tire-lait antiques et la consommation mdicale de lait humain, Histoire des science mdicales 24, 9398. Hanson, A.E. (1991), The restructuring of female physiology at Rome, in P. Mudry and J. Pigeaud (edd.), Les coles Mdicales Rome, Actes du 2me Colloque international sur les textes mdicaux latins antiques, Lausanne, septembre 1986, Geneva, 255268. Hanson, A.E. (1995), Paidopoia: metaphors for conception, abortion, and gestation in the Hippocratic Corpus, in: P.J. van der Eijk et al. (edd.), Ancient Medicine in its Socio-Cultural Context, Amsterdam, vol. 1, 291307. Hanson, A.E. (1998), Talking recipes in the gynaecological texts of the Hippocratic Corpus, in: M. Wyke (ed.), Parchments of GenderDeciphering the Bodies of Antiquity, Oxford, 7194. Johns, T. (1990), With Bitter Herbs They Shall Eat ItChemical Ecology and the Origins of Human Diet and Medicine, Tucson. Keyser, P. (1997), Science and Magic in Galens Recipes (Sympathy and Ecacy), in: A. Debru (ed.), Galen on PharmacologyPhilosophy, History and Medicine, Proceedings of the Vth International Galen Colloquium, Lille, 1618 March 1995, Leiden et al., 175198.

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King, H. (1995), Self-help, self-knowledge: in search of the patient in Hippocratic gynaecology, in: R. Hawley and B. Levick (edd.), Women in Antiquity: New Assessments, London, 135148. King, H. (1998), Hippocrates Woman: Reading the Female Body in Ancient Greece, London and New York. Kingsley, P. (1995), Ancient Philosophy, Mystery, and Magic, Oxford. Kopcke, G. and I. Tokumaru (edd.). (1992), Greece Between East and West: 10th8th Centuries BC, Papers of the Meeting at the Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, March 1516th, 1990, Mainz. Kron, U. (1988), Kultmahle im Heraion von Samos archaischer ZeitVersuch einer Rekonstruktion, in: R. Hgg et al. (edd.), Early Greek Cult PracticeProceedings of the Fifth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute, Stockholm, 135147. Kyrieleis, H. (1988), Oerings of the common man in the Heraion at Samos, in: R. Hgg et al. (edd.), Early Greek Cult PracticeProceedings of the Fifth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute, Stockholm, 215221. Li Donnici, L. (2002), Beans, eawort, and the blood of a Hamadryas baboon, in: P. Mirecki and M. Meyer (eds.), Magic and Ritual in the Ancient World, Leiden, 359377. Mller, A. (2000), NaukratisTrade in Archaic Greece, Oxford. Morris, S.P. (1992), Daidalos and the Origins of Greek Art, Princeton. Parker, R. (1983), MiasmaPollution and Purication in Early Greek Religion, Oxford. Plotkin, M.J. (1993), Tales of a Shamans Apprentice: An Ethnobotanist Searches for New Medicines in the Amazon Rain Forest, New York, London, et al. Price, T.H. (1978), Kourotrophos: Cults and Representations of the Greek Nursing Deities, Leiden. Riddle, J. (1985), Dioscorides on Pharmacy and Medicine, Austin. Riddle, J. (1992), Abortion and Contraception from the Ancient World to the Renaissance, Cambridge. Ritner, R.K. (19952), The Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice, SAOC 54. Romano, I.B. (1988), Early Greek cult images and cult practices, in: R. Hgg et al. (edd.), Early Greek Cult PracticeProceedings of the Fifth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute, Stockholm, 127133. Rousselle, A. (1988), Porneia: On Desire and the Body in Antiquity, F. Pheasant (tr.), Oxford. Salomon, N. (1997), Making a world of dierence: gender, asymmetry, and the Greek nude, in: A.O. Koloski-Ostrow and C.L. Lyons (edd.), Naked Truths Women, Sexuality, and Gender in Classical Art and Archaeology, London and New York, 197219. Skon-Jedele, N.J. (1995), AigyptiakaA Catalogue of Egyptian and Egyptianizing Objects Excavated from Greek Archaeological Sites, ca. 1100525 BC, with Historical Commentary, dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, Ann Arbor. Staden, H. von. (1992), Women and dirt, Helios 19.12, 730. Tambiah, S.J. (1973), Form and meaning of magical acts: a point of view, in: R. Horton and R. Finnegan (edd.), Modes of ThoughtEssays on Thinking in Western and Non-Western Societies, London, 199229. Tinh, V.T.T. and Y. Labrecque. (1973), Isis Lactans. Corpus des Monuments GrcoRomains dIsis Allaitant Harpocrate, Leiden. West, M.L. (1997), The East Face of Helicon: West Asiatic Elements in Greek Poetry and Myth Oxford.

THE HIPPOCRATIC TREATISE PERI OPSIOS (DE VIDENDI ACIE, ON THE ORGAN OF SIGHT)1 Elizabeth Craik

Summary The nature and aliations of the work are addressed. The closest anities in medical subject matter (details of eye ux and cautery), linguistic expression (features of syntax, grammar and vocabulary) and stylistic tone (didactic and magisterial aspects) are seen to be with Places in Man. The inference that the work has an early date and west Greek provenance, and that the author may have interacted with Alcmaeon or Empedocles, both known to have taken an interest in the eye, is examined. Evidence for an Egyptian or Libyan (North African) connection is adduced, and a case made for input from Cyrene.

The work on sight occupies a mere four pages of Greek in the modern printed text.2 The treatise is not only brief; it is also both technical and corrupt. Little attention has been paid to it in recent decades. Such short workswe may compare the still shorter On Anatomy and the somewhat longer Dentitionare peculiarly dicult to interpret, and to place in the wider context of the Hippocratic Corpus and other writings. Here this attempt is made. To argue that dierent works of the Hippocratic Corpus belong together, a conjunction of similar content and similar language is required. Many associations in content can be explained simply by access to a common pool of knowledge, from which items might be taken and reworked. Unless it is unusually esoteric, or there is a high concentration of coincident elements, content is not a reliable indicator. Language may be somewhat more reliable, though here too caution in interpretation

1 I am most grateful to those who commented on this paper at the conference, or afterwards, and especially to those who provided additional bibliographical material: Paul Demont, Maria Elena Gorrini and Christopher Tuplin. 2 Sichel ap. Littr 9.152161 (1861); Ermerins 3.279283 (1864); Joly (1978) 168171.

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is imperative. Where such elements as vocabulary, or grammatical and syntactical features, or use and frequency of particles and pronouns are sharedespecially where these are distinctive or non-standardthey may be pointers to a common tradition. The title (not, of course, original) may have arisen from a compilers glance at the rst words. The term ciw, used three times in the workin 1 (plural), 2 (singular) and 8 (singular)can be either abstract or concrete in sense (9.152 and 158 L.). In the former case (the sense in 2 and 8, and the sense more common in the Hippocratic Corpus), it is always singular, vision. In the latter case (the sense in 1), it may be singular or plural, with reference to the seeing organ; that is to the eye(s) or to the central seeing part of the eye, iris with pupil or perhaps pupil alone, though for this the word kor was available. We might translate On Vision or On Sight; but a general title On the Eye is more apt to the actual content and the rather cumbersome On the Organ of Sight conveys the dual sense, abstract and concrete, of the word ciw. The work, written in a didactic and magisterial style, is a surgical manual; or more probably, in view of its excessive brevity, its abrupt asyndetic beginning and equally abrupt ending, and its marked omissions of common eye a ictions (such as the classic symptom inammation and the serious condition rupture, leading to protrusion of the eyeball) an excerpt from, or notes on, a surgical manual. Procedures are detailed for a series of eye complaints; these can be identied with a degree of plausibility as glaucoma, cataract, eects of trachoma, night blindness and seasonal ophthalmia. The exclusively surgical content makes comparison with non-surgical treatises dicult. There are some general resonances with the practices, and so with the vocabulary, of such surgical works as Ulcers and Articulations; also with surgical procedures in the gynaecological treatises. Other anities can be traced with works which are primarily theoretical (especially with Places in Man) or primarily nosological (especially with Diseases 2 and Internal Aections) or primarily prognostic (especially with Prorrhetic 2) but the emphasis is naturally dierent.3

3 An instance of context-dependent vocabulary is hsiw, regularly used of handson surgical treatment; an instance of context-dependent expression is the repetition of such next conjunctions as peita and steron indicating successive stages in a series of instructions.

See Longrigg (1993) 5860 on Alcmaeon and 72 on Empedocles. Cf. Jouanna (1983) 215, n. 3.

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doctor of Organ of Sight: even if the story is true, the dissection was almost certainly of an animal.17 There is evidence that Democritus too took an interest in sense perception and dissected animals, cutting into the brgma, forehead. It has already been argued that Places in Man shows some Egyptian inuence. Organ of Sight surely does also, and to a greater degree. We should say rather that there may be input from various regions in north Africa; from Libya as well as Egypt. These terms were not always used with precision: Strabo used Libya for all of the African continent in stating that the inhabited world had three continents: Libya (the smallest), Europe and Asia (17.3.1). The evidence for Egyptian or Libyan input is varied and cumulatively compelling. Above all, there is the good fth century evidence of Herodotus, who visited Egypt around 430 BCE.18 From Herodotus we learn that there was a degree of medical specialisation in Egypt: among specialist practitioners he mentions ophthalmologists as well as dentists and others (2.84). Further, he tells us that the Persian king Cyrus seeking the best treatmentrecruited an eye doctor from Egypt through the Pharaoh Amasis (3.1). Herodotus regarded the doctors of Libyan Cyrene as most famous after those of Croton: those of Cos and Cnidus do not rate a mention (3.131).19 In an unrelated passage (4.187.2) Herodotus informs us that cautery of the vessels in the crown and temples was regularly practised in Libya, with a view to ensuring health by the prevention of downward ow of phlegm. Such cautery, as a therapeutic rather than preventive measure, is readily paralleled in the many Hippocratic works which prescribe treatment for conditions arising from ux from the head, especially to the eyes but also to ears, nose and elsewhere in the body. These practices were widespread in antiquity. Celsus, writing in the rst century CE, regards this aspect of medicine as part of universal practice, though with local variations: the Afrorum curatio was to burn the crown of the scalp to the bone, whereas in Gaul the vessels in the temples and the crown of the head were

In an important paper on this subject, Lloyd (1975) discusses the evidence of Loc. Hom., A. and Morb. 2, but curiously makes no mention of Vid. Ac. 18 See Altho (1993). 19 The appended statement on Cyrene has been deleted by Stein and a few others, in the belief that it is a scribes chronological note; but most editors retain the text in its transmitted form, which was that known to Eustathius.

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treated. The African procedure is exactly that detailed in Organ of Sight (3.12 [9.154 L.]). The second category of evidence is that of papyri, especially the Ebers papyrus, which deals with dierent diseases of the eyes and recommended treatments. Although this of a much earlier date, c. 1500 BCE, medical conservatism makes it acceptable as evidence.20 The Ebers papyrus (opthalmology) prescribes for one case, sharu disease, treatment by roasted ox liver pressed on the eye; further, at the beginning of the Kahun papyrus (gynaecology) a patient suering from an eye disorder is prescribed, after treatment of both uterus and eyes by fumigation, a meal of fresh (?raw) ass liver.21 These passages in Ebers and Kahun may be considered with the treatment of night blindness in Organ of Sight 8, where the patient is apparently exhorted to gulp down one or two large raw ox livers.22 The reading raw ought probably to be emended. However, the gynaecological element is of interest, as in two Hippocratic passages, (cooked) liver is prescribed for gynaecological patients: Diseases of Women 1.34 (8.80 L.), sheep or goat liver in cases where, near parturition, the uterus lls with wind and 2.110 (8.236 L.), sheep or ox liver to control unnatural ow of menstrual blood. There are parallels in Herophilus, Celsus, Paul of Aegina, Aretaeus, Galen and Pliny for treatment of night blindness by (always cooked) liver of various animals; sometimes the cooking juices are used as a lotion as well as the meat for consumption.23 Another parallel between early Egyptian medicine and the medicine of Places in Man is in the supposed system of the blood vessels. The distribution of the vessels, as described in the Egyptian vessel book is: to the back of the head, to the forehead, to the eye, to the eyebrow and to the temples; the vessels to the temples had as their contents blood and water, carried to the eye. Also, the distinction made between the bones in the head, perhaps skull and temporal bone, indicates an anatomy similar to that of exponents of

20 See Nunn (1996) 199200 on Ebers papyrus, 119 on stelae corroborating that ophthalmology existed as a recognised specialisation, and 206 on lack of evidence for any major change in the format or content of Egyptian medicine over the long period 2600 to 525 BCE. 21 See Nunn (1996) 200 on Kahun papyrus 1: then you shall cause her to eat fresh liver of ass. 22 The passage is discussed by Gourevich (1980). 23 Cf. von Staden (1989) 4256.

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two types of ux to the eye, upper and lower:24 the anatomy of the head was well known, as in mummication procedures the contents of the brain were removed through the nose. And the suggestion of a remedy, three times repeated in the Ebers papyrus, to drive out blood, or vessels of blood, from the eyes recalls the problem of amatdw ti . . . grn a bloody sort of moisture at Places in Man 13.6 (6.302 L.). There is much general evidence for communications between the regions. Egypt was known to Greeks already in the seventh century, when mercenaries served under the pharaohs, and there were soon Greek and Carian settlers (Hdt. 2.61). Homer mentions Egypt incidentally as a source of pharmaka drugs (Odyssey 4.227232, Helen had drugs from Egypt, a fertile land and a rich source); in the classical era, Theophrastus regarded Egypt as a prime source of drugs (History of Plants 9.15; cf. HP 4, list of plants peculiar to regions: 4.2.1 . Egypt; 4.3.1 . Libya; 4.4.1 . Asia). This is corroborated by references in the Hippocratic Corpus itself to Egyptian, Libyan, and Ethiopian specics. The adjective Egyptian occurs seventy-six times in the Hippocratic Corpus, with reference to perfume, soda, linen and so on. Ethiopian cumin too was prescribed. Most of these references are in the surgical and gynaecological works; also in Epidemics 2, 5 and 7, in Internal Aections and in Regimen in Acute Diseases. There was a regular trade route to the mainland from Egypt and from Sicily; grain especially was an important commodity, which had to be imported to the Greek mainland. In addition to grain, Egypt exported linen and papyrus; the main imports were wine, oil and pottery. Cyrene, which was founded on the Libyan coast by Dorians from Thera in around 630 BCE, and which had a further inux of immigrants from Greece around 570 BCE, rapidly became an important Greek city: culturally cosmopolitan, intellectually vibrant, and prosperous both agriculturally and economically. Relations between Cyrene and the surrounding peoples, largely nomadic, were complex, as were relations with the greater powers of Egypt and Persia.25 When the

See Nunn (1996) 45 and diagram, 50. Laronde (1990) describes a situation of contacts and change, as well as conicts. See also Schafer (1952) and, especially, the palmary survey of Hornblower (1983) 5965, Cyrene, Africa and Egypt in the fth century. Strabo 17.3.21 gives a useful potted history.
25

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Persians conquered Egypt in 525 BCE, Cyrene was able to coexist independently for a time, though it later became part of the Persian empire; it was free again in the middle of the fth century, about the time its monarchy nally collapsed, but never regained its earlier importance. It may be conjectured that Cyrene was an interconnecting hub, an intermediary in communications between the Aegean and Italy. Sea communications with both were good. The route to the Aegean was via Crete, due north of Cyrene and readily reached by favouring winds; to reach Sicily, voyagers could either take the direct route or hug the north African coast before making a short crossing on the open sea. Various pointers corroborate Herodotus estimate of the importance of Libyan Cyrene as a medical centre. It was a major centre of Asclepius worship.26 It was the centre of trade in the healing plant silphion, of which the local monarchy had a monopoly. Although the plant is familiar from illustrations on the coins of the region, it has not been certainly identied. One identication canvassed is Thapsia Garganica. The stalk and the sap had medicinal properties as a binding agent, or styptic. According to Theophrastus, the plant was peculiar to Cyrenaica, though according to Strabo an inferior variety grew in Media.27 The medicament is mentioned forty-six times in the Hippocratic Corpus. Exactly half of these occurrences are in the gynaecological works; there are some in the surgical works as well as Internal Aections (seven occurrences); Regimen in Acute Diseases (four); Diseases 2 and Diseases 3 (four each); Diseases 4 (one); Epidemics 7 (two). People and ideas, as well as goods, surely travelled these routes. Although, as usual, names are elusive it is clear that Egypt produced notable doctors, some known to mainland Greeks. The ideas of Ninyas of Egypt about disease-inducing ux are among those cited, with those of Euryphon of Cnidus and many others, including many from Italy and Sicily, in the Menoneia (Anon. Lond. IX 3744). There is a tradition of a visit to Cyrene as well as to Italy by Plato, who had pronounced medical interests. Iamblichus begins his catalogue of Pythagoreans with men of Cyrene (DK 58 A 1). Theodorus

See Presicce (1991). See Theophrastus, HP 4.3.1 and also 9.1, 4, 7, on which see Capelle (1954), esp. 178183, and Strabo 11.13.7 and cf. 2.2.3; 2.5.33; also Herodotus 4.169.
27

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of Cyrene, whose name was used to signify an archetypal mathematician, speaks briey, as an old man who was teacher of Theaetetus in Platos dialogue of that name (Pl. Theaetetus 146 B). The career of the eye doctor who went to Persia, like that of Democedes (Hdt. 3.1, 125, 131132), is evidence of interaction between distant regions and of considerable professional mobility; also of the tendency for the best doctors to gravitate to places where they could nd power, prestige and patronage; that is, to royal courts or to wealthy aristocratic households. Similarly, Roman emperors employed distinguished physicians; among them Oribasius, a most prolic medical writer. A parallel may be suggested. Poets as well as doctors depended on potentates and their patronage. Even the tragic dramatists, whose work is often taken to epitomise democratic Athens at its zenith, travelled to foreign courts: in old age, Aeschylus lived in Sicily and Euripides in Macedon, while Sophocles was regarded as unusual in not leaving the city. The career of the top poet Pindar is analagous in its locale to that of the top doctor Democedes, both being peripatetic. Both were active at Aegina and neither at Athens: a quarter of all Pindars epinicians are for Aeginetans, only two for Athenians. Pindar had patrons in Sicily (centre, with the south Italian cities, of west Greek medicine), in Thessaly (where the doctors of the Epidemics practised) and in Cyrene (also a medical centre). The travels of Pindar can be plausibly reconstructed by inference from the content of his poems, in conjunction with information in the ancient vita. Chronologically, Pindars career is as follows: around 498 BCE, patrons Aleuadae of Thessaly (Pythian 10); around 474466 BCE, patrons Hieron and Theron in Sicily (Olympians 1 and 3; Pythian 1); 474 BCE, patron Telesicrates of Cyrene (Pythian 9); 462 BCE, patron Arcesilas, king of Cyrene (Pythians 4 and 5). The ancient vita tells of a stay at the court of Hieron, ruler of Syracuse. Scepticism about the information given by ancient biographers, and about biographical information implicit in an authors work, has been current for some time; but this scepticismin any case rather exaggeratedis inappropriate in the case of a lyric poet evidently naming and praising his patrons. It is impossible to be certain that Pindar went personally to Cyrene to hear his odes performed, but it is highly probable. Pythian 5 seems to display familiarity with the topography of Cyrene as well with its antiquarian traditions. In Pythian 4, a vast virtuoso work of thirteen triads, there is a concatenation of medical imagery. King Arcesilas is likened to an atr pikairtatow, a most apt

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healer, honoured by Paian, and one who must apply a gentle hand to treat a sore from a wound (270271); then it is added that gr kairw prw nyrpvn brax mtron xei, time for man has a brief span (286). This is not a mere clich. The word kairos (present already in the adjective applied to healer) had been appropriated by the medical profession, and the sentiment has close verbal as well as semantic parallels in the corpus. Further, in a typical Pindaric patterning, the myth of Cyrene, the eponymous nymph of the city, mother by Apollo of Aristaeus (Pythian 9) is a doublet of the myth of Coronis, mother by Apollo of Asclepius (Pythian 3). Thessaly is the locale for both myths; the centaur Cheiron is involved in both as observer, adviser or more active participant (Pythian 3.63; 9.29, 3839). Cheiron, son of Kronos and Philyra, belongs in an ancient stratum of Greek myth (genealogies, Apollodorus 3.10.3). It was he who taught medicine to the heroes: not only to Asclepius, his star pupil, but also to Achilles (Homer, Iliad 4.219; 11.831832). Centaurs are usually disparaged in Greek verse; but Pindar uses complimentary epithets of Cheiron, suggesting an ancient and powerful divinity (Pythian 4.119, divine; 9.38 mighty; Nemean 3.5455, wise). That Thessaly is important in the origins of Asclepius cult is well known; the diusion of the cult is more uncertain.28 It is, however, certain that Cheiron pre-dated Asclepius in cult as well as in myth. A primitive rock inscription from Thera, mother city of Cyrene, has the name Cheiron (IG 12.3.360). The importance of Cheiron survives in names for various kinds of all-heal, known as Cheironeion, Asklepieion, Herakleion (Theophrastus, HP 9.11). Considering the marked roughness of Organ of Sight, it may be conjectured that this whole treatise is based on the work of someone whose rst language was not Greek and who was not entirely at home with the idiom. Particular oddities in use of prepositions are unlikely to come from vagaries in transmission; the idiomatic use of prepositions is peculiarly dicult for foreigners to master. Examples are: n poll xrn steron (1.1); xvre p t flaurteron (1.1); p prsyen (1.2); pln to pnu prw at t st (2.1); par t llo (3.4); steron totou (4.2); met to jhro (9.3). We may add two

28 Thus, one tradition had it that Cyrene acquired the cult from Epidaurus and gave it to Cretan Lebena (Pausanias 2.26). It is odd that at Cyrene Asclepius had the seemingly otiose cult title Iatros, doctor.

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slightly unusual expressions from 9.1: sumfrei prw (found also Epid. 5 and 7, Fract., VC ) and sikai kat tw flbaw (found also Acut. and Epid. 2 for the regular sikai prw). Organ of Sight is not cited by ancient compilers of glossaries, despite the presence of some unusual features in vocabulary.29 The work is not mentioned by any ancient source. It may have had a dierent tradition, and a dierent route to the library in Alexandria where the Hippocratic Corpus took the form which became denitive. It may even have remained in Cyrene, a short step from Alexandria. Prominent Alexandrian scholars from Cyrene include Callimachus. Alternatively, one might speculate that a doctor from another region visited Cyrene to further his knowledge of eye diseases and treatments and that his notes, preserving the local idiom, have survived.30 What can we conclude? The closest anities in content and in language are with Places in Man (and, with it, Glands). The case for common authorship with Aections is uncertain. While Aections has resemblances with Places in Man31 and Places in Man has resemblances with Organ of Sight, it is less easy to nd signicant common ground between Aections and Organ of Sight, and the language (particles excepted) is quite dierent. Although the content quite closely resembles the content of the section on eye diseases in Prorrhetic 2, the language and style are in no way similar. When we turn to other works in the Hippocratic Corpus, various elements of common content can be traced. The closest is the account of diseases aecting the head of Diseases 2: several sections show strong similarities and the arrangement by headings is the same. There is a further nexus of associations with treatises which give recipes (Diseases of Women 1, Regimen in Acute Diseases); and still another with treatises where cautery is employed (Aections, Internal Aections, Articulations in addition to Places in Man and Diseases 2). In language, the most striking recurrent parallels are with Places in Man and with the gynaecological works, separately or together; there are also some elements peculiar to our

29 An exception may be trakton, glossed by Galen in the accusative; the only other known occurrence, Int. 28 (7.242 L.) is dative plural. See Anastassiou and Irmer (1997) 458459. 30 See Staden (1989) 206 T 90 on the bad Greek allegedly spoken by many in Alexandria and other regions in later times. 31 See Craik (1998) 234235 on A. 61 ~ Loc. Hom. 41, dierent eects of same foods, and on other similar passages.

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treatise and Internal Aections. Particular passages of the short work particularly resemble passages from the treatises mentioned: Prorrhetic 2 (1, 2 and 9), Internal Aections (3 and 5), Diseases 2 (4, 6 and 8), Regimen in Acute Diseases (6). There is some resemblance with some elements in Epidemics (6 and 9). Although in two cases, these similarities may facilitate emendation of Organ of Sight, where the transmitted text is problematical to the point of being meaningless,32 the nexus of interrelations must induce caution. Once again, the complex intertextuality of the tradition is demonstrated. The interrelation of its geographical origins may also be more complex than commonly supposed. Bibliography
Altho, J. (1993), Herodot und die griechische Medizin, in: K. Dring and G. Whrle (eds.), Antike Naturwissenschaft und ihre Rezeption 3, Bamberg, 116. Anastassiou, A. and Irmer, D. (1997), Testimonien zum Corpus Hippocraticum, Teil 2 Galen, Gttingen. Capelle, W. (1954), Theophrast in Kyrene?, Rheinisches Museum fr Philologie 97, 169189. Craik, E.M. (1998), Hippocrates: Places in Man, Oxford. Craik, E.M. (2002), Phlegmone normal and abnormal, in: A. Thivel and A. Zucker (eds.), Le normal et le pathologique dans la collection hippocratique, Nice, 285301. Ermerins, F.Z. (18591864), Hippocratis et aliorum medicorum veterum reliquiae (3 vols.), Utrecht. Gourevich, D. (1980), Le dossier philologique du nyctalope, in: M.D. Grmek, F. Robert (eds.), Hippocratica, Paris, 167187. Hanson, M. (1999), Hippocrates On Head Wounds (CMG 1.4.1), Berlin. Hornblower, S. (1983), The Greek World 479323 BC, London. Joly, R. (1978), Hippocrate t. XIII: Des Lieux dans lhomme. Du systme des glandes. Des stules. Des hmorrodes. De la vision. Des chairs. De la dentition, Paris. Jouanna, J. (1983), Hippocrate t. X.2: Maladies II, Paris. Laronde, A. (1990), Greeks and Libyans in Cyrenaica, in: Greek Colonists and Native Populations, Oxford, 169180. Littr, E. (183961), Oeuvres completes dHippocrate (10 vols.), Paris. Lloyd, G. (1975 and 1991), Alcmaeon and the early history of dissection, Sudhos Archiv 59, 113147 (reprinted with new introduction in Methods and Problems in Greek Science, Cambridge, 164193). Longrigg. J. (1993), Greek Rational Medicine, London. Nunn, J.F. (1996), Ancient Egyptian Medicine, London. Presicce, C.P. (1991), Panakeia, Iatros e le altre divinita asclepiadi a Cirene, Africa Ramene 9, 147166. Rodriguez Alfageme, I. (1993), La atribucion de Hipp. de Visu, Cuadernos de lologia clasica (G) 3, 5765.

A new edition of the text is projected.

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Schafer, H. (1952), Die Verfassungsgeschichtliche Entwicklung Cyrenes im ersten Jahrhundert nach seiner Begrndung, Rheinisches Museum fr Philologie 95, 13570. Staden, H. von (1989), Herophilus: the Art of Medicine in early Alexandria, Cambridge. Thivel, A. (1981), Cnide et Cos? Essai sur les doctrines mdicales dans la collection hippocratique, Paris.

COAN PROMOTIONS AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE PRESBEUTIKOS* Eric D. Nelson

Summary This article argues that the Presbeutikos Thessalou (Ambassadorial Oration of Thessalus), a seminal text of the Hippocratic pseudepigrapha, is an excerpt of the lost third century BCE historical work Ta Kaka (History of Cos) of Macareus. It further argues that the rhetoric of the speech derives from ambassadorial speeches delivered by Coan embassies, of which Macareus was a member, on behalf of the Coan Asclepieion. It also suggests that the Presbeutikos companion in the pseudepigrapha, the Epibomios (Speech from the Altar), may have a similar origin in Macareus historical work. The gure of Hippocrates has loomed over western medicine as the paradigm of the good physician in action and in thought. Yet scholars since Littr have become increasingly doubtful that we know what his actual contributions to Greek medical science and practice were, for it appears that the historical gure was rapidly obfuscated by the development of a traditional gure by the rst century BCE.1 The extent of this obfuscation, however, hinges largely on the role that two pseudepigraphic texts, the Presbeutikos (Embassy or Speech of the Envoy) and the Epibomios (Speech from the Altar), played in this process.2 Smith and Rubin-Pinault suggest that these texts served as catalysts for the development of the traditional gure by
* My special thanks to Larry Bliquez, who patiently encouraged this work, and to my wife, Susan K. Nelson, who was instrumental in bringing both the argumentation and the text to its present form. All errors and obscurities that remain are mine. 1 See discussions in Joly (1972); Jouanna (1999); Rubin-Pinault (1983 and 1992); Scarborough (1988); and Smith (1979, 1989 and 1990). All dates are BCE unless otherwise noted. 2 The Presbeutikos (henceforth Pres.) = Corpus Hippocraticum, Epistolai (henceforth Hp. Ep.) 27; the Epibomios (henceforth Epib.) = Hp. Ep. 26. I refer to sections of these works according to the edition of Smith (1992).

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imprinting an anonymous collection of medical writings with a largely ctitious (or at best unveriable) picture of a heroic physician.3 Jouanna, on the other hand, claims the Presbeutikos as one of the more reliable sources concerning the historical gure.4 Both views make a closer examination of these texts a worthwhile endeavour. My project here is to determine, insofar as possible, the date, origin, and authorship of the Presbeutikos (and, to a lesser degree, of the Epibomios), not to argue for the historicity of the details contained in the text(s). First, I argue that the Presbeutikos can best be dated to the mid-third century and, second, that it must be understood against the background of historical ambassadorial orations made by Coan embassies seeking asulia (inviolate status and protection for pilgrims) for the Asclepieion. Third, I argue that an evaluation of the Presbeutikos as a composition indicates that it, and most likely the Epibomios, is an excerpt of a historical work and, fourth, I identify Ta Kaka (The History of Cos) of Macareus as the source and Macareus as one of the primary ambassadors of the Coan embassies. I hope that my discussion contributes to a fuller understanding of the process of transformation from historical to traditional Hippocrates, and that the former sections might remain useful to those readers who will nd the latter too speculative, even though the four sections form a complete and integrated argument. I begin with a brief summary of the Presbeutikos and with the arguments for dating. Dating the Presbeutikos The Presbeutikos is a ctitious ambassadorial address (presbeutikos logos) delivered by Hippocrates son, Thessalus, to the Athenian assembly. The dramatic date is about 407, when Cos was an object of contention between the Spartan and Athenian eets.5 Thessalus attempts to avert a pending Athenian attack by reminding the Athenians of four services that his Asclepiad and Heraclid ancestors performed for Greece in general and for Athens in particular. These services include:
3 4

Smith (1990) 218; Rubin-Pinault (1992) 5 and 42. Jouanna (1999) 9. 5 See Nelson (1992) 1623; Jouanna (1999) 36 tends toward 411408. Either dramatic date suces for the arguments of this paper.

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1. Coan assistance to the Amphictyons in the First Sacred War; 2. Coan resistance to the Persians and Artemisia under the tyrant Cadmus; 3. Hippocrates averting of a plague threatening Greece from Paeonia and Illyria; and 4. Thessalus own participation in the Sicilian Expedition as an allied military doctor. Against this detailed historical narrative, Thessalus appeals for discretion and clemency. He calls the Athenians pending aggression unjust and unholy, and he entreats them to live up to their reputation and traditional good relationship with his homeland. He traces the theme of the Asclepiads service back to Heracles, Asclepius, and the Homeric hero Machaon, and, should an Athenian attack be inevitable, he calls for the protection of the Asclepiads and their property. Finally, he warns his audience of the capriciousness of fortune and hints that other HeracleidaiThessalians, Argives, Spartans, and the kings of Macedoniamay aid Cos if Athens pursues its attack. Arguments for dating the composition have vacillated between a terminus post quem of 366 (Coan synoecism or political unication) and a terminus ante quem of c. CE 60 (Erotians reference to both speeches),6 and rely on matching the rhetorical stance of the text with an appropriate historical moment. Herzog and Edelstein place the composition at 350 and 190 respectively;7 although they feel that the rhetorical nature of the text precludes a precise dating, Rubin-Pinault8 favours a dating closer to that of Herzog, while Smith, after weighing the evidence, favours a date c. 250.9 However, while the texts rhetorical stance may t various historical moments, I will argue that an analysis of rhetorical content and form yields better precision. In the rst case, it shows that the story of the Calydonian Man, which is embedded into the First Sacred War narrative, strongly favours dating the text to the mid-third century. In the second, an analysis of the Presbeutikos unusual combination of form and content shows that it is analogous to specic

6 7 8 9

Nachmanson (1918) 9. Herzog (1899) 215 .; Edelstein (1935) 1305. Rubin-Pinault (1992) 4142 and (1983) 8182. Smith (1992) 67.

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Coan ambassadorial orations composed and delivered in the midthird century. Let us then begin with the Presbeutikos anonymous Calydonian hero. The Anonymous Hero The story of the Calydonian Man is the most prominent of several textual features that appear to locate the Presbeutikos in the third century.10 It occurs in the long historical narrative of the First Sacred War, in which Thessalus claims that the Asclepiads Nebrus and his son Chrysus assisted the Amphictyons ghting the First Sacred War and brought along an unnamed Calydonian Man (Kaludnion ndra).11 The purpose of this seemingly extraneous detail becomes clear when the author cites Delphic privileges for the Calydonians as evidence of the truthfulness of the events as he has described them:
Asklhpidsin d tosin k K dyh Nbrou xriti proyumh prw mantehn, kayper tosin eromnmosi, Kaludvnoisi d p kenou to ndrw ka kenhw tw pourghw ka nn n Delfosi promanteh ka aeisith ddotai. All pneimi p t mtera.

And so the right of consultation of the oracle was awarded to the Asclepiads of Cos for the service of Nebrus ( just as it is for the hieromnemes); but to the Calydonians, for that man and that assistance even now in Delphithe right of rst consultation and perpetual board has been granted. But I proceed to our own aairs.12 Pres. 4 (p. 114,2730 Smith; 9.412 L.)

Although privileges for the Asclepiads at Delphi have been conrmed and are the focus of some interest,13 what the Presbeutikos says about the Calydonian privileges is more important for dating the composition, for the author uses them to buttress his claims concerning

For others, see Nelson (1992). Pres. 4 (p. 114,45 Smith = 9.412 L). See Forrest (1956); Davies (1994); and Brodersen (1991) for discussions of the murky tradition and its historicity. 12 All translations are mine unless otherwise noted. 13 SEG XVI 326, dated c. 350, conrms promanteia to patrilineal Coan (and Cnidian) Asclepiads (published by Bousquet (1956) 579593 and Sokolowski (1962)). Jouanna (1999) 3334 takes this as evidence for the historicity of Pres. 4 (p. 114,27 Smith = 9.414 L). For counter-arguments see Smith (1992) 1516.
11

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Coan privileges and to lend credibility to his account of the war.14 Such use implies that the Calydonian privileges were better known than the Coan privilegesand, the text implies, currently in place15 at the time of the Presbeutikos composition. I will argue that this time (i.e. the period when these Calydonian privileges would most likely gain the recognition upon which the authors argumentation depends) coincided with the Aetolian Leagues domination of Delphi and the surrounding Amphictyony (278226). But, to begin, why identify Aetolia with the Calydonian hero? Calydon does not gure prominently in Delphic history, nor does any epigraphic evidence (to my knowledge) record privileges for Calydonians at the shrine. Calydon was, however, central to Aetolia, whose league played an important role around Delphi, from Philip II through to Philip V. This league was not a centrally controlled federation but a joint association of Aetolian towns, whose meeting place moved among its members. However, heroes are generally associated with a specic locality and polis. Calydon, the religious centre of the Aetolian League,16 was generally synonymous with the region.17 Therefore, although Calydonnot Aetoliafeatures in the Presbeutikos, a Calydonian hero could easily represent the Aetolians in general. The puzzling anonymity of the Calydonian does not stand in the way of this identication. It is possible, given the uncentralised nature of the Aetolians, that the author was either unable or unwilling to name the character. On the other hand, perhaps the Man of Calydon was a less anonymous reference than it appears. Theocritus (17.54) calls Diomedes the son of Tydeus, that man of Calydon (andra Kaludnion), and this family already gured prominently in myths of

14 The author also indicates this at Pres. 4 (p. 114,45 = 9.412 L): And Chrysus brought along a Calydonian man . . . concerning whom my story will clarify when the need has come. (Sunbhse d Nbrow otow ka Kaludnion ndra . . . pr o t atka lgow dhlsei, tan xrsiw ly). 15 I take the use of ka nn (even now) in a story serving as evidence for the reader to indicate that the Calydonian privileges were also active in the authors present. 16 The Aetolian temples of Apollo and Artemis Laphrios were there (Strabo 10.2.21). 17 Thucydides 3.102; Xenophon, History of Greece 4.6.1.1; and Euripides, Fragments 515.1 and 558.2, Strabo 10.2.22 and 12.3.6 and Plautus, The Young Carthaginian 74 use the name Calydon for the region as well as the city.

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the region. Perhaps, just as the Coan Nebridai wove Nebrus and the Athenian Alcmaeonidai wove Alcmaeon into the story of the First Sacred War,18 Aetolian nobility claimed a role for a mythic ancestor, who in our version goes unnamed and, hence, unrecognised.19 In any case, the story of the Calydonian privileges, if understood to refer to the Aetolians, has an easily marked trail, from origin in the fourth century to probable popularity in the third. A fragmentary inscription, dated to 338,20 grants the Aetolians promanteia (the right of rst consultation of the oracle), proedria (precedence of place), and ateleia (exemption from nancial obligations). This close match to the promantei kai aieisiti (right of rst consultation and perpetual free board) claimed by the Presbeutikos for the Calydonians probably constitutes the privileges to which the Presbeutikos refers. There was a long-standing Delphic tradition of validating an award of privileges with a mythological or historical precedent.21 The Aetolian Leagues involvement with Delphi went back to the period of the Third Sacred War, when they became allies of Philip II in his subjugation of central Greece.22 Philips victory over the Phocians was widely portrayed as a symbolic as well as an historical analogue to the First Sacred War. Like the Thessalians (who led the First Sacred War), he took a prominent place in the Amphictyony and the honour of hosting the Pythian games. After Chaeronea, Philip rewarded the Aetolians by returning Naupactus to them23 and, it appears, arranged for the Philippising shrine to grant them the privileges recorded on the inscription in 338. The Aetolian Leagues assistance to Philip, especially in this symbolically charged environment, probably marked the genesis of the story of the Calydonian Man. His ancillary role may reect the Aetolians role, or simply that he was

18 For Nebrus see Sherwin-White (1978) 169 and Parke and Boardman (1957) 276282; for Alcmaeon see Aeschines 3.107. 19 There is evidence that noble Aetolians of the period traced their lineage back to such mythological roots. A particular case is the famous second century Aetolian envoy Thoas (Polybius 21.14, 22.26, 28.4), whose name recalls the Homeric Calydonian King (Iliad 2.638). 20 SEG XVII 238, reconstructed and interpreted by J. Bousquet (1957); for dating of the archonship of Sarpedon see G. Daux (1943) F. 2. 21 Individuals include Croesus (Herodotus 1.54) and Philip II (Demosthenes 9.32); for Spartan, Phocian, Thessalian and Athenian privileges see Latte (1962) and Parke and Wormell (1956), Vol. 1, p. 31. 22 Diodorus Siculus 16.69.8; Ellis (1976) 191. 23 Demosthenes 9.34; Philochorus F 56; Strabo. 9.C.427; also Ellis (1976) 158.

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a late appendix to an already full and well-known tradition. It seems likely, therefore, that the Calydonian Man and the Calydonian privileges found their place in the story of the First Sacred War around 338. The Aetolians relationships with Greece, however, deteriorated rapidly after 338 to the point where they isolated Delphi,24 until a mainly Aetolian contingent defended the shrine from an invading army of Celts in 279.25 This incident impressed itself on the era as a great event of Hellenic history,26 ended the stalemate, and provided the Aetolian League with enormous prestige. The Aetolians celebrated a stria (festival of thanksgiving for deliverance) that brought them into direct contact with states such as Cos, and, at long last, they gained access to the Amphictyonic council. Over the next fty years, the Aetolians expanded both their territory and their power within the council by usurping the votes over lands incorporated into their dominion, aided in large part by a dtente with Antigonus Gonatas and by the resumed participation of Athens and Sparta in the Amphictyony. Not only is it during this period (namely, from the celebration of the stria in 278 until the Aetolians curtailment by Rome in 226) that stories inuenced by the Aetolians were most likely to become widely recognised,27 but this is also the most likely period for a Calydonian hero to become intermingled in a Coan tale. 278 was also the inaugural year of the Coan Asclepieion and the beginning of a sustained period of Coan interest in common ties between the island and Greece.28 The Coans (whose relations with Delphi went back at least into the fth century)29 established close ties with the League in 278, decreeing extraordinary thanksgivings, in parallel at Delphi and Cos,

24 Philip and his immediate successors kept the Aetolians out of the Amphictyony and checked their expansion (Ellis (1976) 201; Hammond and Walbank (1988) 126127). For Delphis isolation and the Greeks backlash see Bousquet (1957) 493494; Hammond and Walbank (1988) 224. 25 Pausanias 10.20.623.14. 26 E.g. Polybius 1.6.5, 2.10.6; Cicero, Oration for Marcus Fonteius 14.30. See also Parke and Wormell (1956) vol. 1, 259. 27 There is evidence of Aetolian inuence on Delphis popular mythology in this period, such as the quick addition of their patron goddesses, Artemis and Athena, to popular renditions of the Celts defeat (see Flacire (1937) 100 .; also Parke and Wormell (1956) Vol. 1, 258 .). 28 See below, Coan ambassadorial speeches and the Presbeutikos. 29 SherwinWhite (1978) 301.

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for the shrines safety.30 It also bears noting that third century naval interests provided additional means through which common traditions could become intertwined and sustained.31 All these enterprises, then, which occurred within the third century, oered both the particular motivation and fertile opportunities to integrate common traditions. Accordingly, even though the inclusion of a Calydonian Man in the story of the First Scared War is a creation of the late fourth century, the appearance and use of this character in the Presbeutikos is a creation of the third. The Presbeutikos and the third century Coan OF THE Asclepieion

PROMOTION

There are, moreover, unique analogues to the Presbeutikos odd combination of rhetorical form and content that both support this dating and contextualise its composition. These are the speeches of Coan theroi (sacred ambassadors) seeking pan-Hellenic asulia for the Asclepieion from its founding in 278 through to its dedication in 246. Asylieurkunden (grants of asulia), decrees from around the Greek world, testify to a concerted, protracted, and largely successful campaign.32 I will argue that an analysis of these decrees indicates that the Coan ambassadors relied upon argumentation similar to that of the Presbeutikos. I will then argue that consideration of the Presbeutikos as a composition suggests that it is an excerpt of a historical work. However, since both arguments involve a common discussion of the presbeutikos logos (ambassadorial address), I turn rst to a short overview of this kind of oration and its place in the history of Greek rhetoric.

30 SherwinWhite (1978) 302. For the inscriptions, see Syll.3 398 (edited by Herzog (1904) 16473); Nachtergael (1977) 401403; and Austin (1981) 9394. 31 The Coans, ever concerned for naval commerce (e.g. Welles, Royal Correspondence (henceforth RC) 25, lines 3334 and 123), had reason to foster stories of goodwill and cooperation with the Aetolians, who controlled the largest pirate eet in the Aegean during this time (Hammond and Walbank (1988) 283; Flacire (1937) 196204). One can gauge Aetolian inuence from the treaty signed with the Chians in 246 (Herzog, Syll.3 443 (= Moretti II 78), dated c. 247/6). 32 Published in SEG XII 36884; Herzog and Klaenbach, Asylieurkunden (henceforth Asyl.); and Welles, RC. See Sherwin-White (1978) 111114 for an overview and discussion.

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The Presbeutikos Logos The presbeutikos logos received relatively lateand relatively little systematic treatment by Greek rhetoricians. Demetrius of Phaleron, the rhetorician and governor of Athens, reportedly was the rst to discuss ambassadorial speaking, and composed an exemplum around 322.33 No Hellenistic works of theory or exercises of practice devoted to presbeutikoi logoi remain, although Polybius criticisms of Timaeus (12.25a3) presuppose some. It nevertheless appears that rhetoricians primarily relied on models taken from the historians34 until the advent of the Roman imperial court, when orators had to envision the ambassador speaking before an imperial gure.35 We must, therefore, turn to the many examples contained in histories to learn the elements of the presbeutikos logos.36 A comparison of these examples demonstrates that the ambassadors primary concern was to present his request in a favourable historical narrative that highlighted positive aspects of the relationship between the two states. He gave special emphasis to any favourshistorical or mythologicaldone by his state for the other37 and, if possible, brought supporting historical evidence such as oaths and treaties to bear upon the issue.38 The ambassador then argued that his states policies were not only just and consistent with the relationship represented in the historical proofs, but also worked to the advantage of the other state. In the peroration, the ambassador challenged the audience to be consistent with the tradition emphasised in his historical narrative.39 Many speeches emphasised the unpredictability of fortune as a caution, illustrated (when possible) by the historical experience of either state.40 Where retribution upon his state remained likely, the ambassador

Diogenes Laertius 8.8081; Kienast (1973). Kennedy (1983) 21; for a manuscript of excerpted presbeutikoi logoi see de Boor (1905). 35 E.g. Menander Rhetor 423.6424 (see Russell and Wilson (1981) 180182, 337). 36 Wootens synthesis (1973) largely informs my summary here. 37 This element was so standard that Polybius, who heard many such speeches in Rome, simply abbreviates it at 21.22.5. Compare also Xenophon, History of Greece 3.5.715; Aeschines 2.2630; and Polybius 9.2832. 38 E.g. Thucydides 2.71 and 6.8287; Xenophon, History of Greece 3.5.815, 6.3.1218 and 7.1.211. 39 E.g. Hdt. 8.143, Thuc. 2.71 and Aeschines 2.33. 40 E.g. Thuc. 4.1720; Xenophon, History of Greece 6.3.318; Polybius 11.2.46.
34

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appealed for actions limited to culpable persons and argued that his state, misled or oppressed by ringleaders, ought to be treated mercifully overall.41 Historical speeches also provided examples of what to avoid, such as talking too long for the audience, or inappropriate and ineective uses of praise and blame.42 Coan Ambassadorial Speeches and the Presbeutikos Although we do not possess the Coan ambassadors orations themselves, a number of asylieurkunden decrees provide commentary upon them. This commentary, even in its fragmentary state, indicates that the Coan ambassadors engaged in a sophisticated eort to secure recognition for their shrine by emphasising, depending on their audience, dierent aspects of Coan politics, history and mythology. It also suggests, when combined with what we know of ambassadorial speaking and of Coan history, that the ambassadors to Greece, Macedon, and Sicily used argumentation similar to that of the Presbeutikos. The Coans, whose island lay on the fault line between competing regional powers, had a delicate task in claiming a pan-Hellenic role for their shrine. There were, however, contemporary forces that gave Coan traditions a broad cachet. The birth of Ptolemy Philadelphus on Cos in 308 had generated interest in the island, and the works of Philetas (chosen to be Philadelphus tutor), Theocritus and Callimachus created popular exposure for Coan traditions.43 The ambassadors would have to capitalise upon this exposure as a part of their enterprise to demonstrate Coan eunoia (goodwill) toward audience states. In the East, the Coans relied on a straightforward strategy. Connections between Cos and Alexandria were deeply established and broadly recognised,44 and replies show that the Coans leaned hard on these connections even in outlying areas.45 In the West,

41 E.g. Xenophon, History of Greece 3.5.815; Polybius 21.31.616, 30.30.1218 and 30.31.3. 42 Such as the Samian who receives a lesson in brevity (Hdt. 3.46) and an illustrative contrast of three speeches (Xenophon, History of Greece 6.3.318). 43 E.g. Philetas (in Powell (1925) 9095); Theocritus, Encomium to Ptolemy 7.91, 17.112; Callimachus, Hymn to Delos 160. See also Easterling and Knox (1991) 546 . 44 Sherwin-White (1978) 84, 102107 and 288. 45 Welles, RC 25 (The letter of Ziaelas of Bythinia) = Asyl. 8.

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however, the Coans had to persuade a fractious conglomeration of cities, leagues, and empires, many of which were suspicious of, if not openly hostile to, Ptolemy and his allies. Replies reveal what looks to be a Coan strategy of building momentum by using teams of ambassadors in extended whistle-stop tours. One team of three ambassadors covered the Peloponnesus,46 moved through into Thessaly47 and central Macedon;48 two of the three continued into northern Macedonia.49 Other embassies went to Sicily50 and Magna Graecia.51 Additional evidence of the Coans wide-ranging eorts comes from a third-century inscription by the Thessalian koinon at Itanos, which attests to the Coans having previously been in Argos, Chios and Samothrace,52 and from a royal letter that indicates the previous approval of the Delphic Amphictyony and probably of Athens.53 In areas under Antigonid control, the Coan ambassadors played up dynastic favour as they had in the East. These replies consistently cite eunoia toward King Antigonus and the rest of the Macedonians as a reason for granting asulia.54 Nevertheless, it is clear that, throughout the West, proofs of goodwill were more dicult to martial. No doubt the Coans had historical hurdles to overcome: given their service to Artemisia, Mausolus, Ptolemy and Arsinoe, their record of eunoia to the West was questionable. Replies comment that ambassadors spoke at length (apologizesthai )55 and revealed (emphanizein)56 or disclosed (manuein)57 Coan eunoia. The historical nature of their arguments is alluded to in language relating that the Coans brought about a renewal (ananeuein)58 of (pre)-existing

SEG XII 371 = Asyl. 4 (Sparta, Messina, Thelphusa, Elis, Aegira). SEG XII 372 = Asyl. 5 (Megara, Homolion, Phthiotic Thebes). 48 SEG XII 374 = Asyl. 7 (Pella, an unknown city). 49 SEG XII 373 = Asyl. 6 (Cassandrea, Amphipolis, Philippi). 50 SEG XII 370, 37980 = Asyl. 3, 12, 13 (Syracuse, Camarina, Phintia). 51 SEG XII 377378 = Asyl. 10, 11 (Corcyra, Neapolis, Elea). 52 Quoted by Sherwin-White (1978) 110, n. 141; edited by Boesch (1908) 28. 53 Asyl. 2.813 (from an unknown king). See Sherwin-White (1978) 111114 and n. 164. 54 Asyl. 6.13, 30, and 41; 7.12. For individual services a generation back see Sherwin-White (1978) 8590; Hammond and Walbank (1988) 157161. 55 Asyl. 6.3 and 7.56. 56 Asyl. 6.4 and 42. 57 Asyl. 4.10. 58 Asyl. 7.3.
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place of the Presbeutikos in the Kaka becomes a distinct possibility, no matter which one of these men might be the author. Let us, however, examine each candidate in turn. Macareus I 97 to Aratou Macareus I, the son of Aratus, came from an extremely inuential aristocratic family.98 He appeared as a theros in Sparta, Messene, Thelphusa, Elis, Aigeira, Megara, Phthiotic Thebes, Homolion (and an unknown city), Pella, Cassandrea, Amphipolis and Philippi sometime before 242. He best ts the period within which Macareus the historian composed, and the asylieurkunden decrees which mention him are from those cities in which historical arguments were crucial to the Coans success. Considering his territorial responsibilities and experience, it is probable that he also spoke before the Delphic Amphictyony, the Thessalian koinon, in Maroneia, and in Ainos. One imagines that a historian of Coan aairs would be a great asset and a likely addition to these embassies. It may be no coincidence, therefore, that Macareus I was one of the most experienced Coan ambassadors. This experience also makes Macareus I the strongest candidate for the author of the Presbeutikos, since he also spoke at length, revealed, and renewed the Coans preexisting close ties of friendship in these areas, using historical arguments similar to those in the Presbeutikos. Macareus II, to Philocleida Macareus II, the son of Philocleides, served as therodokos (ocial host of theroi ) at Epidaurus around 225 and prostats (presiding ocial) on Cos around 205.99 In this latter capacity we nd him, with
I have added the numeration IIIIII for clarity. Macareus Is father, Aratus, was possibly architheros to Delos before 279 (IG XI(2) 161B, 66; Sherwin-White (1978) 404; Patton and Hicks (1990) 322). His son Aratus was a contributor to a wartime episodis (voluntary contribution to the state) and served as one of the board of prostatai (presiding ocers) who proposed a decree for building ships c. 205201. About the same time he also proposed, together with Macareus II, the purchase of unfortied land for defensive purposes (Segre (1993) ED 49.56), and appears among the contributors to an emergency war chest along with Philip, the son of his fathers colleague Aristolochus (in Patton and Hicks (1990) 10 C 81 and 90; also Sherwin-White (1978) 217, 404). 99 IG IV 2 414 (= Maiuri, NS 11).
98 97

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Macareus Is son Aratus, urging an ocial purchase of unprotected land under the ocial insignia of Asclepius and Heracles.100 As a representative to Epidaurus and a priest of Asclepius,101 he would have the interests in the Coan traditions and history included in the Presbeutikos. Moreover, Macareus II appeared at Delphi in the second half of the third century and seems to have utilised his privilege of promanteia, which identies him as a patrilineal Asclepiad.102 If this Macareus was the historian, he also had a particular interest in the narrow group with which the Presbeutikos is concerned103 and whose myth of origin for Delphic privileges the Presbeutikos contains. Macareus III, to Platonos Macareus III, the son of Plato, was a victor at the Asclepieia around 208, became monarchos (a Coan magistrate) shortly thereafter, and was architheros (chief theros) to Delos in 190.104 Although he seems relatively young to complete a historical work by the end of Philopaters reign in 204, his oces imply a relatively high degree of maturity and place him in the upper echelons of Coan social strata (amongst which we would expect to nd our historian).105 His direct connection to the historic presbeutikoi logoi through his father, Plato, a colleague of Macareus I,106 also puts him in the prole for being the author of the Presbeutikos. The rare use of the name Macareus in this period among the nobility,107 supported by these mens common involvement in the ocial state cults, suggests that one of them was the historian. In addition, their connection (in the case of Macareus I and III) to the promotion of the Asclepieion, or (in the case of Macareus II) to the patrilineal Asclepiadai makes the historian the likely author of

Segre (1993) ED 4. Benedum (1978) 72 and n. 212. 102 SEG XVII 329. See the discussion of Benedum (1978), especially n. 239. 103 The Pres. concentrates on patrilineal Asclepiadai, who also claim Heraclid descent. This group was so small that by the second century AD only one family, the Claudii Iuliani, could claim this illustrious heritage (Buraselis (2000) 8284). 104 See Sherwin-Whites Onomasticon (1978), sv Makareus; Klee (1980) 7; Plassart et al., ID 17; ID 421, 62 (190); Maiuri, NS 438, I. 105 Sherwin-White (1978) 193199. 106 Herzog and Klaenbach (1959) 29. 107 Laqueur (1928), citing Herzog; Fraser and Matthew (1987) 296.
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the Presbeutikos. Of the three, however, Macareus I is particularly perhaps uniquelyqualied for being the author of these texts. Indeed, in seeking to corroborate the hypothesis that the speech is an excerpt of a historians work, it is particularly signicant that the person most likely to be the historian is also the most t to be the author of the speech. Conclusions and Implications Where, then, does this leave the Presbeutikos? It turns out that the argument for dating, the analysis of the rhetorical form and content, the evaluation of composition and the search for a suitable author all converge on the conclusion that the Presbeutikosand probably the Epibomiosare excerpts of the Kaka of Macareus, probably the son of Aratus. If so, we have a rmer idea of the origin of the two fundamental pieces of the Hippocratic pseudepigrapha, a sizeable excerpt of a lost work of history and some hard information about a heretofore virtually unknown author. Moreover, the intertwined involvement of all three possible authors and of their families with the Coan state cults leads one to wonder whether they were related by more than public service. Smith, who argues forcefully against the idea that the koinon of the Asclepiads was composed of physicians by profession, suggests that they were instrumental in caring for, and promoting, the Asclepieion.108 Macareus I and Macareus IIIs father were directly involved in promoting the shrine, and Macareus II was a patrilineal Asclepiad and priest of Asclepius. Could all these men be Asclepiadai, and could Smiths suggestion be born out in this case? If so, a tantalising possibility opens up on the role of the Asclepiads in the promotion of the Hippocraticand consequently their own myth. For, if the Presbeutikos provides a window on how the Coans promoted their shrine, the Coan Asclepiadai stood at the centre of this promotion both as characters and, it would appear, as ambassadors themselves. Perhaps this clan succeeded (beyond its wildest imagination) in nding a place in medical history when speeches excerpted from a Coan history, written by one of their own, arrived

108

Smith (1990) 917. See Jouanna (1999) 10, 1718 for an alternate perspective.

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in Alexandria. The main excerpt, the Presbeutikos, showed Hippocrates as the member of a heroic line of patrilineal physicians. This combination of classical medical author, Greek patriot, and Asclepiad hero, when added to an anonymous body of medical works in search of a founder, proved to be a potent mixture in an age looking for foundations. When we add in the momentum of the Coans asulia campaign, the popular exposure of Coan traditions (both through this promotion and other literature) and Coan inuence in Alexandria, we have the picture of a third-century synergy that could catapult Hippocrates from a Platonic footnote109 and Aristotelian reference110 to icon, and the Asclepiadai from cult priests to medical school, in short order. And what of the historical Hippocrates? What facts we can glean from the cha in the Presbeutikos historical narrative remains an open question, but that there are some facts to glean seems a stronger possibility than before. Both its origin in a work of history and its features shared with historical speeches may bear on the relative reliability of the details of Hippocrates life, family and work. We expect both historians and ambassadors to work from more than mere rhetorical fancy. And what of the other Hippocrates? The Coans promotion of the Asclepieion appears to be the Big Bang of the traditional gure, and similarities between the Presbeutikos and the historical presbeutikoi logoi suggest, if nothing else, an insight into his emergence. Even if audiences had heard of Hippocrates, the vivid and engaged picture of the heroic Asclepiads was probably new, and this Hippocrates already the best known of themleft an indelible mark on the popular imagination.111 The half-century of relentless Coan exposure, from Egypt to Italy, helps to explain the sudden genesis of Hippocrates broad recognition to the point that Varro refers to the plague episode as common knowledge in the rst century.112
Protagoras 311 bc and Phaedrus 270 c. Politics 1326 a 1517. 111 Jouanna (1999) asserts that Aristotles reference to Hippocrates is proof of unchallenged celebrity (7). Aristotle does not name-drop, and thus this passing remark does appear to indicate that Hippocrates had signicant name recognition in medicine. This recognition, however, cannot explain the star power of the traditional gure; it does help, however, to explain why Hippocrates would feature in the Coans presentations. I am indebted to Susan K. Nelson, whose insight informs my thoughts here. 112 Varro, On Rural Farming 1.4.5.
110 109

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Moreover, just as one can nd traces of the Coans promotion of their shrine in the Presbeutikos, one can trace the eects of this promotion upon the Hippocrates of the Hippocratic tradition. Almost immediately, the Hippocratic legend began to grow into the disjointed corpus that bore his name. The authors of the ensuing pseudepigraphic letters went on to expand, explain and harmonise the character of Macareus Hippocrates with the corpus and with their own perspectives, and Hippocrates became an active Hellenic patriot, physician, philosopher and scientist. Later, Galens eorts would carry the myth into the modern age, but the picture of Hippocratesthe man of actionremained at the heart of what was enthralling about his character. As one sees through the writers of the action-oriented Bioi, the enchantment of Hippocrates was not only in what he knew, but in what he did with what he knewa practitioners dilemma, as engaging today as it was to the audiences who rst heard the tale. Bibliography
Albini, U. (1968), Peri politeias. Introduzione, testo critico e commento, Florence. Austin M. (1981), The Hellenistic World From Alexander to the Roman Conquest, Cambridge. Benedum, J. (1978), Zu alten und neuen Inschriften aus Kephalos, Zeitschrift fr Papyrologie und Epigraphik 28, 6774. Boesch, P. (1908), Theros, Diss. Zurich. De Boor, C. (1905), Excerpta de Legationibus, Berlin. Bousquet, J. (1956), Inscriptions de Delphes, Bulletin de correspondance hellnique 80, 579593. . (1957), Les Aetoliens Delphes au IVe Sicle, Bulletin de correspondance hellnique 81, 485494. Brodersen K. (1991), Heiliger Krieg und heiliger Frieden in der frhen griechischen Geschichte, Gymnasium 98, 14. Clark, D. (1957), Rhetoric in GrecoRoman Education, Columbia. Classen, C. (1981), Aristotles Picture of the Sophists, in: G. Kerferd (ed.), The Sophists and Their Legacy (Hermes Einzelschriften 44), Wiesbaden, 724. Daux, G. (1943), Chronologie delphique, Paris. Davies, J. (1994), The Tradition about the First Sacred War, in: S. Hornblower (ed.), Greek Historiography, Oxford, 193212. Dittenberger, W. (19151924), Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum3, 4 Vols., Leipzig (= SIG 3). Dover, K. (1968), Lysias and the Corpus Lysiacum, Oxford. Edelstein, L. (1939), Hippocrates, in: RE Suppl. 6, coll. 12901346. Ellis, J. (1976), Philip II and Macedonian Imperialism, London. de Falco, V. (1954), Demade Oratore, Naples. Flacire, R. (1937), Les Etoliens Delphes: Contribution lhistoire de la Grce centrale au II e sicle av. J.-C., Paris. Forrest, G. (1956), The First Sacred War, Bulletin de correspondance hellnique 80, 3435. Fraser, P. and Matthews, E. (1987), A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names, Volume I: The Aegean Islands, Cyprus, Cyrenaica, Oxford.

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Goldstein, J. (ed.) (1968), The Letters of Demosthenes, New York. Hammond, N. and F. Walbank (1988), A History of Macedonia, Vol. III, Oxford. Herzog, R. (1899), Koische Forschungen und Funde, Leipzig. . (1904) Comptes-rendus de lAcadmie des Inscriptions et Belles lettres, Paris. Herzog, R., G. Klaenbach (1959), Asylieurkunden aus Kos, Berlin (= Asyl.). Hondius, J., A. Woodhead, H. Plekert and R. Stroud (eds.) (19231971), Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum 125, Leiden; (19711980) 2627, Alphen; (1982) 28, Amsterdam (= SEG ). Jacoby, F. (19231958), Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, 3 Vols., Leiden (= FrGrHist). Joly, R. (1972), Hippocrates of Cos, in: The Dictionary of Scientic Biography, New York, 418431. Jouanna, J. (1999), Hippocrates (trans. M. B. DeBevoise), Baltimore. Kennedy, G. (1983), Greek Rhetoric Under Christian Emperors, New York. . (1974), The Sophists as Declaimers, in: G. Bowerstock (ed.), Approaches to the Second Sophistic, New York, 1722. Keinast, D. (1973), Presbeia, RE Suppl. 13, coll. 499628. Klee, Th. (1980), Zur Geschichte der gymnischen Agone und griechischen Festen, Chicago (reprint of Berlin edn, 1918). Kohl, R. (1915), De scholasticorum declamationum argumentis ex historia petitis, Paderborn (= Kohl). Laqueur, G. (1928), Makareus, RE 14.1, 622. Latte, K. (1962), Promanteia, RE Suppl. 9, coll. 12371239. Maiuri, A. (1925), Nova silloge epigraca di Rodi e Cos, Florence (= NS). Moretti, L. (1967), Iscrizioni storiche ellenistiche, 2 Vols., Florence. Nachmanson, E. (1918), Erotiani Vocum Hippocraticum Collectio, Uppsala. Nachtergael, G. (1977), Les Galates en Grce et les Sotria de Delphes, Brussels. Nelson, E. (1992), The Presbeutikos of the Hippocratic Corpus: An Introduction with Text, Translation, and Commentary, Diss. Seattle. Parke, H. and J. Boardman (1957), The Struggle for the Tripod and the First Sacred War, Journal of Hellenic Studies 77, 276282. Parke, H., and D. Wormell (1956), The Delphic Oracle, 2 Vols., Oxford. Patton, W. and E. Hicks (1990), The Inscriptions of Cos, Oxford. Plassart, A., J. Coupry, F. Durrbach, P. Roussel and M. Launey (eds.) (19261972), Inscriptions de Dlos, 7 Vols., Paris (= ID). Pomtow, H. (1918), Delphische Neufunde III. Hippocrates und die Asclepiaden in Delphi, Klio 15, 303338. Powell, J. (1925), Collectanea Alexandrina, Oxford. Robert, L. (1926), Dcret des Asclpiastes de Kolophon, Revue des Etudes Anciennes 28, 79. Robert, L. (1934), Dcret des Asclpiastes de Kolophon, Revue de Philologie Srie 3.8, 272274. Rubin-Pinault, J. (1983), Biographical Fiction in the Lives of Hippocrates, Diss. Philadelphia. . (1992) Hippocratic Lives and Legends (Studies in Ancient Medicine, 4), Leiden. Russell, D. (1983), Greek Declamation, Cambridge. Russell, D., and N. Wilson (1981), Menander Rhetor, Oxford. Scarborough, J. (1988), Classical Antiquity: Medicine and Allied Sciences: an Update, Trends in History 4, 911. Segre, M. (1993), Iscrizioni di Cos, Rome. Sherwin-White, W. (1978), Ancient Cos: An Historical Study from the Dorian Settlement to the Imperial Period (Hypomnemata 51), Gttingen. Smith, W. (1979), The Hippocratic Tradition, Ithaca and London. Smith, W. (1989), Notes on Ancient Medical Historiography, Bulletin of the History of Medicine 63, 73109.

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. (1990), Hippocrates: Pseudepigraphic Writings. Letters. Embassy. Speech from the Altar. Decree (Studies in Ancient Medicine, 2), Leiden. Sokolowski, F. (1962), Lois sacres des cits grecques, Paris. Spengel, L. (1853), Rhetores Graeci IIII (rep.), Osnabrck (= RG ). Walbank, F. (1972) Polybius (Sather Classical Lectures 42), Berkeley. Waltz, C. (1968) (ed.), Rhetores Graeci IIX (rep.), Osnabrck (= RG ). . (1934), Royal Correspondence of the Hellenistic Age, New Haven (= RC ). Woodhouse, W. (1897), Aetolia, its Geography, Topography and Antiquities, Oxford Wooten, C. (1973), The Ambassadors Speech: A particularly Hellenistic genre of oration, Quarterly Journal of Speech 59, 209212.

PART THREE

HIPPOCRATIC AND NON-HIPPOCRATIC MEDICINE

AIR, PNEUMA AND BREATHING FROM HOMER TO HIPPOCRATES Anthoine Thivel

Summary This paper places Hippocratic views on respiration in the context of theories of respiration from Homer to the late fourth century BC. It distinguishes three stages in the development of thinking about respiration: an archaic period, an Empedoclean period, and an Aristotelian period. All three stages are represented in the Hippocratic Corpus.

There is a question which has rarely been raised in our studies concerning the conceptions of the ancients in medicine and biology: it concerns the manner in which the Greeks imagined the process of respiration in man and in other animals, if they had any idea of that at all. In fact, their ideas were dierent at dierent periods of time, and the greatest diculty we have in understanding these ideas is that we constantly and sub-consciously transpose our own ideas into antiquity, as we ingenuously believe that the ancients thought as we now think. But, if common opinion and scientic theories had not changed for 2,500 or 3,000 years, the study of antiquity would have no interest! As for breathing and respiration from Homer to Hippocrates, I think we can divide this long space of time into three periods: 1 the archaic period, with Homer and other poets, as well as certain treatises in the Hippocratic Collection; 2 the Empedoclean period, which goes as far as Plato and has numerous representatives in the Hippocratic Corpus; and then 3 the Aristotelian period, which includes Diogenes of Apollonia, Philistion, Anaxagoras, Democritus, Diocles of Carystus and others, and which has no representatives in Hippocrates, except perhaps an echo in the treatise On Nutriment and in one or two passages in On the Nature of Bones.

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In the rst period, air is a material, visible substance, and, if it penetrates into the body, it causes pain and disease; in the second period, air and blood are the source of life and circulate alternately in the whole body through the vessels and the pores of the skin; in the third period the lungs are known as the organs of respiration, which always breathe in and out, but air is no longer useful to breath, it is just a cold ow whose only function is to cool the heat of the heart. So two more questions are added to the problem of respiration: is air warm or cold? Is it a form of nutriment or not? Thus the ancient conceptions gradually drew nearer to the true explanation of our modern science, nevertheless without completely understanding the eciency of breathing and the real role of the lungs; but the boundaries between these periods are not sharply delimited, there are inuences, combinations, confusions, and we have to try and disentangle all this hank, to arrange this puzzle. In the archaic period, men thought that all objects had to be visible, tangible, in order to be real. The invisible had no reality. Indeed, there were the gods and goddesses, who belonged to the supernatural universe, but they too were visible, and, when they came down from Olympus to intervene in human aairs, they had to be hidden in little clouds or disguised in various human gures. This is what Homer means by air (r, or r); such are the clouds, fogs and mists that drag over the earth and sometimes gather in the sky, but air is never an invisible ow that would go in and out of the human body and all living things. So incredible, so unlikely as it may seem, one had not yet established the relationship between the upward and downward movements of the chest and the necessity of air to maintain life. No doubt, one knew the rst cry of the baby who comes out of its mothers womb, and the last sigh, the last breath of the dying man, but those events were classed in the general category of life itself, and they were not compared, for example, to the inating of bellows, a very common experience that seems to us the evident proof of the invisibility of air; but in this case air was not ar, it was phusa, and the etymology of this word shows that it especially referred to a kind of air which is pushed with strength, as in the Latin pustula, particularly in the case of the bellows used to keep a re burning. Later on, all these comparisons will be used in order to explain respiration, but in Homeric times such reasonings were impossible, since air had to be necessarily visible.

air, pneuma and breathing from homer to hippocrates 241 Under these conditions, how can we explain the frequent use of the verb napnv in Homer? Why could this verb not mean to breathe in, to inhale air into the lungs? Contrary to the appearances, and in spite of the prex ana-, this is absolutely not the meaning of this verb in Homer; there are plenty of examples which show that the verb is almost a synonym of to pause, to stop, to have respite, and it is closely connected to the ideas of eort, strength, life, as we have just seen for the new-born and for the dying. In this case, the prex ana- does not indicate a movement, but a moment: it is strictly temporal. To this category belong the examples of napnv-npneusiw at Iliad XI 382, XI 800, XV 235, XVI 301, XXII 202 etc., where the English translators write: So would the Trojans have had a respite (npneusan) for their woe, that yet again the Achaeans may have respite (napnesvsi) from their toil; or at Iliad XVII 761: polmou d o ggnet rv, but there was no ceasing from war. Thus npneusiw, pasiw and rv are perfect synonyms. We nd the same meaning in Hesiods Theogony (line 797): ketai npneustow ka naudow (lying without breath or speech), where the verbal adjective npneustow1 indicates the lot of the gods who forswore themselves, after they had sworn by the Styx: they are deprived of life for a year. The word is also used in this way in Pindars Olympian 8.7, mxyvn mpno, rest from toils, and Pythian 4.199, mpnon stasan, they recovered breath, they took fresh courage, etc. And such phrases are in current use in Sophocles, Aristophanes or Plato. Concerning the materiality of air there are plenty of examples in the Hippocratic Collection, and naturally in the most archaic treatises, the so-called Cnidian ones. To begin with, in On Diseases II several passages could prompt us to think that the author knew of lung respiration, but when examining the text more closely we discover that this is not true: indeed, in chapter 33 (polyp in the nostril), the sick person expels air (pn v s tn pnoin) and inhales it (pn napnus, 7.50 L.), but in chapter 61 (dropsy in the lung) we see clearly that slow or fast breathing is simply one symptom among
1

d r pneustow ka naudow / ket, one must either suppose that npneustow had a negative meaning in Hesiod or restore pneustow and insert particles such as r (Hartung), or m (Hermann), vel sim.

The diculty about this text is well known: in referring to Odyssey 5.456457,

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others; it has a place in the general clinical picture but does not imply a particular theory about respiration: there is high fever, cough, inated feet, retracted nails and fast breathing (napne yron, 7.94 L.). All these symptoms are well known: they are the symptoms of an empyema, an abscess in the lung, and they are exactly the same in Prognostic 17 (2.154 L.), Coan Prenotions 396 (5.674 L.), On Places in Man 14 (o nuxew lkontai, grupontai, 6.298 L.). In the same way, in On Diseases II 71 (on leucophlegmasia) the whole body is said to be swollen by a white oedema, the belly is thick and tight, the feet and the thighs swell up, the face is red, the mouth dry, and the breathing is fast (yron) or panting (pukinn, 7.108 L.). All these signs are on the same level, nothing indicates that the lung is particularly concerned. The same comment can be made when the author speaks of orthopnoea: the sick man can only breathe when he is sitting; this is a correct observation, but the lung is not the point. And we know why such is the case: it is because, for these physicians and for everybody at that time, the function of the lungs was to let the liquids pass, naturally because of a very simple analogy: the lung is like a spongeit is a spongy organ. All writers say so, not only the poets, such as Alcaeus who invites us (in Plutarchs Symposium, 7.1) to moisten our lungs with wine, but the physicians in the same way, after a doctrine which will still last several centuries. As the lung received the liquids, it could not at the same time receive air, which might have opposed the liquids passing through. It is usually thought that the etymology of plemvn (the ancient name of the lung) is related to an Indo-European root *plew-, to oat, which also produced the Greek plv, because the lung was seen as an organ which oats on water; but many other organs can oat on water, and I thinkif this etymology is right at allthat it is due rather to the view that the lung is an organ with many holes which can contain liquids, precisely like a sponge. But the most striking passages in On Diseases II are chapters 17 (7.30 L.) and 59 (7.92 L.). In the rst, a very severe disease is being described: the vessels around the brain have too much blood, they become hot, the ears are humming and lled with air (pnematow mpmplatai), which is very dangerous, because the patient dies in six days unless one can expel water through his ears and nostrils. And in the second passage the presence of air in the body is still more dangerous, for, when the lung falls against the sidethat is to say, is too dry and therefore adheres to the inner coat of the

air, pneuma and breathing from homer to hippocrates 243 chestthe sick is struck with cough and orthopnoea, a grating sound like leather can be heard in his lung, he seems to be breathing through the chest (diapnen doke di to styeow), and this is the most dangerous symptom: the physician must at all costs drive the air out of the lungs, using a bladder and a nozzle. Such errors have something extraordinary for us: we wonder how men could think that the presence of air in the lungs was the cause of a fatal disease. But we nd these strange ideas also in a treatise which is regarded as one of the best of the Hippocratic Collection the most prominent statement of medical method at that age, and perhaps up to the present timeI mean On Ancient Medicine: in chapter 22, the author explains that, if a small quantity of air penetrates into the body, it can form air-pockets which blow against certain organs, in particular the lungs, the spleen and the breast, and harden when they are full of water, and this induces pains and suppurations (1.626 L.). So this physician, in spite of his great knowledge of nourishment and his rigour of reasoning, still refers to ancient conceptions which were largely abandoned in his time. As a matter of fact, he is an adversary of Empedocles, and to a certain extent we can call him a Pre-Empedoclean. Yet, even if those doctors still believed that the material air had to be visible, they could not fail to realise that there is a constant inward and outward movement of something through the mouth and the nostrils, and that, when this movement is stopped, the patient is choking (pngma, pnigmw, On Diseases II 70, 7.108 L.), he is nearing his death. This was the breath of life, the pneuma, but how far did this pneuma go down into the body? Certainly not lower down than the throat, since the lungs were full of water or other liquids, and air in the throat was enough to explain voice. Round about the middle of the fth century BCE, two important discoveries were made, perhaps in Sicily or in southern Italy: the invisibility of air, and the position of the heart in the centre of the blood vessels. Naturally, we do not know the names of the inventors who revolutionised biology to such a degree, and our knowledge of these developments is almost solely based upon the celebrated passage in Empedocles poem (DK 31 B 100, lines 6 .) where the poet describes the bubbles going up from the holes of the clepsydra through the water: they were the evident proof that the air in the receptacle had been expelled by the water coming in; thus the invisible had become visible, the materiality of the invisible air had been

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proved, it was not only a ow of mysterious life, something could be invisible and yet material; it was a revolution in thinking, and it was destined to have considerable consequences. As there was no microscope in those times, one could imagine thousands of other things that were real, but not visible, and this kind of hypothesis was able to cause innumerable errors in the future. To begin with, Empedocles (or one of his fellow-men) imagined that on the whole surface of our skin millions of little, invisible holes, the pores, had been drilled, which communicated with the whole body through the blood vessels, so that the external air penetrated into the body through these holes and mixed with the blood and humours in the vessels. So the two discoveries were linked: the vessel system had a centre, the heart; blood became essential for life and air equally: life was a mixture of air and blood. These ideas were not completely false, they had good prospects before them; but how and in what organ did the mixing happen? Empedocles did not answer these questions, he only supposed that the breathing in and out was caused by the alternation of air and blood in the body, at one time the rst, at another time the second occupying the totality of the vessels. External and internal air were like communicating vessels. But we must acknowledge that the second part of the Empedocles passage does not appear as convincing to us: for a second time (DK 31 B 100, line 22), he shows the air penetrating into the clepsydra and expelling the water: this is evidently impossible, the experience here is falsied by a prejudice that is the result of a biological theory. And anyhow the fact remains that the lungs were not yet conceived of as the organs of respiration, since the process of breathing took place in the whole body. So we can state without doubt that, with the exception of the works already cited, which refer to archaic conceptions, and one or two others which are perhaps informed by the new theory about lung respiration, all Hippocratic treatises, whatever trend of opinion they may represent, endorse the Empedoclean theory of respiration through the whole body; and this is easily proved. Now the verbs napnv and kpnv are common in these treatises, and they have the meaning to inspire and to expire, but these operations are made by the whole body, not only by the lungs. At rst sight, we must note that these verbs, napnv and kpnv, are absent from On Ancient Medicine, Airs, Waters, Places, and Epidemics I and III. Does this mean that in these treatises the Homeric the-

air, pneuma and breathing from homer to hippocrates 245 ory of the visible air is still valid? Certainly not, for we can see clearly that, for these authors, the quality of air is very important for health, although they have not yet assimilated the Empedoclean theory, and we must assign to them a rather late date in the fth century BC, perhaps 430 or 420. In fact, napnv and napno are more widely used than kpnv (only present in ve treatises); and spnv, spno and spnoow also occur, but they are very rare (ve, two and one occurrences respectively). Later on, napnv and napno acquired the general meaning to breathe, breathing, and this is the title of the Aristotelian treatise. The verbs napnv and kpnv are for the rst time set in opposition in the passage from Empedocles (DK 31 B 100, lines 1, 8 and 25), and later on they will be again opposed in Aristotles History of the Animals 487 a 28 and in his treatise On Respiration 473 a 15; but this is in an entirely dierent context, as Aristotle knew that air is received by the lungs. Throughout the Hippocratic Collection, regardless of the question of dierent medical schools, we nd the theory of respiration through the whole body. It is evident in the series On Generation, On the Nature of the Child, On Diseases IV; and here the pneuma is a warm breath, the origin of life. The situation is the same in the three books of On Diseases of Women. When we remember that in On Airs, Waters, Places the winds were called pneumata and could be of dierent qualitieswarm or cold, dry or wetwe understand that a warm pneuma that causes life is a new idea, and that scientists have passed on from the physical concept to the biological or psychological one and not the other way round. In this manner, I think, must one interpret the statement of the itinerant poet and philosopher Xenophanes of Colophon: cux pnema, the soul is breath (DK 21A1). It means, in my opinion, that the soul is not a supernatural thing, separated from the body, but it is a material breath, like the external winds, which circulates in the body and sets it in motion. From this perspective, the fact that the lung is spongy and lets the liquids pass is no longer an obstacle, for air and water can mix together. So we read in the treatise On Breaths, chapter 4: Air (r) is mighty in the universe and it is indispensable for the living beings, for they can dispense with food several days but they cannot dispense with breathing for a single moment. The shes themselves breathe in the sea, because air mingles with water (6.94 L.); and a little further: Men have pauses in their activities . . . but this is

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the only activity that never ceases in mortals, who at one time blow air and at another time inspire it ( tte mn mpnonta, tte d napnonta). In this passage mpnv does not mean to inspire but to blow on something, to insuate; and this sentence is no proof that the author knew the mechanism of respiration, because evidently for him breathing is made by the whole body. Diogenes of Apollonia expresses exactly the same opinion.2 Here we encounter authors who think the breath ( pneuma) is cold and yet sets in motion the blood and the other humours. This is also the conception of the author of On Regimen, for example at 2.38 (6.530532 L.): As there is breath in living things, it is also present in all the remainders, and here the eect of breath is always to cool down and moisten everything. This conception of a cold pneuma is probably nearer to the natural realities, and older than the belief in a warm pneuma. In the treatise On the Sacred Disease, it is beyond doubt that air passes through the whole body and not simply through the lungs, although air begins by going up to the brainwhich makes sense in a book dealing with epilepsy and explaining it as the result of a ow of phlegm that prevents air from circulating in the brain. But air does not remain in the brain, it goes down to the lungs and spreads further in all organs and limbs, as the symptoms of epilepsy are a general disorder of all bodily movements and functions. And these considerations will perhaps allow us to make up our mind on a problem of text: When air, says the author in chapter 7, cannot enter in sucient quantity into the body . . . or into the mouth . . . (6.374 L.), MS Y reads sma, while MS M reads stma. Amneris Roselli translates il corpo; Littr, bouche; Jones, mouth; Grensemann, Mund. If my explanations are correct, I think sma, the body, is the genuine reading, and this is one more indication that On the Sacred Disease is not by the same author as Airs, Waters, Placeseven more so as they do not conceive in the same manner of the relationships between gods and men. Respiration through the whole body is also the general doctrine of the great treatises ascribed to the so-called Coan school. Let us
2 Moreover, here are important proofs of this fact: men and the other breathing animals owe their lives to air; this is for them soul and thought, as will be clearly demonstrated in this work, and if it fails them, they die and their thought is lacking (DK 64 B 4, 6061).

air, pneuma and breathing from homer to hippocrates 247 examine it in Prognostic. The author says in chapter 5 (2.122 L.): A fast and painful breathing (pnema) indicates a suering above the diaphragm, a deep and slow breathing (napnemenow) shows delirium (parafrosnhn), a cold breathing out (kpnemenon) is a very serious sign of death, but one must think that a good breathing (epnoan) has a very eective power to restore health in acute diseases . . . In this text, napnv and kpnv are contrasted, but they represent only empirical notations: the movements of air in and out are solely mentioned if they are warm or cold, respiration seems to be a general condition of the body, and there is no mention of the lungs. In the same manner, we read in chapter 15 (2.148 L.): Evacuate as fast as possible the sputa that take form in the lung, for, if the breathing is deep and tight (pnema mga ka puknn), the pain does not cease, heavy thirst, high fever, the belly and the sides are warm, the forehead and hands are cold, the sick dies before the fourteenth, the ninth or the eleventh day. Here, although the lung is mentioned and related to breathing, these phenomena are once more considered to be simple symptoms, comparable with thirst and fever, announcing a fatal issue, but the lung does not yet feature as the organ of respiration. One can make the same remarks on numerous passages of Epidemics II, IV, VI and V, VII, or of On Regimen in Acute Diseases and its Appendix: various sorts of breathing are noted and the good and bad signs are specied, but everywhere the vessels carry at the same time air and blood, and sometimes also the good and bad humours, and the breathing takes place in the whole body, not especially in the lungs.3 I would like to comment on one passage in particular, Epidemics II 6.1 (5.266 L.). It reads:
Srkew lko ka k koilhw ka jvyen: dlon asyhsiw w kpnoon ka espnoon.

The eshes attract from the belly and from outside; evident is the sensation that they breathe out and in.

This text has been improved by Daniela Manetti and Amneris Roselli, but Littr and Ermerins, faithful to the text of the vulgate, added: lon t sma. Lately, Wesley D. Smith has introduced an emendation.

3 See for example Epidemics II 7 (5.7678 L.), On Regimen in Acute DiseasesAppendix 7 (2.406 L.), On the Art 12.4 (6.24 L.) and many other passages.

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He writes: dlon asyhsiw n pn ka kpnoon, following MS M, which has n pn and translates: Obvious in exercise is the perception that there is exhalation also. I think the addition of lon t sma is not necessary; the opposition between kpnoon and espnoon is evident and must not disturb our understanding, as the text explicitly says that the whole body, the esh and the belly, breathes out and in. This treatise, Epidemics VI, is still under the inuence of Empedoclean thought. Unfortunately I have no room to speak of the theory of breathing in Platos Timaeus. It was rightly criticised by Aristotle, but I nd in both philosophers the same disadvantage, which was cause for several errors: both believed that void does not exist, and we come, again, upon the same prejudice in philosophers like Anaxagoras and Democritus. Plato shared the same conviction as the Hippocratic writers: for him, breathing in and out was produced by the whole body, and not especially by the lungs. His main concern was not the proper mechanism of respiration, but rather the means of avoiding to postulate an empty space in the exchange between external and internal air. In the middle of the fourth century a new and great discovery was made, the inventors of which are, once again, not known: resuming an ancient comparison between the lungs and bellows, certain physicians understood that the upward and downward movements of the chest were caused by inspiration and expiration, and this knowledge is, undeniably, the chief merit of Aristotles little book On Respiration (De respiratione, Per napnow). Here begins the third period which I have distinguished, when the function of the lungs was nally acknowledged, but wasunfortunatelybadly interpreted. Examples of this explanation are very rare in the Hippocratic Collection, only two or three, and not very clear. First, there is the treatise On Nutriment, from which we can take three signicant paragraphs: in section 28 (9.108 L.) we read: Porosity of the body concerning respiration (diapno), for those from whom more is removed, a benecial thing; density of the body concerning respiration (diapno), for those from whom less is removed, a harmful thing. I translate diapno as respiration and not perspiration, as does Robert Joly in his edition (CUF 1972, p. 144), probably alluding to the respiration by the pores of the skin, after the Empedoclean ideaan opinion which in fact lasted a very long time; here diapno may in fact be translated by respiration because, in the text, it says when the

air, pneuma and breathing from homer to hippocrates 249 body is too loose, it needs to be constricted, and, when it is too tight, it needs to be loosened. Further on, in section 29 (9.108 L.), we read: The lung attracts a nutriment that is opposed to the food of the body: this nutriment is evidently air, which the author considers to be such, whereas the body lives on solid and liquid food. And then section 48 (9.116 L.): Throbbing of the vessels and breathing of the lung (napno plemonow), for air is also a nutriment. So this author, who uses an archaic style and imitates Heraclitus, knows the recent theories and combines them with the ideas of the Hippocratic writers. He even writes plemvn, with l, when by his time the word was rectied to pnemvn, since the relation between the lungs and the respiration was established. On the Nature of Bones is a rather ill-assorted compilation, some parts of which are of really no good quality, but we read in section 13 (9.184 L.) this interesting sentence: The lung receives a little quantity of blood, but much of breath, and it is spongy (spoggoeidw). So the ancient comparison of the lung with a sponge is no longer an obstacle which could prevent the physicians from understanding that the lung is full of air. No doubt, these fragments must be dated later than the other works of the Hippocratic Collection, at the end of the fourth century BCE, or still later. We have just seen that in On Nutriment air is considered as nutriment: trof gr ka pnema. This is a very good theory, but it was unfortunately abandoned by the upholders of the breathing function of the lung. Such is Aristotles opinion in his booklet On Respiration. By a sort of fatality we observe, at almost all the periods of the history of the sciences, and even nowadays, that each good discovery comes, as it were, at the price of a regression in the same sphere of research. Thus the treatise On the Heart, probably in the third century BC, arms: Air and water are not food. (3, 9.82 L.). I dare say this bad trend comes perhaps from the wish to renew everything, to shake up tradition, to contradict ones predecessors, but it is also the general tendency of the human mind to extend to all phenomena the true explanation one has found for one. On the whole, it is perhaps an eect of natural laziness. However, if I may give expression to a wish, I should hope that this little essay on the history of respiration in ancient Greece will be useful to assign a sure date to some works of the Hippocratic Collection, and perhaps to other literary texts.

MICROCOSM AND MACROCOSM: THE DUAL DIRECTION OF ANALOGY IN HIPPOCRATIC THOUGHT AND THE METEOROLOGICAL TRADITION Frdric Le Blay

Summary This paper opens a new perspective on the question of the analogy between the body and its environment as it is raised in some of the Hippocratic writings. Studying the structure of analogy in the meteorological treatises, it proposes a reversal of the traditional microcosm/macrocosm representation of the world and shows that medical theoriesboth Hippocratic and non-Hippocraticbecame models for a makranthropic approach to nature. This focus on the direction taken by analogical thought allows us to conrm the unique character of the treatise on On Sevens (De hebdomadibus) within the Hippocratic writings.

In order to investigate into the secrets of nature, the Greek philosophers of the sixth century BCE relied on the basic principle that Democritus is thought to have formulated rst: man is a small universe (nyrvpow mikrw ksmow).1 Man was conceived from the same elements as the rest of the universe and obeys the same natural laws; he is a reduced version of the cosmos. Borrowing this representation from the philosophers, the rst medical theoreticians were able to develop a physiological and pathological system based on elements, humours and primordial qualities.2 Thus, macrocosm stands as a model for the physician to explain what lies beyond common experience, whether he admits the very identity and analogy of nature

DK 68 B 34. Hippocratic writers are often presented as the borrowers of Presocratic theories; such an assumption seems to draw a link of liation between philosophical and medical thought, establishing the primacy of philosophy over other forms of thinking. One should rather consider that the relationship between physicians and philosophers was one of competition and emulation and not of dependence. On this aspect, see Jouanna (1992) and Longrigg (1993).
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between microcosm and macrocosm or only connections and functional analogies. Several treatises of the Hippocratic tradition are examples of this approach.3 Some of the Hippocratic texts have been described as philosophical: man, in his intimate structure, is described as an imitation of cosmos. According to their authors, the nature of man can be investigated only if one has previous knowledge of the whole; they assume that microcosm and macrocosm are identical in their composition and operation.4 Three treaties are representative of this philosophical medicine, Regimen (De diaeta/De uictu),5 Sevens (De hebdomadibus/De septimanis)6 and Fleshes (De carnibus).7 The rst one8 states that medicine cannot be an autonomous science but directly depends on philosophical knowledge and cosmological theories, its main argument being: our body is an imitation (apomimesis) of the universe. In this search for correspondances, Fleshes 9 gives rst a brief description of the creation of the universe before turning to the formation of man from the very same elements. But such texts only represent a tendency in Hippocratic writings, since it has been shown that other sources are resolutely opposed, in a polemical way, to such a theoretical approach; the author of Ancient Medicine (De prisca medicina)10 argues for the autonomy of medicine as an art and a science, dismissing physicians who, like Empedocles or other philosophers, always go back to the origins and the elements to understand man.11 As C.

Among many valuable contributions to this topic, Magdelaine (1997). Magdelaines article (see above) is very relevant by stressing the point that those medical texts are of great interest to us in our knowledge of ancient philosophy, since they are testimonies of detailed and extensive parts of the rst cosmological theories upon which the philosophical tradition has only saved fragmentsoften obscureor late doxographiesthat one cannot always trust. 5 6.462663 L.; ed. Joly & Byl, CMG, I, 2, 4, Berlin, 1984; see also Joly (1960). 6 8.616673 and 9.430466 L. The origin and dating of this text, mainly transmitted to us through a late Latin translation, are very controversial. For the debate on this text and its interpretation, see West (1971) and Mansfeld (1971), who dates this work in the rst century CE. 7 8.576583 L.; ed. Joly, Collection des Universits de France, XIII, Paris, 1978. 8 This list of three is by no means exhaustive. One may add, with West (1971), Nutriment (De alimento, 9.94123 L.) and Breaths (De atibus, 6.88117 L.). 9 It is generally stated that this text was written during the fth century BCE; it is then contemporary with Regimen, even though they dier considerably in their theories. 10 1.570637 L.; ed. Jouanna, CUF, II/1, Paris, 1990. 11 Ch. 20, 1.620622 L. and Jouanna, CUF, II/1, Paris, 1990, 145146.
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Magdelaine states,12 it is this particular aspect, the reaction of medicine against philosophy, that posterity has retained as one of the main contributions of the Hippocratic writers, even though it only concerns a part of them.13 Another approach consists of understanding the interaction between our body and its environment. Analogy is therefore dened in terms of connection rather than identity. What is at stake here is what one might call environmental or meteorological medicine.14 Nature of man ( De natura hominis)15 develops the association between humours and seasons; its quaternary sketch is of course a strong indication of the theoretical ground of the whole. Still, the idea that climatic changes aect human physiology, and in a more general way, the sanitary state of populations is a concern of mere empirical observations. Aphorisms16 and its catalogue of diseases listed by season are a matter of pure medical knowledge and experience. The emphasis on climate as a determinant factor for the understanding of pathological states and the choice of appropriate therapeutics places the practice of medicine within the eld of meteorology. But one should not reduce the scope of ancient meteorology to seasons and climatic phenomena, as Airs, Waters, Places (De aere, aquis, locis)17 reminds us, since its programmatic title clearly indicates that our environment is a combination of various elements which interfere with each other to produce certain damage or benets on populations and individuals. And one should not be misled by the famous sentence with which the author ends his introduction:
If it be thought that all this belongs to meteorology (metevrolga), he will nd out, if he does not change his mind, that the contribution of astronomy (stronomh) to medicine is not a very small one but a very great one indeed. For with the seasons (tsin rsi) mens internal organs (a koilai) suer change.18

Op. cit. p. 32. To De prisca medicina, Magdelaine (1997) associates De natura hominis, as a reaction against the philosophical tendency in medicine. But West (1971) presents the latter treatise as approaching the study of human physiology from the angle of cosmology. 14 For a rst denition of this aspect, see Brunn (194647). 15 6.2969 L.; ed. Jouanna, CMG, I, 1, 3, Berlin, 1975. 16 4.396609 L. 17 2.1293 L.; ed. Jouanna, CUF, II/2, Paris, 1996. 18 2.3 (2.16 L.; Jouanna 189). Trans. by W.H.S. Jones, The Loeb Classical Library, vol. I, 1933, with corrections in accordance with Jouannas reading.
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What is implied here by the word meterologa is not only climate, seasons and atmospheric phenomena but the whole range of phenomena which constitute ancient meteorological science, including hydrology, which the Hippocratic writer takes into serious consideration.19 In such a vast ensemble, astronomy20 is only one element, maybe the most evident as the physician seems to indicatethe fact that with the change of seasons, related to the moving of the stars, our body passes through various states, belongs to the realm of common experience and is enough to convince even the most reluctant reader. Therefore this is a whole body of knowledge, a whole scientic eld, whose tradition goes back to the rst phusiologoi, that physicians have at their disposal in order to investigate into human anatomy and physiology, using analogy as a criterion. For when dealing with rain water and the eects of its consumption on health, the author of Airs, Waters, Places begins by giving a summary of the formation of clouds and the causes of rain,21 in the form of a brief meteorological account comparable to that which Aristotle and his followers have transmitted to us.22 Analogy: A Functional Definition These preliminary remarks about the microcosm/macrocosm dichotomy in Hippocratic writings address the question of analogy, a central aspect of scientic thought, especially when one turns to the rst attempts to represent and conceptualize new and unobservable objects or phenomena. Even if this point has been studied quite extensively as regards Hippocratic thought, it seems that the question of the use of analogy as a heuristic tool in Hippocratic writings in comparison to other scientic traditions has yet to be discussed. When medical writers feel free to exploit the elds of cosmology and meteorology

19 For a summary of the various aspects of the meteorological tradition, see Capelle (1913) and Gilbert (1907). In this context, Jouannas translation of the expression, les choses den haut, seems too restrictive. 20 The mention of which is referred to by Jouanna (p. 26) as the rst instance in Greek literature with Aristophanes Clouds (l. 201). See also Phillips (1983). 21 8.67 (2.36 L.; Jouanna 205206). 22 In his commentary on the treatise, known to us through an arabic version, Galen (trans. Strohmaier to be published in the CMG, II, 4, 8) compares this passage to a similar one in Aristotles Meteorologica, I.9, 346b 2431.

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to expand their own eld of investigation, one must ask whether cosmological and meteorological writers also use analogy with biology or physiology to establish the foundations of their own science. Ch. Perelman23 gives the following denition of the analogical relationship: A is to B as C is to D, couple AB being the thme in the analogy and couple CD being the phore. The thme is the couple on which there is to be a discussion, it is the topic which is dealt with; the phore is the couple one rests on to transfer properties and structural patterns. Applying these denitions to Hippocratic writings, one may say that, in their argumentative structure, the body is the thme and the universe the phore. Taking as an example Regimen 1 and its account of the formation of the embryo (ch. 10),24 the analogy can be summarised as follows:
Thme A A cosmology the sea (thalassa) the land ( g ) Phore C C anatomy the belly or stomach (koili ) concretion of water around the stomach (hudatos psuchrou kai hugrou sustasis) ... the body (to sma)

A B

... the universe (ton holon)

C D

From the knowledge one has of the phore, it is possible to determine the properties (A) of B. Thus the analogy is initially set between B, the unknown element in the relationship, and D, an element which is supposedly part of our experience and therefore relatively well known.25 P.H. Schrijvers has devoted a very thorough article to the question of analogy in Epicurean thought,26 taking the text of Lucretius as testimony. Even though the gure itself was widely used in scientic and philosophical texts before Epicurus, the philosophers of the

Perelman (1969). 6.484486 L.; Joly, 1112. 25 Black (1962) insists on the fact that the model must belong to a more familiar realm than the system to which it is applied. 26 Schrijvers (1978).
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Garden have often been described as the inventors of the analogical method, since they make systematic use of this gure both as a heuristic tool and a proof in their investigations. Through the reading of Philodemus treatise, On Methods of Inference (De signis) 27 in particular, one may say that they also attempted to think about their methods and the conditions of scientic thought, and even if they are not the founders, they might very well be the rst systematic theoreticians of epistemology. Nevertheless Schrijvers is correct when observing that, with his frequent use of analogy and visible symptoms to elucidate the hidden mechanisms of nature, Lucretius sets his approach in the tradition of ancient philosophers whose epistemological maxim was rst formulated by Anaxagoras: opsis adln ta phainomena.28 Turning to the microcosm/macrocosm parallel as a frequently used gure, he points out the need for a formal distinction: if man constitutes the starting point of the analogy, so that knowledge associated with its anatomy and physiology is transferred to the universe, one should rather talk about the representation of the world as a makranthropos. With regard to Lucretius On the Nature of Things (De natura rerum), Schrijvers observes that the representation of man as microcosm stricto sensu occurs only once, with the description of an epileptic t.29 As for the makranthropic analogy, he states that it occurs only in the Hellenistic and Roman periods, relating this fact to the inuence of Posidonius of Apameia. Biology and Physiology as Models to Understand the World: Aristotles METEOROLOGICA For some time, there was a tendency to attribute every late antique text or theory whose philosophical and scientic background could not be ascribed to any other author to the inuence of Posidonius. If he contributed so much to the various elds of knowledge, it is also because he had Aristotle as a model. We know that Posidonius wrote several treatises about physics, meteorology and geography. In

27 Ed. Ph.H. De Lacy & E.A. De Lacy (American Philological Association, 1941), revised ed. with the collaboration of M. Gigante, F. Longo Auricchio & A. Tepedino Guerra, Napoli, 1978. 28 DK B 21a.For a commentary, see Diller (1932). 29 3.487509.

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these matters he was more of a follower than an innovator. Presocratic cosmologists expressed their views about observable phenomena and their causes, most of which have been transmitted to us by Aristotles important treatise on Meteorologica, so that this text appears to us as the starting point of a long tradition of meteorological writings. The rst occurrences of the makanthropic analogy are found in this text. Their author does not make a systematic use of this pattern but gives methodological legitimacy to it. One has to consider rst the scientic scope of the treatise and dene its formal characteristics. It is indeed a text about physical and natural phenomena, including all divisions of ancient meteorology (astronomy, atmospheric phenomena, hydrology and seismology). The object of the inquiry is thus the cosmos and the earth. Therefore if the scientist decides to investigate by using analogical arguments or models, physical and natural considerations can by no means serve as the illustration, the phore in the analogy, since they are the thme, which has to be illustrated. It seems that Aristotle wrote his Meteorologica before his biological and zoological treatises.30 Nonetheless, he already had, through his readings and own experiments, an extended knowledge in the elds of anatomy and physiology, and, on several aspects, the Meteorologica introduce and herald the other works to come. The rst occurrence of the biological analogy is found in book 1 concerning the question of the travelling of waters and continents, about which the philosopher declares:
But we must suppose these changes to follow some order (tjin) and cycle (perodon). The principle and cause of these changes is that the interior of the earth has its periods of maturity, like the bodies of plants and animals (tw gw t ntw, sper t smata tn futn ka zvn, kmn xei ka graw). (1.14, 351 a 2628, trans. by E.W. Webster)31

This idea of a cyclic periodicity, following the model of life, is recurrent in Aristotles thought and will be systematized by Posidonius. If one is right to point out the inuence of the Stoics on Posidonius

This is the prevalent opinion among the editors and commentators of his text; see ed. Louis, CUF, 1982, and Lee, The Loeb Classical Library, Cambridge-London, 1952. 31 The Complete works of Aristotle, The revised Oxford translation ed. by J. Barnes, vol. 1, Bollingen series LXXI.2, Princeton University Press, 1984 (rst ed. by W.D. Ross, Oxford, at the Clarendon Press, 1923).

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system, since the theory of cyclic time is a basis of Stoic cosmology and theology, one nds here an example of what posterity owes to Aristotle as well. Here, the idea is expressed in a very general way and Aristotle gives no further development or explanation, but the method is exposed: life can be used as an example to understand natural phenomena. Book 2 starts with a review of dierent theories about the origin of the sea and its salinity. Among other explanations, Aristotle asserts that some authors say that the sea is a kind of sweat exuded by the earth when the sun heats it, which explains its saltiness, all sweat being salty.32 By his very presentation of this analogy, Aristotle suggests that the theory cannot be taken for granted. Later on, he returns to it, attributing it to Empedocles.33 The whole explanation is then dismissed but a new question arises: why is sweat salty? Here we leave meteorology for biology and Aristotle tries to solve this problem,34 which is given no solution anywhere in his biological writings. Another question had previously been introduced about the sea:35 what is its natural location? The dierence between fresh water and salt water leads to a question about the natural place of water among other elements, since fresh water is light and evaporates into the sky, which might be its natural location. For Aristotle, the proper place of water is, without any doubt, where the sea is. Salt water remains there because of its weight. Fresh water is lighter, remains on the surface and evaporates, before going back to its natural place. In order to give a more comprehensive explanation of the phenomenon, another physiological paradigm is given: salt water is heavier and accumulates in the deepest parts of the earth exactly as the excremental residuefound to be bitter and saltdoes in the stomach. But our stomach is also a receptacle for liquid food, which disappears from it quickly and passes into the esh and the other parts of the body.36 In 2.3, 358 b 1012, one nds another observation, about the relationship between the heat of the stomach and the heat

2.1, 353b 1113. 2.3, 357a 24357b 21. See fragments DK 31 A 66 and 31 B 55. 34 2.3, 358a 314. 35 2.2, 355a 32355b 20. 36 On this process, see Parts of animals (De partibus animalium), 2.3, 650 a 2b 32 and 3.14, 675 b 12676 a 5. This comparison between the stomach and the sea is similar to the analogy in Regimen, 1.10, and De hebdomadibus, 6.
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of excrement, which is absent from the biological treatises. We have here two examples of the important part played by biology in meteorological thought. Not only does Aristotle use it as a model but he also adds developments, partly exceeding those given in other parts of his work.37 On winds too, Aristotle refers to what happens in our stomach to explain the way they come to rise; he observes that they originate from the interaction between dry and humid exhalations, that change places.38 Once again, the meteorologist asserts his theory by calling upon the testimony of a physiological fact:
Just as in the case of the body when the stomach is dry (n nv koila jhr ), the lower body is often in the contrary state (tn ktv nantvw diakesyai), and when it is dry the stomach is moist and cold (ka tathw jhrw oshw grn enai tn nv ka cuxrn), so it often happens that the exhalations (tw nayumiseiw) reciprocally take one anothers place and interchange.

One might present a nal example of such analogies in the Meteorologica and comment on a passage that scholars often quote. In book 2, Aristotle explains how earthquakes are caused by winds conned under the surface of the earth, yet another aspect of the exhalations theory. After dealing with the various kinds of earthquakes and their eects, he illustrates his development with a very precise and striking comparison:
We must suppose the action of the wind in the earth to be analogous to the tremors and throbbings (trmvn ka sfugmn)39 caused in us by the force of the wind (to pnematow) contained in our bodies. Thus some earthquakes are a sort of tremor (trmon), others a sort of throbbing (sfugmn). Again, we must think that the earth is aected as we often
37 One can make the same remark about Hippocratic thought: what we learn about cosmology in the medical writings is often more detailed than what we nd among the Presocratics. Of course, we have preserved only fragments of the Presocratic theories; but one may state that, in some aspects, medical writers exceeded the models that philosophers had left to them. 38 2.4, 360 b 2226. This theory of exhalation (anathumiasis) is the core of Aristotelian meteorology. 39 Such a distinction seems to refer to a precise pathological context or, at least, to accurate observations on living beings. For the exact meaning of sfugmw by Aristotle, see On Youth, Old Age, Life and Death, and Respiration (De iuuentute et senectute, de uita et morte, de respiratione), 26, 479b 17480a 15 (Parva Naturalia, ed. Ross, Oxford, 1955), where Aristotle establishes the dierence between palpitation (pdhsiw), pulsation (sfugmw) and respiration (napno). But the second has apparently no other meaning than internal movement or beating of the body, according to Pigeaud (1978).

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are after urinatingfor a sort of tremor runs through the body as the wind returns inwards from without in one volume. The force wind can have may be gathered not only from what happens in the air (where one might suppose that it owed its power to produce such eects to its volume), but also from what is observed in animal bodies. Tetanus and spasms are motions of wind (o te gr ttanoi ka o spasmo pnematow mn esi kinseiw ), and their force is such that the united eorts of many men do not succeed in overcoming the movements of the patients. We must suppose, then (to compare great things with small) (w eksai prw mikrn mezon), that what happens in the earth is just like that. (2.8, 366b 1429)

This pattern, the throbbings of the body, appears again in 2.8, 368a 611; it will also be used by Seneca in his Natural Questions. The whole passage has to be compared to the Hippocratic treatise Breaths ( De atibus),40 which ascribes the cause of diseases to the breaths ( phusai ) inside the body. Its author also deals with various sorts of observable tremors and throbbings: phrikai, rhiga, sphugmoi, tromoi. The words tetanoi and spasmoi are also specic to the language of medical practitioners and theoreticians. One may of course wonder about Aristotles medical readings. This is quite dicult since the philosopher had personal and extensive knowledge of anatomy and physiology.41 Consequently, it would be irrelevant to try to ascribe each and every accurate and detailed description by Aristotle to a Hippocratic or medical treatise. Nevertheless, even though Hippocrates of Cos is never explicitly quoted in the Meteorologica, a few passages are very similar to the treatise De aere, aquis, locis. Aristotles explanation of rain, for example, bears a resemblance to the traditional explanation given by the Hippocratic writer.42 Two other passages could allude to De atibus.43 In her article about The role of doxography in the Anonymus Londinensis,44 D. Manetti reminds us that the rst part of Aristotles Problemata, the so-called medical problems, gives a denition of disease and a series of questions on pathological phe-

6.90115 L.; ed. Jouanna, CUF, V/1, Paris, 1988. In addition to his personal studies, one may keep in mind the fact that his father, Nicomachos of Stagira, was known as a physician, as observed by Jaeger (1957). 42 See above. 43 1.13, 349 a 16; 2.4, 360 a 20. 44 Manetti (1999).
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nomena that are prompted by in-depth knowledge of medical texts, some of the Hippocratic texts being recognizable and extensively used, such as De aere, aquis, locis.45 Entrails of the Earth, Depths of the Body: Senecas NATURALES QUAESTIONES When he began to write his treatise on Naturales quaestiones, Seneca aimed at presenting an exhaustive doxographical account of the various theories of meteorological matters. Aristotle had dened the scope and limits of this scientic eld and, even though the title given by Seneca to his work does not explicitly refer to meteorology, the Roman writer establishes himself as the heir of a long philosophical tradition. Many passages of the Naturales quaestiones are directly borrowed from the Meteorologica. From them, one might presume that Seneca read Aristotle; whenever he quotes the Presocratics, such as Anaxagoras or Empedocles, he does so through Aristotles version of their theories.46 His quotations of Aristotle are often approximative and partial but the ground is Aristotelian. But, as he presents a global view, the Roman philosopher also borrows from other sources and presents his own interpretations.47 The extensive use of analogy by the author seems to be specic to his scientic approach. In fact, analogy is quite a systematic pattern of his meteorological developments which goes far beyond the Aristotelian way of putting things. One might of course make a clear distinction between two gures, metaphor and analogy, the rst being a stylistic and rhetorical devicealso characteristic of Senecas style and the second a heuristic tool, a way of arguing and proving.48 Most of the comparisons between the cosmos and the body are, not surprisingly, to be found in the parts dedicated to waters and to

45 On the special relationship with this treatise see Jouanna (1996). For the Epidemics, see Bertier (1989). 46 See Hall (1977). 47 See Waiblinger (1977). 48 Armisen-Marchetti (1989) has dedicated an extensive study to this question. In a chapter which deals with the Naturales quaestiones she shows that Seneca uses analogy as a scientic tool and that, in most cases, one must speak of analogical thought rather than metaphore. The systematic survey she makes of this pattern reveals the importance of the anatomical and physiological analogy in Senecas text.

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earthquakes. The correspondance between celestial or atmospheric phenomena and human physiology or pathology is generally less obvious and more dicult to establish, whereas the assimilation of Earth to a giant body appears to be a natural topic for a Stoic philosopher. The rst occurrence is when, in book 3, Seneca sets the structural analogy between the internal parts of the earth and the internal parts of our body:
The idea appeals to me that the earth (terram) is governed by nature and is much like the system of our own bodies (ad nostrorum corporum exemplar) in which there are both veins, receptacles for blood, and arteries, receptacles for air (uenae sunt et arteriae, illae sanguinis, haec spiritus receptacula). In the earth also there are some routes (alia itinera) through which water runs, some through which air passes. And nature fashioned these routes so like human bodies (ad similitudinem humanorum corporum) that our ancestors even called them veins of water (aquarum uenas). (3.15, 1, trans. by T.H. Corcoran)49

The idea here is that the earth might have specic roads for air and water to pass through and move. The text goes on, developing the analogy and stating that, since our body contains all kinds of humours (the brain in the head, marrow in the bones, mucus, saliva, tears, and synovia), the earth must also contain under its surface various uids and substances.50 Two remarks on this statement: rst, on a formal and logical level, the direction taken by the analogy presents the human body as the reference;51 second, regarding its content, it reects precise physiological concepts, which have been long debated in the various schools of thought. The problem of the distinction between veins and arteries is indeed central to anatomical investigations since Herophilus and Erasistratus. We know that Praxagoras, during the fourth century BCE, had already determined the functional dierence between those carrying blood, and those containing air, but this theory is accredited to the research of the Hellenistic

49 Ed. Oltramare, CUF, Paris, 1929, and Corcoran, The Loeb Classical Library, London-Cambridge, 197172; see also ed. Hine, B.S.G.R. Teubneriana, StuttgartLeipzig, 1996. 50 3.15, 18. 51 Pigeaud (1985) gives the following denition of ancient physiology: Le corps, dans la mdecine antique, est essentiellement une chose poreuse, perce dune innit de trous, de canaux, les uns perceptibles aux sens, les autres non, dans lesquels circulent des liquides et de lair.

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period.52 The reason why it is not preposterous to say that Seneca takes analogy seriously as a real scientic tool is that he also shows his awareness of its limits and dangers. In book 5, he arms that every physiological analogy cannot be taken for granted. On the question of the winds that blow under the surface of the earth, he derides a comparison with the process of digestion: in our bodies, atulence is caused by food and its emission is of great oence to our senses. In the same way, people think ( putant) that the great nature of the world (magnam rerum naturam) emits air in digesting its nourishment. And he ironically concludes: we are lucky that nature always digests thoroughly what she consumes, otherwise we might fear a more oensive atmosphere.53 What is questioned here is not the use of analogy as a way to understand an unexplained phenomenon but the use of a wrong analogy: one may not extend every physiological process to natural phenomena, one must be able to distinguish what our body and the whole world share in common. In order to show that the digestive analogy is irrelevant, Seneca, by a reductio ad absurdum, pretends to take it for granted and draws the immediate conclusions, which cannot be taken seriously. The strategy of the philosopher consists of proving the absurdity of certain analogies to assert the relevance of his own. The most appealing part of the Naturales quaestiones is probably book 6 on earthquakes. In this last part of his treatise, Seneca gives to his thought an original turn by detailing the analogy and presenting very personal views. This is also the part where he constantly refers to spiritus as the universal agent, giving to his account an explicit Stoic background. One passage is a long description of the internal movements of our body:54 our body is irrigated by blood and also by air (sanguine irrigatur et spiritu), which runs along by its own routes. We have some narrow receptacles for breath (receptacula animae) through which air does nothing more than pass, others wider in which the air is collected and from there distributed to the parts of the body. In the same way the whole body of the earth (totum terrarum omnium corpus) is a passage way both for water, which takes

52 Such a distinction belongs to the common scientic knowledge of Senecas contemporaries, since it is found by Cicero, On the Nature of Gods 2.138, and by Pliny, 11.219220. 53 5.4, 2. 54 6.14, 12.

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the place of blood, and for winds (uentis), which one might call simply respiration (animam). These two elements run together in some places and are stationary in others. But in our body the movement of the veins (mobilitas uenarum) also preserves its rhythm undisturbed while there is good health but when there is something wrong the movement pulses more rapidly and inhaling and exhaling give signes of eort and exhaustion. In the same way, the earth remains unshaken as long as its condition is normal. When something is wrong, then there is motion just like that of a sick body, because the air which was owing through it in an even pattern is struck violently and causes its veins to shake. Before commenting, one may compare this passage with another:
Our bodies also do not tremble (non tremunt) except when some cause disturbs the air inside (spiritum), when it is contracted by fear, grows weak in old age, becomes feeble with sluggish veins, is paralysed by cold, or is thrown from its normal course under an attack of disease (cum timore contractus est, cum senectute languescit et uenis torpentibus marcet, cum frigore inhibetur aut sub accessionem cursu suo deicitur). For, as long as the air ows without damage and proceeds in its usual way, there is no tremor in the body; when something happens which inhibits its function (ocium), then it no longer is strong enough to support what it had maintained (his quae tendebat) in its vigour. As it fails it causes to collapse whatever it had sustained when it was intact. (6.18,6)

These two descriptions are very close since they present the same analogy of the earth as an intricate network of canals and galeries. Under its surface, numerous uids circulate and, above all, air, whose state and movements determine the state of the whole. The observations on pulse and its rhythm, on fever and its progression, reveal a certain level of clinical knowledge. Is there a specic medical theory behind such assumptions? Does Seneca refer to the doxa of a specic school or does he draw on a general medical culture that was widespread in the philosophical and intellectual circles of his time? The answer is of course dicult and amounts to studying the role played by medicine in his entire work. As a Stoic philosopher, he might have been aware of the theories of the pneumatic school of medicine, and the important part spiritus plays in his representation of the world would naturally lead us to refer his meteorological theories to this sect. His letters to Lucilius, and his praise for such therapeutic practices as baths and gestatio, are an indication of his familiarity with the methodic school as well. For the Methodists,

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who partly inherited the theory of Asclepiades of Bithynia,55 health relies on the equilibrium between congestion and ow in the body. As we see in Seneca, and more generally in the whole meteorological tradition, the very notions of congestion and ow are at stake for the understanding of earthquakes, whether theoreticians chose water or air as the agent. One may remark that Seneca had already stated that the tension of the air (the stoic tonos) was the only possible explanation for natural movements.56 After showing that even plants possess an irresistible strength due to their spiritus, he explains muscular strength according to the same principle:
Well, what about running (cursus) and all motion (motus omnis)? Are they not the eects of air in tension (intenti spiritus)? This is what gives strength to sinews (neruis), speed to runners. When air is violenly agitated it twists upon itself, carries o tress and woods, snatches up entire buildings and shatters them. Air stirs up the sea, which is quiet and motionless by itself. (2.6,4)

Once again, the demonstration naturally shifts from a physiological process to a meteorological phenomenon. What happens in our muscles has its equivalent in the surrounding world. Finally, as the idea of air as the universal agent seems to be generally admitted57 among Senecas contemporaries, the discussion focuses on a more specic problem, which is the location of air under the surface of the earth: are the causes of earthquakes located at the very surface or are they more profound? Here, it is again thanks to a physiological comparison that Seneca is able to give an answer to what seems to be a much debated question:
And I myself agree that the cause of this disaster is air (spiritum). But I will argue about how this air enters the earth, whether through thin openings undetectable to the eyes or through larger and more extended openings (utrum per tenuia foramina nec oculis comprehensibilia an per maiora ac patentiora), and whether it comes only from the depths or also through the surface of the earth (et utrum ab imo an etiam per summa terrarum). This last is unbelievable. For even in our bodies the skin keeps out

On Asclepiades theory and its origins, see Vallance (1990). The idea of pneuma being responsible for bodily movements is also aristotelian, as stated in the second part of De motu animalium. 57 Even the epicurean meteorology admits that air is the cause of sismic phenomena; see Epicurus Letter to Pythocles, 2324.
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the air, and air has no way in except by way of the parts through which it is breathed in (cutis spiritum respuit nec est illi introitus nisi per quae trahitur), and even when it has been inhaled by us it cannot settle except in the relatively open part of the body (nec consistere quidem a nobis receptus potest nisi in laxiore corporis parte). For it does not remain within the sinews or esh but in the viscera and the wide cavity of the interior region (non enim inter neruos pulpasue sed in uisceribus et patulo interioris partis recessu commoratur). (6.24,12)

The philosopher states that air cannot pass through the surface of the earth (i.e. the skin) directly, but that movements from inside to outside, or outside to inside, are possible thanks to specic ways and cavities, that we might call respiratory organs. Here the analogy between the skin of our body and the surface of the earth is complete. One nds with this passage an echoe of an ancient medical debate on the respiratory system. The idea of respiration through the pores of the skin was rst illustrated by Philistio of Locres and, although it was partly rejected by posterity, remained central in many medical and biological discussions.58 Senecas argumentation obviously refers to this doctrinal point. Back to the Hippocratic corpus: DE

HEBDOMADIBUS

As mentioned above, several of the treatises that make up the Hippocratic corpus begin with more or less extended statements about the physical composition and operation of the world at large, and approach the study of human physiology from this angle. As M.L. West59 has pointed out, the work known as De hebdomadibus would appear to be a prime example of the type, since the rst twelve chapters are cosmological. But a close reading shows that the direction taken by analogy is dual. The opening paragraph states the principle that the world has seven parts, and so has each thing in it.60 The next paragraph begins with the description of the seven strata of the natural world; it seems that it is primarily the macro-

See Harris (1973) 128; and also Gourevitch (1989). West (1971). 60 For the reading of this text, mostly transmitted to us through a Latin translation thought to have been made in the early sixth century, one might refer to Wests article.
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cosm that the writer has in view; then corresponding strata will be found in the human body. Of these seven strata, the outermost part is said to be the akriton , later called the Olympian cosmos ( Olmpiow ksmow) and an undivided concretion (kriton pgow), cold like the skin. Such terms have counterparts in the Presocratics and their doxographers, as M.L. West has shown.61 But one might also refer to the Hippocratic treatise Regimen, 1.10, which uses the expression ton periechonta pagon to designate both the skin and the rmament in a similar macro-microcosmic system. M.L. Wests study also points out that the same treatise suggests an explanation of the mysterious passage(s) of summer and winter that the cosmos is supposed to have according to the writer of De hebdomadibus.62 In Regimen, 1.10 and 23,63 the body is said to be provided with Passages of cold and hot breath, outward and inward (dijodoi pnematow cuxro ka yermo, jv ka sv). Platos Timaeus brings further clarication (79d): there are two diexodoi, the pores of the skin and the respiratory tract, by which the entering and departure of cold and warm air is controlled. The passages of summer and winter in De hebdomadibus must be a macrocosmic analogue of this physiological system. If it is so, instead of using the adjective macrocosmic, one should rather speak of makranthropic analogy, since physiology stands here as a theoretical model. This passage would then be the rst example of the makanthropic analogy in the Hippocratic corpus. But it is not a unique example since two other chapters follow the same pattern. One may read chapter 6 to illustrate this analogical reversal: the seven parts of the world are related to the parts of the body. According to the rst sentence, the parallelism extends to all animals, and trees too, but in what follows only man is considered. The nature of the relationship, if the Latin version may be trusted, is expressed indierently in terms of similarity (similis, similiter), imitation (imitatio) of man by the world. The stony interior of the earth corresponds to the bones, the weaker parts surrounding it to the esh. The terrestrial waters correspond to the liquid parts of man: hot springs to the spinal marrow and semen; rivers to the veins;

61 62

p. 372. 6.484 L.; 12 Joly/6. 496 L.; 1819 Joly.

mhn mn <n> psi tjin tn to krtou ksmou, <di>ej[douw] xonta yreow ka xeimnow (1.2, 12).
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ponds and marshes to the bowels; seas to the visceral uids. The air is breath in the body, etc. This chapter reminds us of Senecas Naturales quaestiones or Aristotles Meteorologica. Once again, M.L. West refers this analogical pattern to Regimen and to the Timaeus, but what he does not mention is the fact that in De hebdomadibus the pattern is reversed. The relationship between the cosmos and the body is the same in these three texts, but not the direction taken by the demonstration. On the same level, chapter 10 states that our body is divided into seven parts; the following chapter (11) immediately shows how the earths surface is divided into seven, each part corresponding to one part of the body. Are these three examples of a makranthropic vision of the world in a Hippocratic work indicative of anything concerning the date and origin of the treatise? It would seem quite inappropriate to base a demonstration upon such a specic observation. Nonetheless, one has to say that this peculiar feature is yet another element to add to the debate around this treatise. It stresses, among other characteristics, its originality in the corpus of Hippocratic writings. It seems to be the only Hippocratic treatise where the traditional micro-macrocosmic analogy is given a dual direction. Bibliography
Armisen-Marchetti, M. (1989), Sapientiae Facies, tude sur les Images de Snque, Paris. Bertier, J. (1989), propos de quelques rsurgences des pidmies dans les Problemata du corpus aristotlicien, in: G. Baader & R. Winau (eds.), Epidemien-Theorie-PraxisTradition, Verhandlungen des Ve Colloque International Hippocratique (Berlin, 1015 sept. 1984), Stuttgart, 261269. Black, M. (1962), Models and Metaphors, Studies in Language and Philosophy, Ithaca & New York. Brunn, L. von (194647), Hippokrates und die meteorologische Medizin, Gesnerus, 3, 151173, & 4, 118; 6585. Capelle, W. (1913), Zur Geschichte der meteorologischen Litteratur, Hermes, 48, 321358. Diller, H. (1932), ciw dlvn t fainmena, Hermes, 67, 1442. Gilbert, O. (1907), Die meteorologischen Theorien des Grieschischen Altertums, Leipzig (reprint. Hildesheim, 1967). Gourevitch, D. (1989), LAnonyme de Londres et la mdecine dItalie du Sud, History and Philosophy of the Life Sciences, 11, 237251. Hall, J.J. (1977), Seneca as source for earlier thought (especially meteorology), The Classical Quarterly, n.s. 27, 409436. Harris, C.R.S. (1973), The Heart and the Vascular System in Ancient Greek Medicine, from Alcmaeon to Galen, Oxford. Jaeger, W. (1957), Aristotles use of medicine as model of method in his ethics, Journal of Hellenic Studies, 77, 5461.

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Joly, R. (1960), Recherches sur le Trait pseudo-Hippocratique du Rgime, Paris. Jouanna, J. (1992), La naissance de la science de lhomme chez les mdecins et les savants lpoque dHippocrate, in: J.A. Lpez Frez (ed.), Tratados Hipocraticos, Estudios Acerca de su Contenido, Forma e Inuencia, Actas del VII e Coloquio Internacional Hipocratico (Madrid, 2429 sept. 1990), Madrid, 91111. . (1995), Hippocrate et les Problemata dAristote: Essai de comparaison entre Airs, Eaux, Lieux, c. 10; Aphorismes, III, 1114 et Problemata, I, 812 et 1920, in: R. Wittern and P. Pellegrin (eds.), Hippokratische Medizin und Antike Philosophie, Verhandlungen des VIIIe Internationalen Hippokrates-Kolloquium (Kloster Banz, Staelstein, 2328 sept. 1993), Hildesheim-Zrich-New York, 273293. Longrigg, J. (1993), Greek Rational Medicine. Philosophy and Medicine from Alcmaeon to the Alexandrians, London & New York. Magdelaine, C. (1997), Microcosme et macrocosme dans le Corpus hippocratique: rexions sur lhomme et la maladie, Littrature et Mdecine, Eidlon (Cahiers du Laboratoire Pluridisciplinaire de Recherches sur lImaginaire appliqu la Littrature), 50, 1139. Manetti, D. (1999), The role of doxography in the Anonymus Londinensis, in: P.J. van der Eijk (ed.), Ancient Histories of Medicine, Essays in Medical Doxography and Historiography in Classical Antiquity, Studies in Ancient Medicine, 20, Leiden-BostonKln, 95141. Mansfeld, J. (1971), The pseudo-Hippocratic Tract PERI EBDOMADWN, ch. 111 and Greek Philosophy, Assen. Perelman, Ch. (1969), Analogie et mtaphore en science, posie et philosophie, Revue Internationale de Philosophie, 23, 315. Phillips, J.H. (1983), The Hippocratic physician and stronomh, in: F. Lasserre and Ph. Mudry (eds.), Formes de Pense dans la Collection Hippocratique, Actes du IVme Colloque International Hippocratique (Lausanne, 2126 sept. 1981), Genve, 427434. Pigeaud, J. (1978), Du rythme dans le corps. Quelques notes sur linterprtation du pouls par le mdecin Hrophile, Bulletin de lAssociation Guillaume Bud, 19783, 258267. . (1985), Lhumeur des Anciens, Nouvelle Revue de Psychanalyse, 32, 5169. Schrijvers, P.H. (1978), Le regard sur linvisible, tude sur lemploi de lanalogie dans luvre de Lucrce, in: O. Gigon (ed.), Entretiens de la Fondation Hardt sur lAntiquit Classique, 24, Lucrce, Genve, 77121. Vallance, J.T. (1990), The Lost Theory of Asclepiades of Bithynia, Oxford. Waiblinger, F.P. (1977), Senecas Naturales Quaestiones. Griechische Wissenschaft und Rmische Form, Munich. West, M.L. (1971), The cosmogony of Hippocrates De Hebdomadibus, The Classical Quarterly, n.s. 21, 365388.

ABOUT PHILOSOPHY AND HUMOURAL MEDICINE Paul Demont

Summary The polysemy of xumw, which can mean humour as well as avour, taste (e.g. in Democritus On Tastes) and juice, places Hippocratic medicine in the context of epistemology (and cookery). The treatment of humours in Ancient Medicine can help us to understand the second version which Plato gives of Protagorean epistemology (the so-called Apology in Theaetetus). Plato himself, in his discussion of health, and even in his explanation of diseases in the Timaeus, often seems reluctant to refer to a medical typology of humours. Aristotle is equally reticent on the subject. Yet the complexity of the Aristotelian stance can shed light on some problems in Aristotles ethical analysis, in particular the problem of intemperance.

It is well known that classical Greek philosophy has been thoroughly inuenced by medicine. This paper aims to concentrate on that part of Hippocratic medicine which is related to the action of the humours in the body, and, in particular, on one aspect of the reception of this humoural medicine in philosophy, namely, the interplay between a position which endorses the tenets of humoural medicine and one which retains a certain scepticism towards the humours. Only a few points in this program will be addressed: rst, I will trace some aspects of the Platonic discussion of the Protagorean relativism; I will then describe a recurrent way of speaking, or rather of not speaking, about the varieties of humours, which occurs in both Plato and Aristotle, and which contrasts with the progressive integration of humoural typology in the analysis of character. Humoural medicine in the Hippocratic corpus is not, of course, the communis opinio about humours which is often attributed to the Ancients by Galen in order to sustain his own positions, as in his On the Natural Faculties.1 If we leave aside these four humours of Nature
1 De naturalibus facultatibus 2.89 (p. 181203 Helmreich; 2.110140 K). Cf. Diocles of Carystus, fr. 27 (ed. van der Eijk, Leiden, 2000).

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of Man, and focus rather on Ancient Medicine, we read that there are diseases which arise from powers (dunmiew), i.e., from an intensity and strength of the humours (tn xumn tw krthtw te ka sxn),2 and that one should examine the powers of humours, and what the eect of each is upon man, and how they are related to one another. For example, if a humour that is sweet assumes another form (e glukw xumw n metablloi w llo edow), it is necessary to know whether it becomes bitter, or salt, or astringent, or acid (pikrw lmurw strufnw jw).3 Humours are here specied in terms of taste. Flavour or taste is one of the most frequent meanings of this rather frequent word for humour, xumw. The relationship between these meanings suggests polysemy, not homonymy. Humours are avours owing in the body.4 Humoural medicine, as it is explained at the beginning of Humours, facilitates the useful, natural ow of the humours, prevents its disruption and integrates the eects of their natural transformations.5 A third meaning, juice, especially juice of plants,6 together with the meaning avour, explains the importance of xumo in the art of cookery, and conversely, emphasises the inuence of cookery upon medical theories. Here is a fragmentary, but nevertheless eective, speech of a comic cook, who is well read in philosophy and medicine, and thus in the position of knowing how to harmonize avours vel juices vel humours:
2 De vetere medicina 22.1 (p. 149 Jouanna; 1.626 L.), transl. W.S. Jones, Loeb, 1923. 3 Vet. Med. 24.1 (p. 153 Jouanna; 1.634 L.): the transformation from sweetness to acidity, which is mentioned afterwards, may be implicitly based on the transformation of sweet wine to vinegar (cf. Jouanna (1990) 220 n. 8, with references to Jones and Lloyd); see also Aristotle, De sensu et sensibilibus 4, 441 a 1018 (against Empedocles thesis about water): We nd avours changing under heat, when pericarpal fruits are picked and dried in the sun or at a re; which shows that the juices do not owe their nature to drawing avour from water but change in the fruit itself (. . .) In time they become, instead of sweet, harsh or bitter, or assume various other tastes; and when they ferment, change into almost every kind of avours (transl. W.S. Hett, Loeb, 1957). It may be that the relationship between phlegm (sweet) and bile (bitter) in Met. H.4.1044 a 1523 is similar. 4 They can also be distinguished by their colours, as owers, a comparison which opens Humours (De humoribus) 1 (4.62 Jones; 5.476 L.). Cf. Demont (2004). 5 Cf. Demont (1999) and (2002). 6 E.g. Epid. 6.6.3 (p. 126 Manetti-Roselli; 5.324 L.), with the references given by Manetti-Roselli (1982) 127: come sinonimo di xulw usato p. es. in Vict. II 54 (VI, 560, 19) (. . .), 42 (VI 540, 17) (. . .). In stretta relazione con De victu anche la menzione della dnamiw di tali medicamenti (or juices of plants which are used in cookery).

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That is why the avour (xumw) concentrates everywhere evenly . . . The avour? So speaks Democritus. And no stoppage occurs that makes the eater gouty. It seems to me that you have some acquaintance with medicine !7

In this fragment of Damoxenus, there is an explicit (and comic) reference to Democritus, and an implicit one to his book On Tastes (Per xumn)8 and this reference is immediately linked to medicine. As a matter of fact, in the doctrine of tastes which is attributed to Democritus by Theophrastus, we nd the same elements which appear in Ancient Medicine with respect to the humours, i.e., the bitter taste (pikrw), the salty one (lmurw), the astringent one (strufnw), the acid one (jw), all of which are described in their material reality. These tastes (xumo or xulo: there are some discrepancies in the manuscripts) are at the same time avours and material substances, that is humours. The main dierence between Democritus and the author of Ancient Medicine is that the philosopher describes the avours as gures (sxmata), thus extending to the humours a geometric notion of gure which the physician only applies to other elements inside the body, but not to the humours, which are described by medical writers as powers (dunmeiw).9 The second of the two Platonic discussions of Protagorean relativism10 in the Theaetetus refers to the kind of humours vel tastes with which men can operate, since they are material realities. It is well known that in the rst discussion,11 Socrates identies knowledge with sensation (asyhsiw), and immediately adds that the famous homo mensura thesis of Protagoras is another way of saying that science is sensation. There is an evident similarity between this rst text and Ancient Medicine 9, where the characterisation of man

Damoxenes, Fragm. 1 K.-A., v. 17 and 2932, with V. Schmidts emendatio: cf. Roselli (2000) 168169. 8 Cf. Diog. Laert. 9.46. Note the Democritean use of sumplkesyai about the fa in Damoxenes (v. 42, cf. DK 68A43 and 119). About the arithmology of tastes (v. 5458), see also Aristote, De sensu 442 a 16. 9 Cf. Theophrastus, Fragmentum de sensibus 6567 in Diels (1889) 517519 (DK 68A130). About the highly problematic interpretation of Democritus epistemology, cf. Taylor (1999) 216222 (who does not discuss the meanings of xumw). 10 I am speaking here of the Platonic representation of Protagoras (who identies the homo mensura with sensation, and invents the Apology), not of Protagoras himself. 11 Theaetetus 151 e 1152 a 4.

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as measure is also explained by means of sensation. In Ancient Medicine, this sensation is to smatow, i.e. the feeling of the body: it seems to refer to the patients feeling, as Jacques Jouanna and others have argued. There is also an obvious dierence: Ancient Medicine in no way presents a subjectivist argument, the feeling of the body requires an interpretation, and it is the doctors interpretation of it that matters.12 But afterwards in the Theaetetus, in the so-called Apology of Protagoras, which George B. Kerferd aptly labels the modied doctrine,13 the possibility that this feeling may be modied by the physician, or, in other cases, by anyone who knows (sofw), is very strongly asserted:
His food appears and is bitter (pikr) to the sick man, but appears and is the opposite of bitter to the man in health. Now neither of the two is to be made wiser than he isthat is not possiblenor should the claim be made that the sick man is ignorant because his opinions are ignorant, or the healthy man wise because his are dierent; but a change must be made from the one condition to the other, for the other is better.14

In fact, the patients feeling of sweetness or of bitterness is the criterion not only of the patients reality, but also of the physicians: it is reality. Keeping in mind the denition of humoural medicine which

Vet. Med. 9 (p. 128 Jouanna; 1.588590 L.). The patients feeling are the words of T. Cole (1972) 23. Bibliography (except Cole) in Jouanna (1990) 174, with the conclusion that this is la sensation (ou la sensibilit) du malade face au rgime and not la sensation du mdecin face au corps du malade. Cf. Tracy (1969) 39: Festugire (59 n. 69) shows that the author of AM, in setting up the responsiveness or the response of the individual body as mtron, is not adopting the relativity of Protagoras, but regards medicine as a txnh with generally valid laws based upon observation and experience; and Jouanna (1990) 174: Bien que la formulation rappelle ici Protagoras, la distance est grande entre les deux penseurs. Car si lasyhsiw du malade est, chez Protagoras, le critre de la ralit pour le malade, elle est, chez lauteur de lAncienne Mdecine, le critre de la ralit pour le mdecin. Festugire, Tracy and Jouanna do not take into account the Apology of Protagoras, in which the distinction between these two sensations seems to be challenged, as Cole suggests (without any reference to humoral medicine). Jaeger (1957) 56 compares Aristotle, EN 2.9, 1109 b 23. 13 Kerferd (1981) 105. This point is often neglected. Even if it is dicult to trace the real doctrine of Protagoras, Taylor (1999) 220 seems to go too far in his contrast between Protagoras and Democritus: In the Protagorean world there is nothing more to reality than the totality of equipollent appearances. For Democritus, by contrast, the reconciliation between the equipollence of appearances with the objectivity of the physical world requires the gap between appearance and reality. 14 Theaetetus 166 e167 d passim, transl. H.N. Fowler (Loeb, 1921).

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I have just proposed, it should be noted that it is the humoural reality of his experience of taste that explains the patients feeling, and it is the physicians task to identify this reality which patently is (it is a xumw), i.e., to let the patient know that he has understood his suerings, without speaking of anything other than this reality, this bitterness or this sweetness which he feels, as the author of Ancient Medicine says in chapter two, and as Plato says in his Apology of Protagoras.15 The physician corrects the humoural disturbance, either through drugs or other forms of treatment,16 thus creating a new, and better, humoural reality, although not a truer one. This reference to humoural medicine, in Ancient Medecine, could, I would suggest, help us understand the uneasy transition from the subjectivist relativism of the homo mensura to the Apology of Protagoras and its authoritative assertion of knowledge in Platos Theaetetus.17 In this way humoural medicine proves itself a useful explanatory model for philosophers. Before reaching the Platonic use of humours, I would like to make a brief reference to Thucydides famous description of the Plague.18 Everybody knows that the historian is well-read in Hippocratic medicine, and that nevertheless, his description is addressed not only to physicians, but also to laymen.19 There is a peculiarity in his narrative which is obviously related to this double readership. Describing the symptoms of the plague a capite ad calcem, Thucydides notes that vomits of bile of every kind named by physicians ensued (ka pokayrseiw xolw psai sai p atrn nomasmnai).20 Does he know all the names of these varieties of vomit (note that these are varieties of vomit, not of bile)? Does he think that the ability to distinguish between these varieties is useless in such a terrible plague? At any rate, he refrains from explicitly invoking this particular point of medical knowledge. Contrast the

15 Cf. Vet. Med. 2.3 (120 Jouanna; 1.572 L.): o gr per llvn tinn ote zhten ote lgein proskei and Theaetetus 167 a 1: od kathgorhton w mn kmnvn mayw ti toiata dojzei. 16 By means of dierent uses of metabol. Cf. Dis (1926) 135, Jouanna (1980)

299319, Demont (1991) 1128. 17 Is this the actual Protagorean thesis, or is it Platonic rewriting? It is of course impossible to answer; in any case, there are more similarities between the discussion in Theaetetus and Ancient Medecine, than between Ancient Medecine and the words of Protagoras himself. 18 Cf. Demont 1996. 19 Thuc. 2.4.3. 20 Thuc. 2.49.3, transl. C.F. Smith, Loeb, 1919.

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descriptions in the Epidemics, and the nuances of colour they use. For example, in the fth case of the rst Book, the fteenth day, vomited fairly frequently bilious, yellow vomit (xolvda jany psuxna), [. . .] about the twentieth day, scanty bilious, black vomit (mese xolvda lga mlana).21 Contrast indeed the proud rst person plural of Ancient Medicine, where the doctor comments upon the case when there is an outpouring of the bitter principle, which we call yellow bile ( tan pikrthw tiw poxuy, n d xoln janyn kalomen).22 In the intellectual scope of the end of the fth century, to study the varieties of gall vomit, to give them names, and moreover to name varieties of bile, is plainly a task which physicians may claim as their own, and which laymen leave to them. We nd this kind of position again in Plato, but with new connotations. In the Republic,23 Socrates is said to dislike the manner of speaking of those ingenious sons of Aesculapius with all the newfangled and monstrous strange names (nmata) of diseases that they invent, for example, ktarroi, uxes: there is no explicit humoural qualication here, but presumably an implicit one, as only humours are owing in the body. Not only are the physicians terminological innovations useless for the philosopher, they are symptomatic of a deep crisis in Athenian health and morals. Phlegm and bile are nevertheless a reality in the human being for Plato, but only when he is ill. Troublesome citizens should be expelled from the city as phlegm and bile from the body: the task of the good physician, like that of the good lawgiver, and of the good beekeeper, is to be on his guard from afar against these two kinds [. . .], rst and chiey, to prevent their springing up, but if they do arise, to have them as quickly as may be cut out.24 Phlegm and bile are plainly pathological humours, to be cured by physicians. Several, but not all, aspects of the description of the second kind of diseases in the Timaeus are consistent with this characterisation. For the philosopher who ventures to speak about this medical subject, it is of the utmost importance to pinpoint the dierence between natural processes in which blood is at work (the

21 Epid. I (p. 207 Kuehlewein; 2.696 L.); cf. Flashar (1966) 32, and Index Hippocraticus s.v. xoldhw III. de excrementis. 22 Vet. Med. 19.5 (p. 144 Jouanna; 1.618 L.). 23 Resp. 3.405 d 16, transl. P. Shorey, Loeb, 1930. 24 Resp. 8.564 b 56.

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Greek verbs, phgnnai, sumphgnnai, trfein, sunistnai, are about coagulating, nourishing and clotting),25 and the process of liquefaction (tkesyai) which destroys esh and bones, and in which the blood is diversied by colours and bitter avours, as well as by sharp and saline properties, and contains bile and serum and phlegm of every sort (xrmasi ka pikrthsi poikillmenon, ti d jeaiw ka lmuraw dunmesi, xolw ka xraw ka flgmata pantoa).26 On the one hand, Plato uses a vocabulary quite similar to Ancient Medicine, with these powers (dunmeiw) of the dierent avours,27 and their colours: we nd here the general frame of the Hippocratic humours. On the other hand, he speaks of the varieties of humours somewhat vaguely, all kinds being put together without any distinction, in a way which may also recall the sentence from Thucydides, which I quoted above. The philosopher, as the layman, does not need to be concerned by the varieties of humours. It is true that, afterwards, Plato proceeds to describe in some detail the dierent humours that are responsible for the dierent diseases. Yet, from the beginning, he does this in a very strange way. There is rst a sentence about humours as avours and colours, which could be read as an imitation, perhaps not an entirely serious one, of descriptions such as that found in Ancient Medicine 24 about the transformations of humours:
The black matter acquires a sharpness in place of its bitterness, when the bitter substance becomes more diluted; and at another time the bitter substance acquires a redder colour through being dipped in blood, while if the black matter is blended with this it turns greenish;28 and again, whenever next esh also is decomposed by the re of the inammation, a yellow matter is commingled with the bitter substance.29

What is Platos aim as he leads his reader through these colours and avours artistically mixed together? Clearly, it is the mixture itself which interests him:

Cf. Demont (1978). I think that this point should be more stressed than it is in the seminal paper by Miller (1962). 26 Tim. 82 e 58, transl. R.G. Bury, Loeb, 1929. In the same way as in the Republic, as humours originating para physin, phlegm and bile have no natural fonction in the structures and processes of the body, Miller (1962) 185, cf. Ayache (1997) 58. 27 Joubaud (1991) 91 compares Vet. Med. 14. 28 If xlodew should be read with Galen. 29 Tim. 83 b 29.

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To all these humours, the general designation bile has been given, either by certain physicians or by someone who was capable of surveying a number of dissimilar cases and discerning amongst them one single type worthy to give its name to them all. All the rest that are counted as species of bile have gained their special descriptions in each case from their colours.30

It seems to me useless to wonder whether this someone is or is not a physician.31 Plato apparently suggests that the good reader, even if he is not a physician, should be this someone, and should sense the unity of this principle, despite the variety of colours and of avours. Surprisingly enough, Plato then proceeds to such classications, about the second and third classes of diseases, classications that are, as Harold W. Miller points out, essentially on the level of physics.32 Without discussing these passages, I would simply like to stress two points about Plato: rst, the absolute opposition between blood as the humour of health, and pathological humours, a point severely criticised by Galen, who thinks he can show how much at least in his book On the Nature of Man Hippocrates excelled Plato;33 and second (notwithstanding these subsequent distinctions), the a priori philosophical rejection of medicines classication of biles. In Aristotle, xumw is used in relation to sensation and epistemology, and carries the meaning of avour, as it did in Democritus and (perhaps) in Empedocles. The main word for humour is rather grn uid: the uids are the uniform parts (moiomer) which are tender and wet in the bodies of animals with blood. Several lists of these uniform parts in Aristotle show that they have nothing in common with Hippocratic classications of the humours, for example, in History of Animals: blood, ichr, lard, suet, marrow, semen, gall, milk (in those who have it), esh and analogous parts; so too, in another way, the residues, e.g. phlegm, and the excretions of the belly and the bladder,34 or further, in the third book, another somewhat dierent list: and, in addition, fat, suet, and the residues (dung, phlegm, yellow and black bile).35 We see that here, three of the

Tim. 83 c 16. Discussion in Brisson (1992) 275 n. 743, and Ayache (1997) 59 n. 19. 32 Miller (1962) 186. See also Brisson (1974) 449 sq. and Ayache (1997) 63. 33 On the Doctrines of Hippocrates and Plato (De plac.) 8.5.26 (p. 511 Phillip de Lacy). 34 HA. 1.1, 487 a 210, transl. A.L. Peck, Loeb, 1965, corrected for ichr, about which cf. J. Jouanna and P. Demont (1981). 35 HA 3.2, 511 b 910.
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four Hippocratic humours named in Nature of Man are explicitly specied as residues (perittmata), a concept which does not appear as such in the Hippocratic corpus.36 On the contrary, blood has an entirely dierent position in the body of animals with blood: in them, blood is the only uid which remains throughout the whole body, and throughout life so long as it lasts,37 and, Aristotle says as Plato, the purpose of the blood in living creatures is to provide them with nourishment.38 Philip van der Eijk has rightly concluded, after having collected these and other similar passsages, that, if it is true that Aristotle knows the four classical humours, nothing suggests that he knows a four-humour system, so that hier kaum von hippokratischer Beeinussung geredet werden kann.39 It may be that he avoids medical descriptions as well. Here are two texts which, I suggest, could be read in this way. First there is a passage from the History of Animals in which he refers to a human disease, a very unusual fact indeed. He is speaking about the inside of the mouth of animals with blood:
Right inside is another part, resembling a bunch of grapes, a pillar with prominent veins; if this gets moistened unduly and inamed (jugranyew flegmn), it is called staphul (staful, uvula), and tends to cause suocation (pngei).40

The similarity with Diseases II has been pointed out,41 but there are two parallel descriptions of uvula in this book, one with a semiology, a humoural etiology and a prognostic (I quote only the beginning: Staphylitis occurs when phlegm descends out of the head42), and the other with a semiology, with therapeutics and a prognostic, but without any humoural etiology involving phlegm:
If staphylitis arises in the throat, the extremity of the uvula lls up with uid, (mpmplatai krow gargaren datow), becomes spherical and translucent, and stops the breath. If the jaws swell up (flegman) on both sides, the patient suocates (popngetai).43
36 As is ackowledged by Thivel (1965) 268 although he tries to trace it back from Aristotle (and from the Anonymus Londinensis) in the Hippocratic corpus. 37 HA 3.19, 521 a 8. 38 Parts of Animals (PA) 650 b 2, transl. A.L. Peck, Loeb, 1937. 39 Van der Eijk (1990) 5253. 40 HA 1.11, 493 a 34. 41 E.g. Louis (1964) XXXIX, Byl (1980) 43. 42 Diseases II (Morb. II ) 10 (p. 140 Jouanna; 7.16 L.), transl. Paul Potter, Loeb, 1988. 43 Morb. II 29 (p. 164 Jouanna; 7.46 L.).

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Jacques Jouanna, in his seminal studies of these texts and, with less condence, in his edition, thinks that the rst version is the later, because it shows un dveloppement et une systmatisation dune thorie humorale seulement implicite lpoque antrieure, i.e., in the second version.44 It may be stressed that Aristotle chooses a version of uvula that is quite similar to the version that appears in the second part of Diseases II, where no explicit humoural explanation is presented. The second text is concerned with gall, which Aristotle describes in great detail, due to the fact that there is a part in the body, the gall-bladder, which is also called gall (xol) in Greek. Not every animal has a xol (gall-bladder):
Sometimes, in the same group, there are some animals which look as if they have one, and some as if they have none: this is true of the mice, and also of the human species, as in some individuals the gallbladder is placed against the liver and is obvious, while in some it is missing.45

This observation explains why bile cannot fulll any necessary function46 in the human body, and may also explain the criticism made by Aristotle soon after of Anaxagoras explanation of acute diseases by the gall or gall-bladder:
They say that when it gets too full, it spurts its liquid out into the lung and blood-vessels sides (perbllousan gr porranein)47 [. . .]. This must be wrong, because nearly everyone who suers from these aections has no gall-bladder, and this would be proved if they were dissected. Besides, there is no comparison between the amount of bile which is present in the ailments and that which is emitted from the gall-bladder (t plyow t t n tow rrvstmasin prxon ka t porrainmenon smblhton). No; it seems probable that, just as bile elsewhere in the body is a residue or colliquescence, so this bile around the liver is a residue and serves no purpose.48

(1983) 4950. PA 676 b 2933. 46 About bile and causality, cf. Pellegrin (1990) 206: dans certains cas, la nature, en violation dun des principes les plus souvent rpts par Aristote lui-mme, agit sans but. (. . .) Un organe nalis, le foie, tant donn, le fonctionnement de sa propre nature produit un phnomne, la bile, qui tombe en dehors de toute nalit. 47 These verbs could be used also for the gall itself. 48 677 a 14.
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Note that Aristotle will say afterwards that the absence of gall (or gall-bladder) helps horses or stags to stay healthy:49 it seems that the idea of bile as a cause of diseases cannot be so easily dismissed. Furthermore, why does Aristotle argue here against Anaxagoras, and not against the physicians who describe ows of gall as responsible for acute diseases?50 Again, he does not want to interfere in medicine: even when, for once, he speaks about acute diseases (after all, his father was a physician), he can only aord to debate philosophically with Anaxagoras about the parts of the body. We have gone from the interaction between humoural medicine and philosophy in the account of Protagorean relativism, to an analysis of the distance between laymen and physicians when it is a question of specic knowledge about the humours, and then, nally, to the systematisation of that distance in Plato and Aristotle. In the well known beginning of Metaphysics A, Aristotle explains that medicine is a techn inasmuch as it is able to cure all persons of a certain type, considered as a class, who suer from this or that disease (e.g. the phlegmatic or bilious or suering from burning fever oon tow flegmatdesin xoldesi purttousi kas).51 Like Plato, Aristotle is perfectly aware of the humoural explanations of diseases which he leaves aside or refutes in the two texts I have just read, and he is also aware of their links to a specic constitution. But the philosopher as such, i.e., as a researcher in the theoretical sciences, does not have the same objects of investigation as the researchers in the productive or applied sciences, such as physicians interested in producing health.52 Medicine, in the Hippocratic Corpus, as Jacques Jouanna has said in his Hippocrates, began to assert its autonomy in relation to philosophy,53 but it is also true that philosophers, in the face of medicine, insist on their specicity, and on the limits of medicine.

677 a 29b 10 (with xumn, b 10). E.g. Regimen of Acute diseases (RMA) 42 (p. 54 Joly; 2.312314 L.). 51 Met. 1, 981 a 712, transl. H. Tredennick (modied), Loeb, 1933: del. Jackson, but see Insomn. 461 a 2223 (oon tow melagxolikow ka purttousi ka onvmnoiw), about which cf. van der Eijk (1990) 42. 52 Eudemian Ethics, 1216 b 18. Cf. Flashar (1962) 318, Pellegrin (1982) 164 n. 29, with the restrictions of van der Eijk (1990) 54 n. 58: stressing the beschrnkte Interesse of Aristotle for medicine, he notes that in other works, which have not been preserved, as in his Iatrik [D.L. 5 25], he may have gone into greater detail. 53 Jouanna (1999) 259 = (1992) 366.
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In the ethical theory which Aristotle constructs, there is a diculty which may be related to this complex relationship between medicine and philosophy. What is the interaction between nature and ethos? Presumably, all nature is concerned with matter.54 And it is well known that clearly the aections of the soul are formulae expressed in matter or enmattered accounts or forms embedded in matter (lgoi nuloi).55 This is the case for fear, anger and so on. Hence ethos is one of the points which should be scrutinized in order to study the dierences between animals.56 Let us rst pose the question at a general level. There are physiognomic observations in Aristotle, which trace the relationship between non-uniform parts of the body, such as the nose, the forehead, the eyes, or the heart, and a given character. Such a character is mainly specic to a class of animals, but it may also serve to distinguish some types and even some individuals in the class.57 Uniform parts of the body, such as humours, and of course, blood, may also contribute to the understanding of character. An earthy blood predisposes bulls and boars to anger. Conversely, the lighter the blood, the more intelligent the animal. This is true to such an extent that some bloodless animals, such as bees or ants, are more intelligent than some animals with blood.58 A necessary link, by means of the material (or materialecient) cause,59 between humour and character should preclude any eect of education on character, and a fortiori, on the cultivation of virtue. Are humans really dierent from other living beings in this respect? The argument is that, in the human soul alone, the desiring part can be made to follow the wise decisions of the rational part, thereby enabling, little by little, the creation of a virtuous character.60 But the matter is perhaps not so simple, even in Aristotles authentic texts.
Met. a.3, 995 a 17. Cf. Kullmann (1997) 51, 59. On the Soul 1.1, 403 a 25, transl. W.S. Hett, Loeb, 1957, Everson (1995) 186 (1997) 264265, van der Eijk (1997) 232. 56 HA 1.1, 487 a 10 sq. 57 Cf. for example HA 1.8, 491 b 1214, b 25, PA 667 a 1115, Byl (1980) 264268, van der Eijk (1997) 248249, 252253. See also, about cowardice or bestiality constituted by nature and/or by disease, EN 7.5, 1149 a 513. 58 PA 650 b 2224, cf. van der Eijk (1997) 248249. 59 Aristotle is often prepared to condense his doctrine that there are four causes in the doctrine that there are two types of causes, material-ecient causes on the one hand, and formal-nal causes on the other. See PA 1.1, 642a14; Physics 2.9, 200 a 32 (Bolton (1997) 99); cf. Pellegrin (1990) 210211. 60 Cf. e.g. Demont (1998) 8384.
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Let us indeed specify our general question. What about the possibility of a virtuous life when one is bilious? To be bilious, that is, to suer from bile (xoln) is to be foolish, a meaning assumed by melagxolikw and related words in Aristophanes and Plato, as a number of scholars have shown.61 Standard Greek evidently stresses the link between bile and character. And what about virtue when one is a man in whom black bile is the dominant humour? Such types are acknowledged several times in works indisputably attributed to Aristotle, although black bile is for him only a residue, and a one mentioned only rarely, in his biological works. Philip van der Eijk has shown that Aristotle, directly or indirectly, not only speaks of the melancholic as in standard Greek, but also stresses the inuence of black bile in his Parva naturalia, so that a physiological theory is evidently supposed. He has also shown that Aristotles analysis of impetuous intemperance (propetw krasa) in the seventh book of the Nicomachean Ethics is consistent with this theory:
It is the quick and the melankholikoi who are more liable to the impetuous form of unrestraint, because the former are too hasty and the latter too vehement to wail for reason, being prone to follow their imagination.62

There is evidently a physical obstacle here to moral choice and, indeed, to morality. Aristotle goes on to say that intemperance in general, contrary to disorder, can be cured (atw).63 This use of to cure should be noted: Aristotle compares disorderly men with the hydropic and the phtisic (these diseases are permanent), and the intemperate with the epileptic (epilepsy is a chronic disease). These comparisons between ethical troubles and diseases make it clear that the use of the verb to cure with respect to intemperance, and, therefore, with respect to melancholic people, is a metaphoric usage.64

61 Especially H. Flashar (1966) 3739, leading to the hypothesis da die Melancholie zunchst einmal von der Galle abgeleitet wurde und erst nachtrglich in systematisierender Theorie die schwarze Galle hinzutrat. 62 EN 7.7, 1150 b 2528, transl. H. Rackham, Loeb, 1926; cf. van der Eijk (1990) 3646, esp. about the mention of grthw in On Memory, 453 a 14 sqq., and of black bile in On Sleep, 457 a 3133, with full discussion of the sometimes controversial material, and 4651 about Nicomachean Ethics. 63 1150 b 2932. About the puzzles surrounding the ethical discussion of moral weakness, see Hutchinson (1995) 214217 and 369370. The humoural side of the problem is mainly disregarded. 64 Jaeger (1957) 59 does not consider these texts.

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Further on, Aristotle uses a similar medical phrase, this time expressly about the melancholic, when he says that their intemperance is easier to cure (eiatotra)65 than the intemperance of the weak, who fail to follow their choices through. So the melancholics are the easiest to cure from two points of view, as intemperate vs disorderly men, and as impetuous intemperate vs slow and weak intemperate. But he does not say what the cure should be, because there is no real medical side of the problem here, only an ethical one.66 In the opposition between the weak intemperate and the impetuous (i.e. melancholic), the problem of weakness is that it forbids stability in choices. The problem of vehemence is that it forbids rational choice itself.67 The latter seems to Aristotle easier to cure than the former, perhaps because it seems easier to wait until an impetuous man is able to make a rational choice, than to x a weather vane. There is another diculty in Aristotles conclusion about intemperance. This conclusion is connected with the remarks which we have just read in such a way as to suggest that it concerns melancholy alone. Aristotle introduces a new opposition between nature and habit:68
(. . .) and these who have become unrestrained through habit are more easily cured than those who are unrestrained by nature, since habit is easier to change than nature; for even habit is hard to change, precisely because it is a sort of nature.69

It seems that Aristotle does not say here that the melancholics are such because of their usual behaviour: this would be the reverse of what he said earlier about the physiology of melancholy. It is rather a new point of view about the whole subject, introducing the con7.10, 1152 a 28. The explanation how the ignorance (which caused the weak persons action) is dissipated (. . .) is the same as concerning a drunk or a sleeping person (. . .): it is to be obtained from the physiologists (EN 7.3, 1147 b 69), in: van der Eijk (1997) 244, who quotes the summary by Tracy (1969) 276 of the scattered remarks in Aristotles physical works about this problem, adds some examples and concludes: How exactly these processes interact and inuence cognitive processes, Aristotle does not make very clear. See also Emerson (1995) 188191. Anyway, the intemperance due to illness or bestiality is kat prsyesin, and is not the real object of Aristotles Ethics (EN 7.5, 1149 a 1620): but what about the melancholic? 67 7.10, 1152 a 18. 68 Which perhaps comes from Platos Republic about the Tyrant who is given to drink, sex and insanity (melagxolikw) by his nature, by his behaviour or by the two (573 c 79), as is suggested by van der Eijk (1990) 48 n. 41. 69 L. 2931.
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clusion about intemperance in general: as the impetuous intemperate are easier to cure than the weak, so the intemperate by behaviour are easier to cure than those whose intemperance is determined by nature. This brings us back to the main purpose of the book, the study of behaviour, of ethos, from a rather optimistic point of view. But as the melancholics are in such a state largely through the inuence of nature, this also suggests that, although being the easiest to cure, their cure is still far from being simple. It seems that Aristotle is nearly ready to acknowledge, on the one hand, the limits of ethical theory, and, on the other hand, the necessity, but also the uncertainties of humoural medicine.70 Bibliography
Ayache, L. (1997), Est-il vraiment question dart mdical dans le Time? in: T. Calvo and L. Brisson (ed.), Interpreting the Timaeus-Critias. Proceedings of the IV Symposium Platonicum, Sankt Augustin, 5563. Bolton, R. (1997), The material cause: Matter and explanation in Aristotles natural science, in: W. Kullmann and S. Fllinger (ed.), Aristotelische Biologie, Stuttgart, 97124. Brisson, L. (1974), Le mme et lautre dans la structure ontologique du Time de Platon, Paris . (1992), Platon, Time, Nouvelle traduction, Paris. Byl, S. (1980), Recherches sur les grands traits biologiques dAristote : sources crites et prjugs, Bruxelles. Cole, T. (1972), The Relativism of Protagoras, Yale Classical Studies 22, 1945. Demont, P. (1978), Remarques sur le sens de trfv, Revue des Etudes Grecques 91, 358384. . (1991), Rexions sur un cart: remarques sur le champ conceptuel de la rvolution et du changement dans la Grce du cinquime et du quatrime sicles avant notre re, Les Cahiers de Fontenay, 6364, 1128. . (1996), La Peste: un indit dAlbert Camus, lecteur de Thucydide, Antike und Abendland, 42, 137154. . (1998), Note sur les premiers emplois de yikw chez Aristote. Le sentiment damiti et les transactions de gr gr, Actes du Colloque international Entre public et priv en Grce ancienne, Ktema, 23, 8192.

70 Nussbaum (1994) does not seem to take into account the question of the humoural sources of emotions. Robinson (1977) 91 strongly disapproves of the implications of what he calls the medical metaphor: Nor must we use the medical metaphor, as Aristotle too often does, and regard these men as patients to be cured, and even to be cured against their will. A rst draft of this paper has been read in Siena, thanks to Ivan Garofalo. It has beneted from discussions there and in Newcastle. I received specially helpful comments from Philip van der Eijk. Without the generous help from Brooke Holmes (Princeton) and Alain Jumeau (Paris-4 Sorbonne), my English would have been very much worse.

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. (1999), Elbeia peirh duspeirh: Observations sur la thrapeutique dans le dbut du trait des Humeurs in: I. Garofalo, A. Lami, D. Manetti, A. Roselli (ed.), Aspetti della terapia nel Corpus Hippocraticum, Firenze, 183202. . (2002), Equilibre et dsquilibre des penchants et tendances dans la mdecine hippocratique, in: A. Thivel, A. Zucker (ed.), Le Normal et le Pathologique dans la Collection Hippocratique, Actes du Xe Colloque International Hippocratique, Nice, 245255 . (2004), Les humeurs: une question de got, Cahiers de la villla Krylos, 15, 5369. Diels, H. (1889), Doxographi Graeci, Berlin [repr. 1976]. Dis, A. (1926), Platon, Thtte, Paris. van der Eijk, P.J. (1990), Aristoteles ber die Melancholie, Mnemosyne 43, 3372 , P.J. (1997), The Matter of Mind: Aristotle on the Biology of Psychic Processes and the Bodily Aspects of Thinking, in: W. Kullmann and S. Fllinger (eds.), Aristotelische Biologie, Stuttgart, 231258. Everson, S. (1995), Psychology, in: Jonathan Barnes (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Aristotle, Cambridge, 168194. . (1997), Aristotle on Perception, Oxford. Flashar, H. (1966), Melancholie und Melancholiker in den medizinischen Theorien der Antike, Berlin . (1962), Aristoteles, Problemata Physica, Berlin. Hutchinson, D.S. (1995): Ethics, in: Jonathan Barnes (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Aristotle, Cambridge, 195232. Jaeger, W. (1957), Aristotles use of medicine as model of method in his Ethics, Journal of Hellenic Studies, 77, 5461. Jouanna, J. (1980), Politique et mdecine. La problmatique du changement dans le RMA et chez Thucydide, in: Mirko D. Grmek (ed.), Hippocratica. Actes du Colloque international hippocratique de Paris, Paris, 299319. Jouanna, J. and Demont, P. (1981), Le sens dxr chez Homre et Eschyle en relation avec les emplois du mot dans la Collection hippocratique, Revue des Etudes Anciennes 83, 197209. Jouanna, J. (1983), Hippocrate, Tome X, 2e partie, Maladies II, Paris. . (1990), Hippocrate, Tome II, 1re partie, LAncienne Mdecine, Texte tabli et traduit par Jacques Jouanna, Paris. . (1999), Hippocrates, transl. M.B. DeBevoise, Baltimore and London = (1992), Hippocrate, Paris. Joubaud, C. (1991), Le corps humain dans la philosophie platonicienne, Paris. Kerferd, G. Br. (1981), The Sophistic Movement, Cambridge. Kullmann, W. (1997), Die Voraussetzungen fr das Studium der Biologie nach Aristoteles, in: W. Kullmann and S. Fllinger (ed.), Aristotelische Biologie, Stuttgart, 4362. Louis, P. (1964), Aristote, Histoire des Animaux, t. I (Livres IIV), Paris. Manetti-Roselli (1982), Ippocrate, Epidemie. Libro sesto, Firenze. Miller, H.W. (1962), The Aetiology of Disease in Platos Timaeus, Transactions of the American Philological Association 93, 175187. Nussbaum, M.C. (1994), The Therapy of Desire, Princeton. Pellegrin, P. (1982), La classication des animaux chez Aristote, Paris. . (1990), De lexplication causale dans la biologie dAristote, Revue de Mtaphysique et de Morale 95, 197219. Robinson, R. (1977), Aristotle on Akrasia, in: J. Barnes, M. Schoeld, R. Sorabji (ed.), Articles on Aristotle. 2. Ethics and Politics, London (= Lacrasie selon Aristote, Revue Philosophique, 1954). Roselli, A. (2000), Cuisiniers-mdecins dans la ms, Cahiers de la villa Krylos, 10, 155169. Taylor, C.C.W. (1999), The Atomists Leucippus and Democritus, Toronto. Thivel, A. (1965), La doctrine des perissmata et ses parallles hippocratiques, Revue de Philologie 39, 266282. Tracy, T.J. (1969), Physiological Theory and the Doctrine of the Mean in Plato and Aristotle, The Hague-Paris.

THE WAY TO WISDOM IN PLATOS PHAEDRUS AND IN THE HIPPOCRATIC CORPUS* Elsa Garca Novo

Summary In the Platonic Phaedrus, Socrates leads his friend to truth and knowledge. This path has, in my opinion, three steps. To perceive through the senses (aisthanesthai), to remember past experiences (anamimnskesthai) and to know (noein, i.e. to perceive the truth through the mind, pilot of the soul ). In the Hippocratic Corpus we can nd a parallel way to discover truth. The physician keenly perceives through the senses. He remembers past experiences (other patients). From many cases, he gets to know the course and the nature of disease. He reaches the truth as far as it is possible to mortal men. Introduction In the Platonic Phaedrus, Socrates leads his friend to truth and knowledge as opposed to fallacy, the latter being represented in the dialogue by Lysias speech, a sample of sophistic reasoning. In a very clever way, Plato travels to the core of men. It is not an easy lane; people who cannot grasp anything but facts will see throughout the dialogue just two individuals speaking of love, rhetoric and beauty, and will hear a once-upon-a-time tale. As for people who are suciently mindful: those the author will lead from rhetoric to wisdom, from love to philosophy, from beauty to truth. Surely Plato does not state the actual message. He lets the readers learn it if they are able to. He makes the audience go round and round,1 like the soul above the heavens, so that by picking, now and then, a bit of knowledge, they can nally tell the dierence between fallacy and truth, between the ability to persuade and wisdom.

* Paper supported by the Project BFF 20000706 (MCYT). 1 The repetition of peri- in Platos Phaedrus 247 c 1248 c 5 is remarkable.

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In fact they will no longer ask,2 because they will abide by the truth. Even Phaedrus, who is presented to us as a nobody,3 as the rst sentence of the dialogue shows (227 a 1), is wisely led by Socrates from the position of an uninterested person who does not understand to that of a man asking for the right virtues together with Socrates (279 b 8c 7) at the end of the piece.4 In my opinion, Plato constructs this path to knowledge in three steps that he does not put forward explicitly.5 Platos PHAEDRUS : Step 1 To perceive through the senses (aisthanesthai ). The mise en scne, with the natural description of the locus amoenus where Socrates and his friend stop to speak, is a way to make Phaedrus keenly perceptive. Seeing the beauty of the place, hearing the cicadas, smelling the freshness of the trees, touching the grass and the rivulet, feeling at midday the heat and the coolness of the water, lying in a comfortable position: those are the sensations highlighted by Socrates (Phdr. 228 e 4230 e 5). He insists on being alert, fully conscious (258 e 6259 d 8). In this way the philosopher makes us understand that the right use of the senses is a necessary rst level on our way to learning.6 Such is, in my opinion, the role of the pleasant place next to the river, usually understood, from W.H. Thompson to Ernst Heitsch, as a pretty description of an actual landscape,7 which arouses Socrates enthusiasm.8
Cf. de Saint-Exupry (1948). Cf. Garca Novo (forthcoming). 4 Cf. Hackforth (1952) 13 and Capelletti (2000) 260. 5 For an opposite view to the Tbingen school, considering that this dialogue is not a key to the understanding of the whole Platonic position, see now Khn (2000). 6 For the epistemological debate between the validity of perception and knowledge, cf. Lloyd (1979) 129138. For sense-perception as distinct from knowledge in Plato, see Platos Theaetetus, and cf. Cornford (1935) 29109 and Crombie (1963) 132. Aristotle did not consider any of the senses to be Wisdom. Again, we do not regard any of the senses as wisdom (sophan); yet surely these give the most authoritative knowledge ( gnseis) of particulars. But they do not tell us the why of anythinge.g. why re is hot; they only say that it is hot: Metaphysics (henceforth Met.) 981 b 913. Trans. Ross (1926 = 1984) 1553. 7 The commentaries on this dialogue take the description of the place as simply a real description and make an estimation of the distance to Athens, the kind of tree, etc., but they do not underline the importance given by Socrates to the use of the senses. Cf. among many others Thompson (1868) 911, Robin (1933) ixxii, Brisson (2000) 3032, and 197198, nn. 4853, and Heitsch (19972) 72 and n. 83, with bibliography. 8 Cf. Hackforth (1952) 14 and Friedlnder (1969b) 220.
3 2

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Platos PHAEDRUS: Step 2 To remember past experiences (anamimnskesthai). We are told by Socrates that, once in the physical world, the soul preserves its past experiencesthe vision of beauty, i.e. truth, above the heavens, when the soul accompanied a god (Phdr. 249 c 1250 c 6)by means of remembrance. In fact some gifted people have, in my opinion, an innate vision of beauty or truth. The moment such people perceive a beautiful object or grasp a piece of truth, they relate it to their own notion of what is true. For ordinary people, the past experiences conform to a background that allows them to associate new sensations with older ones. Memory, as distinct from remembrance, plays a role here. Aristotle, at the beginning of the Metaphysics, relates perception, experience, and memory: And from memory experience is produced in men; for many memories of the same thing produce nally the capacity for a single experience.9 Platos PHAEDRUS : Step 3 The third level is to know (noein), i.e. to perceive the truth through the mind, pilot of the soul (Phdr. 247 c 2247 e 6).10 People are able to remember single experiences, but only some of them would conceive, in their mind, truth. Those would analyse an object, a notion or a soul into its parts, and, once they grasped its nature and its function, they would recompose the whole, thus reaching a synthesis: As Plato puts it, (to) bring a dispersed plurality under a single form, seeing it all together . . .11 (265 d 35), and again, (to) divide into forms, following their natural articulation . . .12 (265 e 12).
Met. 980 b 28981 a 1 (trans. Ross 1926 (= 1984) 1554). Altheia or alths appear some fty two times in this dialogue (TLG ). Especially interesting is the passage where the place above heavens (huperouranion topon) is related with truth itself (Phdr. 247 c 3d 1): Of that place beyond the heavens none of our earthly poets has yet sung, and none shall sing worthily. But this is the manner of it, for assuredly we must be bold to speak what is true, above all when our discourse is upon truth. (trans. Hackforth (1952) 78). For a discussion of the meaning of altheia in Plato see Friedlnder (1969a) 221229.
10 11 ew man te dan sunornta gein t pollax diesparmna, na kaston rizmenow dlon poi per o n e didskein yl. (For translation see Hackforth (1952) 132.) 12 t plin kat edh dnasyai diatmnein kat ryra pfuken (For translation 9

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Now I am myself, Phaedrus, a lover of these divisions and collections (diairesen kai sunaggn),13 so that I may be able both to speak and to think, says Socrates, and if I think anyone else has the natural capacity to look to one and to many, I pursue him in his footsteps as if he were a god (266 b 37).14 From plurality, the mind reaches a single notion; from many representations of the true, it picks out a single truth (beauty itself, 249 b 6249 c 1). On the other hand, from individual cases it arrives at generalisation. Thus people who reach this third step achieve knowledge and wisdom. Hippocratic Corpus: Step 1 In the Hippocratic Corpus we can nd a parallel way to discover truth. The physician keenly perceives through the senses. We read everywhere that he has to look, to hear, to touch, to smell, even to taste; to perceive the heat, cold, humidity and dryness: such a perception is the primary information that a Hippocratic physician gets from the patient (Ancient Medicine, chapter 9).15 He has to be aware: . . . I recommend . . . to pay attention ( prosechein ton noun) to the whole of the medical art, is the advice of the author of Regimen in Acute Diseases.16 The signs of disease have to be thoroughly examined, as we are told in Prognosis and Prorrhetic 2,17 because the physician cannot but

see Hackforth (1952) 133). For the syntax and conjectures to the passage see de Vries (1969) 215216. 13 On collection and division in this context see Guthrie (1975) 427431. 14 Trans. Rowe (2000) 103. 15 De vetere medicina 9 (1.588,14590,1 L = I p. 9.1720 Khlewein = pp. 41.1042.10 Heiberg = I pp. 26.128.40 Jones = pp. 127.15129.13 Jouanna). 16 mo d ndnei mn [n] ps t txn prosxein tn non (n del. Khlewein): De diaeta in morbis acutis 2 2.230.12 L. = I 110, 1415 Khlewein (ch. 4) = II p. 64.12 Jones (ch. 4) = VI 2, p. 37.1112 Joly (ch. 4). 17 Cf. Prognosticon ( henceforth Prog.) ch. 2 (2.116.23 L. = I p. 80.89 Khlewein = II p. 10.25 Jones = p. 195.11 Alexanderson); ch. 9 (2.132,1415 L. = I p. 87.5 Khlewein = II p. 20.1213 Jones = p. 205.3 Alexanderson); Prorrheticon 2.1 (9.8,26 L. = p. 2.1218 Mondrain (1984) = VIII p. 220.710 Potter (ch. 2); ch. 2 (9.10,45 L. = p. 4.45 Mondrain = VIII p. 222.1112 Potter); ch. 3 (9.10,2324 L. = p. 5.8 Mondrain = VIII p. 224.78 Potter; etc.).

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rely on his own senses, as opposed to modern physicians trapped in the results provided by their perfect machines, whose results are based upon statistical data gathered by countless generations of machines. Many a time the present-day physician has lost not only the possibility of learning through their senses but also the need of diagnosing by means of deducing the truth, since it is packaged in the instruction book along with the machine. Hippocratic Corpus: Step 2 He remembers past experiences: other cases, other patients, other sensations, which he has experienced by himself or he has learned by listening to his master or his colleagues, or by reading their treatises (cf. Prorrhetic 2, chapter 4).18 He writes down new cases, as in the Epidemics, to be used as a memorandum.19 Hippocratic Corpus: Step 3 There are practitioners who would not reach the third level. In The Art, chapter 9, we read: Without doubt no man who sees only with his eyes can know anything of what has been here described.20 As Socrates says, it is necessary to know the nature of the matter we are searching on,21 but experience (empeiria) and habit (trib ) are not enough (Phdr. 270 b 56). Something else is necessary, to apply ones mind to ( prosechein ton noon).22 At the Erlangen Hippocrates Colloquium I presented some linguistic ways that reect the method of analysis or synthesis in the

Prorrh. 2.4 (9.20, 1213 L = p. 13.24 Mondrain = 234.1820 Potter). See K. Deichgrber (1971) and V. Langholf (1990). 20 De arte 11 (6.18, 1415 L = p. 16.1112 Heiberg = II p. 208.12 Jones = V 1 p. 237.45 Jouanna). Trans. Jones. 21 As Hippocrates and the true reasoning teach us to dosays Socrates (Pl. Phdr. 270 c 910)a precise analysis would let us know which capacity (dunamis) has, by nature, each part to act or to be a passive receptor, and which is the object of its action or the object which will act on it. (270 d 45) Such method will lead us to a posterior synthesis that is needed even to think (266 b 5). 22 This expression appears some eight times in the CH. Cf. Index Hippocraticus s.v. prosxv.
19

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Presocratics, the Hippocratic Corpus and Plato.23 Through analysis, the expert Hippocratic physician gets to know the function and nature of every part of the body; through synthesis, he considers the body as a whole, reaching the so-called holistic approach to medicine, dramatically needed nowadays, when specialisation has broken men down to pieces. Collecting many cases and considering their likenesses, the Hippocratic physician gets to know the nature and the course of one disease. I am not introducing here the subject of the Hippocratic method advocated by Socrates in the Phaedrus,24 a topic which has provoked dierent reactions.25 The relevant likeness of the Hippocratic and the Platonic path to wisdom does not depend on a sentence: it is rather a common way of thinking, which works at the same time with the One and the Many, with the human body and its parts, with individuals and generalisations. Heinrich von Staden26 and myself 27 have separately presented papers at the Hippocrates Colloquium in Nice about the importance of both individuality and generalisation in the Hippocratic Corpus. The Hippocratic doctor builds a bridge between pathology (patients) and nosology (diseases). This way he can tell the symptoms of such and such a disease and of such and such a patient, as well as the signs of recovery or death (cf. Prognostic chapter 1 and Prorrhetic 2, chapters 12).28 He reaches the truth as far as it is possible for mortal men (cf. Phdr. 278 d 26; Prorrh. 2.3;29 and Ancient Medicine 12),30 i.e. wrapped in doubt and in a human way, as we read in the Prorrhetic II.31

See Garca Novo (1996). Phdr. 270 c 6d 7; cf. n. 21. 25 See details and bibliography in Jouanna (1990) 7781. Cf. now Vegetti (1995) 102122. 26 See von Staden (2002). 27 Cf. Garca Novo (2002). 28 Cf. Prog. 1 (2.112,711 L = Khlewein I p. 79.48 = II p. 8.2327 Jones = p. 194.69 Alexanderson); Prorrh. 2.1 (9.8,25 L = p. 2.1216 Mondrain = VIII p. 220.711 Potter (ch. 2); ch. 2 (9.10,67 L = p. 4.57 Mondrain = VIII p. 222.1314 Potter). 29 See n. 31 for the text. 30 VM 12 (1.596,1598,2 L = I pp. 12.2213.11 Khlewein = pp. 43.2344.7 Heiberg = I p. 32.116 Jones = pp. 132.10133.6 Jouanna).
24 31 dokv d atn e ti lhyw lgetai . . . prton mn tn shmevn n lgv tekmrasyai toto gnnta, peita ndoiastw te ka nyrvpnvw proeipen . . . (Prorrh.

2.3 = 9.10,2125 L = p. 5.69 Mondrain = VIII p. 224.59 Potter.)

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Perfectly exact truth is but rarely to be seen, writes the author of Ancient Medicine referring to doctors (ch. 9).32 Conclusion This path to wisdom is not a question of mutual inuence, but an expression of the way of thinking of wise Greek men. They have taught us how research has to be done. We have to observe the facts keenly, to remember the learned or experienced realities, to conjecture the conclusions going from generalisation to single objects, dividing and composing: our way to aim at the truth. Bibliography
Anastasiou, A. and D. Irmer (1999), Index Hippocraticus. Supplement, Gttingen. Brisson, L. (1989), Platon, Phdre. J. Derrida, La pharmacie de Platon, Paris (2000, corrected edn). Capelletti, G. (2000), Simposio e Fedro: variazioni strutturali del discorso damore, in: G. Casertano (ed.), La struttura del dialogo platonico, Naples, 253261. Cornford, F.M. (1935, repr. 1970), Platos Theory of Knowledge, London. Crombie, I.M. (1963), An Examination of Platos Doctrines, London. Deichgrber, K. (1932, second edn. 1971), Die Epidemien und das Corpus Hippocraticum, Berlin. Friedlnder, P. (1960), Platon, III: Die Platonischen Schriften, Zweite und Dritte Periode, Berlin (second edn). . (1964), Platon: Seinswahrheit und Lebenswirklichkeit, Berlin (third edn). . (1969a), Plato, Vol. I (trans. H. Meyerho ), Princeton (second edn). . (1969b), Plato, Vol. III (trans. H. Meyerho ), Princeton. Garca Novo, E. (1996), Analysis and synthesis of reality in the Presocratics, the Corpus Hippocraticum and Plato, in: R. Wittern and P. Pellegrin (eds.), Hippokratische Medizin und antike Philosophie (Verhandlungen des VIII. Internationalen HippokratesKolloquiums, Kloster BanzStaelstein, 2328. September 1993), HildesheimZrich-New York, 3752. . (2002), Timelessness and generalization vs. time and individualization in the Corpus Hippocraticum and the contemporary Greek civilization, in: A. Thivel and A. Zucker (eds.), Le normal et le pathologique dans la collection hippocratique, Nice, Vol. I, 179196. . (forthcoming), Poesa y prosa en el inicio del Fedro platnico, in: Niveles de estilo en la literatura griega antigua, University of Salamanca. Guthrie, W.K.C. (1975), A History of Greek Philosophy, Vol. IV: Plato, the Man and his Dialogues: Earlier Period, Cambridge.

32 VM 9: t d trekw ligkiw st katiden (d kribw M, Littr) (1.590,34 L = I pp. 9.2310.1 Khlewein = p. 41.24 Heiberg = I p. 26.2122 Jones = 128, 1617 Jouanna).

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Hackforth, R. (1952), Platos Phaedrus, Cambridge. Heiberg, I.L. (ed.) (1927), Hippocratis opera, Leipzig (CMG I 1). Heitsch, E. (ed.) (1997), Platon, Phaidros, Gttingen 1997 (second edn). Joly, R. (ed.) (1972), Hippocrate, Tome VI, 2 e partie: Du rgime des maladies aigus. Appendice. De laliment. De lusage des liquides, Paris. Jones, W.H.S. (ed.) (1923), Hippocrates, Vols III, London-Cambridge MA. Jouanna, J. (ed.) (1988), Hippocrate, Tome V, 1e partie: Des vents. De lart, Paris. (ed.) (1990), Hippocrate Tome II, 1e partie: De lancienne mdecine, Paris. Khlewein, H. (ed.) (18941902), Hippocratis operae quae feruntur omnia, Vols III, Leipzig. Khn, J.-H., U. Fleischer et al. (19861989), Index Hippocraticus, Gttingen. Khn, W. (2000), La n du Phdre de Platon, Florence. Langholf, V. (1990), Medical Theories in Hippocrates. Early Texts and the Epidemics, BerlinNew York. Littr, E. (ed.) (18391861), Oeuvres compltes dHippocrate, Paris. Lloyd, G.E.R. (1979), Magic, Reason and Experience, Cambridge. Mondrain, B. (1984), Le Prorrhtique II, diss. Paris. Potter, P. (ed.) (1980), Hippokrates. Ueber die Krankheiten III (CMG I 2.3), Berlin. . (1995), Hippocrates, Vol. VIII, London-Cambridge MA. Robin, L. (ed.) (1933), Platon, Phdre, Paris. Ross, W.D. (ed.) (1908), Aristotles Metaphysics, Oxford (second edn 1926; repr. in: J. Barnes (ed.), The Complete Works by Aristotle. The Revised Oxford Translation, Vol. II, Princeton 1984, 15521834. Ross, W.D. (ed.) (1924), Aristotles Metaphysics, Vol. I, Oxford (revised edn 1953). Rowe, C.J. (ed.) (1986), Plato: Phaedrus, Warminster (revised edn 2000). de Saint-Exupry, A. (1948), Citadel, Paris. Thompson, W.H. (1868), The Phaedrus of Plato, London. Vegetti, M. (1995), La medicina in Platone, Turin. von Staden, H. (1999), Hs epi to polu, Hippocrates between generalization and individualization, in: A. Thivel and A. Zucker (eds.), Le normal et le pathologique dans la collection hippocratique, Nice, Vol. I, 2344. de Vries, G.J. (1969), A Commentary on the Phaedrus of Plato, Amsterdam.

MEDICI CONTEMPORANEI A IPPOCRATE: PROBLEMI DI IDENTIFICAZIONE DEI MEDICI DI NOME ERODICO Daniela Manetti

Summary In order to redirect the research into the physicians in Hippocrates times, I have undertaken a complete review of all the sources about the physicians named Herodicus. The Anonymus Londiniensis (P. Lond. gr. inv. 137), who is by now the main source of information about the physicians prior or contemporary to Hippocrates, quotes Herodicus of Cnidus, otherwise unknown (IV 40V 34), and another Herodicus (IX 20 36), who was identied with Herodicus of Selymbria (quoted by Platon) by the rst editor H. Diels. The result of the analysis of the tradition shows clearly, I think, that Diels identication of Herodicus of Selymbria is not based on any serious ground; that a more ancient Herodicus (of Cnidus), prior to Hippocrates and classied as founder of dietetics by a strictly medical tradition, has been confused with and obscured by Herodicus of Selymbria, overwhelmingly famous because of Platos dialogues; and that in some passages the name Herodicus is an ancient corruption of that of the sophist Prodicus. La prospettiva storiograca della medicina greca dalla ne dellantichit stata condizionata dal gigantismo di un protagonista come Ippocrate il cui ruolo ha messo in ombra il contesto in cui la medicina del VIV secolo cresciuta. Al di fuori di lui e dopo i medici semidivini del mito, sono pochi i personaggi di questa storia, alcuni, come Democede di Crotone, noti soprattuto per le loro vicende biograche pi o meno avventurose, altri come Alcmeone, Filolao o Democrito, che si collocano al margine della professione medica, essendo classicati come loso, altri ancora, noti soprattutto attraverso Galeno o la tarda tradizione biograca (Eurifonte, Polibo, Dessippo ecc.), poco pi che puri nomi. indubbio che la dossograa sulle cause patologiche del cosiddetto Anonimo Londinese (P.Lond.

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inv. 137),1 pubblicata nel 1893, ha ampliato molto la prospettiva rivelando una quantit di nomi di medici che hanno operato presumibilmente prima della ne del quarto secolo a.C., alcuni prima di Ippocrate, altri pi o meno contemporaneamente a lui: lAnonimo espone sinteticamente le teorie eziologiche di ciascuno, permettendoci in qualche caso di attaccare un contenuto di idee ad un nome gi noto, in qualche altro fornendo nomi del tutto nuovi con almeno una scarna notizia sul loro pensiero. La dossograa dellAnonimo venne alla luce quando la storiograa dellantica medicina considerava quasi come un dogma la divisione della medicina greca del quinto secolo in due scuole, di Cos e di Cnido, e questa impostazione ebbe un forte riverbero sullinterpretazione del testo e del ruolo dei singoli personaggi.2 Oggi, dopo la crisi della dottrina delle due scuole rivali, la ricerca ha bisogno di essere reimpostata, ma non questa loccasione per farlo in modo sistematico. Si possono fare tuttavia alcune precisazioni almeno su alcuni personaggi. Nella dossograa dellAnonimo Londinese (P.Lond. inv. 137) sono citati due medici di nome Erodico. Il primo, Erodico di Cnido, citato allinizio, subito dopo Eurifonte di Cnido (IV 40V 34): un personaggio nuovo di cui non sapevamo prima assolutamente nulla. Egli, a parte lovvia comune cittadinanza, strettamente connesso alla gura di Eurifonte, alla cui dottrina viene sistematicamente avvicinato per confronto. Condivide con lui la posizione generale sulle cause di malattie (i perittmata o residui), ma se ne dierenzia per la spiegazione dettagliata del processo patologico. Egli infatti abbandona la nozione di puricazione del ventre per adare la genesi delle malattie ad uno squilibrio fra cibo e attivit sica. Quando il cibo in eccesso rispetto allattivit sica rimane non elaborato nel ventre e produce residui, che a loro volta generano un umore acido e uno amaro ( k mntoi ge tn peri!!vmtvn potele!yai di!!! grthta! , man mn jean , tn d tran pikrn ). Questi sono specicamente gli umori morbici e, a seconda della prevalenza delluno o dellaltro o della loro dierente localizzazione, si formano malattie diverse. Subito dopo Erodico esposta la dottrina di Ippocrate, che dunque viene considerato a lui posteriore.

1 2

Il testo edito da Diels (1893a). Cf. p. es. Fredrich (1899) 3350.

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Un secondo medico di nome Erodico citato pi avanti a col. IX 2036, in un punto purtroppo lacunoso. Come noto, Diels ha ricostruito lidentit di questultimo come quella di Erodico di Selimbria,3 un esperto di ginnastica divenuto medico, noto soprattutto attraverso le allusioni ironiche che gli dedica in pi dialoghi Platone. Ma vale la pena di riprodurre ci che realmente leggibile nel papiro relegando in apparato gli interventi di Diels e altri. 20 Hrdiko! d [
t! n!ou! [ thn d (enai) kat[ ka alghdo! a(tia)[ x trof hp.[ 25 t !mata ot[ f!in oetai.(.)th[ f!in xnt(vn) t(n) !v[mt(vn) n!on p[a]r f!i[n par f![i]n diateyh[ 30 atrik paragom[ nh f!in gei tata v[ d tn ndra tn a[trikn gvgn e! t k(at) f!in [ otv!. keno d ot[ 35 yermthto! ka p[ !un!tantai n!oi [
20 d [ !hlumbrian! oetai ] D. 21 t! n!ou! [ g(ne!yai) p t! diath!: ta-] D. 22 thn d (enai) kat[ f!in, tan pnoi pro!!in] D. 23 lghd<n>o! a(tia)[ legi et intellegi dub., lgh d !a [de, ka otv! pcin mn ] D. 24 hp [ P, ut videtur: p [ do!in d e lambn ] D. 25 t !mata ot[ P, ut videtur: t !mata n[adidom(n)h! t! trof! kat] D. 26 f!in oetai.(.)th[ P: f!in. oetai g(r) t[n m(n) geian g(ne!yai) kat] D. 27 f!in exnt(vn) t(n) !v[mt(vn): f!in xn[t(vn)] t(n) !v[mt(vn) per tn daitan, tn d] D. 28 n!on p[a]r f!i[n xnt(vn) at(n). to! m(n)toi] D. 29 diateyh[ ut videtur P: par f![i]n diateye[!in ponen p(ro!)t!!ei] D. 30 atrik paragom[nh ka o(tv!) e! t kat] D. 31 f!in gei tata, [! at! f(h!in). sp. lgou!in] D.

Diels (1893b) 40634; su Erodico di Selimbria in particolare, 422.

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post tata spatium vacuum 32 d tn ndra tn a[trikn ntexnon] D. 33 gvgn e! t k(at) f!in [kal!ai. sp. ka tata m(n)] D. 34 otv!. keno d ot[ P: otv!. [ ]keno d t[i pnant(vn) t! te] D. 35 yermthto! ka p[ P: yermthto! ka [grthto! t(n) !vmt(vn)] D. 36 !un!tantai n!oi, [diateyrlhtai. sp.] D.

La situazione del secondo Erodico (col. IX), per quanto dichiarata n dallinizio da Diels come unsicher, viste le ampie dimensioni delle lacune del papiro, si comunque cristallizzata in una communis opinio, basata sullaccettazione in toto delle integrazioni di Diels, le quali a loro volta erano partite dallassimilazione del testo dellAnonimo alle notizie di Platone.4 Ma anche la valutazione di Erodico di Cnido, il primo citato dallAnonimo (il cui testo non sore di lacune rilevanti), deve essere sottoposta a revisione, in quanto le notizie su medici di nome Erodico si intrecciano in modo quasi inestricabile. In questa occasione mi propongo appunto di fare una analisi della situazione delle fonti letterarie sui medici di nome Erodico, per cercare di delineare i possibili percorsi di tradizione delle notizie a loro relative.5 Da essa si potr forse trarre qualche conclusione provvisoria sulle possibilit di ricostruzione e interpretazione del testo dellAnonimo Londinese. Innanzitutto, i medici di nome Erodico anteriori al IV secolo, di cui siamo a conoscenza, sono almeno tre: lErodico di Cnido citato dallAnonimo, Erodico di Megara, poi di Selimbria, ben noto da Platone e Erodico di Lentini, fratello del retore Gorgia, anchegli citato da Platone en passant nel Gorgia (448b 46). Il secondo Erodico citato dallAnonimo Londinese a col. IX pu essere identicato con uno di questi, ma pu anche rappresentare un quarto medico, a noi ignoto da altre fonti, come molti autori che lAnonimo ci ha restituito nella dossograa cosiddetta aristotelica. Altre fonti citano medici di nome Erodico, senza attribuire loro un etnico: vedremo di volta in volta quanto e se siamo giusticati ad identicarli con qualcuno di quelli appena citati.

4 Caratteristico ragionamento circolare, p. es., nella presentazione del testo di Diels, dato per scontato, in Jori (1993) 159160: dallAnonimo si estraggono conferme per la valutazione della testimonianza platonica, dimenticando che la testimonianza dellAnonimo (o meglio la sua versione secondo Diels) ha per presupposto gli stessi passi di Platone. Ma Jori solo lultimo di una lunga serie. 5 Una breve indagine sulla base del CD 7 del Packard Humanities Institute, che contiene papiri documentari e iscrizioni, ha escluso che ci siano testimonianze su personaggi di nome Erodico riferibili alla professione medica.

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La citazione pi antica di un Erodico quella in Ippocrate, Epidemie VI 3.18 (5.302, 1 L.):

Erodico uccideva i pazienti febbricitanti con passeggiate, molte lotte, bagni di vapore: questo male. La febbre nemica delle lotte, delle passeggiate, delle corse, dei massaggi. Hrdiko! to! puretanonta!
kteine drmoi!i, pl!i poll!i, pur!i, kakn: t puretde! polmion pl!i, peridoi!i, drmoi!in, natrcei.

La citazione per nome del bersaglio di una polemica fatto abbastanza eccezionale, non solo in Epidemie ma in tutto il Corpus Hippocraticum e d rilevanza al personaggio.6 Lidenticazione con Erodico di Selimbria stata accettata unanimemente dalla critica ed plausibile, a causa delle indicazioni terapeutiche fornite dal passo ippocratico, relative ad esercizi sici, che ben si coordinano con le notizie che Platone fornisce a proposito di Erodico di Selimbria (cf. infra). Daltra parte Deichgrber7 ha cercato di vedere linusso di Erodico di Selimbria anche negli aforismi dietetici di Epidemie VI, ma la sua teoria stata contestata con buone ragioni.8 Secondo la testimonianza di Platone, Erodico di Selimbria sarebbe colui che ha unito la ginnastica alla medicina, presentandosi come un nuovo tipo di technites. In Platone Erodico una gura che fa certamente parte della nuova medicina,9 contro cui egli lancia pi volte frecciate10 ed forse da connettere ad un contesto pi generale di polemica contro latletica e le sue invasioni di campo. Il passo pi informativo quello di Repubblica 406 a 7:
Perch, se ci rietti, dissi, prima della nascita di Erodico, gli Asclepiadi, a quanto si dice, non facevano uso delleducazione delle malattie, di questa moderna terapia. Erodico che era maestro di ginnastica, una volta ammalatosi, torment prima e soprattutto se stesso, mescolando la ginnastica alla medicina, e poi in seguito molti altri.

Manetti-Roselli (1982) 6970. Deichgrber (1971) 50. 8 Cf. da ultimo Kollesch (1989a) 191197. 9 Per la questione controversa della datazione, cf. Ducatillon (1977) 153154; Grensemann (1975) 198 ss., Jori (1993) 158 n. 3. 10 Contro Grensemann (1975) 198 ss., seguito da Whrle (1990) 52 ss.: egli cerca di stabilirne una datazione alta (Erodico di Selimbria pi vecchio di Ippocrate), ma mi pare che Platone sia nel Protagora (dove egli ben separato da Icco) sia nella Repubblica (dove contrapposto alla medicina precedente) presenti il personaggio come un contemporaneo di Socrate e Protagora, rappresentante dellultima voga in medicina; cf. le osservazioni di Jori (1993) 15859 n. 3.
7

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E come fece?, disse. Rendendo la sua morte lunga, gli risposi. In eetti prestando attenzione a una malattia che era mortale e non essendo in grado, penso, di guarirsi, pass la vita a curarsi, non dedicando tempo a nientaltro, tormentandosi per una minima trasgressione del suo regime consueto, giunse alla vecchiaia per la sua sapienza con una lunga agonia.11

Ma ci sono anche due passi del Fedro e del Protagora che parlano di Erodico:
Phdr. 227 d 4: Mi venuto per un tale desiderio di ascoltarti che, se tu volessi prolungare la passeggiata no a Megara e poi, come prescrive Erodico, arrivato sotto le mura tu volessi pure ritornare, io non ti resterei sicuramente indietro.12 Prt. 316 e 1: Alcuni, la mia sensazione, si fecero maestri di ginnastica, come Icco di Taranto e, al nostro tempo ancora, Erodico, oggi cittadino di Selimbria, una volta di Megara, sosta inferiore a nessun altro.13

In realt, che cosa dice veramente Platone su Erodico di Selimbria? Se si sfrondano i testi di tutte le superfetazioni della critica moderna, ne risulta la notizia scarna che Erodico era un maestro di ginnastica noto e di successo (Protagora) e aveva utilizzato la propria esperienza di preparatore atletico nel caso di una sua personale malattia; nel far questo aveva mescolato ginnastica e medicina, applicando poi i suoi metodi agli altri, metodi, per altro, descritti (vedi i passi di Fedro e Repubblica) come violenti, estremi ed esterni al corpo (corse, lunghe passeggiate). Niente suggerisce che egli potesse sostenere teorie

11 Pl. R. 406 a 7 ok, e g nnoe!, epon, ti t paidagvgik tn no!hmtvn tat t nn atrik pr to A!klhpidai ok xrnto, ! fa!i, prn Hrdikon gen!yai: Hrdiko! d paidotrbh! n ka no!dh! genmeno!, meja! gumna!tikn atrik, pknai!e prton mn ka mli!ta autn, peit llou! !teron pollo!. P d; fh. Makrn, n d g, tn ynaton at poi!a!. parakolouyn gr t no!mati yana!m nti ote !a!yai omai o! t n autn, n !xol& te pntvn atreumeno! di bou zh, poknaimeno! e ti t! evyua! diath! kbah, du!yanatn d p !ofa! e! gra! fketo (= T8a 8 Grensemann). Preferisco tradurre du!yanatn con una

lunga agonia (cf. Hdt. IX 72.2) e non lottando contro la morte, poich coerente con la prima battuta facendosi lunga la morte. 12 Phdr. 227d 4 gvg on otv! piteymhka ko!ai, !t n badzvn poi tn
perpaton Mgarde ka kat Hrdikon pro!b! t texei plin p!, o m !ou poleify. Cf. Sch. Phdr. 227d 1 Hrdikon. Hrdiko! %hlumbrian! atr! n ka t gumn!ia jv texou! poieto, rxmeno! p tino! dia!tmato! o makro ll !ummtrou, xri to texou!, ka na!trfvn. 13 Prt. 316e 1 nou! d tina! !yhmai ka gumna!tikn, oon Ikko! te Tarantno! ka nn ti n oden! ttvn !ofi!t! Hrdiko! %hlumbrian!, t d rxaon Megare! (= T8a 4 Grensemann).

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umorali o che avesse assegnato un particolare ruolo alla dietetica, anche se ovvio che un preparatore atletico ad essa comunque avrebbe fatto attenzione. La menzione di diaita nel passo di Repubblica ha infatti un senso generale, anzi generico. Tuttavia la sua attivit, divenuta concorrenziale a quella dei medici professionisti, potrebbe ben aver scatenato le critiche dellautore del passo di Epidemie VI. Ma per il resto la sua immagine sembra quella di un outsider, marginale alla tradizione medica.14 La situazione delle fonti pi tarde molto confusa: Grensemann aveva gi constatato la dicolt e supposto che in realt le due gure di Erodico di Cnido e di Selimbria fossero una sola.15 Di fatto egli tende ad utilizzare in questo senso, cio a mescolare, le notizie dottrinali relative alluno e allaltro medico. A me pare invece che la situazione sia esattamente al contrario: cio che esistessero due (o pi) medici di nome Erodico e che le fonti abbiano confuso luno con laltro in svariate occasioni. Vedremo come potrebbe essersi svolto questo processo di contaminazione attraverso unanalisi dei gruppi di fonti, ma prima mi sembra necessario ribadire alcune considerazioni di carattere preliminare. 1) LAnonimo Londinese, che conosce due Erodico, va considerato, una fonte antica che rispecchia una fase precoce dellambiente del Peripato.16 Uno dei due medici, Erodico di Cnido, sembra non avere niente a che fare con la tradizione ippocratico-platonica, laltro purtroppo sgurato da numerose lacune. 2) Un secondo fattore importante costituito dallenorme impatto che la testimonianza di Platone ha avuto sulla tradizione successiva, condizionandola fortemente: la dipendenza da Platone palese e totale nel gruppo di fonti seguente, ma rintracciabile anche in altre.

14 Sulla posizione marginale di Erodico, gi Kollesch (1989a) 195. Secondo Smith (1989) 87, il ritratto platonico di Erodico fu preso alla lettera come fondatore della dietetica da medici interessati alla storia della disciplina. Dalla necessit di collegarlo ai numerosi trattati dietetici ippocratici sarebbe nata la notizia di Erodico come maestro di Ippocrate nella Vita di Sorano (ma cf. infra). 15 Grensemann (1975) 1415: Wenn man daran denkt, dass sowohl fr den Herodikos aus Knidos wie auch fr den aus Selymbria die primre Krankheitsursache auf einem Missverhltnis zwischen Bewegung und Nahrungsaufnahme lag, scheint die Vermutung nicht abwegig, dass die beiden identisch sein knnten. Lipotesi su cui la proposta si regge (identit di opinione sulle cause di malattia) tutta da dimostrare., come aerma gi Kollesch (1989b) 19 s. 16 Cf. Manetti (1999) 95141.

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Plutarco, Sul tardare della vendetta divina (De sera numinis vindicta 554C 4): Prendete per esempio Erodico di Selimbria: aetto da una consunzione, malattia incurabile, mescol nel trattamento la ginnastica e la medicina. Platone dice che prolung la morte a se stesso e alle vittime della medesima malattia17 Temistio Orazione 23.9 (289d290a): . . . e questo un sosta come dice il primo dei componimenti che Platone dedic a essi. Neppure il ginnasta Icco di Taranto o il maestro di ginnastica Erodico di Selimbria si sottraggono a questa denizione, anzi Platone aerma che entrambi presero a pretesto le loro arti mentre in realt erano veri e propri sosti. Plinio Storia naturale (Naturalis Historia 29,4 = T8a.3 Grensemann): Prodicus (lege Herodicus) Selymbriae natus e discipulis eius (i.e. Hippocratis) instituit quam vocant iatralipticen.18

3) Terzo elemento da considerare che anche Galeno, nel commento al passo di Epidemie VI, dipende del tutto da Platone e non ha alcuna idea personale in proposito (anzi rigetta in toto il problema esegetico), tantomeno conosce un Erodico di Cnido.19 Daltra parte Galeno sembra utilizzare schemi dossogracicertamente ereditati da altre fonti, e che si riscontrano anche in Celio Aurelianoi quali mettono in connessione Eurifonte (di Cnido) con un medico di nome Erodico, di cui Galeno non sembra avere conoscenza diretta.
Sulle sostanze liquide utili e dannose (De bonis malisque sucis) 4 (6.775,9 K. = CMG V 4.2, 404, 1722 [T20a Grensemann]): Quanto al latte di donna, in quanto appropriato e della nostra stessa natura, lo lodano prima di tutto il resto per la cura delle aezioni consuntive, fra molti altri medici in particolare Eurifonte e Erodico e ritengono opportuno farlo succhiare, come i bambini dalla donna, a coloro che si trovano in tale condizione: uscendo infatti fuori dalla mammella perde subito qualcosa della propria virt.

17 !per gr Hrdikon tn %hlumbriann e! fy!in, nke!ton pyo!, mpe!nta ka mjanta prton nyrpvn gumna!tikn atrik fh!n Pltvn makrn poi!ai tn ynaton at ka to! mov! no!o!in. 18 Cf. Gregorio di Nissa Contro il destino (Contra fatum 50,3): Erodico paidotribes secondo Platone. 19 Commento a Ippocrate Epidemie VI (In Hipp. Epid. VI comm. 17B.81,11 K. = CMG V 10,2,2 p. 167,18 e 17B.99,9 K. = CMG V 10,2,2 p. 177,8, cf. Palladio, In Hipp. Epid. VI comm. (II 9698 Dietz).

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Sulla consunzione (De marcore) 9 (7.701,11 K. [T20b Grensemann]) Ritengo che non ci sia niente di meglio del latte per simili aezioni, soprattuto se il malato accetta di succhiarlo appoggiando la bocca alla mammella della donna, come ritengono opportuno Eurifonte ed Erodico per i malati di consunzione; se non possibile, allora prendere almeno il latte dasina ancora caldo, che sia venuto a contatto con lambiente per pochissimo tempo. Sul metodo terapeutico (Methodus medendi) 7.6 (10.474,14 ss. K. [= 20c Grensemann]) e il latte sarebbe la cosa migliore, se lo si succhiasse direttamente dalle mammelle, come ritengono Eurifonte [e Erodoto] e Erodico (Prdiko! Khn) i quali avevano una tale ducia in esso per la ripresa del corpo che prescrivevano ai malati di consunzione di succhiarlo dal capezzolo della mammella di una donna.

Questa tradizione dossograca, che connette i nomi di Eurifonte ed Erodico, riguarda terapie ben precise (luso del latte di donna) di malattie speciche (come la tisi) e sembra originata in un ambiente specialistico; essa si avvicina per impostazione alla dossogra a dellAnonimo Londinese, il quale fa seguire leziologia medica di Eurifonte e quella di Erodico e le paragona in dettaglio, prima di passare a Ippocrate. Si osservi la stessa connessione fra Eurifonte e Erodico (che sono seguiti, anche qui, dal resoconto sullopinione di Ippocrate) nel capitolo sullidropisia di Sorano-Celio Aureliano, a cui arriva per tramite di Asclepiade di Bitinia:
Celio Aureliano Malattie croniche (tardae passiones) 3.8.139, CML VI 1, 762.2027 (= 19a Grensemann) Facciamo dunque seguire un resoconto storico (della terapia) dei singoli medici eccellenti, uno ad uno. Erodico, come ricorda Asclepiade, adopera la puricazione del ventre e il vomito dopo cena, che hanno la capacit di riempire piuttosto che di seccare. Poi utilizza bagni di vapore tiepidi ottenuti dallesalazione di aceto decotto o di acqua di mare con mescolate erba tallia e issopo e simili. Egli raccomanda di riscaldare il corpo con vesciche di bue riempite o ordina di premere i luoghi tumescenti con altri strumenti gonati pi grandi. Cos anche lantichissimo Eurifonte.20

20 Singulatim denique nobilium medicorum historiam ordinemus. Herodicus igitur, ut Asclepiades memorat, ventris adhibet purgationem atque post cenam vomitus, qui sunt implebiles potius quam siccabiles. tunc vaporationibus tepidis aceti decocti exhalatione confectis utitur vel aquae marinae admixta thallia herba atque hyssopo et his similibus. vesicis bubulis repletis corpus vaporandum probat vel aliis quibusdam maioribus inatis tumentia loca pulsari iubet. sic etiam antiquissimus Euryphon.

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A queste osservazioni si pu, credo, farne seguire anche unaltra: che, per quanto Galeno menzioni (Commento a Ippocrate Sulla natura delluomo, In Hipp. Nat. hom., CMG V 9.1, p. 15,2616,11) i cosiddetti Menoneia come una dossograa medica molto nota e corrente al suo tempo,21 questa sua conoscenza non corrisponde aatto alla conoscenza della dossograa riportataci dallAnonimo Londinese: mi pare una conferma che le due dossograe (di Aristotele nellAnonimo Londinese e di Menone citata da Galeno) debbano essere tenute separate. poi del tutto possibile che in realt Galeno avesse dei Menoneia una conoscenza non diretta ma mediata. Vediamo ora i passi in cui Aristotele menziona personaggi di nome Erodico:
Etica Eudemia 1243 b 1924: Quando cessi lamore, come luno muta, anche laltro muta e allora essi si rendono conto dellequivoco, cos come disputarono Pitone e Pammene; e cos disputano il discepolo e il maestro (poich la scienza e il denaro non si misurano con lo stesso metro); e cos il medico Erodico con il cliente che gli aveva pagato un onorario piccolo; e tale il caso del citaredo e del re: questo considerare il primo piacevole, quello invece lo considerare utile.22 Retorica 1361 b 36: La virt del corpo la salute e questa consiste nel far uso del corpo senza malattie. Molti infatti sono sani nel senso in cui si diceva lo fosse Erodico, e nessuno li considerebbe felici per la loro salute, perch si astengono da tutti i piaceri umani o dalla maggioranza di essi.23 Retorica 1400 b 1622: [Un altro luogo quello basato sul signicato di un nome . . .] Un esempio nel modo in cui gli uomini sono soliti lodare gli dei; oppure nel modo in cui Conone chiamava Trasibulo thrasyboulos o Erodico diceva a Trasimaco sei sempre thrasymachos o a Polo sei sempre polos o a proposito del legislatore Draconte che le sue leggi erano leggi non di un un uomo ma di un drakon.24
21 22

Su questa attribuzione ad uno scolaro di Aristotele vedi Manetti (1986) 5774.

tan d pa!htai to rn, llou ginomnou llo! gnetai, ka tte logzontai t nt tno!, ka ! Pyvn ka Pammnh! diefronto ka ! did!kalo! ka mayht! (pi!tmh gr ka xrmata ox n metretai), ka ! Hrdiko! atr! pr! tn podidnta mikrn tn mi!yn, ka ! kiyard! ka ba!ile!. mn gr ! de, d ! xrh!m mlei: I codici hanno Prdikow per Hrdikow. 23 !mato! d ret geia, ath d otv! !te n!ou! enai xrvmnou! to! !ma!in: pollo gr gianou!in, !per Hrdiko! lgetai, o! ode! n edaimon!eie t! giea! di t pntvn pxe!yai tn nyrvpnvn tn ple!tvn. Cf. Commento ano-

nimo alla Retorica (In Arist. Rh.) 18.28 Rabe.

ka ! n to! tn yen panoi! eya!i lgein, ka ! Knvn Yra!boulon

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I primi due passi citano entrambi un medico di nome Erodico, ma il primo contiene solo unallusione generica al fatto di farsi pagare i servigi, mentre laltro sembra alludere ad un medico che ha in eetti le stesse caratteristiche di utilizzatore di terapie morticanti dellErodico di Selimbria in Platone. Non siamo per autorizzati a vedere nel primo passo unallusione allo stesso Erodico di Selimbria: il farsi pagare la terapia un fattore troppo generale che poteva essere pertinente a molti medici noti e, in fondo, ad Atene doveva essere molto conosciuto anche Erodico di Lentini, fratello di Gorgia. Il terzo passo, Rh. 1400 b, contiene la citazione di un Erodico nel contesto dellesposizione dei luoghi (topoi ) basati sul signicato dei nomi: non si specica aatto se sia medico o no, ma il passo ci parla di personaggi che erano soliti fare giochi di parole sulla base del signicato di nomi propri. Uno scolio ad locum (Anon. in Rhet. 146,24 Rabe) indica che qui si parla di un Erodico storico ateniese, peraltro del tutto ignoto, ma la notizia pare del tutto autoschediastica. In realt i personaggi coinvolti nel discorso (Erodico diceva a Trasimaco sei sempre audace nel combattere o a Polo sei sempre un puledro ecc.), cio Trasimaco e Polo, ci riportano ai famosi sosti personaggi dei dialoghi platonici e rendono plausibile che chi li apostrofava cos fosse in realt Prodico (e non Erodico), famosissimo per il suo interesse per il signicato dei nomi. Aveva perci una qualche ragione Spengel a proporre la correzione, che per rimasta connata negli apparati delle edizioni della Retorica probabilmente a causa della disapprovazione di Diels.25 Le testimonianze del gruppo che segue presentano schemi storiograci sullo sviluppo della medicina: un Erodico sarebbe fondatore

yra!boulon klei, ka Hrdiko! Yra!maxon "e yra!maxo! e", ka Plon "e ! plo! e", ka Drkonta tn nomoythn, ti ok [n] nyrpou o nmoi ll drkonto!.
25 Diels in VS II 320, 7 (= Thrasymachus A6) riporta in apparato la sua proposta di integrare <Selumbrian!>, denendoin modo ingiustoohne Grund la proposta di Spengel di correggere in Prdiko!. Ross (1959) menziona le due proposte in apparato, attribuendo le seguenti lezioni ai codici: Hrdiko! A: Hrdoto! G. La corruzione facile in scrittura maiuscola in tutti e due i sensi, come mostra il passo di Etica Eudemia, e puo essere antica (cf. il caso di Prodicus al posto di Herodicus in Plin. NH 29,4, che probabilmente deriva da un errore gi della sua fonte greca).

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della dietetica, un Erodico avrebbe sviluppato la sua dottrina dallesperienza personale. Ma le testimonianze si dividono in due sotto gruppi con caratteristiche diverse.
1) Scolio a Omero, Iliade L 515c: Alcuni dicono che la parte chirurgica e quella farmacologica (della medicina) furono scoperte dagli antichi, ma della parte dietetica fu iniziatore Erodico e la portarono a compimento Ippocrate, Prassagora e Crisippo [bT] Poich (gli antichi) non conoscono la dietetica, il male che viene da Zeus non puoi evitarlo ecc.26 = Porrio, Ricerche omeriche sullIliade (Quaest. hom. ad Il.) L 515 (165, 11 Schrader) = T 8A.13 Grensemann: Alcuni dicono che la parte chirurgica e quella farmacologica (della medicina) furono scoperte dagli antichi, ma della parte dietetica fu iniziatore Erodico e la portarono a compimento Ippocrate, Prassagora e Crisippo. Cf. Eustazio. Commento allIliade L 514 (859, 38): Osserva che il buon medico greco qui si occupava di ferite, ma il poeta non menziona la dietetica. Dicono che la parte chirurgica e farmacologica fossero state trovate dagli antichi, ma che Ippocrate inizi la dietetica e la perfezionarono Erodico e Prassagora e Crisippo. Altri invece intendono che Macaone esercitasse la chirurgia, ma Podalirio, anche lui soldato, come mostrer altrove il poeta, esercitasse la dietetica. 2) Scolio a Omero, Iliade I 453b: Sono buoni maestri coloro che si sono formati nellesperienza delle malattie: e infatti dicono che Chirone essendo stato ferito alla mano esercit la medicina che si basa sulle piante, mentre la medicina dietetica la esercit Erodico di Selimbria lallenatore, il quale essendosi ammalato di consunzione a causa della sua fatica svilupp larte27 = Porrio, Ricerche omeriche sullIliade (Quaest. hom. ad Il.) I 453 (140,10 Schrader): Sono buoni maestri quelli che si sono formati nellesperienza delle malattie: e infatti dicono che Chirone essendo stato ferito alla mano abbia costituito la medicina che si basa sulle piante, quella che si basa sulla dieta invece Erodico di Selimbria, il quale ammalatosi di consunzione per i suoi sforzi svilupp con grande pena questa arte.

26 o mn on fa!in ti t xeirourgikn ka t farmakeutikn erhto par to! palaio! (cf. sch. D ad L 846): to gr diaithtiko Hrdiko! mn rjato, !unetle!e d Ippokrth!, Prajagra! (fr. 36 St.), Xr!ippo! (sc. medicus), [bT] ti d ok !a!i t diaithtikn, "no!on d o pv! !ti Di! meglou la!yai (i 411) ktl. 27 gayo d did!kaloi, o n per& payhmtvn gegna!in: ka Xervna gr fa!i trvynta tn xera tn per botann pithde!ai atrikn, tn d per t! diata! tn %hlumbriann Hrdikon tn paidotrbhn, ! mpe!n di to! pnou! e! fyhn melth!e tn txnhn.

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cf. Eustazio Commento allIliade I 453 (763,16): E infatti dicono che Chirone essendo stato ferito alla mano abbia concepito la medicina che si basa sulle piante e che Erodico di Selimbria maestro di ginnastica essendosi ammalato di consunzione per gli sforzi sici abbia sviluppato la dietetica.

Lo scolio omerico a L 515 stato attribuito con buone ragioni ad epoca ellenistica,28 cio ad unepoca in cui Ippocrate un medico, seppur importante, fra tanti altri e non ha ancora acquistato il ruolo privilegiato assegnatogli dalla tradizione posteriore: perci il quadro variegato, la dietetica inizia con Erodico, continua poi con una serie di personaggi, Ippocrate, Prassagora e Crisippo (tutti medici di una fase preellenistica). La versione di sch. L 515 parla di un Erodico senza etnico come fondatore della dietetica. Lo scolio a I 453b invece specica che Erodico di Selimbria si occup di dieta sulla base della sua vicenda personale: c da notare per che qui si introduce in uno schema storiograco di sviluppo della medicina un motivo diverso, che indipendente dalle sue branche speciche, cio lelemento unicante della peira, dellesperienza personale che insegna e fa scoprire le cose in tutti i campi. dunque unangolazione diversa, che sembra mescolare un motivo di origine platonica (come la vicenda di Erodico di Selimbria) con temi cari ai medici di scuola empirica e sembra totalmente autonomo dallo schema storiograco di sch. L 515. Poich assolutamente niente nei testi di Ippocrate e Platone, che ne sono la fonte primaria, autorizza a vedere in Erodico di Selimbria un medico specializzatosi nella dietetica, sembra di poter concludere che la tradizione rispecchiata dallo scolio a L 515 non si riferiva originariamente a Erodico di Selimbria, bens a Erodico di Cnido, che a quanto pare (secondo la testimonianza dellAnonimo che, abbiamo detto, risale ad ambiente peripatetico antico) fu il primo a considerare causa di malattia lo squilibrio fra cibo e movimento. Limpostazione della notizia di sch. L 515 si aanca piuttosto alla dossograa dellAnonimo Londinese, che dispone in una sequenza analoga Eurifonte, Erodico e Ippocrate. Nellaltro gruppo ditestimonianze Erodico non messo in connessione, temporale o

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. (1999), Aristotle and the role of doxography in the Anonymus Londiniensis (PBrLibr inv. 137), in P.J. van der Eijk (ed.), Ancient Histories of Medicine, LeidenBoston-Kln, 95141. Pinault, J.R. (1992), Hippocratic Lives and Legends, Leiden. Ross, W.D. (1959), Aristotelis Rhetorica, Oxford. Smith, W.D. (1989), Notes on ancient medical historiography, Bulletin of the History of Medicine 63, 73109. Thivel, A. (1981), Cos et Cnide? Essai sur les doctrines medicales dans la Collection Hippocratique, Paris. Whrle, G. (1990), Studien zur Theorie der antiken Gesundheitslehre, Stuttgart.

HIPPOKRATISCHES BEI PRAXAGORAS VON KOS? Diethard Nickel

Summary In his collection of the fragments of Praxagoras, F. Steckerl has argued that in his etiological ideas on some mental diseases, Praxagoras was inuenced by Hippocratic thinking as attested in the Anonymus Londinensis and in De prisca medicina. But critical comparison of these texts with Praxagoras fragments 70/71 clearly shows that there is no connection between the respective doctrines. As for epilepsy, however, some elements can be found that are common to Praxagoras and to the Hippocratic treatise De morbo sacro; however, these do not prove that Praxagoras was dependent on this text, but that both Praxagoras and the author of this work were woven into a more general network of relations.

Man kann sich schwer vorstellen, da ein wissenschaftlich interessierter Arzt, der um 300 v. Chr. auf Kos seine Wirkungssttte hatte, mit dem Gedankengut aus dem Umkreis des berhmtesten koischen Arztes, Hippokrates, nicht konfrontiert gewesen sein sollte. Dabei uert sich geistige Konfrontation in verschiedener Weise: sie vollzieht sich in einer kritischen Musterung vorhandener Auassungen, die entweder auf Akzeptanz mit mglicher Modi kation und Weiterentwicklung oder aufsei es ausdrckliche, sei es stillschweigendeAblehnung hinauslaufen kann. Fr Praxagoras von Kos,1 der mehrere Generationen nach Hippokrates gelebt hat, ist in der vorangehenden Forschung nachgewiesen worden, da er in einem wesentlichen Bestandteil seiner Lehre, der Sftetheorie, die bei ihm eine eigenwillige Prgung erhalten hat, an hippokratische Vorstellungen anknpfte und sie weiterentwickelte.2 Im Anschlu an dieses Ergebnis soll in den hier vorzutragenden berlegungen der Frage nachgegangen werden, ob sich in dem insgesamt drftigen Material an Fragmenten, die uns aus den Werken
1 2

Die Fragmente liegen in der Edition Steckerl (1958) 45107 vor. Siehe Kollesch (1976) 13391342, bes. 1340 f.; 1342.

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des Praxagoras erhalten sind, weitere Anhaltspunkte nden, die mit hnlicher Sicherheit eine positive Antwort rechtfertigen. Im Mittelpunkt der Betrachtung stehen die Fragmente 70 und 71 (S. 80; 81 Steckerl).3 Fr diese beiden Bruchstcke, die nur in indirekter Wiedergabe vorliegen, deren authentischer Wortlaut also nicht gesichert ist, stellt der Herausgeber der Sammlung in seiner zusammenfassenden Studie ber die Praxagoreischen Lehrmeinungen fest, es bestehe ohne jeden Zweifel vllige bereinstimmung (complete agreement) zwischen ihnen und dem Bericht, den der Anonymus Londinensis von der Lehre des Hippokrates gibt.4 Diese These hat bereits J.-H. Khn in seiner Rezension der Fragmentsammlung5 stark in Zweifel gezogen. Das Problem, ob sich hippokratische Vorstellungen in diesen doxographischen Notizen ber Praxagoras nachweisen lassen, ist doppelt kompliziert, da es zwei Fragen umfat. Zunchst geht es um das von Steckerl behauptete enge Verhltnis der Praxagorasfragmente zu der Darstellung in dem Londoner Papyrus, und dabei ist zu klren, ob sich in den Bruchstcken tatschlich in inhaltlicher oder terminologischer Beziehung deutliche Anklnge an den Bericht zeigen, den der Aristotelesschler Menon ber die Lehre des Hippokrates gibt. Sollte dies der Fall sein, so ist an zweiter Stelle zu fragen, inwieweit das Referat im Anonymus Londinensis Entsprechungen in dem medizinischen Traditionsgut hat, das uns im weiteren Sinne als hippokratisch berliefert ist. Wir befassen uns zunchst mit der Interpretation der beiden Fragmente tiologischen Inhalts. Fragment 70 behandelt die Ursache der Epilepsie (epilpsia). Danach hat Praxagoras die Meinung vertreten, diese Krankheit entstehe im Bereich der dicken Arterie (pacheia artria), der Aorta,6 wenn sich in ihr schleimige Sfte zusammen-

3 Quelle dieser Fragmente ist die Krankheitsschrift des sogenannten Anonymus Parisinus ber akute und chronische Krankheiten (De morbis acutis et chroniis); s. hierzu van der Eijk (1999) 295331. Es handelt sich um die Textstcke 3,1,1; 20,1,1 (S. 18,1015; 120,1217 Garofalo). Zu Prax., Fragm. 70 s. auch van der Eijk (2000/2001), Diokl., Fragm. 98 (Bd. 1, S. 176,16; Bd. 2, S. 197 f.), ferner Temkin (1994) 55 f. Die von Capriglione (1983) 116 f. gebotene italienische bersetzung der Fragmente 70 und 71 ist lediglich eine bertragung der englischen Version von Steckerl. 4 Siehe Steckerl (1958) 7 f.; Zitat ebd. 8; s. auch ebd. 3841. 5 Khn (1962) 135; 137. Vgl. auch die skeptische Stellungnahme von Smith (2002) 189, der jedoch auf Steckerls Argumentation nicht nher eingeht. 6 Zu der bei Praxagoras blichen Bezeichnung der Aorta als pacheia artria s. Prax., Fragm. 8 (S. 48 Steckerl).

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Jouanna, J. (1988), Hippocrate, Des vents, De lart, Paris 1988 (Collection des Universits de France). (1990), Hippocrate, De lancienne mdecine, Paris 1990 (Collection des Universits de France). Kollesch, J. (1976), Zur Sftelehre in der Medizin des 4. Jahrhunderts v.u.Z., in: J. Antall, G. Buzinkay u. F. Nmethy (Hrsg.), Acta Congressus Internationalis XXIV Historiae Artis Medicinae, 2531 Augusti 1974 Budapestini, Budapest, 13391342. Khn, J.-H. (1962), Rez. zu: Steckerl (1958), in: Gnomon 34, 132137. Smith, W.D. (2002), The Hippocratic Tradition, revidierte elektron. Au. Steckerl, F. (1958) (Hrsg.), The Fragments of Praxagoras of Cos and his School, Leiden (Philosophia Antiqua 8). Temkin, O. (1994), The Falling Sickness. A History of Epilepsy from the Greeks to the Beginnings of Modern Neurology, 2. Au., Baltimore u. London. Thivel, A. (2001), La doctrine dHippocrate dans lAnonyme de Londres, in: M. Worono, S. Follet u. J. Jouanna (Hrsg.), Dieux, hros et mdecins grecs, Hommage Fernand Robert, Paris, 197209.

THEOPHRASTUS BIOLOGICAL OPUSCULA AND THE HIPPOCRATIC CORPUS: A CRITICAL DIALOGUE? Armelle Debru

Summary Recent work on Theophrastus biological opuscula opens new perspectives on the still obscure relations between this author and the Hippocratic writings. The three short treatises On Fatigue, On Sweat, On Dizziness, present unquestionable resemblances with many Hippocratic notions, but still more dierences from them. This suggests a possible critical dialogue, using allusions to, and substitutions from, certain Hippocratic writings such as Regimen. Reading such writings in the light of the Theophrastean material reveals in them such important themes as dierences and causes, which coincide with Theophrastus own epistemological interests and which may have played some role in his research.

Recent scholarship on the works of Theophrastus, Aristotles brilliant successor as head of the Peripatetic school, has provided opportunities to study some of his works known as opuscula.1 According to the catalogue of Diogenes Laertius, several of these were devoted to biological subjects.2 Among them, only three remain in manuscripts: On Sweat (per drtvn, De sudore, henceforth Sud.), On Fatigue (per kpvn, De lassitudine, henceforth Lass.), On Dizziness (per lggvn, De vertigine, henceforth Vert.).3 The relation of these biological texts with the medical tradition has begun to be explored, and deserves further exploration.4

See Fortenbaugh and Whrle (2002). On Secretions, On Epilepsy, On Sweats, On Dizziness, On Fainting, On Fatigue, On Plagues, On Melancholy, On Paralysis, On Derangement, On Respiration, On Choking, On Hair. On the singular or plural of the titles cf. White (2002) 2427. 3 These were published by F. Wimmer in 1866. Since this Colloquium, a new edition has been published by William W. Fortenbaugh, Robert W. Sharples and Michael G. Sollenberger (2003). I refer to the pages of this edition by FSS. 4 On the medical tradition see the contributions of R.A.H. King, A. Roselli, S. Vogt and A. Debru in Fortenbaugh and Whrle (2002).
2

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The theme of the present Colloque gives us the opportunity to bring this Theophrastean material into the eld of Hippocratic studies. There are many reasons for doing this. The subjects and themes of these opuscula are somewhat familiar in the eld of ancient Greek medicine: fatigue, sweat and dizziness are known to Hippocratic authors, even if the place of these notions and their explanations dier from that of Theophrastus. Next, it would be useful to try to detect, if not direct knowledge, at least some kind of familiarity with some of the Hippocratic writings and an echo of them; this would help to enrich our knowledge of the period of Aristotle and his circle, as has been done recently for other authors.5 But this aim is problematic. A special reason for Theophrastus is that the pseudoAristotelian Problemata, which incorporate much of the Theophrastean material and are widely known, do not help us to get a fresh look at these texts. For this reason we have decided not to refer at all to this work, although doing so was sometimes very tempting and almost unavoidable.6 The second reason is that the date of most Hippocratic writings is uncertain and, furthermore, they have no unity of doctrine between them.7 Third, the question of inuence, in a context of uncertainty, is now considered to be extremely problematic. Not only is our terminology of reminiscence and borrowings not ne-grained enough,8 but the notion itself of inuence has a wide range of forms and degrees. This is the reason why we will limit ourselves to investigating some similarities and dierences between these three opuscula and some Hippocratic writings in relation to the same subjects. After this, we will try to go further by looking for possibilities not of a static but of a dynamic relationship, a kind of critical dialogue with Hippocratic interpretations. Then we will turn back to some aspects which might possibly have attracted Theophrastus as a reader of Hippocratic medical literature.
5 As I. Garofalo has done for Anonymus Parisinus (1997) and P.J. van der Eijk (2000 and 2001) for Diocles of Carystus. 6 Compare for example Theophrastus, Sud. and Pseudo-Aristotle, Problemata 1.2; cf. Fortenbaugh (2003) 1216. 7 See van der Eijk (2001) xxxiii: . . . the possibility that Diocles knew at least some Hippocratic writings is in itself quite plausible. Yet since the dates of most Hippocratic writings are themselves the subject of considerable uncertainty, this, too, does not give any denitive clues. 8 As expressed by Hans Baltussen (2002) 41; see also on this question van der Eijk (2001) xxxiv .

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Before considering the similarities and dierences they display to Hippocratic conceptionsif we can use this very approximate expressionlet us just have a rapid overview of the three opuscula. On Fatigue and On Sweat begin with questions about the origins and the reasons of the variations of the phenomena: In what part or parts does fatigue primarily occur?,9 Does sweat occur straightaway with moisture when it is secreted, or with breath since it passes through the esh and then on the outside becomes thick and condensed through cooling?.10 The treatise On Sweat immediately turns to the qualities of sweat (taste, odour etc.), and to their general explanation. Only the treatise On Dizziness begins directly with a theory on the causes of this aection: the entrance of pneuma or moisture in the region of the brain and the trouble that results. In all these treatises Theophrastus uses causes to explain more specic problems, sometimes strange or paradoxical phenomena; for instance, in On Fatigue, why people are aected by fatigue in doing this or that such as in walking up or down, on at or hollow surfaces, during short or long walks etc.; in On Sweat, the second section essentially concerns the dierent exercises and their eect on sweating: why do people sweat more after exerting themselves and in the shade than in the sun? Why more on the upper parts of the body? etc.; and the outline of On Dizziness is the same. After his general explanation, Theophrastus considers particular cases: We must try and refer to these the reasons from which the particular occurrences come about concerning which people are perplexed (On Dizziness 3)for example, why do people who walk around in a circle become giddy, and especially if the circle is small, and more if one runs etc. Each fact receives a specic explanation. Similarities On the whole, the physio-pathological notions involved in the explanations are close to Hippocratic notions: heat, inux of moisture (hugron), pneuma, digestion (coction), role of exercise, colliquation (or colliquescence; suntxis) etc. Moisture for instance, whatever its matter

9 10

Theophrastus, Lass. 1, p. 264.1 FSS. Thphr. Sud. 1, p. 24.13 FSS.

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and originas a natural condition of the body or as a result of a colliquationis central in the explanation of many phenomena. It appears as one of the main causes of fatigue: to speak simply, (fatigue occurs) in the joined parts especially and the most sinewy ones, whenever some colliquescence comes to the sinews and the joints . . .11 Even if it is not true in general, this symptom is very often connected with an inux of moisture, by which the body or a part of it is weighed down.12 For Theophrastus, several circumstances, like movement and eort (ponos), help this production. Such a theory of the inux of uids as being connected with the symptom of fatigue is to be found in the Hippocratic De locis in homine, similarly related to the symptom of fatigue. As A. Roselli reminds us, one of the uxes descending from the head goes to the chest and causes, among other symptoms, a severe fatigue (kopos ischuros).13 In another passage of that treatise (27), fatigue is also mentioned in relation to an excess of phlegm impregnating the eshes. But, in the Hippocratic writings, the link between fatigue, heat and colliquation of moisture is mainly to be found in the Regimen, where a whole chapter of the second book is devoted to its varieties (eidea), properties (dunameis) and treatment (2.66). For the author of the Regimen, fatigue is due to excessive colliquescence of the eshes when they are humid. What provokes this melting is a violent eort. Untrained people whose esh naturally is moist undergo a considerable melting, as the body grows warm. Similar symptoms are experienced by those who, when out of training, suddenly take violent exercise, causing a copious melting of their esh. For this author, the main cause of fatigue is thus an excess of moisture arising from the melting (suntxis) of the bodys normal moisturea theory developed in the rst book. Here it is the main cause of fatigue, whereas in Sweat it is just one of them. According to Theophrastus, sweating is generally related to a good or bad digestion of food (coction) and to the general condition of the body (euexia, kachexia). It is also determined by moisture, breath (pneuma) and heat: why men sweat more also on the upper (parts of the body) is in a way clear. For here there is more of the mois-

11 12 13

Thphr. Lass. 3, p. 264.2123 FSS. Thphr. Lass. 5, p. 266.42 FSS. Roselli (2002) 125127.

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ture, and the breath and the heat from which and through which sweat occurs.14 Sweat also results from a liquefaction due in part to the intensication of eort. The trainer Diotimus is cited as the author of statements about the varieties of sweats caused by exercise and the alteration of the body. In the Hippocratic Corpus sweat is also generally connected with moisture. This matter comes either from the natural moisture of the eshes or from liqueed humours: phlegm and bile in Diseases 1.25, from all humours in Diseases 4.45; from the blood liqueed by heat in Breaths 8. In this last treatise, the blood in question produces pneuma, which condenses and goes out through the pores of the skin.15 According to Regimen 2.66, sweat is simply produced by the liquefaction of the esh under certain circumstances. Exercises and eorts, heating the body, contribute to this secretion, which in turn dries the body: all sweats on their departure both dry and reduce, as the moisture of the body leaves it.16 A good functioning of this exhalation ensures a minimum of pain in the part of the body emptied contrary to nature. This is not the case if this substance, not congenial but hostile (polemion) to the body, remains inside. Moisture and another Hippocratic notion, pneuma, are responsible for dizziness in Theophrastus treatise: (Cases of ) dizziness come about when either an alien breath (pneuma) or a uidity from residue moves around the head; from certain types of nourishment, for example either wine or any other juice; or, thirdly, when someone moves his head round in a circle.17 In the Hippocratic On the Sacred Disease it is also said that, when the brain is too humid because of an excess of phlegm or another uid, it is shaken. This happens when the brain is corroded by phlegm and melts, and the part which melts becomes water surrounding the brain outside and ooding it.18 In

14 Thphr. Sud. 24, p. 38.163165 FSS. In relation to sleep, ibid., 40 (p. 48.249250 FSS): As a result of both of these (i.e. moisture and heat) sweat (occurs), as has been said often. 15 On Hippocratic theories of sweat see Debru (1996) 187190; for Diocles and the important discussion about the natural or pathological character of sweat see Fr. 30 ad and commentary in van der Eijk (2000) 6065 and (2001) 5863. 16 Hippocrates, Regimen 2.58.1 (p. 59.1415 Joly = 6.572 L). 17 Thphr. Vert. 1, p. 184.14 FSS. Dizziness is also associated with darkness and called skotos, patients skotmatikoi. Its cause, signs and therapy are mentioned by the Anonymus Parisinus, cf. Garofalo (1997) 110112 (with references to other authors). 18 On the Sacred Disease 11 (p. 22.58 Jouanna = 6.382 L).

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Theophrastus, however, the movement of intracranial uids is normal, and becomes pathological only with the intrusion of an alien pneuma or an excess of inux.19 For S. Vogt, these two examples show that Theophrastus adopts common physiological conceptions, when he speaks about inux of pneuma or about moisture in the brain as causes of dizziness.20 Several other Theophrastean notions can already be found in the Hippocratic Corpus. The notion of digestion as coction, helped by innate heat, is important in On Sweat. Coction appears in Ancient Medicine as the activity of the stomach: such stomachs concoct (pessousi ) much more slowly than others.21 But it is also true that this notion was especially developed by Aristotle. In On Sweat, the lack of concoction (apepsia) is the fundamental cause of the phenomenon under discussion, since sweat is mainly produced by residues of undigested food. The relationship between insomnia and lack of coction, noted in Fatigue 4, where it is said that sleeplessness prevents digestion, is close to the one found in the Hippocratic Regimen in Acute Diseases 49: Obstinate sleeplessness makes food and drink less digestible;22 it is explained in On Sweat: Both the food is unconcocted and men go sleepless, they sweat more easily because it happens that concoction distributes moisture and sleep thoroughly concocts.23 Beside these global similarities, some details seem to reveal a more direct contact with the Hippocratic Corpus. For example, in On Fatigue (7) Theophrastus mentions the case of dry fatigue. In the nal part of Regimen 2.66, the well trained people subjected to excessive eorts may suer from this symptom: as their bodies are not moist, if the eort is excessive, fatigue will be induced, as a result of excessive desiccation of the esh. Since there is no uid the esh heats up and suers, and is traversed by shivers to the point where a more

19 According to S. Vogt (2002) 149: Eine hnliche Verbindung zwischen dem Einuss von Feuchtigkeit und der Bewegung im Kopnneren wie der Verfasser von De morbo sacro stellt Theophrastus in De vertigine her- mit dem Unterschied, dass dieser von einer natrlichen Eigenbewegung der Hirnstrmungen ausgeht . . . whrend in De morbo sacro vllige Unbewegtheit der gesunde Normalzustand ist. 20 Ibid., p. 150: Diese beiden Beispiele . . . zeigen, dass Theophrast auf geluge physiologische Darstellungen zurckgreift, wenn er vom Einuss von Pneuma oder Feuchtigkeit auf den Kopf als Ursache von Schwindel spricht. 21 Ancient Medicine 11 (p. 20 Jouanna = 1.594 L). 22 Regimen in Acute Diseases 49.1 (p. 57 Joly = 2.330332 L). 23 Thphr. Sud. 20 (p. 36.138140 FSS). On sleep and coction see Aristotle, On Sleep 3, 456 a 30 .

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prolonged fever is induced.24 What is common between Theophrastus and the Hippocratic writer is that the two opposite starting conditions, having or not having had practice in physical exercise, may produce kopoi that led to fever even though they derive from opposite states (excess of uids in untrained people or excess of dryness in well trained ones).25 Another detail is the remark, in the treatise On Sweat, that after periods of running and exertion, men sweat more in the shade than in the sun because the sun dries up (moisture) and closes the pores;26 this eect reminds us of Airs, Waters, Places, where the author says that the sun raises the nest and lightest part of the juices, adding that, when a man has come into a shady place, his whole body sweats alike as the sun no longer shines upon it, and so the sweat is prevented from disappearing through the suns power, as it is also the case when the body is covered.27 In general, Theophrastus account does not dier from common physiological conceptions. Hence, even if we nd a sign of familiarity with some Hippocratic conceptions, we have no possibility to conclude that there was a direct inuence. Differences In spite of these similarities, however, the dierences are more striking. Theophrastus rarely mentions pathological facts, which are the main topics of the Hippocratic Corpus. For example, with the exception of the Regimen, fatigue (kopos) is constantly mentioned among pathological symptoms, often in relation to fever. Dizziness also always appears associated with other pathological symptoms, such as headache, dizziness, apoplexy etc. In the Aphorisms, for example, it is said that the wind notios relaxes and moistens the body, brings on heaviness on the head, hardness of hearing and dizziness, makes the eyes and the whole body slow to move, and the bowels watery.28 On the other hand, Theophrastus makes large use of non-Hippocratic,

Hp. Vict. 2.66 (6.586 L). Roselli (2002) 30. 26 Thphr. Sud. 27, p. 42.180182 FSS. 27 Airs, Waters, Places (De aere, aquis, locis; henceforth Aer.) 8.4 (p. 205.1113 Jouanna = 2.34 L). 28 Aphorisms (Aphorismi; henceforth Aph.) 3.17 (4.494 L), 3.31 (4.500 L).
25

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sometimes evidently Aristotelian concepts. The most important is the notion of residues ( perittmata) which plays a major role in his explanations of sweat. According to him, sweat comes from the liquefaction of residues, aggravated by a bad condition of the body (kachexia): For on account of the impurity of the body, the motion, which is additional and a source of heat, causes the residues to exude together with the sweat . . .29 Only what is foreign to the nature of esh is secreted, whereas the sweetest and lightest is consumed (On Sweat 2).30 These residues come from unconcocted food, which causes an excess of moisture: those who are in bad condition and have unconcocted food sweat easily because of the quantity of moisture . . ..31 This origin explains such qualities as the saltiness of sweat, its odour, and its quantity and mode of secretion according to ages. For instance, since, in young children, residues are secreted through the intestines, and because their skins are dense, young children do not sweat much, although they are hot and humid by nature (On Sweat 19). Old people do not sweat either, for opposite reasons. On the whole, this doctrine of digestion as the source of sweat appears largely as postHippocratic.32 There are other dierences, which we can summarise in the following types: The rst is that the form of monographs devoted to biological subjects does not exist in the Hippocratic Corpus as it has been transmitted to us. For example, the treatise On Fatigue is the only known text prior to Galen to isolate the phenomenon of fatigue, providing a treatment of the subject per se. All other texts include this issue within the broader framework of their subject as occurs in the Hippocratic treatise De locis in homine and De victu or marginally as far as we know in Erasistratus.33 Theophrastus was also probably the rst to devote a special study to sweat, and perhaps to dizziness, fainting and paralysis. But he was not of course the rst to write such monographs. Diocles had already devoted a special

29 30 31 32 33

Thphr. Sud. 13 (p. 30.8385 FSS). Aristotle, Generation of Animals 4.8; 776 a 2830; cf. Debru (2002) 167169. Thphr. Sud. 22 (p. 38.150151 FSS). On this doctrine in Anonymus Londinensis, cf. Manetti (1999) 101. Roselli (2002) 123.

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in geometrical terms, another, in its physical eect on the intracranial uids55which does not correspond to any of Hippocratic models. The idea of a movement of the brain is to be found in the Sacred Disease, but as a pathological phenomenon: when the brain is abnormally moist, of necessity it moves, and when it moves, neither sight not hearing are still but we see and hear now one thing and now another . . . (14). For Theophrastus, there is an intrinsic movement of the intracranial uids and another one coming from outside, which can disturb the rst one, when, for instance, it comes about that, as their sight moves in a circle, it moves the inside parts unevenly and causes disturbance.56 This movement is transmitted by vision to the brain: their sight . . . being shaken and moved in this way it disturbs and moves the inside parts.57 Centrifugation separates heavy and light, centre and circumference. When it stops, both are separated. Being at rest separates what is preserved when there is movement . . . for the things which are naturally constituted to move in this way are preserved and held together through it.58 So, contrary to the Hippocratic conception, what stops the circular movement of the brains uid causes disorder and dizziness. Continuity and coherence are maintained by the movement. In a subtle manner, all these statements could be critical reinterpretations of references to Hippocratic doctrine. As such, they appear to be very illuminating for the understanding of one of the pre-Alexandrian approaches to human physiology. Now, as the nal step of our inquiry, if we can detect a critical familiarity of Theophrastus with some aspects of the Corpus Hippocraticum, can we discover what may have been of interest for him in this literature? A rst conclusion is that the treatise Regimen, which was widely known in antiquity, was obviously important for Theophrastus, especially the second book, whose two main themes are food and exercise, but many others too, like the production of sweat. It appears without doubt that at least the chapter on kopoi was

55 According to S. Vogt (2002) 156: Dieses Modell verbindet zwei zu seiner Zeit bekannte Theorien: die geometrische Beschreibung des Kegels und die mechanistische Erklrung der Kreisbewegung. 56 Thphr. Vert. 7 (p. 190.6062 FSS). 57 Thphr. Vert. 8 (p. 190.6566 FSS). 58 Thphr. Vert. 9 (p. 192.177178 FSS).

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perfectly known to Theophrastus.59 In this chapter, the two groups of trained ( gumnazomenoi ) and untrained people (agumnastoi ) are correlated, as they are in On Sweat 21 ( gumnazomenoiagumnastoi ).60 Moreover, the author of the Regimen likes the mental activity of discerning (diagignskein), the setting of systematic distinctions (wintersummer, natural-forced etc.) and, more interestingly, the dierence between facts seen kata pantos and kath hekasta (2.39)which is, as we have seen at the beginning, the common structure of Theophrastus opuscula. More generally, it appears, in the light of Theophrastean interest, that the theme of dierences, although much less systematic than in Theophrastus, is extremely important in such Hippocratic writings as in Ancient Medicine, Airs, Waters, Places, Breaths, Regimen in Acute Diseases etc. Among these, Diseases I is of special interest for us, not only because it contains a special chapter on sweat (25), but also because the theme of dierences is given a great importance: one body diers from another, says the author, one aection from another, and one season in which to be ill from another; some patients are more able to endure the stress of disease, while others are totally incapable of enduring.61 A little later, one can nd a kind of hymn on dierences: among persons that have these and similar diseases, a man diers from a woman in the ease or diculty with which he recovers, a younger man diers from an old man, and a younger woman diers from an older woman . . . Besides, one aection diers from another, being either greater or less, one body from another, and one treatment from another.62 Another aspect is worth considering. The treatise Regimenas well as Diseases Imakes a very dense use of explanations. For example, because (dioti ) is one of the authors favourites adverbs, which is also the case in Diseases I.63 Now the importance of the relationship between phenomena and their causes in Theophrastus explanations appears to be essential in his biolog-

59 Ancient Medicine 11, Diseases. 1.11, Regimen in Acute Diseases. 11, Airs, Waters, Places. 9, Joints 9 etc. 60 Fifty per cent of the Hippocratic occurrences of gumnasts are in this treatise, as are ve out of the seven occurrences of agumnasts. 61 Morb. 1.16 (p. 134 Potter = 6.168170 L). 62 Morb. 1.22 (p. 154 Potter = 6.182184 L). 63 Also very frequent in Airs, Waters, Places, and in On Generation. Only once in Sacred Disease (17), though in a fundamental sense. Furthermore, dia tode is a frequently used means to achieve the same purpose.

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ical opuscula.64 Thus, we can legitimately assume that some structural features of certain Hippocratic treatises may have attracted Theophrastus as favouring his biological analytic descriptions, together with their tentative explanations. As a conclusion, an investigation into the relationship between Theophrastus and the Hippocratic Corpus, even if it does not permit any rm result in terms of direct inuence or borrowing, shows, however, that at least the treatise of Regimen, which has enjoyed a massive importance in the medical literature, is also present, both in the content and in method, in Theophrastus biological opuscula (at least On Sweat and On Fatigue). The second result of this brief inquiry is that, rather than a passive borrowing, the relation with this treatise and othersas remains to be investigatedis a dynamic relationship of critical distance and transposition, substitution and reinterpretation etc. Lastly, the inuence of a treatise depends on the selection of features determined by Theophrastus own epistemological preferences. This is the case for at least two of them: the theme of dierentiae, and the need for explanation. In a word, as reading is an interactive process, implying choice and anticipation, the process of inuence and selection between Theophrastus and the Hippocratic tradition probably has to be analysed in the same dynamic way. Bibliography
Baltussen, H. (2002), Theophrastean Echoes? The De Sensibus in the Platonic and Aristotelian Tradition, in: Fortenbaugh and Whrle (2002), 3958. Debru, A. (2002), La sueur des corps: le De sudore de Thophraste face la tradition mdicale, in: Fortenbaugh and Whrle (2002), 163174. Flashar, H. (1962), Aristoteles. Problemata Physica, Berlin. Fortenbaugh, W.W. and G. Whrle (eds.), (2002) On the Opuscula of Theophrastus. Akten der 3. Tagung der Karl-und-Gertrud-Abel-Stiftung (19.23. Juli 1999 in Trier), Stuttgart. Fortenbaugh, W.W., R.W. Sharples and M.G. Sollenberger (eds.) (2003), Theophrastus of Eresus, On Sweat, On Dizziness and On Fatigue, Leiden. Garofalo, I. (ed. and comm.; trans. B. Fuchs) (1997), Anonymi Medici De morbis acutis et chroniis, Leiden. King, R.A.H. (2002), Nutrition and Fatigue: some remarks on the status of Theophrastus Peri kopn, in: Fortenbaugh and Whrle (2002), 113121.

64 Theophrastus views on this relationship are concisely expressed at Metaphysics 2425 (p. 16 Laks-Most).

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Manetti, D. (1999), Aristotle and the role of doxography in the Anonymus Londiniensis (PBRLIBR INV.137), in: P.J. van der Eijk (ed.), Ancient Histories of Medicine. Essays in Medical Doxography and Historiography in Classical Antiquity, Leiden, 95141. Roselli, A. (2002), Theophrastus Peri kopn and Greek medical theories of fatigue, in: Fortenbaugh and Whrle (2002), 123139. van der Eijk, P.J. (ed.) (2000 and 2001), Diocles of Carystus. A Collection of the Fragments with Translation and Commentary, 2 vols., Leiden. Vogt, S. (2002), Theophrast, De Vertigine, in: Fortenbaugh and Whrle (2002), 141161. White, S. (2002), Opuscula and Opera in the Catalogue of Theophrastus Work, in: Fortenbaugh and Whrle (2002), 937.

PART FOUR

THE HIPPOCRATIC MEDICAL DISCOURSE IN ITS LINGUISTIC AND RHETORICAL CONTEXT

FORM AND FUNCTION IN PRORRHETIC 2 Tim Stover

Summary This essay elucidates the socio-cultural context in which the Hippocratic work Prorrhetic 2 was produced.1 It focuses on the interaction of epideictic, didactic, and polemic modes discernible in the text, reading these as eects of its primary social function. The text draws the readers attention to the subject-position its author occupies within the practice of medical prognosis and tries to persuade the reader, imagined as a potential pupil, to adopt this same position.2 The text was produced amid the intense competition waged by teachers for students that attended the increasing specialization of knowledge in the rst half of the fourth century BCE. Prorrhetic 2 is a protreptic essay, dening the proper parameters of a given techn and its authors place within it in order to persuade the reader of the superiority of his approach to the object of study. The Texts Ideological Investment Firstly, I want to establish the fundamental ideological dimensions of our text. While Lloyd is certainly correct that the practice of medical prognosis was generally concerned with winning a clientele of

1 I am more interested in tracing the texts cultural mode of production than I am in xing the actual date of composition. For the latter, I follow Garca Novo (1995) 547548, whose work on this text is fundamental, in assigning the treatise to the rst half of the fourth century BCE. Ducatillon (1977) 242250 has cogently argued that Prorrh. 2 was produced by some member of the medical community in Cos. However, I disagree with Ducatillon that our author is the same individual who penned Prognostic (Prognosticum). 2 I employ the terms author and reader in their precise senses, for it is quite certain that the text we possess was intended to be read. See especially Prorrh. 2.4 (9.20,1011 L.) where the author actually draws a distinction between his written ( grapho) and his oral (lego) remarks. See also Jouanna (1984) 2930. For the fourth century BCE as an increasingly textual environment, see Cole (1991) 115.

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patients,3 I wish to stress that Prorrhetic 2 aims to win over a clientele of pupils. This is achieved precisely by suggesting to the reader that the authors methods will oer a competitive advantage in the agonistic exchanges that took place, often in the presence of the patient, between physicians vying to win the patients condence. These moments of contest must have made for odd spectacle, and our text is clearly preoccupied with what we may call the performance of prognosis in these semi-public competitive contexts. Indeed, the author himself assimilates his role to that of a trainer preparing athletes for competition. For he says: But anyone who desires to win such successes (tn toioutvn piyumei gvnismtvn) should make predictions only after learning about all these details (Prorrh. 2.2 [9.10.46 L.]).4 The competitive successes referred to here concern victories against other prognosticators. And the relative subject-positions implied by this metaphortrainer-athlete, teacher-student, author-readerare instructive and not unique to our treatise.5 In fact, the author operates within an ideology of prognosis that is concerned almost exclusively with the success of the student in the contests he would have to wage with competing physicians. The text implies that the way one practices, the way one performs prognosis needs to be correct not so much for the sake of the patient, but for the sake of the physician, and equally importantly, for the sake of the practice itself and its contestation. Our treatise nowhere mentions the importance of prognosis in healing the sick, nor anywhere describes how therapy might be carried out once one has successfully identied a patients signs. The author seems either unable or unwilling to do so, even when it appears that he might and that it would be benecial for the reader to have this information. For example, at Prorrhetic 2.9 (9.28.1718 L.), while discussing individuals seized by the sacred disease, he says: The physician, if he knows the method of treatment (edta tn trpon tw siow), must take these cases on if the persons are young and active, unless their mind has some defect or the patient is
Lloyd (1979) 45, 89. And just before this passage, in the same chapter (i.e. Prorrh. 2.2 [9.8,1415 L.]), the author says: . . . indeed, it is not so dicult for a person who wants to have successes of this kind (t boulomn t toide diagvnzesyai) to make predictions. 5 The pedagogical relationship whereby the teacher sees himself as the trainer of athletes is also found frequently in Isocrates, who calls his students agonistai (Antidosis 201, 204). See also Antid. 180185, where Isocrates explicitly likens his role as a teacher to that of a trainer of athletes.
4 3

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paralyzed. Here, though he alludes to the fact that one might know the proper therapy, we hear nothing more about it. Rather, the author is far more concerned to warn the reader under what conditions he should and should not make an attempt at prognosis. Such moments reveal the texts preoccupation with the success of the student (and his method) in the contests waged with other physicians, rather than in the contests waged against sickness.6 A comparison with the programmatic opening of Prognostic is instructive here. This work places great stress on the therapeutic aspects of medical prognosis. For we read:
I hold that it is an excellent thing for a physician to practice forecasting. For if he discover and declare by the side of his patients the present, the past, and the future . . . he will be the more believed to understand the cases, so that men will condently entrust themselves to him for treatment. Furthermore, he will carry out the treatment (yerapehn) best if he knows beforehand from the present symptoms what will take place later. Now to restore every patient to health is impossible. To do so indeed would have been better even than forecasting the future. But as a matter of fact men do die, some owing to the severity of the disease before they summon the physician, others expiring immediately after calling him in . . . before the physician by his art can combat each disease (prw kaston nshma ntagvnsasyai). It is necessary, therefore, to learn the natures of such diseases . . . For in this way one will justly win respect (yaumzoito) and be an able physician (htrw gayw). For the longer time you plan to meet each emergency, the greater your power to save those who have a chance of recovery, while you will be blameless if you learn and declare beforehand those who will die and those who will get better. (Prog. 1.1 [2.110112.11 L.)

This text emphasises the therapeutic potential of medical prognosis and gives equal weight to considerations of the patients health and the physicians success and security. Tellingly, the author of Prognostic describes prognosis as ammunition for the physicians agon against disease, not other doctors, as in Prorrhetic 2.7 Moreover, in language very similar to that found in Prorrhetic 2.2 (9.10 L.), the author of Prognostic suggests that successful prognoses enable one to win respect (yaumzoito) and be a good physician (htrw gayw). The similar
6 For other examples of our authors avoidance and/or ignorance of therapeutic practices, see Prorrh. 2.4 (9.18,1418, 2324 L.), 2.12 (9.36,45 L.), 2.23 (9.52,1920 L.) and 2.38 (9.68,89 L.). 7 On the language of the agon employed in the Hippocratic Corpus to refer to the struggles waged by doctors against diseases, see von Staden (1990) 9799.

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statement in Prorrhetic 2.2 (9.10.1012 L.) contains a telling omission. There the author says that his approach (i.e. a circumspect and cautious study of the semeia) will enable the reader to make successful prognoses and thus be admired by the patient he is attending (yaumasyeh p to junintow lgontow). We get nothing here on therapy or on being a good physician, only mention of the admiration the reader can win if he follows the authors directives. We note too the emphasis on the presence of the patient (junintow) at this moment of personal glory for the physician, a detail that focuses the readers attention on the most immediate and important source for the praise of his prognostic performance. Nor does the author stress that an unsuccessful prognosis may lead to the death of a patient, as in Prognostic, but rather that the physicians reputation will be harmed. For he will be hated (misesyai) and might even be considered insane (memhnnai). Furthermore, we can compare a statement made in Regimen in Acute Diseases (De Diaeta Acutorum), a passage that discusses the importance of prognosis, to show that this author also (unlike ours) sees his job as supplying information useful for treating the ill. He says: In fact, it [i.e. prognosis] has great power to bring health in all cases of sickness, preservation of health to those who are well, good condition to athletes in training, and in fact the realization of each mans desire. (2.244.35 L.). We get nothing even remotely similar to this expression of concern for the well being of the sick anywhere in Prorrhetic 2, let alone in the programmatic opening chapters (i.e. 14 [9.620 L.]). However, in one single instance the author may be said to show some concern for the patients psychological well being. At Prorrhetic 2.6 (9.22.22 L.), he suggests that a patients impending doom should be reported to someone else, ostensibly sparing the patient the bad news. And yet, even this apparently sympathetic act is most likely aimed at advertising and preserving the reputation of the physician. For, as we learn from the opening of Prognostic cited above, if a doctor forecasts a patients death, he can more easily escape any reproach. In addition, the physician will certainly want his successful prognosis to have been known to someone other than the unfortunate patient. The dead simply cannot be counted on to spread the word about a physicians successful prognosis.8 Finally, we note that the open8 On the importance of word of mouth advertisements for a prognosticators career, see Edelstein (1967) 7677.

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ing of Prognostic stresses that time is of the essence when it comes to healing the sick, and that death can result if one does not see a doctor soon enough. In Prorrhetic 2, time is also an issue. But here the author stresses the fact that the physician ought to wait to make any prognoses until a disease has become settled, regardless of whether this delay may be benecial or harmful to the patient. For this delay will help the doctor make a more certain prognosis, which will ensure his personal safety, while the patients security is implicitly of secondary importance (Prorrh. 2.3 [9.14.23 L.]).9 Summarising our discussion thus far, we can say that our text, narrowly focused on the practice of prognosis itself, divorced from any consideration of its therapeutic advantages, was produced within a socio-cultural context in which the performance of prognosis had become an object of study in its own right. Further, while it is certainly important to keep in mind the intense competitions waged by prognosticators to win patients, we must also be mindful of the equally intense competition for students waged by teachers of natural philosophy and medicine in the fth and fourth centuries BCE.10 With these considerations in mind, I propose that the author stages an agon with other teachers of medical prognosis, in order to convince his readers that by following his methods they will nd success in their contests with other practitioners of medical prognosis. The Texts Discursive Technique It is evident right from the start of Prorrhetic 2 that the author desires very strongly to set his own methods in stark contrast to other types of prognosis. The rst four chapters of the treatise reveal the authors involvement in general issues pertaining to the theory and practice of medical prognosis, even as he distances and isolates himself from the previous approaches of his colleagues. He describes his text precisely as a response to other forms of medical prognosis. He tells us:
Concerning those physicians whose predictions are vaunted for their accuracy (krbeian), with some of them I have conversed directly,
9 Of course, this passage also underscores the authors more cautious approach to prognosis in general, in contrast to the speedy (and yet completely accurate) prognoses reportedly made by the physicians criticized in the opening chapter. 10 On which see Lloyd (1987) 100 . and Dean-Jones (2003).

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others I know through having spoken with their children and students, and of others I have acquired the writings so that, knowing full well what sort of thing each of them was thinking, but still not nding any of the reputed accuracies (kribeaw) anywhere, I have set to work to give a written account of the matter. (Prorrh. 2.4 [9.20.1115 L.)

This passage functions to authorise the authors voice within the eld of medical prognosis, largely by presenting his own more skeptical and humble approach as the result of a great deal of research. The author suggests here that the tradition as it stands needs to be revised, rewritten. This revision places the author, tellingly, in the role of teacher-writer, as he challenges the theories and practices of other teacher-writers. Hence, we see the author creating a space for himself within the tradition of medical prognosis by contesting the tradition itself.11 One of the more interesting discursive forms employed by the author to achieve this dynamic interplay between inclusion and isolation is a rhetorical gure, found often in didactic and protreptic contexts, perfect for just this purpose: the priamel. The priamel is dened by Elroy Bundy, in his famous study of Pindars Eleventh Olympian, as a focusing or selecting device in which one or more terms serve as foil for the point of particular interest.12 And as William Race has shown, the priamel is used most frequently, irrespective of literary genre, when an author desires to highlight the superiority of his approach to a given subject by running through a brief catalog of other possible (and inferior) approaches.13 As such, the priamel is often associated either implicitly or explicitly with praise and blame; that is, with the blame or criticism of the items used as foil and the praise of the terms ultimately selected for elaboration. Consequently, the priamel is a fundamentally epideictic form, particularly in its capacity to advertise the ethically superior subjectposition adopted by the author relative to the object of study. For the priamel allows the author to criticise proponents of the rejected terms while making a display of the process of selection itself. As a typical example of the priamel form, I oer a passage from Isocrates letter To Philip (109), where the author is contemplating how Heracles ought to be praised:
11 On the importance of contesting tradition in medical texts, see Lloyd (1987) 102108. 12 Bundy (1986) 5. 13 Race (1982) ixxii.

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Coming now to Heracles, all others who praise him harp endlessly on his valor or recount his labors; and not one . . . will be found to have commemorated his other excellencesI mean those which pertain to the spirit. But I see (g d r) here a eld set apart and entirely unworked . . .

We note the basic rhetorical force and polemical tone of the priamel. The items used as foil are rejected and their proponents are mocked, while the authors chosen approach to the subject is highlighted by the act of selection thus eected. We note here too that the priamel gestures toward an ostensibly ongoing debate sparked by an implied question concerning how best to praise Heracles. The priamel, in fact, enables the author not only to stage such a debate, but to assume a subject-position within it. Isocrates gives himself verbal shape, as it were, by contesting tradition, and even goes so far as to claim originality in so hackneyed a subject as the praise of Heracles. Nor should we forget that this passage is fundamentally didactic and protreptic, since Isocrates is here attempting to instruct Philip-as-Heracles to lead the united Hellenes against the Persians-as-Trojans (To Philip 111115). The priamel thus operates to persuade the reader of the correctness of the authors view of the world, and invites him to participate in that vision. Finally, on the purely formal level, we note the importance of the phraseology employed to mark the contrast between the items used as foil and the chosen subject of the authors discourse: g de. This phrase is so common in the priamel form that it is practically a formula, and has therefore been given a name: the pronominal cap.14 We are now prepared to appreciate the rhetorical strategy operative in the opening of our treatise:
There are reports of physicians making frequent, true and marvelous predictions, such as I have never made myself, nor ever personally heard anyone else make. Here are some examples. A person seems to be mortally ill both to the physician attending him and to others who see him, but a dierent physician comes in and says that the patient will not die, but go blind in both eyes. In another case where the person looked in a very poor state, the physician that came in foretold that he would recover, but be disabled in one arm; to another person who was apparently not going to survive, one said that he would recover, but that his toes would become black and gangrenous. Other

Bundy (1986) 56.

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predictions of this kind are reported in the same form. A dierent type of predicting is to foretell in merchants and adventurers death to some, madness to others, and other diseases to others; and in making divinations (profhtzein) concerning present and past times to be correct in every detail. Another form of prediction is recounted as follows: to discover in athletes and in people that are carrying out exercises and exertions prescribed because of illnesses whether they have failed to eat some of their meal, or have eaten something of a dierent kind, or have taken too much to drink, or omitted part of their walk, or practiced venery; none of these things escapes their notice, not even if the person disobeys in but little. This is how precise (jhkribsyai) all these kinds of predictions are said to be. But I (g d) however shall not divine (o mantesomai) anything like this; rather I record the signs (shmea) from which one must deduce which persons will become well and which will die, and which will recover or die in a short or a long time. (Prorrh. 2.1 [9.6.18.5 L.])

The author here appropriates the fundamentally epideictic and protreptic priamel form. A number of items (i.e. methods of prognosis) are advanced as foil for the selection that the author ultimately makes concerning his own preferred approach to the object of study. Here again, we see the transition to the authors own choice eected by the pronominal cap (g de). Further, we detect in this priamel, as in the example from Isocrates, a conspicuously agonistic and contemptuous tone adopted in regard to the methods advanced as foil, which functions to reinforce the already polemical nature of this rhetorical gure in general. The authors contempt is particularly felt in the use of the words profhtzein and o mantesomai, as Elsa Garca Novo has demonstrated. For she points out that verbs created ad hoc iniz are not only often ironic and sarcastic, but are also explicitly pejorative. As comparanda she presents lakanizo, mdizo, and philippiz. Moreover, these terms can be understood, as Garcia Novo demonstrates, primarily to signify the adoption of the manners and opinions of somebody else.15 And we can add that the somebody else in each case tends to represent a quintessential other against which the self was often dened (i.e. Spartans, Persians, and Macedonians). The pejorative terms clearly function to distinguish the author from this quintessentially other type of prognostic practice, and enable him to dene his own subject-position relative to these others, all the while ridiculing their methods. The authors

Garca Novo (1995) 545.

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diction thus reinforces the priamels fundamental connection to matters of self-denition and self-presentation. Clearly then, the author is at pains to distance himself from physicians who practice a form of prognosis that, in his view, is dangerously similar to the practice of divination (mantik ). And as Edelstein and Langholf have shown, there had always been tension between divination on the one hand and medical prognosis on the other.16 The words profhtzein and o mantesomai thus reect the long and contentious ideological struggle waged by practitioners of these two prognostic disciplines. The author of Prorrhetic 2 has chosen the most ideologically charged terms possible with which to condemn his competitors. For he contrasts his own methods with those that blur the lines of demarcation between the two elds and transgress the boundaries which his approach ostensibly observes. Thus the priamel as a whole involves the author (and reader) in an ongoing debate over the implied question, how best to do medical prognosis?, even as it isolates his own (superior) answer to this question. Consequently, the priamel allows the author to foreground his own answer to the implied question as both a response to, and rejection of, competing methodologies. This opening discursive strategy focuses the readers attention on the method ultimately chosen. The author invites the reader to join him in this act of selection and to adopt his contemptuous attitude toward those other, rejected approaches. It is also important to note that the selection dramatised by the priamel, as it underscores the choice made by the author, functions to demonstrate his superior character. The close association felt by the Greeks between ones character and ones choices is made explicit by Aristotle. In Poetics 6 we read: Character (thos) is that which reveals ones choice ( proairesin)that is, when otherwise unclear, what kinds of thing an agent chooses ( proaireitai ) or rejects, which is why speeches (logon) in which there is nothing at all that the speaker chooses or rejects contain no character. Thus, ones character is evident in ones choices, and ones choices indicate ones character. Consequently, the priamel can be said to allow the speaker to introduce character to his treatise, since it is a rhetorical gure that enacts a process of selection. And, of course, there is a rhetorical strategy at work here as well. Again with Aristotle: character (ethos) constitutes

See Edelstein (1967) 6585 and Langholf (1990) 232254.

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the most eective means of proof (Rhetoric I.2.4,1356 a 15). Hence, the priamel in Prorrhetic 2 enables the speaker to present his choice as the best, which reveals the superiority of his character. This in turn creates a sense of condence in the reader that the author is the one to trust in regard to practicing medical prognosis. As such, the priamel is the perfect vehicle for achieving the goals of a protreptic essay. For it is at once aimed at its object (prognosis), its addressee, and at previous approaches made to the object of study. The reader learns right from the start where the author places himself within the practice of medical prognosis, and gets an idea of the subject-position he himself would adopt within this broader theoretical milieu should he choose to make the same choice as the author. This choice largely involves rejecting the claims to strict accuracy (atrekeia) that the other prognosticators are said to have made in favor of a more humble and reasonable prognostic practice based on empirical observation of the semeia. The author sets his own (moderate) methods in opposition to the excessive claims of his colleagues. In contrast to these claims, the author stresses circumspection, caution, and a more realistic understanding of the limitations of the art. For we read:
I believe, in fact, that those who make predictions about lameness and other conditions of that kind make their predictions, if they are sensible (e per non exon), only after the disease has become xed . . . I also intend in other kinds of cases to make predictions more in line with human possibilities (pror=hynai nyrvpinvtrvw) than what is reported . . . I advise you to be as cautious as possible (w svfronesttouw) . . . in making predictions of this kind . . . I recommend that in making predictions and all other such practices you be cautious (svfrnvw). (Prorrh. 2.2 [9.8.710.13 L.])

In contrast to the speedy and exactly accurate prognoses reportedly made by others, the author presents himself as a proponent of caution, patience, and moderation, one whose claims for prognosis are determined above all by sphrosun. As such, the author takes a stand against the exorbitant claims of others as a defender of moderation and prudence within the techn of medical prognosis. Moreover, the fact that the author contextualises his opposition to these other prognosticators in terms of their outrageous claims to accuracy and success is quite interesting.17 This is precisely the tactic
17

In this regard, our author would agree with the sentiments of the author of

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adopted by Isocrates in Against the Sophists, a text which is a particularly apt comparandum for our treatise, since we know that it was designed to attract pupils to the authors school in Athens.18 Isocrates, like our author, is faced with the task of distancing himself from individuals whose exorbitant claims might attract students, but ultimately bring the entire techn into disrepute, even as he denes a more prudent approach to his object of study. Indeed, his rhetorical strategy is strikingly similar to that found in Prorrhetic 2. For example, Isocrates says:
If all who are engaged in the profession of education were willing to state the facts instead of making greater promises than they can possibly full, they would not be in such bad repute with the lay public . . . For I think it is manifest to all that foreknowledge of future events is not vouchsafed to our human nature . . . But these professors have gone so far in their lack of scruple that they attempt to persuade our young men that if they will only study under them they will know what to do in life and through this knowledge will become happy and prosperous . . . and they promise to make their disciples all but immortal. (Against the Sophists 14)

It is clear that Isocrates primary criticism of his opponents is set up in the same way as that found in Prorrhetic 2. For he too is angered by the excessive claims that others make for his techn, which in turn gives the whole profession a bad reputation. In particular, his polemic is directed against those who purport to be able to oer their pupils strict accuracy in foretelling the future. As such, Isocrates and our author criticise their opponents on precisely the same grounds, albeit the individuals in each case are practitioners of two very dierent technai. Be that as it may, it is the rhetorical strategy adopted by

Ancient Medicine (De Vetere Medicina), who says: That physician who makes only small mistakes would win my hearty praise. Perfectly exact truth (t kribw) is but rarely seen. (VM 9.2022 [1.590.24 L.]). Moreover, the need for doctors to police their techne from within, especially in regard to claims of infallibility and strict accuracy made by certain practitioners themselves, seems to have been a very real concern. For example, the author of On the Sacred Disease criticises his opponents as men who pretend to have some great knowledge (prospoiontai plon ti ednai, Morb. Sacr. 2 [6.354,1415 L.] and 3 [6.358,1314 L.]). That one of the biggest challenges to the medical professions credibility came from within, from practitioners themselves, is made clear at Law (Lex) 1.2 (4.638,13 L.). For there we read: Medicine . . . through the ignorance (amathia) of those who practice it, is now of all the arts by far the least esteemed. 18 At Antidosis 193194, Isocrates himself describes Against the Sophists as a treatise aimed at those who wished to become my students.

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each author that most interests me. For, like our author, Isocrates poses as a more prudent and cautious teacher, one who recognises the limitations of his art, and uses the excessive claims of his opponents as a point of departure for dening his own methods. In contrasting his own views with the outrageous claims of others, Isocrates goes on to say:
For myself, I should have preferred above great riches that philosophy had as much power as these men claim; for, possibly, I should not have been the very last in the profession nor had the least share in its prots. But since it has no such power, I could wish that this prating might cease. (Against the Sophists 11)

Isocrates here poses as the defender of moderation within his techn. He uses this stance in order at once to distance himself from certain odious strands within the practice of rhetoric, and to dene and advertise the appropriate approach to, and expectations about, the art as a whole. Consequently, posing as the defender of moderation is revealed to be a powerful strategy by which to create a dignied space for oneself within the practice of a given techn, especially in the context of a protreptic essay. Returning to Prorrhetic 2, the author is quick to point out that his own views on the question of accuracy will not be dogmatically enforced. He allows for dissension, even in this important area:
The alleged precise knowledge (atrekeias) concerning exertions and exercises, as those who speak about it call it, I personally hold not to exist, although, if someone does believe in it, I do not oppose his belief. For such suppositions are not discredited by any sign, either good or bad, which you can trust in order to be certain whether or not the matter has been accurately reported. At all events, a person who wants to believe may do so, and I do not stand in his way. (Prorrh. 2.3 [9.10.1621 L.])

This statement illustrates further the authors rejection of claims to absolute accuracy in all cases, and his willingness to tolerate dissension when the evidence is inconclusive, all of which is based on the authors adherence to the basic principles of his semiotics. Further, this remark would be most appropriate if it is addressed by a teacher to a prospective student, as it responds in advance to issues concerning the relative dogmatism inherent in the authors views and methods (and, hence, in his curriculum in general). And at the very least, the author here positions himself relative to the speaker as

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someone who might be in a position at some point to oppose him and stand in his way should he wish.19 The Structure of the Text Let us now turn to an analysis of the structural features of our treatise that seem to corroborate my understanding of this texts essentially protreptic and didactic modality. Firstly, the basic structure of our text resembles the architecture of at least two other medical treatises which can also be understood to function essentially as advertisements of the authors basic positions and methods: On the Sacred Disease and On the Nature of Man.20 These texts (broadly speaking) exhibit a triadic structure. Each opens with a critique of others theories and practices, followed by a transition to the authors own views. These views are initially introduced at the theoretical level along with some general remarks that further qualify the theoretical stance thus adopted by outlining some of the principles that will be important for the third section. The third section itself stages a movement from the general theoretical principles outlined in the second section to a sustained application of these principles to specic cases. Thus in On the Sacred Disease we nd the rst four chapters (6.352364.8 L.) devoted to a refutation of the theory and practice of the magoi in particular, and of those who hold that epilepsy is peculiarly divine in general. Similarly, On the Nature of Man opens with a polemic against the application of monistic theory in philosophy and medicine (12 [6.3236,16 L.]). Each of these texts open by attempting
19 As such, our author adopts a rather authoritative and didactic tone even as he suggests that he will not be a dogmatic master. This authoritative stance relative to the reader is discernible elsewhere as well. In addition to the relative subject-positions implied by the analogy author-reader/trainer-athlete mentioned above, we note the remarkable preponderance of innitives used throughout the treatise as imperatives of the second person (presumably singular, for the only four conjugated forms in the second person are all singular: at 15 [9.42,3 L.], 35 [9.66,16 L.], and 42 twice [9.72,8 and 10 L.]). This rhetorical feature constantly engages the readers attention and colors the authority of the author. For it gives the text a rather formal and serious tone. So Smyth-Messing (1984) 448: The person addressed is regarded as the subject. This innitive [sc. in second person commands] is commoner in poetry than in prose (where it has a solemn or formal force). 20 My discussion here follows the more comprehensive analysis of Dean-Jones (2003), who also includes Ancient Medicine in her examination.

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to position their authors within debates concerning their objects of study, and we see in each a similar agonistic distancing of the authors own positions from those of others who work within their theoretical and practical domains (i.e. from charlatans and monists respectively). On the Sacred Disease continues with a transition in chapter ve (6.364,9366,4 L.) to the authors own views. We are introduced to his acceptance of the theory of pangenesis, followed in chapters six and seven (6.366,5368,9 L.) by a discussion, crucial for the texts general physiology, of the great importance of the brain for understanding and treating the more serious illnesses. The text progresses at the general level with a brief discussion of how the disease operates on the body, with a remarkable description of an epileptic attack in chapter ten (6.372,4374,20 L.). From there, On the Sacred Disease deals with a number of specic cases, thus applying and demonstrating the theoretical principles previously set forth (1121 [6.374,21396 L.]). With this transition from the general and theoretical to the specic and applied, we can compare the movement eected within On the Nature of Man. Following the opening criticism of monistic theory (12 [6.3236,16 L.]), the author moves on to a general explication of his own physiology (37 [6.36,1750,13 L.]). In chapter eight (6.50,1452,3 L.), as Jouanna has persuasively shown, we nd a transition from this general physiology to a more focused discussion of pathology and an application of some of the principles set out in chapters three through seven (6.36,1750,13 L.).21 In chapters twelve through fteen (6.60,2068 L.) in particular we see the author of On the Nature of Man applying his own general theoretical principles to specic cases. So then, how does the analysis of the basic architecture of these two treatises, which are analyzable as possessing a protreptic function, help us to better understand the basic discursive practices and structural features adopted by the author of Prorrhetic 2? In short, I believe that our treatise also exhibits this triadic structure, and that this adds further weight to the notion that Prorrhetic 2 is in essence an advertisement intended to attract pupils.22 For our
Jouanna (1975) 1938. Though considerations of brevity prohibit me from developing this further here, I suggest that Prorrhetic 2 was intended for a more advanced student clientele than either On the Sacred Disease or On the Nature of Man. For example, the author can mention a technical term like apostases (Prorrh. 2.2 [9.8,5 L.]) without explanation. This suggests that the reader was assumed by the author to be familiar with certain basic medical terms and concepts.
22 21

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text, following its opening criticism of its opponents, moves on to a general discussion of the authors own approach to medical prognosis. Thus, in chapter two we learn of the great importance the author places on the empirical observation of the semeia, his insistence on circumspection and careful deliberation when making predictions, and his concern that one not try to demand from the skill more than is humanly possible. Chapter three continues at this general theoretical level as the author reiterates his objections to the precise knowledge of other prognosticators, contrasting this with his own more humble and prudent approach. And yet, although the author disavows precise knowledge and, like Isocrates in Against the Sophists, distances himself from those who promise their students more than the techn is humanly capable of, he is quite condent that his methods are the best.23 In fact, the remainder of chapter three can be read, in light of the authors exposition of his general views, as a veritable syllabus of the means by which one should properly investigate the signs. In particular, I wish to stress the authors emphasis on the deployment of the various senses (sight, sound, smell, and touch) in his overview of the examination of the semeia. For we read:
It is possible properly to examine all these conditions, as well as any others, by employing the methods which we possess and which we employ well on every occasion. For, in the rst place, it is easy to know by judgement and observation (tosin fyalmosin), in the case of a person lying ill in a xed place and charged with some strict regimen, whether he is disobeying in some matter . . . Furthermore, by using your hands (tsi xers) to palpate his abdomen and the vessels, you are less likely to make a mistake than if you do not do this. Also, in patients with fevers your nose (a te =new) gives many true indications, for their odors dier greatly . . . And then, by listening with your ears (tow s) to the voice and the breathing, it is possible to recognise things that are not equally clear in healthy persons. In any case, until a physician has learned the habits of particular diseases and patients, he ought not to make any prognostication . . . (Prorrh. 2.3 [9.12.922 L.])

The author is quite explicit that successful prognosis depends on the use of the various senses to interpret accurately the somatic signs. This
23 This ambivalence in Prorrhetic 2 between the authors self-assertive condence in his methods and his emphasis on restraint and open-mindedness is well analyzed by Garca Novo (1995).

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emphasis on the deployment of the various senses (only taste is missing from our list) is, of course, not unique to the author of Prorrhetic 2, though it does represent his appropriation of a particular strand of prognostic theory and practice.24 More importantly for my examination of the structure of our treatise, the various senses are applied throughout the third section of the text, where we get the application of the authors general views concerning semiotic prognosis to specic cases of illness (Prorrh. 2.543 [9.2074 L.]).25 Hence, we can detect in our treatise a triadic structure similar to the architecture of On the Sacred Disease and On the Nature of Man, and, at least for the rst two parts, of Isocrates (undeniably protreptic) Against the Sophists.26 Conclusion In conclusion, I have highlighted some of the more interesting discursive practices and structural features operative in Prorrhetic 2 and have tried to show how these structure our reception of the text. We have seen that the author deploys a wide array of epideictic, didactic, and polemic modes, in order to convince his reader that his position within, and response to, the tradition of medical prognosis is the one that should be adopted. Moving beyond the for-

24 On the importance in certain modes of medical prognosis of using all the senses available, see Jouanna (1999) 291303. 25 The deployment of sight is too numerous to list. As for touch, see 6 (9.22.7 L.), 16 (9.42.11 L.), 18 (9.44.5 L.), 23 (9.54.1 L.) and 24 (9.54.17 L.); for smell, see 7 (9.26.1415 L.), 23 (9.52.7 L.) and 36 (9.66.20 L.); for sound see 23 (9.52.5 L.). And although the use of taste is not mentioned in chapter three and is not explicitly mentioned anywhere in the text, it may be implied in chapter eighteen (9.44.25 L.), where the author discusses tears that ow hot and salty (lmurn). One assumes that the only way for the physician to be absolutely certain that a patients tears are in fact salty would be to taste them for himself, especially given our authors concern that patients do not always report their symptoms accurately (Prorrh. 2.2 [9.10.15 L.]). 26 While it is impossible to tell how Isocrates Against the Sophists continued after chapter twenty-two, which is now lost, we can detect here too at least the beginnings of this same triadic structure. For in chapters one through thirteen we get a polemic against certain types of sophistry. Chapters fourteen through twenty-one give us a transition to the authors general views (e.g. the importance he places on physis, his general approach to teaching and oratory). And at chapter twenty-two, just before the text breaks o, Isocrates is certainly eecting a transition, which may well have been followed by a more sustained and focused application of his basic principles set forth in fourteen through twenty-one.

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malists desire to understand how the text works, I suggest that our texts formal features are reexes, eects, of a specic socio-cultural function, namely, the production of a protreptic essay. Bibliography
Bundy, E.L. (1986), Studia Pindarica, I and II, Berkeley. Cole, T. (1991), The Origins of Rhetoric in Ancient Greece, Baltimore. Dean-Jones, L. (2003), Literacy and the charlatan in ancient Greek medicine, in: H. Yunis (ed.), Writing Into Culture: Written Texts and the Rise of Literate Culture in Ancient Greece, Cambridge, 97121. Ducatillon, J. (1977), Polmiques Dans La Collection Hippocratique, Paris. Edelstein, L. (1967), Ancient Medicine: Selected Papers of Ludwig Edelstein, Oswei Temkin and C.L. Temkin (eds.), C.L. Temkin (trans.), Baltimore. Garcia Novo, Elsa (1995), Structure and style in the Hippocratic treatise Prorrheticon II, in: P.J. van der Eijk, H.F.J. Horstmansho, and P.H. Schrijvers (eds.), Ancient Medicine in its Socio-Cultural Context, Vol. 2, Amsterdam, 537554. Jouanna, J. (1975), Hippocrate: La Nature De LHomme, Berlin. (1984), Rhtorique et medecine dans la Collection hippocratique: contribution a lhistoire de la rhetorique au Ve siecle, Revue des Etudes Grecques 46, 2644. (1999), Hippocrates, M.B. DeBevoise (trans.), Baltimore and London. Langholf, V. (1990), Medical Theories in Hippocrates: Early Texts and Epidemics, Berlin. Lloyd, G.E.R. (1979), Magic, Reason, and Experience: Studies in the Origin and Development of Greek Science, Cambridge. (1987), The Revolutions of Wisdom: Studies in the Claims and Practice of Ancient Greek Science, Berkeley. Race, W. (1982), The Classical Priamel From Homer to Boethius, Leiden. Smyth, H.W./G.M. Messing, rev. (1984), Greek Grammar, Cambridge, MA. von Staden, H. (1990) Incurability and hopelessness: The Hippocratic Corpus in: P. Potter, G. Maloney, and J. Desautels (eds.), La Maladie et Les Maladies dans la Collection Hippocratique, Quebec, 75112.

SPECIAL FEATURES IN INTERNAL AFFECTIONS: COMPARISON TO OTHER NOSOLOGICAL TREATISES Pilar Prez Caizares

Summary Studies on the Hippocratic treatise Internal Aections are very rare, the length and diculty of the text being probably a reason for it. In this paper two stylistic features of the treatise are discussed: the abundant use of some adverbs of frequency and the extremely wide use of the third person imperative. Through these linguistic devices the author underlines constantly that he is a very experienced practitioner and is much more direct in his prescriptions. This personal reworking of shared material results in one of the richest texts of the Hippocratic Collection, as far as language and precision are concerned. It is not at all surprising that Internal Aections1 is among the most neglected works of the Hippocratic Collection. First of all, Internal Aections is a very long treatise. It is longer than any of the nosological treatises belonging to the so-called Cnidian School,2 even though what we can read today is thought to be a version that has lost the beginning and starts abruptly.3 Internal Aections is longer than other treatises not because the author deals with more diseases; actually, the number of diseases in Internal Aections is smaller than, for instance, in Diseases 2b.4 If we compare both works, Internal Aections as we read it today deals with fty-three
De aectionibus interioribus; henceforth Int. Compare for instance the length of the following treatises in Littrs edition pages: Int. = Littr 7.166303; Aections (De aectionibus) = Littr 6.208271; Diseases (De morbis, henceforth Morb.) 1 = Littr 6.138205; Morb. 2 = Littr 6.8115 (Morb. 2a Littr 6.818; Morb. IIb Littr 6.18115). 3 About this lost beginning see Jouanna (1974) 177. A very interesting approach to this point is the one by Lami, who thinks the beginning of the treatise is the one we read today. This theory is based on the textual arrangement of the treatise. Some studies devoted to Int. are: Wittern (1978), Roselli (1990) and Prez Caizares (2002); for a translation see Potter (1988). 4 I am referring to chapters twelve to seventy-ve of this treatise. For the two dierent treatises transmitted as one see J. Jouanna (1974) 26126 and (1983) 712.
1 2

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diseases. As the treatise starts with a lung disease, we can assume that the diseases aecting the head are lost. Diseases 2b describes sixtysix diseases, including those aecting the head. But even if the number of diseases may have been similar, their description is quite dierent. The author of Internal Aections, apart from dealing with the aetiology of almost every disease, gives a much more detailed, sometimes even too dense and somehow cumbersome account of symptoms, causes of disease and therapeutic measures. What I would like to show now is how the author of Internal Aections presents himself as a very experienced practitioner, as a physician who wants to write a handbook in which even the slightest sign of the diseases is foreseen. It is clear that he had already practised medicine for many years when he wrote the treatise. Undoubtedly he had treated many patients and therefore wanted to promulgate all his experience so as to provide his fellow doctors with trustworthy material. Let us take the account of symptoms in chapter forty as an example. In this paper I will be using both Potters text and translation.
p totvn mlista t noshma gnetai. Arxetai on puretw tritaow tetartaow katarxw ginmenow, ka pnow sxurw n t kefal nsthken, note d ka n t smati dialepei . . . note d ka lon t sma poidei, ka w t styea ka w t metfrenon dnh xei, note d ka gastr tetraktai, ka tosin fyalmosin jor sxurw . . .: pollkiw d ka flegmanei frugj. Toton tan otvw pnow piz, stin d te ka ryopnoh sxur mpptei, ka pollkiw japnhw p to pnou tn cuxn fken n pt mrsin tessereskadeka: pollo d diafegousi ka w tw ekositsseraw. Pollkiw d japnhw nosow fke, ka dokei giw enai: ll fulssesyai xr, vw n tsserew ka ekosin mrai parlyvsin: n d tataw fg, o mla ynskei.

It is from these things that the condition usually arises. Fever begins, then, as a tertian or a quartan; intense pain establishes itself in the head, and is sometimes also present intermittently in the body . . . sometimes his whole body swells up, too. Pain occupies the chest and back; sometimes the belly is set in motion. The patient protrudes his eyes greatly . . . and often his throat swells up too. When pain is pressing the patient like this, sometimes severe orthopnoea comes on, and often, under the strain, a patient has suddenly given up the ghost in seven or fourteen days; but many survive for twenty-four. Often the disease suddenly resolves, and the patient seems to have recovered; still he must take care until twenty-four days have passed: if he escapes those, death is rare. Internal Aections 40.8 (p. 202.18 . Potter = 7.264 L.)

After reading this text one could well ask the following question: how many suerers from this disease had the author treated before writing

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such an account? The only possible answer is: many. We could also be facing a practitioner who is presenting the results of his own experience together with theoretical knowledge or with indirect information. It is now commonly accepted that Internal Aections together with Diseases 2b are two treatises that contain similar material, which is linked with the Cnidian School. Whether the treatises derive directly or not from the Cnidian Sentences will not be discussed here,5 but the fact that they share material is beyond any discussion. It is through the use of some linguistic devices that the author includes his experience in the normal account of symptoms, namely the use of note, stin te, pollkiw as adverbs. They appear with a much higher frequency in Internal Aections than in other works of the Hippocratic Collection, which can be easily shown by using the Index Hippocraticus.6 For instance, there are eighteen passages where pollkiw comes up in Internal Aections, the highest use in the Corpus Hippocraticum; in Diseases 2b there are only ve examples.7 Concerning note, its use is quite similar in both treatises: twenty-ve examples in Diseases 2b and twenty-eight in Internal Aections.8 Above all, the use of mlista is the most signicant: eighty-eight examples in Internal Aections as against thirty-ve in Diseases 2b.9 Even if there are dierent uses of this adverb, it is very often used for generalisations as in the text above. Another interesting construction is the use of philein with the innitive, in the sense of usually do, which is scarce in the whole of the Hippocratic Corpus; there are four examples of this construction in Internal Aectionsfor instance:
p totvn fmata filei gnesyai n t plemoni ka kpuosyai

from this tubercles are likely to form in the lung and to produce pus Internal Aections 3.21 (p. 82.16 Potter = 7.174 L.) but none in Diseases 2.
5 The bibliography covering medical schools, and especially the Cnidian, is abundant. See e.g. Jurk (1900) 1220; Ilberg (1925) 79; Edelstein (1931) 159 .; Bourgey (1953); Lonie (1965); Jouanna (1974) 176177; Grensemann (1975) 145 .; Kollesch (1977); Thivel (1981) 67 . and Langholf (1990) 1215. See also Gronewald (2001) 113. This editor claims that the text of the papyrus Inv. 6067, of the second century AD, contains fragments of the Cnidian Sentences, because there is a correspondence with some parts of Int., namely with some of the chapters on spleen diseases. 6 KhnFleischer (19861989); AnastassiouIrmer (1999). 7 On the basis of total word count (Int. 16200 words and Morb. 2b 11300 words), that means a proportion of 2.51 in Int. to 1 in Morb. 2b. 8 The proportion is here of 0.78 in Int. to 1 in Morb. 2b. 9 The proportion is in this case of 1 in Morb. 2b to 1.75 in Int.

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Let us now take a look at another example in the same chapter. As I have said before, we should notice how the author transmits his personal experience:
plemonow de gnetai mn nosow p tnde mlista: tan plemvn ama lksaw f vutn flgma lmurn m f plin, all ato justraf ka jussap, p totvn fmata filei gnesyai n t plemoni ka kpuosyai . . . ka dnh n tosi styesi ka n t metafrn gkeitai, note d ka n t pleur: ka ryopnoh sfodr pipptei. otow mn mxri tessereskadeka mervn toiata psxvn diatelei, pollkiw d ka p plenaw tessereskadeka mervn: peita =gnutai pa, ka poptei pol: pollkiw d ka oon xitnaw raxnvn poptei pol: pollkiw d faimon.

This disease of the lung generally arises in the following way: when the lung attracts blood or salty phlegm and does not discharge it again, but it gathers there and grows putrid, from this tubercles are likely to form in the lung and to produce pus . . . pain in the chest and back, sometimes also in the side; severe orthopnoea. These continue until the fourteenth day, often for even more than fourteen days. Then pus breaks out and the patient coughs much up; often he also expectorates material that looks like spiders web and often sputum charged with blood. Internal Aections 3.8 (p. 82.13 Potter = 7.174 L.)

At the last Hippocrates Conference, held in Nice in 1999, I also presented a paper devoted to Internal Aections.10 Through the style of the treatise I showed then that the author was very concerned about the duration of the disease, which should be as short as possible. The physicians intervention had to be not only eective, but also to work quickly.11 In my opinion, the reworking of the medical material by the author of Internal Aections results in a treatise whose medical content is quite similar to that found in other books. What is dierent is the implicit message of the practitioner. Through his style the author is constantly warning his colleagues, the targeted readers, that the same disease may manifest itself in dierent ways, that patients may have a variety of symptoms and that it is important to act appropriately and at the right moment against the disease. The second important feature I would like to highlight now is the use of the third person imperative12 in therapeutic prescriptions. Even
See Prez Caizares (2002). Note the remarks of Boncompagni (1972) 226, where she comments on the concept of kairos both in Int. and in Morb. 2. In both treatises practitioners are asked to intervene at the right moment. 12 See Rijksbaron (1984) 4344: In the case of imperative, the following applications of the values not completed and completed may, among others, be distinguished:
11 10

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on a not very careful reading of Internal Aections, an extensive use of the third person imperative in the parts devoted to therapy stands out starkly as a feature of style. The use of the third person imperative can be found in Diseases 2 as well, but it is much more frequent in Internal Aections.13 The gynaecological treatises have a very high rate of use of this form of imperative too. Normally, this third person imperative is used to refer to dietetic prescriptions in a wide sense. We may take, for instance, the following passage as an example:
tan d pashtai nosow, diat xrsyv, . . . ka losyv d ksthw mrhw, ka peripatetv lga met sita: ka syta kofhn xtv ka malyakn: ka galaktopotetv tn rhn ka ropotetv pnte ka tesserkonta mraw. tata n poi, txista giw stai.

When the disease is over, let the patient follow the regimen of . . . Let him bathe each day, and walk a little after his meals; let him have foods that are light and mild and drink milk and whey in season for fortyve days. If he does these things, he will very quickly become well. Internal Aections 48.6 (p. 236.10 Potter = 7.288 L.)

To conrm this rst impression and by using this time the TLG and the Concordantia14 we can check approximately how extensive the use of third person imperative is in other treatises. The rst two forms, xrsyv and losyv come up very often in Internal Aections, Diseases 2b and the gynaecological treatises. Both seem to be among the most common imperative forms used in the Hippocratic Collection, together with pintv. As far as xetv is concerned it appears only once in Diseases 2b but twenty-two times in Internal

(i) The present imperative is used in order to command someone to proceed with an action which he was carrying out already, or with m, not to proceed with it ((dis)continuative use). (ii) When someone is ordered to carry out an action which is not yet being carried out, the present imperative emphasizes the process, the course of the action, either relative to other actions or in absolute use; the latter may lead to an iterative interpretation. The aorist imperative, on the other hand, emphasizes the completion of the action. In cases where an aorist imperative occurs in a sequence of imperatives it is implied that the action expressed in the aorist must be completed before another action is carried out; an aorist imperative used absolutely often refers to a single well-dened action. See also SchwyzerDebrunner (1950, repr. 19754) 339 . 13 About the use of imperative and innitive forms in recipes in both treatises see Goltz (1974) 121 . 14 MaloneyFrohn (1989).

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Aections and twelve in the gynaecological treatises;15 peripatetv appears only twice in Diseases 2b but in thirteen passages in Internal Aections, where the aorist peripathstv can be found as well.16 To nish with the examples of the text, forms like galaktopotetv and ropotetv come up exclusively in Internal Aections, and the same applies to other imperative forms like evxesyv, and (m) =igotv; of deipnetv there are ve examples in Internal Aections and only one in Diseases 2b.17 Other verbs like syitv or poietv are much more common in Internal Aections and the gynaecological treatises than in Diseases 2b. Third person imperative forms turn up normally in groups, where we nd at least ve verbs in a list of instructions. These lists can be found in Diseases 2b as well, but in Internal Aections passages like the following are common:
ka tosi loutrosi m punik losyv, leifsyv d mllon, mhd =igotv, ka to lou pexsyv, mhd lagneutv. . . . t sita dieln memaykei syein dka mridaw, peita man feln merda, t loip katafagtv, con d xtv kraw ow tetrumnon ka peripathstv dka stadouw tathw tw mrhw . . . lssv syitv ka peripatetv . . . onon d pintv Mndaion, leukn, asthrn. tata poietv trew mraw. peita . . . tn atn trpon sper frei, otv prostiytv: tn d periptvn fairetv mxri tn dka mervn. peita suxhn xtv w mlista, ka evxesyv sita te kayar ka ca w plesta . . .

Let the patient not take many baths, but rather be anointed with oil. He must avoid chills, sun and venery . . . then have him divide the cereals he is accustomed to eat into ten portions, and on the rst day subtract one portion and eat the rest; as main dish let him eat ground mutton; also have him walk ten stades . . . have him reduce what he eats . . . and walk ten stades more . . . Also give him dry white Mendean wine to drink. Let him do this for three days. Then have him decrease his walks for ten days (and eat more) adding a portion a day in the same way as he subtracted. Then, let him keep as quiet as possible, be well fed on ne cereals and very generous main dishes . . . Internal Aections 17.6 (p. 126.19 Potter = 7.208 L.)

No doubt more examples could be given, but it has already been shown that the use of the third person imperative is a stylistic fea15 Again, on the basis of total word count (Int. 16200 words, Morb. 2b 11300 words and 63214 in the gynaecological treatises), that means 15.3 in Int. to 1 in Morb. 2b and 7.15 in Int. to 1 in the gynaecological treatises. 16 The proportion is here 4.53 in Int. to 1 in Morb. 2b. 17 The proportion is here 3.48 in Int. to 1 in Morb. 2b.

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ture of the author of Internal Aections. The linguistic function of this form is clear: it is used to give indirect orders. In all these cases, the second person, the doctor to whom the medical treatise is addressed, is viewed as a messenger who will transmit the orders. Obviously, by using the imperative, the author is being much more direct and personal than with the innitive. In their opposition as moods used to give orders, the imperative is the marked term. With the use of the third person imperative, the author is giving two dierent types of orders: (1) He is directly ordering the practitioner to transmit to the patient what he must do in every situation. (2) He is indirectly ordering the patient to follow certain therapeutic measures. To sum up, I have tried to show two features that characterise the style of the author of Internal Aections. The rst one is the use of linguistic devices that underline the multiplicity of cases the author has witnessed and his considering the disease as something with very varied developments. The second feature is the extensive use of third person imperatives. By using these verbal forms, the author adopts a position in which he is giving orders to both practitioners and patients. This feature is common to Internal Aections and the gynaecological treatises but scarcely appears in Diseases 2b. It is through these particuliarities that the implicit message of Internal Aections is dierent from, for instance, that of Diseases 2b. Even though both treatises have strong anities not only in content but also in form, such features make Internal Aections consistent as a text, and dierent. It has often been shown that Internal Aections and Diseases 2 share material, as they probably derive from the Cnidian Sentences. However, the personal reworking of this pre-existing material by the author results here in a text where this shared medical knowledge and the authors particular and personal views are very balanced. As far as language and detail are concerned, Internal Aections is surely the richest among the Cnidian treatises.18

18 This was already the opinion of Lonie (1965) 12: The treatise peri tn entos pathn is the most systematic Cnidian work which we possess, superior to the other treatises in language, arrangement, coherence and inclusion of detail.

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Anastassiou, A. and D. Irmer (1999), Index Hippocraticus. Supplement, Gttingen. Boncompagni, R. (1972), Concezione della malattia e senso dell individualit nei testi Cnidi del Corpus Hippocraticum, La parola del Passato 27: 209238. Bourgey, L. (1953), Observation et exprience chez les mdecins de la Collection Hippocratique, Paris. Edelstein, L. (1931), Peri aeron und die Sammlung der Hippokratischen Schriften, Berlin. Goltz, D. (1974), Studien zur altorientalischen und griechischen Heilkunde. Therapie-ArzneibereitungRezeptstruktur, Wiesbaden. Grensemann, H. (1975), Knidische Medizin. Teil I: Die Testimonien zur ltesten knidischen Lehre und Analysen knidischer Schriften im Corpus Hippocraticum, BerlinNew York. Gronewald, M. (ed.) (2001), Klner Papyri, Bd. 9, Wiesbaden. Ilberg, J. (1925), Die rzteschule von Knidos, Leipzig. Jouanna, J. (1974), Hippocrate. Pour une archologie de lcole de Cnide, Paris. . (1982), Hippocrate. Maladies II, Paris. Jurk, J. (1900), Ramenta Hippocratea, Berlin. Kollesch, J. (1977), Die Stellung der Knidischen Heilkunde in der wissenschaftlichen Medizin der Griechen, in: R. Joly (ed.), Corpus Hippocraticum (Actes du Colloque Hippocratique de Mons, 2226 septembre 1975), Mons, 107122. Khn, J.-H., U. Fleischer, et al. (19861989), Index Hippocraticus, Gttingen. Langholf, V. (1990), Medical Theories in Hippocrates. Early Texts and the Epidemics, BerlinNew York. Lonie, I.M. (1965), The Cnidian treatises of the Corpus Hippocraticum, Classical Quarterly NS 15, 130. Maloney, G. and W. Frohn (1989), Concordantia in Corpus Hippocraticum, Quebec. Prez Caizares, P. (2002), Duration of diseases and duration of therapy in Internal Aections, in: A. Thivel and A. Zucker (eds.), Le normal et le pathologique dans la Collection hippocratique (Actes du Xme colloque international hippocratique), NiceSophia Antipolis, 551562. Potter, P. (1988), Hippocrates. Vol. V, LondonCambridge MA. Rijksbaron, A. (1984), The Syntax and Semantics of the Verb in Classical Greek. An Introduction, Amsterdam. Roselli, A. (1990) Some remarks about the account of symptoms in Diseases II and Internal Aections, in: P. Potter, G. Maloney and J. Desautels (eds.), La Maladie et les maladies dans la Collection Hippocratique (Actes du VIe Colloque International Hippocratique, Qubec), Qubec, 159170. Schwyzer, E. and A. Debrunner (1950, repr. 19754), Griechische Grammatik II: Syntax und syntaktische Stilistik, Munich. Thivel, A. (1981), Cnide et Cos? Essai sur les doctrines medicales dans la Collection Hippocratique, Paris. Wittern, R. (1978) Zur Krankheitserkennung in der Knidischen Schrift De Internis Aectionibus, in: C. Habrich, F. Marguth and J. Hennigwolf (eds.), Medizinische Diagnostik in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Festschrift fr Heinz Goerke zum 60. Geburtstag, Munich, 101119.

ON ENANTIOSIS IN THE CORPUS HIPPOCRATICUM: THE EU- / DUS- OPPOSITION* Marcos Martnez

Summary In this contribution, the need for a thorough study of enantisis (pairing of opposites) in the Corpus Hippocraticum (henceforth CH) is put forward with the help of the modern semantic classications of antonyms. The case of the eu/ dus- composition is oered here as an example, and only some of its more general aspects will be mentioned in connection with the CH.

I would like to use the opportunity of my participation in this eleventh International Hippocrates Colloquium to put forward the need to carry out, once and for all, the linguistic investigation of one of the most frequent phenomena in the Corpus Hippocraticum: enantisis or the pairing of opposites. From a medical point of view, this principle is known as allopathy, or treatment by means of opposites (contraria contrariis curantur), and has its opposite in homoeopathy or treatment by means of equals (similia similibus curantur). Both therapeutic procedures are well exemplied in the CH and have recently been the object of numerous studies.1 However, from the point of view of verbalisation, that is to say, of the linguistic means by which such procedures are expressed, we still lack a comprehensive monographic study examining the linguistic mechanisms which the authors of the CH use for the expression of enantisis. More than ten years ago, I stressed the need for a linguistic study of enantisis in the CH.2 Although recently some works dealing with parts of this topic have been
* The research for this article was supported by the Research Project Hippocratic Medicine: Formation and Projection of the CH, directed by Prof. Rodrguez Alfageme and funded by the Ministry of Science and Technology in Spain, ref. BFF20000706. 1 I would emphasise here those of Mller (1965), Thivel (1977), Ferrini (1995) and (1996), and Nikolova (1999). 2 See Martnez (1992b) 256257.

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published, which I will mention later on, nevertheless such a monograph, as far as I know, is absent to the present day. Already at the Hippocratic Colloquium of Strasburg (1972), the great French Hellenist P. Chantraine deplored the fact that grammarians and linguists showed so little interest in the language of Hippocrates.3 He explained that this attitude was due to their refusal to operate with a manuscriptbased documentation of which little is known historically and which oers data of uncertain authenticity. Here I will restrict myself to some general considerations in relation to our study mentioned above. That the concept of enantisis is fundamental to the Corpus Hippocraticum was stressed by Lan Entralgo, one of the worlds most distinguished experts in Hippocratic medicine, when he claimed: Without the enantisis notion, the physiology, nosology and therapy of the Hippocratic doctors would not be intelligible.4 The term enantisis itself is once mentioned in On Sevens,5 whereas the compound hupenantisis, with the same sense of contrariety, is documented twice, in Aphorisms and On Places in Man.6 But if these nouns have little presence in the CH, we cannot say the same for their corresponding adjectives, verbs and adverbs: 139 occurrences of enantios, twelve of anantioomai, ve of enantis, twenty-seven of hupenantios and seven of hupenantioomai. To all of these we should add the four examples of antikeimai, which is used to render the same idea of opposites. These gures already indicate the importance that this idea has in the Corpus Hippocraticum. Anthoine Thivel prefers to speak of hupenantisis for the general therapeutic principle founded on opposites,7 as it is documented at Aphorisms 2.22 (4.476 L.): p plhsmonw ksa n nosmata gnhtai, knvsiw tai, ka ksa p kensiow plhsmon, ka tn llvn penantvsiw (Diseases that occur as a result of satiety are cured by evacuation, and those that arise from evacuation are cured by satiety; also in the other cases, the opposition of opposites.) This is one of the most eloquent passages in the Corpus Hippocraticum, in which the principle of allopathy is explicitly stated as one of the basic principles of the medical art, accepted by all the authors of the Corpus. Otherwise the text refers, for its exemplication, to the

3 4 5 6 7

Chantraine (1975) 36. Lan Entralgo (1977) 80. See Roscher (1913) vol. 2, 6. See MaloneyFrohn (1986) and KhnFleischer (1986). Thivel (1977) 165.

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pair of opposites plsmon-kensis (satiety-evacuation), which is one of the most frequent examples of enantisis in the Corpus Hippocraticum. Enantisis, of which I am to speak next, I understand approximately as the equivalent of what G.E.R. Lloyd (1987) calls polarity, M. Fantuzzi (1983) polar thinking, Kemmer (1903) polar expression (polare Ausdrucksweise) and P.F.M. Fontaine (1986) dualismall of which conceive of the world as being divided into two opposing halves or into two absolutely contrary systems. In reality, this concept deals with the well-known way of reasoning based on pairs of opposites, practised by the Presocratic philosophers (Alcmaeon, Empedocles, Anaximander, Heraclitus, etc.) and continued and developed later mainly by Plato and Aristotle, as has been splendidly illustrated by Lloyd (1987). Special mention, in this sense, should be made of the Pythagorean philosophers, who, according to Aristotle, Metaphysics 986 a 23 ., were the rst to establish the series of the ten opposing pairs: limited-unlimited, even-odd numbers, unityplurality, right-left, male-female, rest-movement, straight-curved, lightdark, good-bad, square-rectangle. Goody ventures the hypothesis that this type of antithetical or polar thought acquires a special relevance in the transition from an oral culture to a written culture.8 Lloyd himself has brilliantly studied the role that contrary pairs like rightleft, hot-cold and dry-wet play in Greek philosophy,9 whereas G. Cambiano (1982) has analysed the relation, as far as polarity is concerned, between the Corpus Hippocraticum and Alcmaeon and Plato. For the role that this method of reasoning plays in disciplines like philosophy, logic, mathematics and medicine, I refer to my (1983). In the domain of linguistics, and more precisely of semantics, the mode of polar expression or enantisis is designated by the term antonymy, and this is one of the areas of semantics that have received most attention in the last years.10 Thus, for example, Warczyk approaches the terminological diculty of the three semantic terms antonymy, lexical negation and opposition, where nomenclature is conspicuously confused, by establishing criteria for a possible classication of the antonyms into exact and approximate, full

Goody (1977) 135136. Lloyd (1962) and (1964). 10 Apart from the studies mentioned in my (1983), I particularly recommend the contributions by Warczyk (1981), Dings (1986), Lpez Hurtado (1994), del Teso (19941995), Brlea (2000) and M I. Martn Fernndez (2002).
9

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and partial, lexical antonyms (opposition of words) and phraseological antonyms (opposition of composed units). From the point of view of semantic content, Warczyk speaks of antonyms of inverse sense (great-small), contrary sense (correct-incorrect) and contradictory sense (to see-to be blind). Dings, on the other hand, prefers the typology of polar antonyms (long-short), complementary antonyms (true-false) and inverse antonyms (to be born-to die). Of particular interest is E. del Tesos observation that synonymy and antonymy are, possibly, two of the most intuitive semantic relations that speakers are able to establish between the meaning of words. If the synonymy represents one extreme of the content similarity, antonymy seems to represent the other extreme of the dierence between two terms that almost makes us perceive the one as the negation of the other.11 All of this coincides partly with the opinion of J. Lyons, when he claims not to know whether the tendency to think in opposites, to categorize experience in terms of binary contrasts, is a universal human tendency which is but secondarily re ected in language, . . . or whether it is the pre-existence of a large number of opposed pairs of lexemes in our native language which causes us to dichotomize, or polarize, our judgments and experiences.12 Lpez Hurtado insists on the diculties of establishing a valid denition of antonymy in spite of all the attempts that have been made since ancient timesespecially by Aristotle, who, especially at Metaphysics 1018 a 2035, 1018 b 18, 1054 a 23 . and 1055 a 38 ., makes the rst systematic analysis of the dierent modalities of opposition, distinguishing contrary (good-bad), contradictory (equal-unequal), correlative (double-half ) and positive-privative relations (vision-blindness).13 The Romanian scholar G. Brlea has recently introduced the term enantiosemia as a particular case of the manifestation of dichotomising thought. However, he limits this concept, which is in many ways similar to our enantisis, to those cases of antonymy in the same word as happens, for example, with the Spanish lgido, which originally meant something very cold and now also means something very warm, or enervar, which, from to appease the nerves, has come to mean to excite the nerves. The most complete work on antonymy that has been published in Spanish recently is the monograph by
11 12 13

Del Teso (19945) 99. Lyons (1977) vol. 1, 271. See Martnez (1983) 295, building on the work of Anton (1957).

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M.I. Martn Fernndez. Here we nd the widest exposition known to us on the possible types of antonymy; for the present purpose, I am interested in focusing on those of contextual antonyms (antonyms created by a certain context), lexical antonyms (antonyms of the type married-unmarried), phraseological antonyms (antonyms of the type represented in Spanish by the pair por suerte-por desgracia) and grammatical antonyms (antonyms created fundamentally by means of prexes, of the type loyal-disloyal). Indeed these grammatical antonymsthat is, the antonyms with prexes, to which the study of the opposition of compounds in euand dusin ancient Greek belongsallow us to proceed by making some brief observations about the branch of linguistics where this study takes place: the formation of words. Nowadays one tends to regard the formation of words as an independent branch of linguistics, understood as the entire assembly of resources that has the eect of increasing the lexical volume of a linguistic system from pre-existing linguistic units as already pertaining to that system.14 Its battle ground would be the process of creating derivatives, compounds and parasynthesis, conceived of as a means of organising the language so as to extend its vocabulary almost without limits and to adapt it to the requirements and demands of a speaking community. Nevertheless, agreement still does not exist as to where the limits of this branch should be located and whether it should be placed within morphology, within lexicology, or treated as an independent domain.15 Within the formation of words, prexes are the generators par excellence of antonyms, obtained by the addition of morphemes. By their own semantism prexes can, in any language, generate a certain number of antonymical pairs, which L. Guilbert (1964) has classied in the following systems for the linguistic study of French: (a) System of degrees, of the type huper- / hupo- (hypertension hypotension) (b) System of negation and opposite, of the type dis-/in- (Spanish disculpar-inculpar), a-/ (asymmetry-symmetry), no/ (non commitment-commitment) etc. (c) System of quantitative oppositions, of the type mono-/polu- (Spanish monofactico-polifactico), etc.
Daz Hormigo (2000) 7. For Spanish cf. the excellent works of Lang (1992), Alberto Miranda (1994) and Almela Prez (1999).
15 14

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(d) System of oppositions in space and time, of the type exo-/endo(exogenous-endogenous), pre- / pos- ( prewar-postwar) etc. For the Spanish language, authors such as Lang and Alberto Miranda speak of prexes of negation (a- / an-, anti-, des- / dis-/ de-, in- / im- / i- etc.), locative prexes (inter-, super- etc.), temporary prexes ( pre-, post / pos-), prexes of amount and size (bi-, multi-, semi- etc.) and intensication prexes (extra-, hiper-, super- etc.). The study of the Greek prexes has been included in my chapter of the composition of words,16 although I am aware that today it is much argued whether or not prexation must be considered a eld of composition.17 The pair of compounds in eu- and dus- would correspond to Guilberts type (b) and forms part of the system of ameliorative prexes,18 or positives and pejoratives, or negative prexes19 of ancient Greek.20 From the point of view of enantisis in the Corpus Hippocraticum, it would be necessary to emphasise three major classes of antonyms: (a) Lexical antonyms, that is, relations which occur between simple lexemes, of the type plrsis/plsmon-kensis (repletion/satiety-evacuation); an-kat (upwards-downwards) etc. (b) Phraseological or syntagmatic antonyms, that is, expressions formed with prepositions, of the type kata phusin-para phusin (in accordance with nature-against nature) etc. (c) Grammatical antonyms, that is, terms formed with prexes and preverbs, of the type epidesis-hupodesis (tie above-tie down), or ta prosionta-ta apionta (what enters-what leaves) etc. This is for us one of the most interesting types of Hippocratic enantisis, to which the opposition eu- / dus- belongs, which we are going to deal with next. The Corpus contains 228 lexemes and 810 contexts for the prex eu-, and these are represented by 140 adjectives (579 contexts), 46 nouns (120), 26 verbs (79) and 16 adverbs (32), in addition to 22 proper nouns (58 contexts).21 As for dus-, there are there are 90

16 17 18 19 20 21

Cf. Martnez (1997) 3940 and (2000) 11221123. See for example Almela Prez (1999) 53. Well studied by Bader (1969). For this category in Spanish see Montero (1999). Cf. Martnez (1992a). Cf. MaloneyFrohn (1986) and KhnFleischer (1986).

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lexemes and 431 contexts, represented by 54 adjectives (232 contexts), 16 nouns (132), 14 verbs (37) and 6 adverbs (30), in addition to 3 proper nouns (3 contexts). This data shows the superiority of the prex eu- over dus-, which it doubles in number of contexts and surpasses by more than double the number of lexemes. This does not fail to surprise us, since in the current Spanish medical vocabulary (and, I would imagine, the same probably happens in other modern languages) the opposite occurs: the Diccionario terminolgico published by Salvat (1974) reviews about 92 terms in eu- and almost the double number in dis-, whereas in the Quintana Cabanas (1997) the numbers are 25 compounds in eu- and about 80 in dis-; and the same proportion appears in other technical medical vocabulary.22 In ancient Greek there are some features that dierentiate eu- from dusin compounds: dusis an inseparable prex, whereas eu- can work like an independent adverb; dusis not documented in Mycenaean, whereas eualready appears in certain numbers of toponyms and anthroponyms;23 the names of people in dus- are relatively few, as opposed to those in eu-, which exceed a few hundred. From the point of view of content, some years ago I studied thoroughly the semantics of dusin ancient Greek (1992a) and in the Corpus Hippocraticum (1992b), emphasising that the singularity of these prexes is their value of indicating bad, dus-, as opposed to good, eu- (type dusmens-eumens, malevolent-benevolent), from which other nuances derive, like dicult for dus-, as opposed to easy for eu- (type duscheirtos-eucheirtos, dicult to dominate-easy to dominate), or the value of negation for dus- (type dusalgtos-analgtos, painful-painless), or of abundance for eu- (type euandria, abundance of men). In general, it can be said that, in word composition, dus- denotes values such as diculty, disorder, imperfection, bad state, deprivation, whereas those associated with eu- would be facility, being well, good state, completion, abundance. In any case, a specic semantic study of the prex eu-a study which, to my knowledge at least, does not existcould solve problems as those put forward by M. Rosa Aguilar, when she claimed for instance that the translation of euexi for good complexion does not sit well with two words.24 Sometimes translators are not suciently careful when translating these compounds,
22 23 24

Cf. the various dictionaries of 1986, 1992, 1999, listed in the Bibliography. Cf. Bader (1969) 2223. Aguilar (2002) 140.

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which results in two dierent translations of the same compound in the same context; for example, in the text of Joints 82 (4.320 L.): Gnu d ehysteron gknov di tn estalhn ka tn efuhn, di ka kpptei ka mpptei =on, the Spanish version of Beatriz Cabellos runs: La rodilla es menos complicada que el codo por su ligereza y buena constitucin, de ah que se disloque y se reduzca con facilidad.25 The same Greek text is repeated at Mochlikon 26 (4.370 L.), and in this case the Spanish version of Helena Torres runs: La rodilla tiene mejor arreglo que el codo por su conformacin sencilla y regular, y por ello tambin se disloca y reduce ms fcilmente.26 As can be seen, estalhn is translated in one case as ligereza and in another as simple conformacin sencilla, and efuhn, on the other hand, as buena constitucin and conformacin regular. I think that more attention should be paid to these details.27 It is peculiar that in ancient Greek (but not in the CH) both prexes can appear together in compounds, and consequently we have compounds in duseu- (of the type duseuporistos, dicult to try) and in eudus- (of the type eudusptos, easily embarrassed). Many of the dus- / eu- compounds are attested exclusively in the Corpus; thus the contrast euads or dusdidaktos appears 29 times in lexemes in eu- and 17 times in lexemes in dus-, in the CH only. Others, of the type eualths, are attested thereafter, on the basis of the CH (about 18 lexemes in eu-). Another group, of the type dusalloitos and eudepstos, is attested in the CH and in the works of Galen only; there are about 16 lexemes in dus- and about 6 in eu- that are of this type.28 Another group of lexemes is formed by compounds in eu- (type eurous), but not in dus-, or in dus- (type dusenteria) but not in eu-. In other cases there are compounds in eu- or dusin the CH, but no examples appear in the rest of ancient Greek (compounds of the type euths, with 19 occurrences in the CH).29 Likewise, a relevant fact

Tratados hipocrticos, vol. VII, ed. Gredos, Madrid, 1993, 219. Ibid., 245. 27 To my knowledge, Berretoni (1970) 272 ., Aguilar (2002) 133142 and Skoda (2002) 380382 have recently studied semantically some compounds in eu- / dusin the Corpus Hippocraticum. For all these compounds, in all ancient Greek, the Repertorio of Boned Colera is now very useful (1998), and the existing studies for compounds in dus- (pp. 248250) and eu- (pp. 287292) are mentioned in it. For the compounds in dus- one can see now Adrados (2002) as well. 28 See Santana Henrquez (2000). 29 For this compound we recommend the work of Lpez Frez (1984b).
26

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is that some words in eu- / dus- are exclusive to certain works in the CH: 15 contexts of euchrous appear only in the Epidemics (the total is 17), 21 contexts of duskolos in Coan Prescriptions (the total is 26). Another group of lexemes is represented in the CH by dierent classes of words, of the type dustrapelos-eutrapelia, but not eutrapelos. The ten times when euphron (night) appears set it in contextual antonymy with hmr (day). In some cases the compounds in eu- / dus- appear in certain contexts in synonymic union with another lexeme, for instance in On Airs, Waters, Places 16 (p. 62,22 Diller, 2.64 L.), where we see andreios kai eupsuchos (brave and spirited). A nal characteristic note on compounds in eu- / dusin the CH is that both admit of verbal prexes preceding them, as in hupodusphoros or kateutone, which indicates eagerness for precisionas also happens when a compound appears accompanied by two or more verbal prexes, e.g. euexanaltos. A good number of words in eu- / dusin the Corpus, represented by forms in both prexes, of the type euakestos-dusakestos-anakestos (easy to curedicult to cureincurable), mean mainly easy and dicult respectively, and take sometimes an additional a- / an-, which adds the idea of negation or deprivation. There are 32 examples of this type in the Corpus Hippocraticum. Another group of eu- /dus- compounds are in antonymic opposition with each other in contexts of identical determination, which is why they can be denominated as contextual antonyms; these include the following pairs: euanasphaltos euarmostos euelks euembltos euexanaltos eums euiatos eukritos eumetabltos eupetesteros eupnous eusebei euphori dusanasphaltos dusarmostos duselks dusembltos dusexanaltos dusms dusiatos duskritos dusmetabltos duspetesteros duspnous dussebei dusphori Alim. 28.3 (9.108 L.). Flat. 6.11 (6.98 L.) Acut. 46. 4 (2.320 L.) Art. 71.3 (4.292 L.) Alim. 49.2 (9.118 L.) Aph. 4.67 (4.504 L.) Art. 14.2 (4.118 L.) Aph. 1.12,10 (4.466 L.) Alim. 51.2 (9.118 L.) Morb. 1.22.2 (6.182 L.) Prorrh. 2.40.8 (9.70 L.); Coac. 633 (5.732 L.) Morb. Sacr. 3 (6.358 L.) Liqu. 1.34 (6.120 L.) and Hum. 3 (5.480 L.)

380 euphoros euphors euphrosun euchroos dusphoros dusphors dusphrosun duschroos

marcos martnez Epid. 6.8.24 (5.282 L.) Acut. 36.5 (2.298 L.) and Epid. 1.1.3 (2.610 L.) Morb. Sacr. 17 (6.386 L.) Aph. 5.42.2 (4.546 L.)

On two occasions enantisis is created not by the opposition eu- / dus- but by the addition of a new prex, as happens in the following: eukatalptos euembatos euanalptos euekbatos O. 9 (3.302 L.) Acut. 65 (2.366 L.)

In another group of lexemes, the antonym of a compound in dusis not one in eu- but one in kako-, which can also be the antonym of a compound in eu-. This happens in the following compounds of the Corpus: duselks eudaimoni euodmos euths eutherapeutos eupoie eusitos eutropos euchrous euds kakelks kakodaimoni kakosmos / kakodmos kakotherapei kakopoie kakositos kakotropi / kakotrope kakothroos kakds

kakoths dustherapeutos

duschrous dusds

In a good number of contexts we have the opposition euds-kakds.30 It is peculiar that in all the cases this opposition is found in the gynaecological works. J. Irigoin (1980) has pointed out that any technique that is developed requires the creation of a specialised vocabulary, indispensable for its collective use and transmission. This fact is especially manifest in Hippocratic medicine,31 which has its own technical language, with morphological devices (based mainly on derivation and composition) and lexical, syntactic32 and stylistic resources (particularly
30 On Diseases of Women 2.123 (8.266 L.); 131 (8,278 L.); 143 (8.316 L.); 145 (8.320 L.); 149 (8.324 L.); On Sterile Women 246 (8.460 L.); On the Nature of the Woman 3 (7.314 L.), 4 (7.316 L.), 14 (7.332 L.), 18 (7.338 L.), 41 (7.386 L.) and 44 (7.388 L.). 31 Cf. Lpez Frez (1984a). 32 Cf. Langholf (1977).

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the metaphor), therefore largely obtaining la creacin de un corpus lxico autnomo caracterizado en buena medida por la precisin y la exactitud.33 And so, an important way to obtain that precision and exactitude in the Corpus Hippocraticum is the ample use that its writers make of the phenomenon of opposites or, in other words, of enantisis. Contrary to what seems to be thought, a global study of this phenomenon is yet to be made. Nevertheless, partial aspects of this study have already been worked upon on a sporadic basis, as we have explained above. In this paper I have only aimed to outline an investigation that could surely occupy many investigators in the future. It is a well-known fact that linguistic studies on the Hippocratic Corpus are not as abundant as those of a dierent nature, such as literary or of composition, authenticity, medical science, etc. This was already mentioned by J.A. Lpez Frez, when he armed that en el entendimiento y esclarecimeinto de los textos mdicos griegos creemos que el llogo y el lingista tienen un buen campo de estudio en unin con el estudioso de la historia de la medicina y con el lsofo.34 The prexes eu- and dusin the Corpus play a fundamental role, equivalent in importance to that developed by suxes like -ds, -ma and -si. They are two prexes that have had an enormous impact on the later development of modern medical terminology, as can be veried by the lexical repertoires of this type of vocabulary that we have previously mentioned (also, in addition, Marcos Prez (1985)). But it is within the frame of enantisis or pairing of opposites that the vitality of eu- and dusin the Corpus Hippocraticum becomes clearer. Thus are fullled the wise warnings of J.L. Perpillou (1992) 273, when he claims: The constitution of antonymic pairs can give way to observations which, limited to one author or one text, seem only to describe an individual stylistic practice or a local particularity, but which, situated in a wider eld, appear as the expression of selection or preferences of the same language in the practical organisation of its lexicon.

33 34

Lpez Frez (1984a) 91. Lpez Frez (1987) 263.

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A.A.V.V. (1974), Diccionario terminolgico de ciencias mdicas, Salvat: Barcelona. A.A.V.V. (1986), Diccionario de Medicina, Marin: Barcelona. A.A.V.V. (1992), Diccionario terminolgico de ciencias mdicas, Massou: Barcelona. A.A.V.V. (1999), Diccionario de Medicina, Espasa Calpe: Madrid. Adrados, F.R. (2002), Diccionario griego-espaol, Vol. 6, CSIC, Madrid. Aguilar, R.M. (2002), El concepto de normalidad en el Corpus Hippocraticum, in: A. Thivel and A. Zucker (eds.), Le normal et le pathologique dans la Collection hippocratique, Nice, 123148. Alberto Miranda, J. (1994), La formacin de palabras en espaol, Salamanca. Almela Prez, R. (1999), Procedimientos de formacin de palabras en espaol, Barcelona. And, V. (2002), La fsiv tra normale e patologico, in: A. Thivel and A. Zucker (eds.), Le normal et le pathologique dans la Collection hippocratique, Nice, 97122. Anton, J.P. (1957), Aristotles Theory of Contrariety, London. Bader, F. (1969), Etudes de composition nominale en mycenien. I: Les prexes melioratifs du grec, Rome. Brlea, G. (2000), Lenantiosmie. Cas particulier de manifestation de la pense dichotomique, in: M. Martnez (ed.), Cien aos de investigacin semntica: de Michel Bral a la actualidad, Madrid, Vol. 2, 977990. Berkowitz, L. and K.A. Squitier (1985), Thesaurus Linguae Graecae. Canon of Greek Authors and Works, NYOxford. Berretoni, P. (1970), Il lessico tecnico del I e III libro delle epidemie ippocratiche, Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa 1970, 27106 and 217213. Boned Colera, P. (1998), Repertorio bibliogrco de la lexicografa griega, Madrid, CSIC 248250 (dus-) and 287292 (eu-). Cambiano, G. (1982), Patologia e metafora politica. Alcmeone, Platone, Corpus Hippocraticum, Elenchos 3, 219236. Chantraine, P. (1975), Remarques sur la langue et le vocabulaire du Corpus Hippocratique, in: L. Bourgey and J. Jouanna (eds.), La Collection hippocratique et son rle dans lhistoire de la mdicine, Leiden, 3540. Demont, P. (1999), Elabea peirh duspeirh. Observations sur la therapeutique selon le debut du trait des Humeurs, in: I. Garofalo et al. (eds.), Aspetti della terapia nel Corpus Hippocraticum, Florence, 183202. Demont, P. (2002), Equilibre et dsquilibre des penchants et tendences dans la mdicine hippocratique, in: A. Thivel and A. Zucker (eds.), Le normal et le pathologique dans la Collection hippocratique, Nice, 245270. Daz Hormigo, M.T. (2000), Disciplinas lingsticas y formacin de palabras, University of Cdiz. Ding, J. (1986), Antonimia lessicale, Quaderni di Semantica 7, 333380. Durling, R.J. (1993), A Dictionary of Medical Terms in Galen, Leiden. Esteban Santos, A. (1994), Divergencias y paralelos entre las historias clnicas de Epidemias I y III, Cuadernos de Filologa Clsica: Estudios griegos a indoeuropeos 4, 4776. Fantuzzi, M. (1983), Varianza et tenacia del polar thinking nel De prisca medicina pseudoippocratico, in: F. Lasserre and Ph. Mudry (eds.), Formes de pense dans la Collection Hippocratique, Geneva, 233247. Ferrini, M.F. (1995), Lazione del simile e del contrario nella riessione greca. Concezioni, immagini, espressioni ricorrenti e riemergenti nel tempo, Atti del Istituto Veneto di Scienze. Lettere ed Arti, 153.IIIIV, 531596. . (1996), T moiont nanton. Un aspetto del rapporto tra Corpus Hippocraticum e losoa, in: R. Wittern and P. Pellegrin (1996), Hippokratische Medizin und antike Philosophie, Hildesheim, 1535. . (2002), T prosintat pinta: ci que entra nel corpo e ci que ne

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esce. Utilizzazione e funzione di uno schema oppositivo nel Corpus Hippocraticum, in: A. Thivel and A. Zucker (eds.), Le normal et le pathologique dans la Collection hippocratique, Nice, 271284. Fontaine, P.F.M. (1986), The Light and the Dark. A Cultural History of Dualism, Amsterdam. Garofalo, I. et al. (eds.) (1999), Aspetti della terapia nel Corpus Hippocraticum, Florence. Goody, J. (1977), La raison graphique. La domestication de la pense sauvage, Paris. Grmek, M.D. (ed.) (1980), Hippocratica, Paris. Guilbert, L. (1964), Les antonymes: Y-a-til un systme morpholexical des antonymes?, Cahiers de Lexicologie 4, 2936. Hertz, R. (1909), La preminence de la main droite: tude sur la polarit religieuse, Revue Philosophique 68, 553580. Irigoin, J. (1980), La formation du vocabulaire de lanatomie en grec: du mycnien aux principaux traits de la Collection hippocratique, in M.D. Grmek (ed.), Hippocratica, Paris, 247257. Joly, R. (ed.) (1977), Corpus Hippocraticum, Mons. Jouanna, J. (1992), Hippocrate, Paris. Khn, J.-H., U. Fleischer et al. (18961986), Index Hippocraticus, Gttingen. Lan-Entralgo, P. (1976), La medicina hipocrtica, Madrid. . (1994), Historia de la Medicina, Barcelona. Lang, M.F. (1992), Formacin de palabras en espaol, Madrid. Langholf, V. (1977), Syntaktische Untersuchungen zu Hippocrates-Texten, Wiesbaden. Lloyd, G.E.R. (1962), Right and left in Greek Philosophy, Journal of Hellenic Studies 82, 5666. . (1964), The hot and the cold, the dry and the wet in Greek Philosophy, Journal of Hellenic Studies 84, 92106. . (1987), Polaridad y analoga, Madrid. Lpez Frez, J.A. (1984a), Sobre el lxico de los aforismos hipocrticos, in: L. Gil, R.M. Aguilar (eds.), Apophoreta Philologica (Estudios Clsicos 26.1), 9198. . (1984b), Euyhw en la oratoria. Estudio semntico, in: Athlon. Satura Grammatica in Honorem F.R. Adrados, Vol. 1, Madrid, 271277. . (1987), Problemas lingsticos en los escritos hipocrticos: el tratado Sobre los humores, Emerita 55, 253263. . (1996), Anv ktv en el Corpus Hippocraticum, in: R. Wittern and P. Pellegrin (1996), Hippokratische Medizin und antike Philosophie, Hildesheim, 371383. Lpez Hurtado, E. (1994), El concepto de antonimia en los diccionarios de lingstica Pragmalingstica 4, 301308. Lyons, J. (1977), Semantics, 2 Vols., Cambridge. Maloney, G. and W. Frohn (1986), Concordantia in Corpus Hippocraticum, Hildesheim. Marcos Prez, J.M. (1985), La terminologa mdica espaola y el griego. Origen y signicado de los sujos y su aplicacin a la terminologa mdica griega, Estudios Clsicos 26, 401417. Martn Fernndez, I. (2002), La antonimia, University of Extremadura. Martnez, M. (1983), El carcter interdisciplinario de la antonimia y sus procedimientos lxicos y gramaticales en Platn, repr. in: M. Martnez, Semntica del griego antiguo, Madrid 1997, 289315. . (1992a), La formacin de palabras en griego antiguo desde el punto de vista semntico: el prejo dys-, repr. in: M. Martnez, Semntica del griego antiguo, Madrid, 1997, 201231. . (1992b), Los compuestos con dys- en el Corpus Hippocraticum, repr. in: M. Martnez, Semntica del griego antiguo, Madrid, 1997, 233258. . (1997), Semntica del griego antiguo, Madrid. . (2000), Para una semntica del griego antiguo, in: M. Martnez (ed.), Cien aos de investigacin semntica: de Michel Bral a la actualidad, Madrid, Vol. 4, 11151130. Montero Curiel, L. (1999), La prejacin negativa en espaol, Extremadura.

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Mller, C.W. (1965), Gleiches zu Gleichem. Ein Prinzip frhgriechischen Denkens, Wiesbaden. . (1966), Der Aphorismus 2,1 des sechsten hippocratischen Epidemienbuch, in Rheinisches Museum 109, 120134. Nikolova, V. (1999), Homeopathy vs. allopathy in Hippocratic Writings, in: I. Garofalo et al. (eds.), 89105. Perpillou, J.L. (1992), Oppositions croises, in: F. Ltoublon (ed.), La langue et les textes en grec ancien, Amsterdam, 273280. Quintana Cabanas, J.M. (1989), La terminologa mdica a partir de sus races griegas, Madrid. . (1997), Races griegas del lxico castellano, cientco y mdico, Madrid. Roscher, W.H. (1913), Die hippokratische Schrift von der Siebenzahl, Paderborn. Santana Henrquez, G. (2000), Semntica y Lingstica. Aplicaciones del mtodo de la Sprachinhaltsforschung al griego antiguo, Las Palmas. Skoda, F. (2002), Une expression morpho-lexicale de lanomalie: les composs en / n et dus / per- dans la Collection Hippocratique et les composs franais en a-/an-; dys-; hyper- et hypo- dans la langue mdicale moderne et contemporaine, in: A. Thivel and A. Zucker (eds.), Le normal et le pathologique dans la Collection hippocratique, Nice, 375398. Teso, E. del (19941995), Antnimos, Archivum 4445, 99144. Thivel, A. (1977), Saisons et vres: Une application du principe des semblables et du principe des contraires, in: R. Joly (ed.), Corpus Hippocraticum, Mons, 159181. Thivel, A. and A. Zucker (eds.), Le normal et le pathologique dans la Collection hippocratique, Nice. Warczyk, R. (1981), Antonymie, ngation ou opposition?, La Linguistique 17, 2948. Wittern, R. and P. Pellegrin (eds.), (1996), Hippokratische Medizin und antike Philosophie, Hildesheim.

PART FIVE

THE IMPACT AND LATER RECEPTION OF HIPPOCRATIC MEDICINE

GREEK MEDICAL PAPYRI FROM THE FAYUM VILLAGE OF TEBTUNIS: PATIENT INVOLVEMENT IN A LOCAL HEALTH-CARE SYSTEM? Ann Ellis Hanson

Summary The Greek papyri of medical content from Tebtunis are conspicuous for their quantity and quality, when compared with neighbouring villages. By isolating another feature in which Tebtunis is also uniquenamely, in the relatively large number of those of privileged status who maintained residences and left important documents in the village, it would appear that these outsiders were instrumental in interesting the local priests in sophisticated Greek medicine and in bringing medical texts into the village. Tebtunis may thus provide an ancient example of patients inuencing the health care available to them and their families when resident in the village. Introduction This paper surveys the Greek papyri of medical content which were excavated at the village of Tebtunis and copied when Egypt was a province of the Roman Empire, from the rst to mid-third centuries CE. Chance plays a considerable role not only in the survival of a papyrus to modern times, but also in the order in which a text receives publication. As a result, historical conclusions drawn from the evidence of papyri are by nature tentative, for both excavator and papyrologist may bring to light new texts that by the additional information they oer call for revisions of earlier conclusions. In this instance, however, I believe the amount of data sucient to set forth a likely scenario that will clarify the process whereby Greco-Egyptian villagers of Tebtunis, a community of farmers and priests in the Egyptian temple at the centre of the village, became interested in reading Greek medical texts; and in addition I will suggest the means

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by which they acquired the writings of sophisticated medical authors in the period before Galen came to dominate the medical scene even in the provinces.1 Papyri of medical content from the Roman period were found in the village by B.P. Grenfell and A.S. Hunt during the winter season of 18991900, and while some were published in full in their second volume of The Tebtunis Papyri (P.Tebt. II),2 other papyri were merely described in that volume, receiving full publication only in recent years.3 A few additional descripta from Tebtunis will appear in the second volume of the Corpus of Medical Papyri, I. Andorlini (ed., forthcoming). A generation or so after Grenfell and Hunt, Italian excavators began to dig anew on the site of Tebtunis, bringing to light and studying not only literary texts in Greek of many genres, including medicine,4 but also papyri in the Egyptian language. Full publication of the Demotic texts, the only script in which medical papyri in the Egyptian language were written at Tebtunis, has proceeded more slowly than the editing of those in Greek, and much remains to be done. A stimulating paper by Peter van Minnen compared ten villages located in the area known in antiquity as the Arsinoite nome with regard to the amount of Greek and Egyptian literature that has to date derived from each village.5 The questions van Minnen asked were historical ones, for he wanted to know who was reading Greek literature in the Fayum villages and he hoped to suggest motives for the villagers tastes in reading during the rst three centuries of the Roman period. When van Minnen totalled up the literary fragments in both languages and all genres, Tebtunis led the group of ten vil-

Cf. Hanson (1998) 14559. References to papyri are cited according to Checklist (2001); papyri of medical content, according to M-P3 (1997). P.Tebt. III 897 has not been included here, because it seems not to have been read in Tebtunis prior to being turned into cartonnage for a mummy. The text was published in full as P.Bingen 1 = M-P3539.21: it contains either an aberrant version of the Hippocratic Regimen (De diaeta) 2.49.23, or a commentary to the Hippocratic text, and was copied toward the end of the third century BCE. The papyrus was one of several used in mummy 103, buried in a necropolis of Tebtunis. P.Tebt. III 846, also from mummy 103, mentions the metropolis of the Arsinoite nome, while the other two documents from the same mummy lack geographical references. Thus it is more likely that mummy 103 was made from papyri discarded in the metropolis, rather than a text that was read in the village. Cf. also, van Minnen (1998) 157 and footnote 196. 3 E.g. Andorlini (1995), Marganne (1981), Hanson (2001). 4 See the summary in Andorlini (1995). 5 van Minnen (1998) 99184.
2

greek medical papyri from the fayum village of tebtunis 389 lages with ninety-four literary fragments in Greek and 138 literary fragments in Egyptian; in second place was Socnopaeu Nesus with forty literary fragments in Greek and thirty-nine in Egyptian; and in third place was Karanis with sixty-seven literary fragments in Greek and two in Egyptian.6 For Socnopaeu Nesus, van Minnen listed no fragments of medical content in Greek and only one in Demotic, a handbook of dentistry.7 Although rich in literary texts of many genres, Karanis has yielded, to date, only four pieces of medical content in Greeka sheet with three medicinal recipes,8 a somewhat fanciful set of medical prognostics,9 a list of body parts,10 and a fever amulet to cure Sarapion, whom Allous bore, of a host of fever-chills named in doctorly fashion.11 By contrast, what has come from Roman Tebtunis is plentiful,12 and compares favourably in quality with medical collections known

6 van Minnen (1998) 114. The remaining seven villages surveyed yielded considerably smaller quantities of literary papyri in general and the amount of medical literature found in these seven villages was sparse indeed and seldom of any quality. Listed below village by village is the total number of literary texts in both languages, followed by a mention of what medical material, if any, was found in each of the remaining seven villages: Narmouthis (sixteen, Greek, and nineteen, Egyptian; a Greek ostracon with a medical prescription, M-P32433.21, and a Demotic ostracon with a medicinal recipe), Theadelpheia (twenty-nine, Greek, and one, Egyptian; none medical), Philadelpheia (twenty-seven, Greek, and none Egyptian; none medical), Hawara (twelve, Greek, and none Egyptian; none medical), Bacchias (nine, Greek, and none Egyptian; Hippocrates, Aphorisms 1.12 = M-P3543.1, copied in the second or third centuries CE, likely a school text, and M-P32356.2, a Greek medical text? in an elegant hand, copied in the third or second centuries BCE), Euhemereia (seven, Greek, and none Egyptian; none medical), Cerceosiris (two, Greek, and none Egyptian; neither medical). 7 van Minnen (1998) 153; actually a second Demotic medical texts was listed by van Minnen for Socnopaeu Nesus, but the editor of P.Vindob. D 6257, Reymond (1976) 2429, argues that this extensive papyrus roll most probably derived from the metropolis of the Arsinoite nome, not a village. 8 M-P32401, copied on the back of a document in the second- or third centuries CE. 9 M-P32358.01, copied in the third or fourth centuries CE; van Minnen (1998) 136 labelled both this and the preceding M-P32401 informal copies of the sort used by doctors. 10 M-P32345.3, copied in the second century CE, and considered a school text by van Minnen (1998) 135. 11 P.Mich. XVIII 768, not mentioned by van Minnen (1998), apparently because it is more magic, than medical, and was not assumed into M-P3. 12 The anonymous medical (?) treatise P.Tebt. II 689, T722, copied in the late rst to early second century CE in a small, neat uncial, was formerly M-P32369, but this is no longer thought to deal with medicine.

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in the more sophisticated urban centres of Roman Egypt, for the metropolis of Oxyrhynchus and the Greek city of Antinoopolis, in particular, were both more populous than the farming villages of the Fayum and remained vigorous for a longer period of time than did Socnopaeu Nesus and many Fayum villages.13 Tebtunis with its twelve medical texts in Greek ranks fourth as precise locale in Egypt in which papyri of medical content have been excavated.14 In the Roman period the Greek city of Antinoopolis has yielded to date twentyseven medical papyri, many of which were copied during the third to fth centuries CE and works from the Hippocratic Corpus and Galen predominate. In second place is the metropolis of Oxyrhynchus with twenty-three, and twenty-one papyri of medical content were assigned to the entire Arsinoite nome on the basis of indirect evidence, because no more precise information for their nd-spot was available. The tacit assumption, however, is that the metropolis of the Arsinoite nome is the most likely origin for most of the twenty-one, since villages other than Tebtunis have not yielded many medical texts to excavators, while Antinoopolis, a Greek city, and Oxyrhynchus, a metropolis (or capital of an administrative district), were both important sources of Greek medicine.15 Papyri of Medical Content Discovered at Tebtunis The medical writings from Tebtunis are conspicuous not only for their quantity, but, as the list below makes clear, many are also important for their qualitynumbers 1, 5, 6, 8, 9, 11, and 12 in particular. That is, the collections of recipes listed in numbers 1, 11, and 12 derive from serious receptaria and are far more than miscellaneous jottings of recipes made by doctors in the course of their day-to-day practice; number 5 appears to be a private copy of the Remedies of Herodotus medicus, practising at Rome about 100 CE;16 6 is, to

13 For Oxyrhynchus, see Andorlini (1993) 555, with twenty-three items of medical content listed, and cf. Krger (1990) 323, 333, and 349; it is likely, however, that many medical papyri found at Oxyrhynchus have yet to be published. For Antinoopolis, Marganne (1984) 11721. For the abandonment of Socnopaeu Nesus in the third century CE, van Minnen (1995) 4156. 14 Andorlini (1993) 467 and 555. 15 Marganne (2001) 60 also compares the medical texts found at Tebtunis favourably with those from Antinoopolis. 16 Cf. Marganne (1981) 7378 and Touwaide (1998) 476.

greek medical papyri from the fayum village of tebtunis 391 date, the earliest copy of an illustrated herbal; 8 gives full discussion of maladies, such as catarrhs, and 9 is an extensive manual of pulmonary diseases that intersperses symptoms and diagnostics with medicaments, perhaps composed in the I CE.
Greek medical texts from Tebtunis. In parentheses are the T-numbers written on the papyrus by Grenfell and Hunt.17 1. Extensive collection of ophthalmologic prescriptions and collyria in at least three cols. 2. Commentary to Nicander, Theriaca 52629. 3. Small fragment with three (?) recipes. Assigned date of copying M-P3 number Publication information

Late I BCE; rapid 2419.2 cursive; written on the back of a Demotic astronomical text. First century CE; elegant cursive of a professional scribe; document on back. First-second centuries CE; carelessly written; a doctors jotting (?). 1328

PSI Congr. XXI 3

P.Mil.Vogl. II 45 + VI 262

2422.1

P.Tebt.Tait 43r

17 Grenfell and Hunt axed a letter followed by a number to many of the papyri they found in Egypt: thus, T designates Tebtunis, and E, Euhemereia, etc. Less clear is the signicance of the numbers: T-numbers do not seem to represent specic houses in Tebtunis, as implied by the Berkeley data base (http://sunsite.berkeley.edu/APIS/database.html), but rather individual papyri. The Tebtunis papyri housed in the Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, bear T-numbers from T1 to T730, with gaps in the sequence; contents sometimes suggest that papyri with adjacent T-numbers involved members of the same familyfor specic examples, see Verhoogt (1998) 141154 and Hanson (2001) 601604. The matter is by no means resolved, although the T-numbers listed in the chart (T26 = 6, T42 = 10, T43 = 9, T264 = 8, T423 = 5) suggest two things: rst, that numbers 9 and 10 may have been the possession of a single person or family; second, the wide spread in these T-numbers (T26 to T423) implies that as a group the medical texts were the possession of more than a single person or family. The T-numbers for census declarations excavated by Grenfell and Hunt that will be discussed below are listed here to facilitate comparison with the T-numbers axed to the medical texts: T107, P.Tebt. II 322 (187-Ar-22); T143, P.Tebt. II 481 ii and i (159-Ar-21, 159-Ar-22, cf. SB XX 14164); T206, P.Tebt. II 522 (131-Ar-6, cf. SB XII 10842); T231, P.Tebt. II 566 (131-Ar-7, cf. SB XX 14163); T335, P.Tebt. II 518 (187-Ar-31, cf. SB XX 14166); T496, P.Tebt. II 321 (145-Ar-11); T512, P.Tebt. II 480 (201-Ar-10, cf. SB XX 14167 and BL XI 228); T562, P.Tebt. II 504 (187-Ar-23, cf. SB XX 14165); T571, P.Tebt. II 446 (215-Ar-8, cf. SB XX 14168). None of these T-numbers seem suciently close to the ones axed to the medical texts to suggest that the declarants of census submissions were also owners of specic medical texts.

392
4. Very small fragment, perhaps with gynaecological recipes (ekbolio[n] in line 12); poor quality papyrus 5. Herodotus medicus, Remedies (De remediis), cf. Oribasius, Collectiones medicae 5.30.67. (T423) 6. Illustrated herbal, with schematic drawings of plants discussed. (T26) 7. Small, seven-line fragment of an herbal.

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Late rst-early second century CE; careless, fast cursive; a doctors jotting (?). Second century CE; small, neat uncial; written on the back of accounts. Second century CE; neat, but somewhat cursive bookhand. 2422.2 P.Tebt.Tait 44r (perhaps same roll as P.Tebt.Tait 43r)

484.1

P.Tebt. II 272v + Marganne (1981) 7378

2094

P.Tebt. II 679 + P.Tebt.Tait 3941r; cf. Hanson (2001) 585604 P.Tebt.Tait 42

Second century CE; does not join the previous18

2094.1

8. Anonymous treatise in Second CE; attractive at least four cols., bookhand describing symptoms of ailments such as catarrh. (T264) 9. Anonymous therapeutic manual in at least eight cols., dealing with pulmonary diseases. (T43)19 10. Anonymous treatise of astrological medicine, with refs. to premature birthing (line 11) and to embryotomia (line 14) (T42) Second century CE; clear, but at times irregular, professional hand

2368

P.Tebt. II 678

2386

P.Lund I 620 + P.Mil.Vogl. I 16 + P.Tebt. II 677 + PSI inv. 3054, for which, see now Andorlini (1995) P.Tebt. II 676

Second century CE; careful bookhand with individual articulation of letters

2366

Tait (1992) 309 and note 32. Of the three planetary tables from Tebtunis belonging to the Egypt Exploration Society and housed in the Ashmolean Museum, one was also inscribed T43, according to Jones (1998) 216. 20 The editor of the rst papyrus to be published, P.Lund. I 6, associated the manual with Apollonius Mus, a late rst century BCE medical writer, on the basis of similarities between the papyrus and the fragments of Apollonius preserved by Galen and othersfor a list of which, see van Staden (1989) 552554. The identication of Apollonius Mus as author of the manual was rejected by Andorlini (1995) 4055. P.Mil.Vogl. I 16 was earlier catalogued as P22387 and P.Tebt. II 677 as P22367.
19

greek medical papyri from the fayum village of tebtunis 393

11. Extensive collection of recipes in at least six cols. to medicate diseases of the eye (collyria), skin, and hair 12. Extensive collection of recipes in at least eight cols., all of them apparently collyria. (No T-number) Second century CE; written in a casual and irregular hand 2421 PSI X 1180 = I. Andorlini (2004) 81118

Second-third century CE; written on the back of a tax report

2422

P.Tebt. II 273

To date, Tebtunis has also yielded many literary texts written in the various Egyptian scripts, although only a few have been published in full. Of the some eighty items about which there is some information, three have medical content.
Contents of Egyptian medical Assigned date of copying texts written in the Demotic script21 13. Extensive fragments of a systematic herbal, with each section devoted to a single herb; no illustrations; a Demotic document on the back 14. Medical recipes Second half of second century CE Publication information

P.Carlsb. inv. 230; P.Carlsb. dem. I, p. 47 + P.Tebt.Tait 20

Summary A study of all the passages connected to lippitudo and ophthalmiaLatin compilers used these two terms to refer to one and the same eye diseaseshows that while Celsus claims to be a follower of Hippocrates, he does not mention some of the explanations which appear in his main sources. He both claries and completes the prescriptions of the Father of Medicine. It can therefore be said that the De Medicina is a descendant of the Hippocratic Corpus in the same way as La Fontaines Fables are a descendant of Aesops.

We could regard Celsus as mediocri uir ingenio,a man of very ordinary ability.2 According to Wesley D. Smith, Celsus makes extensive use of the Hippocratic Corpus in the body of his work. His presentation of surgical procedures in book 8 is almost wholly a digest from the surgical works of the Corpus. In his presentation of dietetics and in the descriptions of symptoms and treatments of disease, there are frequent unacknowledged quotations from Hippocratic works.3 Nevertheless, by studying two passages, one by Celsus, the other from the Hippocratic Corpus,4 Philippe Mudry has shown how Celsus built on Hippocrates earlier achievements. In his introduction to his translation of the rst and second books of the De Medicina, Guy Serbat has also emphasised the Latin writers stylistic originality: Celsus rearranges Hippocrates ideas in an original way and uses a

1 I would like to thank especially my friend Florence Milan for her translation of this paper as well as Professors Danielle Gourevitch, Directeur dtudes lEPHE, and Jean-Yves Guillaumin, for their suggestions. 2 Quintilian, Institutio oratoria 12.11.24. The text and the translation of the passage are from D.R. Russels edition (2001). For more articles on this subject, see Mudry (1993) 794. 3 Smith (1979) 229. 4 Mudry (1991) 257269.

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personal tone. According to the philologist, It would be illuminating to take a closer look at what Celsus rejected from a composite Corpus in which medical conceptions reecting the thinking of cosmologist philosophers from the fth and sixth centuries are placed side by side with views of an apparently more recent rational empiricism.5 All the passages that mention lippitudo and ophthalmia,two terms that refer to one and the same disease for Celsus6, form two equal corpora as far as quantity is concerned:7 their analysis shows how the socalled compiler uses Hippocratic aetiologies, prescriptions and nosography. The study of two apparently very close passages therefore conrms that it is necessary to bring back the De Medicina into favour. The aetiologies of ophthalmia8 and lippitudo 9 emphasise both similarities and dierences between the two corpora. We can indeed consider that Celsus paraphrases the passages dealing with the seasonal conditions leading to the outbreak of disease. Here is for example what the encyclopaedist writes about dry boreal winter: If a dry winter has been accompagnied by northerly winds, or again a spring by southerly winds and rain, generally there ensue runnings from the eye, dysenteries, fevers, and most of all in more delicate bodies, hence especially in women.10 This text is suspiciously reminiscent of the following Hippocratic passages: As for the seasons, if the winter be dry and northerly and the spring wet and southerly, of necessity occur in the summer acute fevers, eye disease and disentery, especially among women and those with moist constitutions; If, on the other hand, the winter prove dry and northerly, the spring rainy and southerly,

5 Il serait trs clairant dtudier de prs ce que Celse na pas retenu dun Corpus composite, o des conceptions mdicales retant la pense des philosophes cosmologues des VI e et V e sicles voisinent avec des vues dun empirisme rationnel apparemment plus rcent., Serbat (1995) XXV (my translation). 6 Celsus assimilates a kind of dry lippitudo to what the Greeks call dry ophthalmia: genus aridae lippitudinis: xeroptalmian (Cels. 6.6.29). 7 The research with truncation programme in versions 1.0 e of TLG and TLL gives twenty-one occurrences for ophthalmi-, and in TLL, twenty-six for lipp-. 8 About the term ophthalmia, see Sichel (1837); Andreae (1843); Hirschberg (18991918) 6876, 341343; Magnus (1901) 31; Pearlman (1969) 10691076; Vos (1970) 231241; Marganne (1994) 34. 9 About the term lippitudo, see Pokrowskij (1899) 244249; Hirschberg (18991918) 247248; Magnus (1901) 263; Daude (1985) 14, 137154, 295, 539567, 862880, 12451273; Limmer and Krieglstein (1992) 8995; Langslow (2000) 218, 227, 232, 239, 242, 248, 249, 256, 258, 310. 10 Cels. 2.1.13, tr. W.G. Spencer (1935) 92. The text of Celsus De Medicina we are referring to is from Fr. Marxs edition (1915).

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the summer cannot fail to be feverladen, causing ophthalmia and dysenteries.11 The same kind of observation could be made about rainy austral winter,12 dry boreal autumn,13 spells of rain14 or drought.15 We can also wonder why modern translations do not always use the same word for ophthalmia and lippitudo. Nevertheless, passages dealing with epidemic diseases16 or bilious patients17 are nowhere to be found in the De Medicina. These changes may be due to diverging sources, to a didactic project or to a new perception of the eye disease to which the terms ophthalmia and lippitudo refer. The treatments for the disease express the same relative originality. Like Hippocrates, Celsus acknowledges the usefulness of diarrhoea18 and fever,19 but he also recommends, in some cases, cold water20 and

11 Hp., Aph. 3.11 (p. 124,11 Jones; 4.490 L.); Aer. 10.3 (p. 98,15 Jones; p. 212,6 Jouanna; 2.42 L.). 12 Cels. 2.1.14: If on the other hand south winds and rain have prevailed during winter, and the spring is cold and dry, [. . .] Other people are attacked by dry ophthalmia, and if elderly by choked nostrils and runnings from the nose. 13 Hp., Aph. 3.14 (p. 126,5 Jones; 4.492 L.): But if <the autumn> be northerly and rainless it is benecial to those with moist consitutions and to women. To the others will come dry eye diseases, acute fevers, colds and, in some cases, melancholia; Cels. 2.1.16: But if the autumn is dry owing to a north wind continuing to blow, all those with more delicate bodies, among whom, as I have mentioned, are women, enjoy good health. The harder constitutions, however, may possibly be attacked by dry ophthalmias, and fevers, some acute, some chronic, also by those maladies which arise from black bile. (p. 93 Spencer) 14 Hp., Aph. 3.16 (p. 126,13 Jones; 4.492 L.): The diseases which generally arise in rainy weather are protracted fevers, uxes of the bowels, mortications, epilepsy, apoplexy and angina; Cels. 2.1.6: In spring those diseases are usually to be apprehended which are stirred up anew by movement of humor. Consequently there tend to arise running from the eyes, pustules, haemorrhages, congestions in the body, which the Greeks call apostemata, black bile which they call melancholia, madness, ts, angina, choked nostrils, running from the nose. (p. 89 Spencer). 15 Hp., Aph. 3.21 (p. 128,22 Jones; 4.494 L.): In summer occur some of the diseases just mentioned, and also continued fevers, ardent fevers, tertians, vomiting, diarrhoea, eye diseases, pains of the ears, ulcerations of the mouth, mortication of the genitals, sweats; Hp., Aph. 3.16 (p. 126,13 Jones; 4.492 L.): In dry weather occur consumption, eye diseases, diseases of the joints, strangury and dysentery; Cels. 2.1.12: In times of drought there arise acute fevers, running from the eyes, dysenteries, urinary diculty, articular pains. (p. 91 Spencer). 16 Hp., Aer. 4.3 (p. 78,3 Jones; p. 194,3 Jouanna; 2.20 L.); Epid. III 3.3 (p. 240,6 Jones; 3.78 L.); Aph. 3.16 (p. 126,13 Jones; 2.492 L.) 17 Hp., Aer. 10.6 (p. 100,18 Jones; p. 214215 Jouanna; 2.46 L.); 10.12 (p. 98,16 Jones; p. 218,5 Jouanna; 2.50 L.). 18 Hp., Epid. II 12 (p. 84,11 Smith; 5.134 L.); Aph. 6.17 (p. 182,20 Jones; 4.466 L.); Coac. 220 (5.632 L.); Judic. 60 (9.294 L.); Cels. 2.8.14. 19 Hp., Coac. 218 (5.632); Cels. 6.6.1d. 20 Cels. 1.5.1.

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heat.21 Although he regards Hippocrates as the oldest authority22 he does not hesitate to comment on the great masters prescriptions. As a matter of fact, the aphorism telling that pains of the eyes are removed by drinking neat wine, by bathing, by vapour baths, by bleeding or by purging23 gives rise to the following comment: According to Hippocrates, the oldest authority, the treatment for the eyes includes bloodletting, medicaments, the bath and wine; but he gave little explanation of the proper times and reasons for these remedies, things of the highest importance in the art of medicine.24 Some analogies establish an undeniable connection between the treatments of epidemic ophthalmia and those for lippitudo: many examples bring to the fore what some would merely regard as approximations and what others would regard as marks of Celsus original style. Philippe Mudry proved this point by comparing the De Medicina 2.1.69 and Aph. 3.2030.25 Still, the De Medicina reveals some interesting facts concerning the treatment or the regimen prescribed to the patient. Thus, like Hippocrates, Celsus recommends the use of suckers, he also advocates rectal injections, fomentations or cuttings;26 most of all, he refuses the systematic use of bleeding.27 Finally, Hippocrates advises astringent oilings, poultices or dry medicines,28 but Celsus is the rst one to make a list of the numerous medications invented since the fth century BCE.29 Consequently, the De Medicina builds on the contributions of Hellenistic nosology. The Hippocratic Corpus clearly associates the outbreak of ophthalmia with swelling,30 ux31 or uxion32 and rheum.33
Cels. 1.9.5. See Mudry (1977) 345352; Mazzini (1992) 571583. 23 Hp., Aph. 6.31 (p. 186 Jones; 4.570 L.). This aphorism is also criticised by Galen: Gal., In Hipp. Aph. comment. 6.31 (18 A.4550 K.): see also Smith (1979) 129 and Aph. 7.46 (p. 202 Jones; 4.590 L.). 24 Cels. 6.6.1e: According to Hippocrates, the oldest authority, the treatment of the eyes includes bloodletting, medicaments, the bath and wine; but he gave little explanation of the proper times and reasons for these remedies, things of the highest importance in the art of medicine. 25 Mudry (1991) 257269. 26 Cels. 6.6.9. 27 Cels. 6.6.1fg. 28 Hp., Vid. Ac. 9 (p. 171,14 Joly; 9.160 L.). 29 Cels. 5.25.3 a; 6.6.139. 30 Hp., Epid. VI 8 18 (p. 284,11 Smith; 5.350 L.): oidemata; see also Hp., Gland. 13.1 (p. 120,7 Potter; 8.568 L.): oideousin. 31 Hp., Gland. 13.1 (p. 120,6 Potter; 8.568 L.): rhoos. 32 Hp., Vid. Ac. 9 (p. 171,18,19,28 Joly; 9.160 L.): rheuma/rheumatos. 33 Hp., Epid. I 2.5 (p. 154,12 Jones; 2.616 L.): lmia.
22 21

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As for Celsus, he reports swelling,34 lacrimation35 and running of rheum.36 Yet, the Greek text mentions lividities37 and the state of urine,38 whereas the Latin text mentions frontal itchings.39 Besides, there is a greater number of complications from the disease in the De Medicina than in the Greek corpus: to the eye rupture40 and the loss of vision41 are added prolapse,42 carbuncles,43 pustules,44 shrinking of one eye,45 trachoma46 and both eyes that become dim.47 Furthermore, according to the encyclopaedist, lippitudo is not fatal;48 nor is it a symptom of cephalalgia,49 a disease hence associated with caligo50 (blurred vision). Finally, even if Hippocrates mentions dry ophthalmias (ophthalmiai xerai ),51 Celsus is the rst one to use the compound word xerophthalmia in the texts we have at our disposal and to deal with that disease as a special case.52 As a consequence, Celsus nosography is dierent from that of the Hippocratic Corpus: the encyclopaedist only quotes Hippocrates to distinguish himself from the Father of Medicine. Two passages illustrate both the obvious kinship and the unbridgeable gap between Celsus work and the Hippocratic texts: De medicina 6.6.1 ad and Prorrhetic II 18.53 Two excerpts from these passages are
Cels. 6.6.1a; 6.6.1c; 6.6.1e: tumor(e). Cels. 1.9.5; 6.6.1ad; 6.6.1k: lacrima(e). 36 Cels. 6.6.1ae; 6.6.1gh; 6.6.1km; 6.6.5b; 6.6.8bf; 6.6.14; 6.6.29; 7.7.15d: pituita(m/e). 37 Hp., Epid. VI 8.18 (p. 284,10 Smith; 5.350 L.): pelimata; Hp., Prorrh. II 18 (p. 260,20 Potter; 9.46 L.): pelidnai 38 Hp., Prorrh. II 21 (p. 264, 18 Potter; 9.50 L.): tn katastasin tou ourou. 39 Cels. 2.7.8: Si fros prurit, lippitudinis metus est. 40 Hp., Aer. 4.3 (p. 78,5 Jones; p. 194,4 Jouanna; 2.20 L.): Rhgnusthai ta ommata; Cels. 6.6.1d: ruptum oculum. 41 Hp., Coac. 219 (5.632 L.): kindunos tuphlthnai; see Hp., Morb. I 3 (p. 104,3 Potter; 6,144 L.); Cels. 6.6.9: scire oportet lumen esse amissum. 42 Cels. 6.6.8g: proptsin. 43 Cels. 6.6.10: carbunculi. 44 Cels. 6.6.11: pustulae. 45 Cels. 6.6.14: Euenit etiam, ut oculi uel ambo uel singuli minores ant quam esse naturaliter debeant. 46 Cels. 6.6.27a: aspritudinem. 47 Cels. 6.6.32: caligare. 48 Hp., Coac. 219 (5.632 L.). 49 Hp., Coac. 218 (5.632 L.). 50 Cels. 4.2.2. 51 Hp., Aph. 3.12 (p. 124,11 Potter; 4.490 L.); Aer. 10.6 (p. 100,13 Jones; 100,19 Jones; p. 214,11; 215,1 Jouanna; 2.46 L.); Aer. 10.12 (p. 102,29 Jones; p. 217,8 Jouanna; 2.50 L.). 52 Cels. 6.6.29. 53 See annex.
35 34

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enough to emphasise similarities between the ideas: But if both eyes are attacked simultaneously, the duration may possibly be shorter, but there is danger of ulceration54 can be regarded as the translation of the sentence If both eyes suer these things, they will be in more danger of ulcerating, and the crisis will be in a shorter time.55 Yet, in those very similar excerpts, one term attracts the attention of the historian of medicine: lm (rheum). A gloss from Cassius Felix (the eye excretions or the pituitas Greeks are calling lemai )56 shows that the term pituita is not the exact translation for the word lme. Besides, at the beginning of the excerpt from Prorrhetic, the expression ophthalmoi de lmntes (Blear eyes), becomes in the De Medicina, Protinus autem orta lippitudine (Now directly ophthalmia sets in). On the one hand, lm is a symptom of ophthalmia; on the other hand, the term lippitudo means both the disease and its symptom. This translation is of course an exception in the De Medicina,57 but whether it results from diverging sources, an intentional correction by Celsus or an innovation due to the Hellenistic nosology, it announces the confusion surrounding the meaning of the term lippitudo in Latin literature,58 as well as in modern translations. Vegetius, for example, describes eyes from which lippitudo is running, looking like a bean.59 Consequently, the equivalence between lm and lippitudo mirrors an epistemological evolution: the formal variations between the Latin and the Greek texts reveal the existence of fundamental divergences. The reading of passages connected to lippitudo and ophthalmia therefore shows that Celsus is not a mere Roman epigone of the Greek masters whose originality lies all in Latin writing60 and that the Hippocratic Corpus represents for the De mediina what Aesops Fables are to Phaedrus or La Fontaines.

54 Cels. 6.6.1b: At si simul ea utrumque oculum inuaserunt, potest esse breuior, sed periculum ulcerum est. (or. Spencer, p. 187). 55 Hp., Prorrh. II 18 (p. 260,5 Potter; 9.44 L.). 56 Cass.Fel. 29.5 (abbreviation used in the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae): egestiones siue pituitas oculorum, quas Graeci lemas uocant (my translation; text edited by Fraisse [2002] pp. 5960). 57 See Cels. 7.7.15a and d. 58 See in particular the translations for lm in the Christian corpus. 59 Veg. Mulom. 2.120 (abbreviation used in the Thesaurus Linguae Latinae): de quibus prouit lippitudo ad similitudinem fabae (my translation; text edited by Lommatzsch [1903] p. 214). 60 Mudry (1985) 150 (my translation): un simple pigone Romain des matres Grecs, dpourvu de toute originalit autre que celle davoir crit en latin.

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Annex Blear eyes [ophthalmoi de lmntes] heal best if the tears, rheum, and swelling all commence together. If the tears are mixed with the rheum [lm] and not excessively hot, if the rheum is white and soft, and if the swelling mild and lose, ne; for in this case the eye will grow together during the nights, and so painless, and thus the condition will be least dangerous and chronic. But if the tears ow down copious and hot, with very little rheum [lm] and not much swelling, should this be from but one of the eyes, the condition becomes very chronic, but is not dangerous; this variety is especially painless. Look for the rst crisis towards the twentieth day; if it exceeds this term, expect it about the fortieth; but if the condition does not cease even in that number of days, it has crisis in sixty days. Throughout that whole time pay attention to the rheum [lmn], to see wether it is mixed into the tears and becomes white and soft, especially during the critical times; for if the disease is going to end, the uid will do these things. If both eyes suer these things, they will be in more danger of ulcerating, and the crisis will be in a shorter time. Dry rheums [lmai de xrai ] are painful, but reach their crisis quickly, unless the eye ulcerates. A great swelling, if painless and dry, is without danger, but if the swelling involves pain, it is bad for it to be dry, and there is a danger that the eye will ulcerate and grow together. It is also dangerous if the swelling is accompanied with tears and pain; for if the tears ow hit and salty there is a danger of ulceration of the pupil and eyelids. If the swelling subsides, but there is a copious ux of tears over a long period, and there are rheums [lmai ], predict in the case of men that there will be an eversion of the eyelids, and, in the cases of women and children, ulceration and an eversion of the eyelids. If the rheums [lmai ] are yellow-green or livid, the tears are copious and hit, there is fever heat in the head, pains move through the temple to settle in an eye, and these persons become sleepless, then an ulcer of the eye must occur, and there is a chance that such an eye will also rupture. It is advantageous either for fever to come on, or for the pain to settle in the eyebrow. You must predict what is going to happen to these persons, taking into consideration the duration, the uxes from the eye, the severe pains, and the sleeplessness. Hippocrates, Prorrhetic II 18 (Potters translation; pp. 258263 Potter; 9.4446 L.).

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Now directly ophthalmia sets in [Protinus autem orta lippitudine], there are certains signs by which it is possible to foretell the course of the disease. For if lacrimation and swelling of the eyelids and a thick rheum [crassa pituita] appear all at once: if that rheum [ea pituita] is mixed with tears, if the tears are not hot, but the rheum is white and bland, and the swelling not hard, there is then no apprehension of a prolonged illness. But if lacrimation is profuse and hot, rheum scanty [pituitae paulum], swelling moderate, and that in one eye only, the case will be a prolonged one, but without danger. And that kind of ophtalmia [Idque lippitudinis genus] is the least painful, but is seldom relieved before the twentieth day, and at times lasts two months. As it subsides, the rheum [pituita] begins to be white and bland, mixed with tears. But if both eyes are attacked simultaneously, the duration may possibly be shorter, but there is a danger of ulceration. Now rheum [ pituita], when it is dry and sticky, gives rise to some pain, but subsides sooner unless ulceration is set up. If there is great swelling without pain and dryness, there is no danger; if there is dryness, accompanied by pain, there is generally ulceration, and at times the result is that the eyelid sticks to the eyeball. There is danger of similar ulceration in the eyelids or in the pupils when, in addition to great pain, the tears are salt and hot; or if, even after the swelling has subsided, there continues for some time a ow of tears mixed with rheum [pituita]. The case is worse still when the rheum is pallid or livid, the tears hot and profuse, the head hot, and pain shoots from the temples to the eyes, causing wakefulness at night; in these circumstances generally the eyeball ruptures, and we must pray that there may be ulceration only. When the eyeball has ruptured inwards a touch of fever is benecial. If the eyeball protrudes after rupturing outwards, there is no remedy. If something white has developed from the dark part of the eye, it persists for a long while; but if it is rough and thick, some vestige remains even after treatment. Celsus, De Medicina 6.6.1ad (Spencers translation, pp. 185186).

celsus and the

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Bibliography
Andreae, A. (1843), Die Augenheilkunde des Hippokrates, Magdeburg. Daude, J. (1985), Les drivs abstraits de qualit en latin: suxes en -ia (-ies), -itia (ities), -monia (-monium), -ntia, -tus, -tudo et -tas. tude lexicographique, morphologique et smantique, Thse de Doctorat dtat, Paris III. Dierbach, J.H. (1924), Die Arzneimittel des Hippokrates, oder Versuch einer systematischen Aufzhlung der in allen hippocratischen Schriften vorkommenden Medikamenten, Heidelberg. Fraisse, A. (2002), Cassius Felix, De la mdecine, Paris. Hirschberg, J. (18991918), Geschichte der Augenheilkunde, Leipzig. Langslow, D.R. (2000), Medical Latin in the Roman Empire, Oxford. Limmer, L. and Krieglstein, C.G. (1992), Augenheilkunde im Rom der frhen Kaiserzeit: A.C. Celsus. De Medicina libri octo, Heidelberg. Lommatzsch, E. (1903), P. Vegetii Renati Digestorum artis Mulomedicinae libri, Leipzig. Magnus, H. (1901), Die Augenheilkunde der Alten, Breslau. Marganne, M.-H. (1994), Lophthalmologie dans lgypte grco-romaine daprs les papyrus littraires grecs, Leiden-New York-Kln. Marx, F. (1915), A. Cornelii quae supersunt, Leipzig-Berlin. Mazzini, I. (1992), Ippocrate in Celso, in: J.A. Lpez Frez (ed.), Tratados hipocrticos (Estudios acerca de su contenido, forma e inuenca). Actas del VII e colloque international hippocratique (Madrid, 2429 de Septiembre de 1990), Madrid, 571583. Mudry, Ph. (1977), La place dHippocrate dans la prface du De medicina de Celse, in R. Joly (ed.), Corpus Hippocraticum. Actes du colloque hippocratique de Mons (2226 Septembre 1975), Mons, 345352. . (1985), Le 1er livre de La Mdecine de Celse: tradition et nouveaut, in: I. Mazzini and Fr. Fusco (eds.), I testi di medicina latini antichi. Problemi lologici e storici. Atti del I Convegno internazionale. MacerataS. Severino M., 2628 aprile 1984, Macerata, 141150. . (1991), Saisons et maladies. Essai sur la constitution dune langue mdicale Rome. tude compare de passages parallles de Celse (2, 1, 69) et dHippocrate (Aphorismes, 3, 2030), in: G. Sabbah (ed.), Le latin mdical. La constitution dun langage scientique, Saint-tienne, 257269. . (1993), Celse. Rapport bibliographique, Aufstieg und Niedergang der rmischen Welt 37/1, 787799. Pearlman, J.T. (1969), Hippocrates and ophthalmology, American Journal of Ophthalmology 68/6, 10691076. Pokrowskij, M. (1899), Beitrge zur lateinischen Etymologie und Stammbildungslehre: die Nomina auf -tudo, Zeitschrift fr vergleichende Sprachforschung 35, 226253. Russel, D.R. (2001), Quintilian. The Orators Education, Cambridge (Mass.)London Serbat, G. (1995), Celse, De la mdecine, Paris. Sichel, J. (1837), Trait de lophthalmie, la cataracte et lamaurose, pour servir de supplment au Trait des maladies des yeux de Weller, Paris. Smith, W.D. (1979), The Hippocratic Tradition, Ithaca (N.Y.)London. Spencer W.G. (19351938), Celsus De medicina in three volumes, Cambridge (Mass.) London. Vos, T.A. (1970), Ophthalmologie in de hippokratische geschriften, Hermeneus 41/5, 238241.

ARETEO DI CAPPADOCIA LETTORE DI IPPOCRATE Amneris Roselli

Summary Aretaeus debt to Hippocrates, evident in his adoption of the Ionic dialect and of a syntax closely imitative of that of the Hippocratic treatises, goes deeper still. In the wake of the work of K. Deichgrber, this paper analyses echoes of Hippocrates in the eight books On Acute and Chronic Diseases in an attempt to show the frequency of the quotations and their argumentative function. The study shows clearly that Aretaeus gives special weight to those treatises of the Hippocratic Corpus which had been the subject of commentaries, and that he assumes that his readers are suciently familiar with those treatises to be able to identify references not explicitly indicated in the text. These Hippocratic treatises supply Aretaeus with his starting point for a denition of ethics and medical etiquette. Il proposito di arontare il tema del Colloquio Hippocrates in Context a partire da Areteo di Cappadocia, un personaggio che continua ad opporre una strenua resistenza a rivelare il suo proprio contesto, e cio la sua collocazione cronologica1 e geograca e la sua appartenenza dottrinale, pu apparire bizzarro; tuttavia, volendo ricostruire la storia di come si letto Ippocrate e come lo si utilizzato negli anni che precedono Galeno, un periodo della tradizione ippocratica non ancora sucientemente chiarito anche per la scarsit delle fonti, si quasi obbligati ad arontare lo studio di questo autore, che noto per avere imitato Ippocrate, il fondatore riconosciuto della medicina; mi propongo con questindagine, che non sistematica, di portare qualche elemento utile per ricostruire le modalit di lettura di Ippocrate nel primo secolo dellet imperiale.
1 In assenza di riferimenti certi e sulla base delladozione da parte di Areteo della dottrina pneumatica, si ritiene che Areteo sia vissuto nel I secolo dellera cristiana, ma Nutton (1996) non esclude che egli possa essere un contemporaneo di Galeno.

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amneris roselli

Gli otto libri di Areteo Sulle malattie acute e croniche (quattro sulla loro diagnosi e quattro sulla terapia) documentano una presenza di Ippocrate ben pi massiccia di quanto non farebbe credere lunica menzione del suo nome in una sezione dedicata alla terminologia della paralisi.2 Ippocrate per il solo medico citato per nome da Areteo in tutti gli otto libri, cos come sono conservati (manca, purtroppo, proprio la parte iniziale del primo libro che, come i libri terzo, quinto e settimo, doveva essere preceduta da un proemio). Come noto, lomaggio di Areteo ad Ippocrate si manifesta oltre che nella scelta del dialetto ionico, anche a livello stilistico-sintattico e nelle scelte lessicali. La procedura che Areteo adotta nellattingere ai testi ippocratici, gi magistralmente descritta da Deichgrber (1971a), mi pare confrontabile con la pratica del reimpiego di frammenti architettonici di edici precedenti, nelle costruzioni di et imperiale.3 Quella pratica non era dovuta alla penuria di materiale da costruzione ma alla volont di valorizzare il nuovo edicio (nel nostro caso, il nuovo testo) inserendovi dei pezzi antichi; in letteratura questoperazione pu essere pienamente apprezzata solo da coloro che sono in grado di riconoscere anche poche parole incastonate nel testo, essa ha bisogno dunque di un pubblico decisamente colto. Dopo gli studi di Deichgrber4 non necessario spendere parole per convincere dellalto tasso di letterariet del testo di Areteo; tra le sue scoperte bisogna ricordare come egli abbia individuato linteresse di Areteo per le glosse ippocratiche, come dimostra il fatto che numerosi ippocratismi di Areteo corrispondono a glosse del Lessico di Erotiano;5
2 La citazione (p. 44,14 Hude) pone un serio problema perch le parole pplhkton . . . sklow t kat jin, che Areteo gli attribuisce, non si trovano in nessuno dei

trattati ippocratici conservati. Dopo Areteo, Oribasio (4.583 Daremberg-Ruelle = CMG VI 2 2 p. 234 Raeder) e Paolo Egineta 3.18 (da Filumeno ?) (CMG IX 1 p. 161 Heiberg) riportano la stessa notizia e, con qualche variante, lo stesso segmento testuale: pplhkton at t sklow (gneto); cfr. anche Ps.-Gal. Introductio sive medicus 13 (14.737). K. Deichgrber (1971a) 26 s., ha visto in queste parole di kh mhro Areteo un riferimento a Epid. 6.1.5 (5.268,6 L. = 6 Manetti-Roselli): nar to kat jin; si potrebbe invece avanzare lipotesi che Areteo e le due fonti successive, indipendenti da Areteo (e tra di loro?), citino qui il trattato ippocratico perduto Sulle ferite mortali (De vulneribus exitiosis) che stato glossato da Erotiano e da Galeno e che viene citato ancora da autori bizantini, cfr. Anastassiou-Irmer (1997) e Roselli (2004). 3 Uso il paragone ecace che Serana Cuomo ha trovato per descrivere la Collectio mathematica di Pappo di Alessandria, cfr. Cuomo (1998) 1 s. 4 Oltre a Deichgrber (1971a) si vedano anche Deichgrber (1972) e Deichgrber (1973). 5 Cfr. Deichgrber (1971a) 28 n. 2.

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procedendo sulla strada che Deichgrber ha aperto cercher di rispondere ad alcune domande: quali testi del Corpus Hippocraticum (CH) orono ad Areteo materiale per il reimpiego,6 e come i materiali antichi vengono inseriti nel contesto nuovo? Che cosa si presume che i lettori di Areteo potessero riconoscere come appartenente ad Ippocrate? E inne, ad Areteo si deve attribuire solo un ippocratismo stilistico apprezzabile in una dimensione strettamente letteraria o si possono trovare tracce pi profonde dellinsegnamento ippocratico, per esempio nelladozione dello stile e delletichetta della pratica medica? Mi pare, infatti, che il modello ippocratico abbia agito anche sul modo di costruire la gura del medico e di denire i suoi comportamenti e che esso abbia fornito ad Areteo una guida per realizzare i suoi numerosi interventi autoriali.7 Mi propongo qui di passare in rassegna tipi di reimpiego diversi, aggiungendo qualche nuova identicazione a quelle gi note, ma soprattutto cercando di denire quali testi Areteo cita e perch. Memoria di Segmenti Testuali Ippocratici Esamino in questo paragrafo due tra i molti casi di ripresa di segmenti testuali ippocratici avulsi dal loro contesto; in questi casi la memoria di espressioni ippocratiche funzionale a impreziosire il testo di Areteo.

6 Lapparato dei similia redatto da Hude (1923) segnala le somiglianze di contenuto tra Areteo e i trattati nosologici del CH, ma omette le numerose riprese testuali e le ancora pi numerose allusioni; questo apparato stato opportunamente integrato con gli Additamenta della seconda edizione (1958) 173174. Altre riprese dei testi del CH sono state successivamente segnalate nelle monograe di Kudlien (1963) e di Deichgrber (1971a), Deichgrber (1972) e Deichgrber (1973). A questi contributi della lologia moderna vanno aggiunti i preziosi contributi esegetici del medico francese del XVII sec. Pierre Petit. Questi lavori orono una lista consistente, ma ancora non esauriente, dei passi del CH a cui Areteo allude o che direttamente richiama; solo un sistematico lavoro di commento, tuttavia, come gi osservava Deichgrber (1971a) 39, potr permettere di scoprire allusioni e rielaborazioni che restano ancora nascoste nel testo. 7 Assumo una posizione in parte diversa da quella di Oberhelman (1994) 966 che conclude il suo saggio con le parole: what is Hippocratic in Aretaios, in the nal analysis, is not the medical theories and praxis, but only (corsivo mio) the style.

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amneris roselli
w dxhtai mn tn ra (Aret. 6.3.15, p. 129,22 Hude)

A p. 129,22, nel capitolo sulla terapia dei cardiaci, Areteo raccomanda di coprire il malato con una coperta (epiblma) leggera, che abbia la doppia funzione di far passare laria dallesterno e permetta la traspirazione del calore in eccesso del torace. Il passo richiama Epid. 6.4.88 dove troviamo lidentica struttura sintattica e una parola, epithma, che potrebbe aver favorito levocazione del testo ippocratico. Il senso di Epid. 6.4.8 oscuro, e gi lo era per i commentatori antichi,9 ma tutti sembrano ritenere che queste parole riguardino la predisposizione di una terapia: Aret. 6.3.15, p. 129,22/Hude:
tr ka pblhma stv kofon, palain, w dxhtai mn tn ra, diapn d to yrhkow tn yrmhn.

Hipp. Epid. 6.4.8 (5.308,17 L. = p. 90 Manetti-Roselli):

Udvr fechyn, t mn w dxhtai tn ra: t d m mpleon enai ka pyhma xein.

Per dimostrare che la ripresa di Epid. 6 da parte di Areteo reale (e che la somiglianza non casuale), occorre vericare luso del nesso dxesyai tn ra nel resto del CH e in Areteo. I risultati sono questi: esiste solo unaltra coppia di occorrenze di questo nesso (una in Male sacro [De morbo sacro] e una in Areteo), tutte e due relative al passaggio di aria attraverso vasi semiocclusi: passa laria ma non passa il egma (Morb. sacr.) o il pus (Aret.): pur se con minore evidenza, anche qui, di nuovo, in azione la memoria ippocratica: Aret. 3.10.2, p. 51,23 Hude:
e m kot tiw popnig yr lksei to gro, tw rthrhw o dexomnhw tn ra plye to pou.

Hipp. Morb. sacr. 8 (6.376,9 L. = p. 74,27 Grensemann): a flbew . . . kakontai ka

mrow ti sunisxnanontai, ste tn mn ra dxesyai, to d flgmatow tn katrroon mhkti movw pikatarren.

Il nesso dxesyai tn ra attestato anche da altri autori; tra i pi antichi lo usa Aristotele nelle opere biologiche che trattano della res8 Cos osservava gi Deichgrber in un nota manoscritta sul suo esemplare delledizione Hude ora in mio possesso. 9 Il commento di Galeno, in parte conservato solo nella versione araba, occupa una decina di pagine (cfr. 17B.153166 K. = CMG V 10 2 2 p. 207218 Wenkebach).

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pirazione, o meglio dellaerazione delle parti, ma in quel caso la sintassi logica e grammaticale decisamente diversa.
yhemhn ka ymazon (Aret. 1.6.5, p. 6,20 Hude)

Elencando i sintomi del tetano, Areteo segnala il caso di un paziente in cui egli aveva osservato spasmi degli orecchi e commenta: ed io lo osservavo e mi stupivo (g d yhemhn ka ymazon). Gi Petit (1726) 392, ha individuato qui la ripresa delle parole ippocratiche relative al caso, narrato in De natura pueri (cap. 13), della cantante (mousoergos)10 che, non volendo continuare una gravidanza, su consiglio del medico, saltando, riusc ad espellere il seme; lepisodio si conclude con le parole: ed ella lo vide, lo osserv e si stup (kkenh dosa yeto ka yamasen). Si noti che in De natura pueri lo stupore non del medico, che si attende quel risultato, e che anzi, con soddisfazione, segnala che la donna si stup; qui invece lo stupore di Areteo che commenta lapparizione di un sintomo eccezionale. Lepisodio di De natura pueri doveva essere molto noto: menzionato da Sorano, Gynaecia 1.60 = 59 BurguireGourevitchMalinas, e poi da Galeno, De semine 1.4 (4.525,7 K. = CMG V 3 1 76,6 De Lacy); De foetuum formatione 1 (4.654,3 ss. K.).11 Alessandro Lami mi segnala anche un possibile confronto con Od. 8.265 marmarugw yheto podn, yamaze d yum; gli omerismi in Areteo sono assai frequenti come ha osservato Deichgrber (1971a), ma non escluso che gi lautore ippocratico si fosse ricordato di Omero. La terapia dei frenitici: Aret. 5.1 (pp. 91,1298,6 Hude) In questo paragrafo segnalo i riferimenti ippocratici che ho identicato in un intero capitolo di Areteo (5.1 sulla terapia della frenite) per dare unidea della loro frequenza e della loro funzione. Il capitolo si apre con le indicazioni relative allambiente in cui deve essere curato il malato e al comportamento di chi sta vicino a lui; si raccomandano tranquillit e silenzio. Areteo motiva la prescrizione

Cfr. Lonie (1981) 164. Nella pi tarda citazione di questepisodio in Ps. Iambl., Theologoumena arithmeticae p. 61,14 ss. De Falco, le parole che interessano (kkenh dosa yeto ka yamasen) sono omesse. Per la fortuna di questo passo nella letteratura greca e latina cfr. De Lacy (1992), 211 s.
11

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del silenzio con la particolare sensibilit dei frenitici e citando un segmento del Prorretico (Prorrh.) 1.1612 ~ Prognosi di Cos (Coac.) 95 introdotto da gr; evidente che Areteo ritiene la citazione riconoscibile da parte dei suoi lettori: Aret. 5.1, p. 91,16 Hude: jukoi gr d cfou kayaptmenoi frenitiko. ibid., p. 97,18 Hude: didnai n
kson w stomxou kow: lgon d rkei: braxuptai gr o frenitiko.

Prorrh. 1.16 (5.514,9 L.) ~ Coac. 95 (5.602,21 L.):

o frenitiko braxuptai, cfou kayaptmenoi tromdeew spasmdeew.

Il nesso cfou kayaptmenoi, esclusivamente ippocratico e non compare altrove.13 Pi avanti in questo stesso capitolo Areteo riprende anche laggettivo braxuptai di Prorrh. 1.16,14 per giusticare la prescrizione di piccole quantit di bevande e, di nuovo, segnalando la citazione con gr. Le prescrizioni relative al comportamento dei presenti continuano a p. 92,1 Hude: esodoi tn filttvn, myoi ka lali m yumodakew. Non dicile vedere qui la ripresa di sodoi, lgoi di Epid. 6.4.7 (5.308,15 L. = 88 Manetti-Roselli) che viene riempito con i determinanti: visite delle persone pi care, conversazioni che non mordono lanimo (il nesso yumodakw myow omerico, Od. 8.185, e impreziosisce lippocratico lgoi). In questo caso il modello detta la sequenza delle due prescrizioni (le visite, la conversazione); Areteo tuttavia d uninterpretazione diversa delle parole esodoi, lgoi rispetto a quella che accoglie Galeno; esse, stando a Galeno (Comm. in Hipp. Epid. 6.4.9 (17B.144,1 ss. K. = CMG V 10 2 2 p. 203,1205,10 e 206,111 Wenkebach) sarebbero riferite al medico (profanw p tn atrn nafretai), in Areteo invece individuano il comportamento dell entourage del malato.
La ripresa del Prorretico stata segnalata gi da Petit (1726) 568. Le altre occorrenze sono esclusivamente citazioni del Prorretico, e sono tutte in Galeno; cfr. Di. resp. 3.10 (7.941,5 K.); Comm. In Hipp. Prorrh. 1.1.16 (16.551 K. = CMG V 9 2 p. 33,13 ss. Mewaldt) e Gloss. (19.156,7 K.). 14 Confronto segnalato gi da Petit (1726) 578. Areteo porta un elemento a difesa del testo dei mss. contro la variante braxupptai citata da Galeno nel commento (1.16, 16.551,13 K. = CMG V 9 2, p. 33,23 Mewaldt). Lagg. braxupthw compare solo in CH, in Areteo (2 volte) e in Galeno, per lo pi in contesti esegetici del Prorretico; in Comm. in Hipp. Epid. III, 3.74 (17A.755 K.), Galeno spiega che laggettivo signica che beve poco e raramente.
13 12

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Ancora. La prescrizione di far dormire i frenitici su di un letto con coltri morbide (p. 91,23 Hude), che si precisa poi con la scelta di un luogo in ombra o di un luogo soleggiato, secondo il tipo di frenite (p. 92,2 Hude), riprende una prescrizione di Regime delle malattie acute (De victu acutorum): Aret. 5.1, p. 91,23 Hude:
n cilosi tosi strmasin . . . tr d malyakosi; ibid., p. 92,2 Hude: katklisiw n zf n fvt prw t nshma tekmarton.

Acut. (Sp.) 18,2 (2.434,2 L. = 77,10 Joly): kataklnein w zofer

okmata ka katakeklsyai w p malyakvttoiw strmasin.

E inne in questo capitolo si riscontrano, a breve distanza e adattate al contesto specico, tre riprese degli Aforismi (Aphorismi),15 Aph. 1.20, 1.16 e 1.19 due dei quali (Aph. 1.19 e 20) derivano a loro volta da Hum. 6 (5.484,11 L. = 4.72 Jones): Aret. 5.1, p. 92,1921 Hude:
polln pr tn krisvn n tosi jsi kenon xr [] farmakesin* tosi lloisi reyismosi xresyai. * [] farmakesin Deichgrber
(1972) 57: farmakeein Hude

Hipp. Aph. 1.20 (4.468,8 L. = 4.106 Jones): T krinmena ka t

kekrimna rtvw, m kinein, mhd nevteropoiein, mte farmakesi, mt lloisin reyismosin, ll n.

ibid., p. 93,6 Hude: trof gr Hipp. Aph. 1.16 (4.466,17 L. = 4.106 psi mn tosi puretanousi, Jones): A gra daitai psi tosi ox kista d frenitikosi. puretanousi jumfrousi, mlista
d paidoisi, ka tosin lloisi tosin otvw eyismnoisi diaitsyai.

ibid., p. 93,1719 Hude:

danno maggiore forza al discorso: si tratta di un procedimento che troveremo ancora. c) A 5.10.4 (p. 114,2021 Hude), nel capitolo sulla terapia della pleurite, Areteo introduce la sezione sulla terapia attraverso la dieta (n trof gr kesetai t frmaka, tr ka t frmaka n trof) con una allusione a Alim. 19 (9.104,11 L. = p. 142,15 Joly): En trof farmakeh riston, n trof farmakeh flaron, flaron ka riston prw ti. Nonostante la somiglianza formale, laforisma di Alim. risulta fortemente modicato: in Areteo la ripetizione di n trof si accompagna infatti ad una inversione tra soggetto e predicato che non sono nella fonte. d) E inne, segnalata da Kudlien,28 uneco di Alim. 23 (9.106,6 L. = p. 143,1 Joly), che sar molto spesso citato da Galeno: srroia ma, smpnoia ma, sumpaya pnta, si trova a p. 12,15 Hude: xr d tata pnta llloisi jund ka jmpnoa mmenai, p miw athw jmpanta. Prognostico Areteo evoca in tre luoghi diversi e in contesti particolarmente enfatici segmenti testuali del primo capitolo del Prognostico; di questo testo Areteo fa sua la concezione del rapporto medico-paziente-malattia, cogliendo in particolare il motivo della necessit di intervenire rapidamente e la consapevolezza di non potere guarire tutti i malati. 1) Il capitolo sulla terapia della malattia cardiaca 6.3.1 (p. 126,3 Hude), una malattia pericolosa e che comporta molti rischi, si apre con la ripresa dellincipit del Prognostico; lippocratico doke moi riston enai viene sostituito da un ingiuntivo, mla xr: Aret. 6.3.1 p. 126,3 Hude: En sugkop mla xr tn htrn prnoian pithdeein: mllousan mn gr n progignskw t te parenta pessumnvw sunerg nseo: tr d jeloiw n athn prn kein. Hipp. Progn. 1 (2.110,1 L. = 93,1 Alexanderson): Tn htrn doke
moi riston enai prnoian pithdeein. progignskvn gr ka prolgvn par tosi nosousi t te parenta ka t progegonta ka t mllonta sesyai . . . tn d yerapehn rista n poioito proeidw t smena k tn parentvn payhmtvn.

Kudlien (1963) 37.

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Nonostante una corruttela ancora non sanata (nseo), evidente che la ripresa di Prognostico va al di l della sola prima frase e che Areteo sviluppa il tema ippocratico della prognosi come strumento per vincere il male prima che esso si sviluppi: questo, del resto, un tema ricorrente in Areteo, come si vede anche nel caso che segue. 2) Nel gi citato capitolo sulle cause e i sintomi della synanch, Areteo utilizza un altro segmento di Progn. 1 per segnalare la gravit del male e il poco spazio che resta al medico per intervenire: Aret. 1.7.6 (p. 9,13 Hude):
o d jtatoi ynskousi atmar, sy p ka prn kalsasyai tn htrn, o d ka skalesmenoi nanto: pyanon gr odn v prn tn htrn ti <t># txn xrsasyai.
ti <t> Reiske et Hude: p codd., fortasse t

Hipp. Progn. 1 (2.110.10 L. = 193,9 Alexanderson): peid d o nyrvpoi poynskousin, o mn prn kalsai tn htrn, p tw sxow tw nosou, o
d ka skalesmenoi paraxrma telethsan, o mn mrhn mhn zsantew, o d lg plona xrnon, prn tn htrn t txn prw kaston noshma ntagvnsasyai.

scribendum

Il motivo della rapidit dellintervento ricorrente nei libri terapeutici di Areteo. A 6.2.2 (p. 120,31 Hude), nel capitolo sulla terapia dello sputo di sangue, Areteo, coerentemente con la visione agonistica del rapporto medico-malattia, raccomanda che il medico sia pi incalzante nel portare soccorso (aregein) di quanto non sia la malattia nel nuocere (xr n tn htrn to pyeow junepegein mllon rgonta)29 e cos a
29 Questo il solo caso in cui Areteo riferisce anche al medico il verbo junepegein che di solito riferito alla malattia. Il verbo, del resto piuttosto raro in tutta la letteratura greca, e attestato una sola volta nel CH in Epid. 1.18, invece molto gradito ad Areteo che lo usa specialmente nella formula ssa n + congiuntivo. Allorigine di questa predilezione c certamente lespressione sunepegein p t kkion, di Epid. 1.8 (2.628,7 L. = 1.160 Jones) postsiew gnonto, mzouw, ste pofrein m dnasyai, meouw, ste mhdn felen, ll tax palindromen, ka junepegein p t kkion. Areteo riprende questo sintagma a 5.10.1 (p. 113,29 Hude), nella terapia della pleurite: te dnh to pezvktow junepegei p t kkion e usa il verbo altre due volte nello stesso capitolo, cfr. 5.10.12 (p. 116,16 Hude) n junepeg t lgow e 5.10.18 (p. 118,7 Hude) n dspnoia junepeg. Con un complemento junepegein si trova ancora in 5.4.11 (p. 105,2 Hude), nella terapia dellapoplessia, n d. . . . ka w tn kndunon ode junepegvsi. Senza complemento si trova in 6.2.5 (p. 122,1 Hude) nella terapia dello sputo di sangue: n d junepeg amorragh, in 6.2.14 (p. 124,5 Hude): n mn n junepeg for e in 6.4.4, nella terapia della cholera (p. 131,26 Hude): n d junepeg pnta.

426

amneris roselli

6.4.4 (p. 133,4 Hude) nella terapia dellileo: xr n mte smikrtern ti ggnesyai tn htrn to pyeow mte bradteron. Si veda anche 4.12.6 (p. 83,28 Hude), nel capitolo sullartrite e la sciatica, dove il ritardo dovuto alla diagnosi tardiva: di tde w nkeston trph, tiper tsi rxsi, kte syenestth st nosow, htrw ok
nstatai.30

3) E inne, nel capitolo sulla terapia della melancolia cronica (7.7), Areteo riprende, ampliandola, unaltra frase di questo primo capitolo di Progn. per giusticare il limite del successo terapeutico: Aret. 7.7.10 (p. 158,6 Hude)
giaw mn n pantaw poiein dnaton tow nosontaw: n gr n htrw krssvn yeo.

Hipp. Progn. 1 (2.110,8 = 193,7 Alexanderson): giaw mn gr

poien pantaw tow nosontaw dnaton.

Il riferimento alla divinit, che manca in Prognostico, invece un motivo ricorrente in Areteo, cfr. p. 62,6 Hude, nel capitolo sullidropisia (4.1.1): alcuni sfuggono per fortuna o per intervento degli dei piuttosto che grazie alla medicina infatti tutte le malattie pi grandi le curano solo gli dei e 4.1.12, p. 64,32 Hude: in questa malattia (lidropisia ascite) il medico deve abbandonare luomo tutto: questa malattia infatti non facile neppure per gli dei. Qui il riferimento ai limiti propri della natura umana funge da chiosa alla riessione del Prognostico. Ocina del medico Il carattere di questo breve scritto che, come risulta dal commento di Galeno, poteva essere inteso come una sintetica introduzione alla pratica medica, ne fa un buon candidato per essere invocato in contesti di valore metodologico. Ed in eetti proprio un segmento del suo capitolo proemiale (3.272,2 L. = 30,2 Khlewein) p tn megstvn, p tn =hstvn. . . .: ka den ka yigen ka kosai stin, detta le coordinate per lesposizione di sintomi che vengono distinti secondo la loro possibilit di essere percepiti alla vista, al tatto e alludito.

30 Col verbo nstasyai, che torna a p. 161,16 Hude, Areteo riprende limmagine ippocratica del combattimento, ben illustrata da Jouanna (1999) 27 ss., che, oltre che nel Prognostico, si trova in Nat. hom. 9 (6.52 L. = 188,7 Jouanna) de tn htrn nanton stasyai tosi nousmasi e Flat. 1 (6.92,4 L. = 104,3 Jouanna) pistmenow t nosmati.

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427

Questo stesso capitolo ripreso, interpretato e riusato nella descrizione dei sintomi dellhydrops (4.1.5 p. 63,8 Hude): shmea d mgista ka =ista den ka yigein ka esakosai.31 Unaltra ripresa di Ocina si trova in 3.7.3 (p. 44,24 Hude) nel capitolo sulla paralisi; di essa Areteo dice che colpisce non solo le parti separate (diestota) e omonime (homonyma) e appartenenti alla stessa coppia (homozyga), come sono gli occhi, le braccia, le gambe, ma anche quelle unite (symphyea), come il naso, e la lingua ecc.; la coppia di termini homonyma e homozyga si trova solo in Areteo e in O. 16 (3.322,2 L. = 41,13 Khlewein) e nel relativo commento di Galeno (3.25, 18B.869.10 K.); qui Areteo impreziosisce lopposizione diestota /symphyea riprendendo la terminologia ippocratica. Epidemie VI A Epidemie VI, che tra i testi pi oscuri di tutto il CH, Areteo attinge con frequenza. Si sono gi visti sopra i casi di Epid. 6.4.7 (sodoi, lgoi); 6.4.8 (w dxhtai mn tn ra); 6.4.19 (do d megloin); a questi se ne aggiungono almeno altri quattro, due dei quali, Epid. 6.4.18 (5.312,1 L. = 94 Manetti-Roselli) dvr born, grupnh born e Epid. 6.4.15 (5.310,10 L. = 94 ManettiRoselli) pnow draow, ry nustagmw,32 si possono annoverare tra le frasi che hanno dato pi lo da torcere agli esegeti antichi, secondo quanto sappiamo dal commento di Galeno. Di Epid. 6.4.18, Areteo 3.6.9 (p. 43,11 Hude) riprende solo il secondo elemento nel capitolo sulla manie; se la manie si aggrava i malati hanno ventosit, nausee, sono voraci e sregolati nel cibo (boro ka lbroi): infatti sono insonni, e linsonnia vorace (grupnh d born).33 La ripresa di Epid. 6.4.15 si trova nella rassegna dei sintomi della cachexia. Areteo 3.16.5 (p. 61,12 Hude) scrive: pnow draow mn odam, keklimn d nustagmw. Egli cos riformula la sentenza di Epidemie, che unisce due segmenti in paratassi, opponendo il primo al secondo elemento. Il testo era di dicile comprensione gi per gli antichi commentatori. Galeno si limita a riportare due delle molte spiegazioni che erano state proposte (a suo giudizio le pi ragionevoli)

31 Si noti che questa ripresa di Ocina segue immediatamente il riecheggiamento ippocratico di Epid. 6.4.19 (gi segnalato sopra, p. 423): duon megloin mzon kakn t kgonon. Sul signicato di questa ripresa cfr. Deichgrber (1971a) 27. 32 I due confronti sono stati segnalati da Petit (1726) 457 e 489. 33 Sulla fortuna di questa massima, cfr. Roselli (1999).

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amneris roselli

e, prudentemente, rinuncia a indicare quale sia preferibile. Laggettivo hedraios, dice Galeno ad loc. p. 223 Wenkebach, stato inteso o in senso proprio, come seduto e dunque opposto a ritto/in piedi (sonno da seduto, per chi in piedi sonnolenza) trasferendo al sonno una propriet del soggetto che dorme,34 oppure nel senso di profondo, opponendo il sonno profondo alla sonnolenza (sonno profondo; per chi resta in piedi (?) sonnolenza). Areteo, che oppone a hedraios il participio keklimn, testimone della prima interpretazione;35 egli tuttavia testimonia anche una diversa opposizione, tra stare seduti e stare sdraiati, applica cio la consueta tecnica di modicare il dato testuale e di servirsi soltanto degli elementi linguistici. Una ripresa pi estesa di Epidemie 6,36 si trova in 8.6.1, nel capitolo sulla terapia degli stomachici. Areteo osserva che, diversamente da quanto avviene in altre malattie, la diaita fatta di esercizi passivi, passeggiate, esercizi ginnici, esercizi vocali e cibi adatti a combattere la cattiva disposizione dello stomaco non sono sucienti per risolvere unincapacit di digerire che si protrae da tempo e per rimettere in carne il corpo dimagrito; per questi pazienti soprattutto, dice Areteo, si impieghino a tosi kmnousi xritew (Epid. 6.4.7): Aret. p. 165,11 Hude polln d mzon p toutvn stvn a tosi kmnousi xritew ka t kayarw pan drn ka tsi piyumsi pesyai tn htrn, m megla blptonta: riston gr tde, n m krta felentvn rejiw k. Hipp. Epid. 6.4.7 (5.308,13 L. = 86 Manetti-Roselli) a tosi kmnousi xritew, oon t kayarvw drn pot brvt n r, malakw
sa caei: llai: m megla blptei.

Hipp. Aph. 2.38 (4.480,17 = 4.116 Jones): t smikr xeron ka pma ka siton, dion d, mllon
areton.

Il titolo del paragrafo di Epid. 6.4.7 diventa la prima delle cose che Areteo raccomanda e, come si evince dal contesto e dagli altri passi che esamineremo, le charites consistono essenzialmente nel compiacere

34 Per quanto ci testimoniato il nesso pnow draow non stato mai pi ripreso nella letteratura medica e non vi sono altre attestazioni al di fuori di essa. 35 Sulla base di Areteo stato inteso il passo in ManettiRoselli (1982) 95. Petit (1726) 489 ha scelto linterpretazione sonno profondo preferita da Galeno. 36 Cfr. Additamentum (1958), 173.

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429

ai gusti alimentari del malato. T kayarvw drn, che in Epidemie era un esempio di charis, diventa un secondo elemento, coordinato col primo; esso, ampliato con pan, riassume le parole pot brvt n r, malakw sa caei del passo ippocratico. Compiacere ai desideri senza arrecare un danno signicativo riprende m megla blptei di Epidemie ma anche Aph. 2.38,37 secondo il quale sono preferibili bevande e cibi meno adatti per la malattia ma pi graditi.38 Lespressione a tosi kmnousi xritew a sua volta ripresa nella forma xr gr ka tosi kmnousi xarsasyai a 6.2.7 (p. 122,21 Hude) nella composizione di un emplastron per curare lo sputo di sangue: col solito gr, che segnala il ricorso allautorit di Ippocrate, Areteo giustica luso di eccipienti che danno al preparato un buon odore; di nuovo, nello stesso capitolo, a 6.2.17 (p. 125,1 Hude), la norma richiamata per una prescrizione dietetica se vuoi fare cosa gradita (xarsasyai) gli sia concesso di prendere coriandolo a piacere, se gli piace. Cos ancora a 7.5.3 nella terapia della malinconia (p. 156,22 Hude), si consiglia di dare un po di vino e altri cibi graditi (tw llhw tw n t trof xritow). Questa compiacenza alimentare stata identicata da Areteo come una delle virt del medico nel proemio del III libro, l dove egli, accingendosi a trattare delle malattie croniche, particolarmente dolorose e fastidiose per i pazienti, tratteggia la gura del medico ideale, cfr. p. 36,12 Hude ka xritow blabow tn dvn, una sintesi di Epid. 6.4.7 e Aph. 2.38.39 A 7.4.8 nel capitolo sulla terapia dellepilessia, Areteo riprende un altro elemento di Epid. 6.4.7 ( m megla blptei), o, pi probabilmente, la massima felen m blptein di Epid. 1.11 (1.164 Jones), integrandola con la massima di Epid. 6.2.12 (5.284,1 L. = 36 Manetti Roselli) mhdn ek, mhdn perorn.40 Cfr. p. 154,10 Hude:

37 Come gi segnal Deichgrber (1971a) 11, la relazione tra Epid. 6.4.7 e Aph. 2.38 si trova anche nel commento di Galeno al passo di Epidemie p. 198 Wenkebach; deve trattarsi di un nesso costituitosi nella prassi dellesegesi ippocratica. 38 Laforismo, qui parafrasato da Areteo, in altri due luoghi citato quasi letteralmente: nella terapia dei cardiaci, a 6.3.8 (p. 127,22 Hude) e nella terapia del fegato, a 7.13.4 (p. 160,30 Hude) dove si parla, sempre in relazione al verbo xarzesyai, di cibo gradito (dea) anche se un po pi dannoso (kn smikrn xervn / kn smikr xerv tn felentvn vsi). 39 Per lanalisi di questo proemio si veda Deichgrber (1971a) 812 e poi Roselli (2001) 246256. E si veda Deichgrber (1971b). 40 Cfr. Deichgrber (1971a) 38.

430

amneris roselli
nn d xr odn perorn mhd prssein ti ek,41 mlista mn f kstoisi smikrosi pntvw felenta: n d <m>, blttonta mhdn.42

Il commento di Galeno (2.28, 17A.951 K. = p. 91,1 ss. Wenkebach) applica la massima mhdn perorn, mhdn ek ai medici che accettano supinamente quanto leggono nei libri di medicina, ma parla anche di una sua applicazione pi specica come divieto di usare rimedi non sperimentati (e forse non sar un caso se nel testo di Areteo questa citazione fa seguito alla menzione di terapie magiche e contaminanti, come bere sangue umano e mangiare fegato umano).43 Anche in questo caso, che non contraddice il richiamo alla necessit di sperimentare nuove terapie (supra 421), Areteo assume un principio metodologico ippocratico, e lo fa nel contesto di una malattia dicile (nn d). E inne segnalo una possibile eco di Epid. 6.2.12 (5.284,1 L. = 36 ManettiRoselli) (k prosagvgw tnanta prosgein) in Areteo 6.2.21 (p. 125,23 Hude), nel capitolo sulla terapia dello sputo di sangue: w tnanta k prosagvgw metabol ka mhdn gan. Qui, per dare peso alle parole ippocratiche, viene aggiunta ad esse una famosa massima sapienziale (mhdn gan). Aforismi Concludo la rassegna delle riprese ippocratiche con un omaggio a Deichgrber44 che ha identicato nel proemio al primo libro Sulle cause e i segni delle malattie croniche (3.1 Hude) limitazione della sintassi di Aph. 1.1 e insieme la ripresa di un passo della catastasi di Epid.

41 Il lemma del commento di Galeno (17A.951 K. = CMG V 10 2 2, p. 91,1 Wenkebach), nel ms. Marciano presenta lordine inverso rispetto a quello dei mss. ippocratici, del lemma di Galeno in versione araba e del lemma di Palladio (che mhdn ek, mhdn perorn); lordine del lemma marciano coerente col commento: Galeno prima spiega mhdn perorn e poi mhdn ek, e in questo stesso ordine cita la massima alla ne della sezione del commento stesso (ibid., 953) eap. 3 954 K. = p. 92,11 e 18 Wenkebach). Diller (1950) 229 ha proposto di adottare lordine del Marciano; Areteo potrebbe confermare la preferenza per questordine nella tradizione esegetica anteriore a Galeno. 42 La ricostruzione n d <m> di Hude, come mi segnala Alessandro Lami, contraddice alluso che vuole le ellittiche negative nella forma e d m. Non escluderei che levidente guasto del testo debba essere sanato scrivendo pntvw felenta mhd

blttonta mhdn. 43 Il verbo perorv non ha molte altre attestazioni in contesti medici ma torna

tre volte in Areteo e sempre in forma negativa, come uneco della prescrizione di Epidemie, cfr. 5.10.16 (p. 117,18 Hude); 6.1.4 (p. 119,25 Hude); 7.2.1 (p. 144,19 Hude). 44 Cfr. Deichgrber (1971a) 8 s.

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431

1.8 (2.628,3 L. = 1.160 Jones), ed riuscito, con piccoli interventi testuali, a rendere leggibile il doppio confronto con Ippocrate, che non aatto perspicuo nelledizione Hude: Aret. 3.1 p. 36,4 ss. Hude:
xronvn nosvn: pnow mn poulw, xrnow d makrw, jnthjiw kak#, bbaiow lyejiw
#

Hipp. Aph. 1.1 (4.458,2 L. = 4.98 Jones): bow braxw, d txnh makr, d kairw jw, d pera sfaler, d krsiw
xalep

makrw, jnthjiw kak

Deichgrber: makrw juntjiow ka codd. edd.

Hipp. Epid. 1.8 (2.628,3 L. = 1.160 Jones): genomnvn d xrnvn

makrn ka pnvn polln ka kakw suntjiow ktl.

Conclusioni Lintreccio di forma dellaforismo e contenuto della catastasi che Areteo ha realizzato nellultimo dei passi che abbiamo citato non solo testimonia della sua abilit nel rielabolare e fondere segmenti testuali ippocratici diversi ma anche presuppone la capacit dei suoi lettori di riconoscere un articio cos ranato. per anche vero che i testi che Areteo usa come fonte di autorit e di formulazioni icastiche sono gli stessi che sappiamo essere stati ripetutamente oggetto di commento; quei testi cio che erano pi studiati e meglio conosciuti. Essi hanno mediato contenuti dottrinali ma anche norme di comportamento medico. La scelta che Areteo fa di citazioni tratte da capitoli proemiali facilmente comprensibile sia per la qualit dei loro contenuti sia per la loro facile riconoscibilit. Pur mostrando tratti che gli sono peculiari,45 Areteo anche un anello (e probabilmente non un caso isolato) di quella catena che ha sostenuto e ha continuamente rivitalizzato la gura del medico elaborata negli scritti ippocratici pi antichi.

Come per esempio la sympatheia col malato, per cui cfr. Deichgrber (1971a).

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Additamentum (1958), vedi Hude (1923), 173174. Anastassiou, A. Irmer, D. (1997), Testimonien zum Corpus Hippocraticum, Hippokrateszitate in den Kommentaren und im Glossar, II 1, Gttingen. Cuomo, S. (1998), Pappus of Alexandria and the Mathematics of Late Antiquity, Cambridge. De Lacy, Ph. (1992), Galen, On Semen, CMG V 3 1, Berlin. Deichgrber, K. (1971a), Aretaeus von Kappadozien als medizinischer Schriftsteller, Abh. der schischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig 63,3, Berlin. . (1971b), Medicus gratiosus. Untersuchung zu einem griechischen Arztbild, Abhandkungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften und Literatur in Mainz, ph.-hist. Kl. 1970,3. . (1972), Hippokrates De humoribus in der Geschichte der griechischen Medizin, Abhandkungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften und Literatur in Mainz, ph.-hist. Kl. 14. . (1973), Pseudippokrates ber die Nahrung, Abhandkungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften und Literatur in Mainz, ph.-hist. Kl. 3. Demont, P. (1999), elbeia, peirh duspeirh. Observations sur la thrapeutique selon le dbut du trait des Humeurs, in: Garofalo, Lami, Manetti, Roselli (1999), 183202. Diller H. (1950), rec. di Galeni In Hippocratis Epidemiarum librum VI commentaria IVIII, ed. E. Wenkebach F. Pfa, CMG V 10 2 2, Leipzig 1940, in: Gnomon 22, 226235. Garofalo, I., Lami, A., Manetti, D., Roselli, A. (1999), Aspetti della terapia nel Corpus Hippocraticum, Atti del IXe Colloque international Hippocratique, Pisa 1996, Firenze. Hude, C. (1923), Aretaeus, Opera, CMG II, Leipzig, editio altera 1958. Jouanna, J. (1999), Reexions sur limaginaire de la thrapeutique dans la Grce classique, in: Garofalo, Lami, Manetti, Roselli (1999), 2742. Kudlien, F. (1963), Untersuchungen zu Aretaios von Kappadokien, Abhandkungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften und Literatur in Mainz, ph.-hist. Kl. 11. Lonie, I.M. (1981), The Hippocratic Treatises On Generation, On the Nature of the Child, On Diseases IV, BerlinNew York. Manetti, D. Roselli, A. (1982), Ippocrate Epidemie Libro sesto, Introduzione, testo critico, commento e traduzione, Firenze. Nutton, V. (1996), Aretaios, in: Der Neue Pauly, I, StuttgartWeimar, 10511052. Oberhelman, S. (1994), On the chronology and Pneumatism of Aretaios of Cappadocia, Aufstieg und Niedergang der Rmischen Welt, Teil II: 37,2, BerlinNew York, 941966. Petit P. (1726), Commentarii et animadversiones in octo Aretaei libros, Londini, in: G. Khn a cura di S. Cerasuolo (1828), Medicorum Opera, vol. XXIV, 365727. Roselli, A. (1999), Suida ed Eustazio su Ippocrate Epidemie 6.4.18: hydor boron kai agrupnie boron, Medicina nei secoli 11, 110. . (2001), Le doti del medico nella cura delle malattie croniche, in: Docente natura: Hommage Guy Sabbah, Publ. de lUniversit de Saint-Etienne, 246256. . (2004), Un frammento del trattato di Ippocrate Sulle ferite (mortali) in Psello ed Eustazio, in: Mathesis & Mneme. Studi in memoria di Marcello Gigante a cura di S. Cerasuolo, Napoli. Wigan, J. (1723), Annotationes, in: G. Khn (1828), Medicorum Opera, vol. XXIV, 728783.

HIPPOCRATES IN THE CONTEXT OF GALEN: GALENS COMMENTARY ON THE CLASSIFICATION OF FEVERS IN EPIDEMICS VI In-Sok Yeo Summary

This paper elucidates the relationship between Hippocrates and Galen concerning the classication of fever and illustrates Galens use and abuse of Hippocrates. Galen used Epidemics VI in order to justify his own arguments on the classication of fever, based on the three forms of matter. A close examination of Galens use of Epidemics VI does not support his justication. It turns out that it was Galens theory-laden eyes that made Epidemics VI a founding ground for his fever theory.

Classifying fever has been a primary concern in Western medicine from the time of Hippocrates through to the nineteenth century.1 In the Hippocratic corpus, a variety of names for fevers or feverish aections exists, including quotidian, tertian, quartan, semitertian,2 epialos3 and the famous causus.4 In fact, fever is the most common disease entity mentioned in the Hippocratic collection. The Hippocratic writing Epidemics is full of case histories of fever patients, which describe symptoms and oer prognoses. However, curiously enough, fever in the Hippocratic collection has not been a highlighted subject of historical investigation. And, similarly, little attention has been paid
For a history of fever theory see Bynum and Nutton (eds.) (1981). This is a mixture of quotidian and tertian fever. For the history of semitertian fever see Jarcho (1987) 411430. 3 There is no agreement on the concept of this disease entity. Galen considered it to be a fever characterised by the simultaneous presence of shivering and fever; see On Dierences of Fever 2.6 (7.47 K.). For others, this disorder was not a fever but a nightmare (see Aristophanes, Wasps 1038). 4 A disease entity that can be translated as ardent fever, but does not correspond to any disease entity recognised by modern medicine. This is a clinical entity dened by a core of cardinal symptoms accompanied by other peripheral and inconstant symptoms. For the details see Grmek (1994) 416420.
2 1

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in-sok yeo

to fever theory. This situation is partly due to the heterogeneity of the corpus and the resulting diculty of nding theoretical coherence. Of the studies carried out on the diseases mentioned in the Hippocratic collection, including fever, most have been centred on making a retrospective diagnosis.5 The situation is a little bit dierent with Galen. Compared with the relatively rich assessments of Galens physiology,6 his pathology still remains relatively unexplored. With regard to Galens fever theory in particular, we have a summary of his theory on intermittent fever7 and the later impact of his theory.8 Sticker wrote a more comprehensive study on the fever theories of ancient medical writers, and the present study is largely indebted to his pioneering work.9 In fact, he already pointed out that Galens classication of fevers is grounded in Epidemics VI,10 but he did not develop this point further. The present study starts where Sticker stopped. And, in so doing, it elucidates the relationship between Hippocrates and Galen in the classication of fevers. It also illuminates Galens use and abuse of Hippocrates, which he employed in order to justify his own arguments. Such activity is typical of Galens Hippocratism11 or, in other words, for the way in which Hippocrates is placed in the context of Galen. Fever was a very common pathological phenomenon. The term was widely used as a generalised name for indicating either a variety of febrile symptoms or dierent disease entities. In fact, any disease with a febrile symptom was regarded as a kind of fever. The generality, and the resultant ambiguity, surrounding the use of fever is reected in the complexity and controversiality of theories explaining fevers. In reading the Hippocratic corpus, it is dicult to draw a coherent and systematic theory of fever, since this collection is actually a heterogeneous compilation of treatises written by dierent authors at dierent periods. Moreover, Hippocratic authors tended to regard fever as an accidental symptom rather than an independent disease

Grmek (1994) 409436 has carried out this task with masterly erudition and multidisciplinary scholarship. See especially his analysis of diseases in Epidemics. See also the study of Siegel (1960) 7798. 6 Siegel (1968); Harris (1973) 267431; Debru (1996). 7 Wittern (1989) 322. 8 Lonie (1981) 1944. 9 Sticker (1928), (1929), (1930). 10 Sticker (1929) 361. 11 For Galens Hippocratism in general see Smith (1979) 61176.

441

In fact, these two statements from Epidemics VI provide the foundation upon which Galen attempted to base his theory of fever, particularly in determining the precise species of fever. However, considerable diculty exists in connecting the two arguments. The rst argument underscores the importance of touch in perceiving and distinguishing dierent fevers. Here, fever is distinguished according to the sharpness, pungency, hotness, dryness and humidity, which are felt by touch. It is natural that, of all the senses, Galen attributes to touch the foremost importance for perceiving fever. For fever, or in other words unnatural heat, was only perceptible by the sense of touch. Although Galen singled out the phrases under discussion as the foundation for his fever theory, he had no small diculty in interpreting and accommodating them in favour of his fever theory.46 Salty (halmuron) is one of the words that troubled him. How can a fever be salty? Galen himself admitted that what is salty is not perceptible by touch, for only taste can grasp it. However, he tried to assimilate it into a touching sensation, that is, a biting and irritating sensation caused by long-lasting contact with salty water or salt.47 A much trickier task was to understand pemphigus fever. In order to clarify this, Galen unfolded a long argument, citing various verses of ancient authors such as Sophocles and Aeschylus.48 After having reviewed all these citations, Galen proposed two possible interpretations of pemphigus: one, fever with exhalation; another, fever with pustules.49 Despite the remaining ambiguity of the text, Galen asserts that pemphigus fever was an airy kind of fever, based on the principle that we can feel the ow of air through our skin.50 Once the connection between fever types and their respective touching sensation had been established, Galen made sure that the kind of fever thus perceived needed no further theoretical justication, for its species was then manifest and known as itself, just as human beings are to be identied as such by their proper forms.51

46 Amneris Roselli (1999) 367373 has analysed in detail Galens commentary in question, to show Galens method and strategy of commenting the Hippocratic text. 47 Gal. In Hipp. Epid. VI Comm. 1.29 (p. 46,22 Wenkebach = 17A 877 K.). 48 Gal. In Hipp. Epid. VI Comm. 1.29 (pp. 4849 Wenkebach = 17A 879880 K.). For further discussion of the problems concerning his citation see Wenkebach (1928) 1112. 49 Gal. In Hipp. Epid. VI Comm. 1.29 (p. 47,89 Wenkebach = 17A 878 K.). 50 Gal. In Hipp. Epid. VI Comm. 1.29 (p. 47.6 Wenkebach = 17A 878 K.). 51 Gal. Di. Febr. 1.13 (7.32930 K.).

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Galen, however, was faced with another problem, no less tricky than the former. Diculties arose in associating the manifest, readily perceptible to touch, with one of the three forms of matter. For example, from what substance did the pungent fever arise? Was it an airy, humoural, or solid substance? What about biting, dry, burning and salty fevers? To explain this association, Galen provided no evidence. Thus, an overt discrepancy appears between his coherent and systematic theory of fever and the supporting evidence he drew from Hippocrates. He chose not to connect them in ways that would help our interpretation nearly two millennia later. Galen may have misunderstood what the names of fevers in the Hippocratic corpus stood for. Biting, gentle, moist to touch, livid, dry, horrible to see and atulent were the adjectives used to qualify a fever.52 The author of Epidemics VI had no intention of designating any species of fever by these specic adjectives. These were simply the words used to express the accidental features of a fever. Yet Galen substantialised these adjectives, making them identiers of disease entities, and used them as what he deemed to be the proper divisions of fever. However, Epidemics VI was not intended as a work that put forward any coherent and systematic theory of fever. Rather, it was Galens theoryladen eyes that forged Epidemics VI into being the foundation of his fever theory. This forging placed the earlier Hippocratic writing into a new Galenic context. Bibliography
Bynum, W.F. and V. Nutton (eds.) (1981), Theories of Fever from Antiquity to the Enlightenment, London. Dagognet, F. (1970), Le Catalogue de la Vie, Paris. Debru, A. (1996), Le Corps Respirant, Leiden. Grmek, M. (1994), Les Maladies LAube de la Civilisation Occidentale, Paris. Harris, C.R.S. (1973), The Heart and Vascular System in Ancient Greek Medicine, Oxford. Jarcho, S. (1987), A history of semitertian fever, Bulletin of the History of Medicine 61, 411430. Jones, W.H.S. (1909), Malaria and Greek History, Manchester. Lannec, R.T.H. (1804), Propositions sur la Doctrine dHippocrate, relative la Mdecinepratique, Paris. Lonie, I.M. (1981), Fever pathology in the sixteenth century: Tradition and Innovation, Medical History, Supplement 1, 1944. Pinel, P. (1802), Nosographie Philosophique, Paris.

Lannec (1804) 25.

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Puschmann, T. (1878), Alexander von Tralles, Vienna. Roselli, A. (1999), Notes on the doxai of doctors in Galens commentaries on Hippocrates, in: P.J. van der Eijk (ed.), Ancient Histories of Medicine, Leiden, 359382. Sallares, R. (2002), Malaria and Rome: A History of Malaria in Ancient Italy, Oxford. Sider, D. and M. McVaugh (1979), Galen on Tremor, Palpitation, Spasm, and Rigor, Transactions and Studies of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia 1.3, 183210. Siegel, R.E. (1960), Epidemics and infectious diseases at the time of Hippocrates. Their relation to modern accounts, Gesnerus 17, 7798. . (1968), Galens System of Physiology and Medicine, Basel. Smith, W.D. (1979), The Hippocratic Tradition, Ithaca. Sticker, G. (1928, 1929, 1930), Fieber und Entzndung bei den Hippokratikern, Archiv fr Geschichte der Medizin 20, 150174; 22, 313343 and 361381; 23, 4067. Wenkebach, E. (1928), Dichterzitate in Galens Erklrung einer Hippokratischen Fieberbezeichnung, Leipzig. Wittern, R. (1989), Die Wechseleber bei Galen, History and Philosophy of Life Sciences 11, 322.

GALENS COMMENTARY ON HIPPOCRATES DE HUMORIBUS* Ivan Garofalo

Summary This paper deals with the fragments of the Galenic commentary on Hippocrates De humoribus preserved in Oribasius, Rhazes, Maimonides, their philological history and a comparison of some passages. The Hippocratic treatise On Humours1 is one of the most dicult treatises in the collection, for it is in eect an aphoristic summa of Coan medicine. Galen considered it authentic, but at the same time too concise and too prolix.2 His commentary on it is, it seems, an attempt to elicit from it the complete Hippocratic doctrine.3 Oribasius excerpted substantial sections from the commentary. Signicant parts were inserted into a pseudo-Galenic tract, produced probably in the Alexandrian school: On Sleep, Wakefulness and Exercises (De somno et vigilia et exercitiis).4 Even for the ninth century scholar Hunain it was dicult to nd a Greek manuscript of Galens commentary on the Hippocratic Humours;
* I thank my friend Jeanne Clegg for trying to improve my English, and A. Roselli for her suggestions. 1 Peri chumn / De humoribus, henceforth Hum. See Littr, vol. 5 (1846) 470475; Deichgrber (1972), Jouanna (1993) 241242. 2 Scholium in the ms Marcianus gr.269, f. 74r above the title: GNHSION FHSIN O GALHNOS, in the margin: tot tina e! braxulogan !xthn xei !figmna, tin d ktetamna mmtrou (read !ummtrou) mllon. Something similar in its apograph H, Par. 2142 (Littr V 476): Gn!ion enai toto Ippokrtou! fh!n Galhn!, pln !tin eren tina mn e! braxulogan !xthn figmna (read !figmna), tin d ktetamna !ummtrou plon. I thank C. De Stefani for communicating to me his reading of the ms. 3 On Humours has a rather eccentric theory of critical days (evacuations from above on odd days, from below on even days), and Galen, pour cause, does not quote it in his books on Crises and Critical Days. 4 The Arabic translation of this treatise has been edited as a doctoral thesis by Rainer Nabielek, who also published a paper on it. The passages quoted by Rhazes are certainly drawn from the Galenic commentary and not from Oribasius. See also Balielek (1982).

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his Syriac translation was turned into Arabic by Isa Hunains pupil,5 but neither the Greek nor the Oriental versions have survived.6 Like other lost Galenic works, the commentary on Humours was eagerly sought in the Renaissance, and nally, in 1560, Darmarius, inspired by Rasarius, composed the forgery preserved i.a. in the Parisinus Coislinianus 163.7 The Latin version of it, by Rasarius, was published in 1564. Chartier (1679) apparently distrusted it but Khn published it (1828), with the Latin version by Rasarius. Although some scholars expressed doubts about its authenticity, it was only in 1918 that it was shown to be a forgery by the prospective editor of the commentary for the CMG, K. Kalbeisch. The rst collection of fragments from the authentic commentary, extracted from the Latin version of Maimonides Aphorisms, was printed in the Juntina of Galen in 1597 and reproduced by Chartier, with modications, in Volume IX of his Hippocratis et Galeni opera (pp. 399401).8 In his 1972 essay on the role of On Humours in ancient medicine, K. Deichgrber dedicated a chapter to Galen, and in particular to his lost commentary, presenting his brilliant discovery of the Greek fragments in Oribasius Collectiones medicae. Deichgrber compared Oribasius with the Latin version of Maimonides Aphorisms and demonstrated that the chapter on purgatives (7.22), as well as that on sneezing (8.11.6), derive from the Galenic commentary on Humours. He also suggested that the chapter on revulsion and derivation of humours in Oribasius (8.19) comes from the same commentary. Deichgrber thought that most of the fragments (about thirty) were preserved by in Maimonides. In fact, as Manfred Ullmann9 and Gerrit Bos10 have observed, Maimonides excerpts give a fairly clear idea of the nature of the commentary. Thanks to the kindness of Prof. Bos, I was able to make use of a provisional text, with an English translation, of the Arabic edition of Aphorisms he is preparing.11

Hunain, Bergstrsser (1925), n. 96. The manuscript Meshed Tibb 80 (Sezgin (1970) 35) does not contain the Galenic commentary, as I could see with the help of Vronique Boudon, who possesses a microlm of it. 7 Demont (1999) 183184. 8 See Deichgrber (1956) 517519. 9 Ullmann (1970). 10 See also Bos (2002). 11 The fragments collected by Bos are fairly more numerous than those collected by the Juntina and Chartier.
6

galens commentary on hippocrates

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Deichgrber knew, of course, that many fragments of the commentary are preserved in Rhazes, yet in a footnote (p. 40, n. 20) he states that he would not take Rhazes work into consideration on this occasion but would do so in the future. Unfortunately this promise was not fullled, nor did Deichgrber publish a complete essay on Maimonides fragments. The project for a complete collection of all fragments of the commentary, along the line of the collection by Baumgarten of Peri phons,12 was never realised. In fact, the fragments preserved in Rhazes13 are much more numerous than those in Maimonides,14 and some are considerably longer; some of them adhere to the format of the commentary, with Hippocrates lemma followed by Galens explication. A good deal of fragments are shared by the two authors, without completely coinciding, because of their dierent way of excerpting. Maimonides excerpts are usually fuller. The Commentary on HUMOURS Galen recalls twice the occasion on which he composed his commentary on De humoribus. In the commentary on Epidemics III (written about 186),15 he writes: after this (the commentary on De alimento), I composed the explanations on De humoribus, in only a few days, because the man who asked me to make them was in a hurry to leave.17 However, in On My Own Books (De libris propriis, published after 192)17

Baumgarten (1964). Many extracts, however, are doublets. E.g. 7.59.18 9 7.114.1415. 14 Sezgin (1970) 35 indicates only Continens 15.158; Ullmann (1970) 30 attributes several quotations in books 3 an 4 of the Continens, which come from the commentary of Galen, to the book of Hippocrates. The mistake arises from the fact that Rhazes refers to the commentary as the (rst, second, third) book of Humours, as he usually does when quoting Galenic commentaries. See Garofalo (2002). 15 Bardong (1942) 639. 16 This could explain the low esteem in which Maimonides held the commentary (see the Introduction to his Commentary on Hippocrates Aphorisms). I owe this suggestion to G. Bos. 17 In Hippocratis III Epidemiarum commentarii 2, prooem. (17A.578,5 = CMG V 10.2.1, 61,17 . Wenkebach: met d toto to Per xumn jhg!ei! poih!mhn di
13

taxvn n mrai! lgai!, peigomnou pr! podhman to parakal!anto! at! grcai. Libr. Propr. (19.35,813 K. = SM II, p. 112.1823 Mller): met d toto to Per xumn jhg!ei! poih!mhn di taxvn n mrai! lgai!, peigomnou pr! podhman to parakal!anto! at! grcai.

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the commentary on Humours is listed among those given to friends, ready for publication. This contradiction has been noticed by scholars;18 perhaps the original commentary was revised and enriched in the interval, as others certainly were. According to Bardong, it was composed about 177, after the composition of the rst commentary on Regimen in Acute Diseases. A fragment in Rhazes (23.202.14) conrms this date, if Galen is there alluding to On the Preservation of Health: the second book on humours: we showed in our books that spontaneous fatigue comes either from corruption of humours or from plethora in the body. This topic is treated in book 4 of On the Preservation of Health (De sanitate tuenda). This treatise was written about 177.19 The commentary on Humours20 was in three books, as Galen21 tells us in On My Own Books, and he himself quotes from the third.22 In the Arabic version of Humours, edited by Mattock, the Hippocratic treatise is divided into three books; we nd the subscriptions to the end of each of the three books.23 According to these subscriptions, the rst book closed with the second paragraph of chapter 4 (gra!m!); the second book started with rrici! and ended with chapter 7; and the third was a commentary on our chapters 820. This suggests that the Arabic version of the Hippocratic text has been constructed by unifying the lemmata of the commentary. Humours was not independently translated into Arabic, and in this respect it resembles other works commented upon by Galen, such as Airs, Waters, Places, Regimen in Acute Diseases or Aphorisms, the Arabic translations of which are clusters of lemmata. So we have the text of Humours as accepted by Galen. Its relation to the text of Humours has been studied by J.N. Mattock24 and by Paul Demont.25

Deichgrber (1972), ManettiRoselli (1994) 1540. Bardong (1942) 638 n. 2. 20 Edition of reference Jones, Hippocrates vol. 4, who uses A and M but also quotes the spurious commentary. 21 Libr. Propr. (19.36.8 K = SM II, p. 113.1819 Mller): e! d t per xumn pomnmat moi tra ggonen. 22 In Hipp. Epid. VI Comm., 3.37 (17B.108,3 K = CMG V 10.2.2, 182.1214 Wenkebach): fagedana! d ti lgei t diabibrv!kmena tn lkn, d ka fagedainik kalo!in o palaio tn atrn, erhtai [d] kn t trt tn e! t Per
19

xumn pomnhmtvn.
23 24 25

See Mattock (1971) and IrmerAnastassiou (1997). See apparatus. Demont (1999) 190 n. 20.

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The rst book of the commentary concerned a few pages of Humours, but these pages contain, in an aphoristic style, almost all the diagnostic and therapeutic topics of Hippocratismwithout strict reference to the text, as Maimonides observed. Most of the excerpts in Rhazes and in Maimonides are drawn from the rst book, but the third book is also well represented; few fragments come from the second. Galen26 quotes his own commentary several times: at De tremore 4 (7.591,18 K.) for the term erripsis (prostration; see below),27 at De methodo medendi 4.6 (10.291,8 K.) for revulsion and derivation;28 at De crisibus 1.7 (9.577 K.), commenting on the need of wait for coction when evacuating. Then in his commentary on Aphorisms 1.2023 (17B.436 K.), which are almost identical to Humours 6; in his commentary on Epidemics VI, 24.1, which contains a passage almost identical to Humours 20 (the nal chapter), as well as an aphorism on revulsion and derivation which appears, with variations, at Humours29 where, says Galen, it was commented on in full. Strangely enough, he does not quote Humours when commenting on Aphorisms 3.14, which appear almost word for word in Humours, chapters 15 and 16. The only explicit reference to the commentary, apart from Galens own, is in a scholium to Oribasius, a chapter, borrowed from Rufus,30 on the swelling named terminthos, terebinth:
txa d trminyo! klyh di t poiklon t! xroi!, ti ka karp! t! termnyou poiklo!, e ge mn flktaina mlaina, t d t po!rmati oik! nereuy!, ka t pon !ux leukn. schol. R2: otv ka Galhn! boletai n t Per xumn Ippokrtou!, tmma g. (on Hum. 20).

Oribasius, Collectiones medicae 44.15 (CMG III 132.2031 Raeder)

Galen shared Rufus opinion that the name terminthos comes from the similarity of this excrescence to the fruit of the terminthos; and
IrmerAnastassiou (1997). At his In Hipp. Epid. VI Comm., 1.15, he read =cei!, not rrici!, as do the mss. M and V and the editors Manetti and Roselli (1981) 18.
27 28 totou d ato plin m! tn diori!mn n t per xumn ddajen, nti!pn mn kelevn e! tnanta, paroxeteein d e! t plgia. 29 In Hipp. Epid. VI Comm. 2.7 (17A.905,1 K = CMG V 10.2.2 = 64.1417 Wenkebach): Paroxeteein Trpou! yerapein p xumo! ntaya did!kein rxetai, gegrammnou! teleiteron n t Per tn xumn, er!ontai d ka nn namn!ev! neka. 30 Daremberg does not include it in his collection of fragments, but it comes after ch. 14 from Rufus Peri tn ektos pathn, as ch. 18 (see scholiast at both passages), and the style and the authorities quoted are the same as in ch. 18. 26

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similarly in the commentary on the parallel passage of Epidemics VI 3.23 (5.304 L.),31 and in the Glossarium (19.145,12 K).32 Rhazes Rhazes,33 the great physician who died in 923 or 925 and who was in a position to use all the translations of the school of Hunain, has preserved about a hundred fragments, distributed in nearly all books of the Continens according to the division in the Hyderabad edition.34 The longest are from book 4 on pleuritis, book 6 on evacuations, book 16 on crises and book 23A on sleeping, vomiting etc.35 The spurious commentary by Darmarius, which includes the extracts from the Latin Maimonides translated into Greek, has none of the quotations preserved by Rhazes, even though the Latin translation of the Continens by Faragut (printed in Brescia, 1489 and later) was accessible to him. Since Rhazes and Maimonides36 quote passages of a medical or physiological nature, testimonies on linguistic matters are rare. They can be summarised as follows: (1) The distinction between chymos and chylos , certainly in the Prooemium:
Maimonides Aph. 23.5: Chymos is a liquid that is found in the body of living being and chylos is that which is found in fruits when they Maimonides Fr. 79 Chartier: ex prima humorum. Chymus est humiditas quae reperitur in corpore animalis et chylus est humiditas quae reperitur in

31 17B.108 K. (= CMG V 10.2.2 = 183.47 Wenkebach): ka t tn termnyvn (terminvn U corr. Ald.) d noma melnvn tinn kfumtvn n ta! knmai! mli!ta

ginomnvn !t dhlvtikn p t! kat !xma ka xran ka mgeyo! moithto! t karp tn termnyvn gegon!. See ManettiRoselli (1982) 7475. In fact the word ote termnyoi!i has disappeared in the direct tradition of Hippocrates and is pre-

served by the Galenic commentary. 32 trminyoi: o t to termnyou karp parapl!ioi, kat t drma !uni!tmenoi par f!in gkoi. The spurious commentary by Darmarius (XVI 461 K) gives a fanciful explanation of the term. 33 On Rhazes see Sezgin (1970) 274294 and Ullmann (1970) 128136. 34 This is not a critical edition; see Ullmann (1994) 13001302. It can be supplemented by the Latin version of Faragut (1266), rst printed at Brescia in 1486. I have used the Venetian edition of 1529, preserved in the Biblioteca comunale of Siena, for the help and support of which I am most grateful. 35 For the Greek sources of Rhazes see I. Garofalo (2002). 36 The translations from the Arabic Maimonides are by G. Bos, with modications.

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are eaten or squeezed. In his explanation of the rst book of Humours.

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fructibus cum comeduntur, vel constringuntur.

(2) The discussion of terms such as: (a) mpvti! ebb, of the rst line of Humours (5.476,1 L.):
Maimonides Aph. 6.22: Some physicians are mistaken and think that the blood has increased in the body while it has not increased. Rather, because of the heat of the air or anger or fever something happens to it similar to the high tide in the sea (= plhmur!). And they sometimes think that blood has diminished while it has not diminished. Rather because of the cold which pushes the blood inwards something happens to it which is similar to the low tide of the sea (= mpvti!). In the rst book of his explanation of Humours. Maimonides Fr. 60 Chartier: ex prima expositione humorum. Inclinatur aliquis medicorum et putat sanguinem superabundare in corpore et non superabundat et hoc accidit ex caliditate aeris aut ira aut febre quemadmodum accidit in mari dilatato et ipsum putat esse diminutum et non diminutus est sed hoc accidit ex frigiditate ipsum ad interiora impellente, sicut mari accidit uctuanti.

(b) !trfo! tormentum (5.480,6 L.): Rhazes 8.76.4 Humours: tormentum in the language of the Greeks means irritation of the bowels without evacuation. (c) rrici! prostration (5.480,9 L.): The interpretation preserved by Rhazes coincides with the one given by Galen in his tract De tremore, where he quotes Humours:37 Trem. 4 (7.591,18 K.): t d m
katake!yai dna!yai znto! trpon, ll kntaya kayper nekrn ka cuxon !ma katafre!yai, kakn !xaton. toto n t per xumn rricin kle!en, per o jhgh!menoi t !ggramma m no!ante! llh!an poll. t gr katabebl!yai dkhn cxou !mato!, pant! to tnou telev! klelumnou te ka polvlto! rricin epen, !te m tatn

Rhazes 16.238.11: The third (lege second) of Humours, he said. Prostration is weakness of the faculty of the nerves and the muscles in an illness,38 so that the person lies on his back or on his face or on his ank without moving or moving with pain and violence.

37 38

Translations from Arabic into English as literal as possible. Omitted in ms N.

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enai t rrfyai t katake!yai, ll n xei lgon t katapptein pr! t katake!yai. otv kp tn rnyvn teron mn !tin p gn kataptnai, teron d pe!en p tn gn. t mn gr nrgeia, t d pyo!. !atv! on totoi! nrgeia mn katkli!! !ti, pyhma d rrici!.

The Commentary on HUMOURS in Oribasius The comparison of many passages in Oribasius with parallels in Rhazes conrms Deichgrbers brilliant discovery (see supra) that Oribasius extracted from Galens commentary the passages concerning sleep, sneezing and vomit, in books 6, 7 and 8 of his Collectionesbooks dealing with general matters of hygiene. This comparison shows the freedom typically taken by Oribasius in omissions and slight variations, and similar behaviour in Rhazes. (Rhazes omits the name of Timocrates.)39 (1) revulsion
p to!in nv, ktv, nv, p to!i ktv: (5.477,12 L. = p. 64 Jones): Or. Coll. 8.19.5 = CMG Rhazes 6.7.6: HippoVI 1.1, 266.7 Raeder: crates: when it tends ka pl! tn nt!pa!in upwards, down, and vice poihton p mn to! nv versa. G(alen). Traction =pou!i xumo! e! t ktv, must be in the opposite p d to! e! t ktv direction: draw what tonanton, ka p mn tends upwards, downta! e!v =opa! jv, ka wards and vice versa, plin p ta! kt! e!v, and what tends to the kn e pr! t deji =poi, right, to the left, and tn p ri!ter poihton what tends inward, outnt!pa!in, kn e pr! ward and what tends ri!ter, tn p tnan- forwards, to the rear, as ta. otv! mn ka t! mn we draw matter from p!v =op! nti!pn the eye with the cupContinens 115rB: Dixit ypocras quod si declinans fuerit ad inferius attrahatur ad exterius sed quod ad anterius attrahatur ad posterius, quod ad dextrorsum attrahatur ad sinistrorsum, quod ad interius attrahitur ad exterius, sed attractio de parte anteriori ad partem posteriorem t sicut attrahitur materia oculorum per ventosam appositam

39 Timocrates may be, perhaps, the author of the recipe in Galen, De compositione medicamentorum secundum locos, 5.5 12.887,1 K, as Deichgrber suggests.

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pr!v, t d pr!v =ponta =emata pr! tn p!v xran pgein. Timokrth! gon Hrakleth!, j gro nean!kou kom!anto! e! tn plin o mikrn ti bro! n t deji xeir, ka mprh!ye!h! at!, kleu!e t !on bro! e! tn ri!tern xera metalabnta tn !hn dn n!ai met ato ka tn =eumati!ye!an nad!ai xera, ka totou genomnou kat!th paraxrma t odhma t! deji! xeir!. km d rte pollki! ok p tn xeirn mnon, ll ka p tn !keln poionta t parapl!ion tot: t mn gr =eumati!ynti !klei tn pokrou!tikn ti farmkvn pityhmi met t! pro!hko!h! pid!ev!, ti! rxetai k tn ktv mern, e d kat t !unex! pinemomnh pukn! t pla! xvra mxri boubno! nrxetai: t d tr !klei tn yermainntvn ti farmkvn pityhmi, metalambnvn te ka nti!pn p keno t =ema.40

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ping-glass on the nape of the neck41 and cut42 the vein on the front because of pain in the nape of the neck. 6.7.10: He said: a youth brought a weight on his arm, and his arm got in amed and the doctor prescribed him to bring that weight with the other arm and to bring it for a long distance, and that swelling ceased immediately. He said: I do the same, and concern myself with the sick leg and tie it from above downwards and apply on the healthy one warming drugs so as to draw matter to the other leg.

concule occipitii et apperitur vena in fronte ad dolorem partis posterioris colli. Dixit quod quidam infans portando quoddam onus ponderosum per manus passus est in ationem manus ipsius, qui de mandato medici portando illud onus ponderosum per aliam manum spacio similis vie qua portaverat illud onus per manum inatam mitigata fuit inatio eius statim. Dixit quod ego feci similiter in ipso modo et inveniendo pedem dolentem cum fascia ligavi pedem ab inferiori parte eius usque ad superiorem superponendo pedi sano medicinas calefactivas ad attrahendum materiam de alio.

40 41

to =emato! (mss and editors).

Maimonides 12.43: Sometimes apply cupping glasses to the hollow in the back of the neck to attract the matter which ows to the eyes <in the opposite direction>, and bleed from the frontal vein to attract the matter which is in the posterior part of the head. In the rst of Humours (translation by G. Bos). 42 yfjr for ynjr.

454 (2) Evacuations:43

Or. Coll. 7.22.21, CMG VI 1.1, 223.15 Raeder:
ka mn ka t yo! o !mikr mora pr! ndeijin ken!ev!: o mn gr men eyi!mnoi frou!in lupteron t! di t! nv koila! kayr!ei!: o d yei! ok neu kindnou, ka mllon p llebrou. ka t to no!mato! d edo! !kope!yai pro!ken.

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7.23.17 CMG I 1,1 p. 223,3 o d !tenn

xonte! tn yraka ka di toto ka tn pnemona !unteylimmnon nepithdeitatoi tugxnou!in e! t! metikn farmkvn kayr!ei! t! te lla! ka mli!ta tn di llebrou to leuko: =gnutai gr ato! ggen ti tn n to! napneu!tiko! rgnoi!.

Rhazes 6.2.612: From the rst book of Humours, he said: if one is accustomed to vomit, this is easier for him and he can evacuate his body more than others can, and for those who are not accustomed to this using it is dangerous, specially with hellebore, and the persons most damaged by vomiting are the ones with narrow breasts; vomit is in fact harder for them than for any other people, and they are predisposed to phthisis, and when they vomit with hellebore the veins in their respiratory organs mostly break and therefore this must be avoided specially in these people, and people with broad breasts tolerate it and it is easier and safer for them.

Continens 6.1 249A: Dixit in primo capitulo libri humorum quod qui consueverit vomere levior ei erit vomitus et possibile erit ei evacuare corpus per vomitum absque horribilitate: tamen qui non conueverit eo uti fallax erit eius operatio et proprie cum elleboro; habentes quoque pectora stricta vehementius nocumentum patiuntur in vomitu cum di cilior fuerit vomitus eis quam aliis cum forte apti fuerint ad ptisim. Unde si vomuerint cum elleboro rumpentur in eis vene in instrumentis anhelitus in maiori parte. Ideo vomitus cavendus est in hiis proprie. Sed habentes pectora larga magis sustinent vomitum cum levior sit eis et securior in eis.

(3) Vomits:
Or. Coll. 8.20.5, CMG Rhazes 5.37.1 (the rst VI 1.1, 266.26 Raeder: of Humours): When yelEk tn Galhno: per low or black bile ows mtou. into the stomach and To! y!i tn mtvn food gets corrupted in it, note mn !umfrei pro- and if the region is hot !gein, note d pgein and the regimen is toilContinens 97rA: Dixit G. quod si colera rubea aut nigra uens fuerit ad stomacum et inde cibarium fuerit corruptum et regio fuerit calida cura erit fastidiosa et

Cf. the spurious commentary, 16.124125 K.

galens commentary on hippocrates

te ka peyzein. e mn on e! tn koilan !urroi jany xol, pikroxlou te nto! to nyrpou ka xvron okonto! yermn n te pnoi! ka front!i diaitoumnou, pro!eyzein xr tn xoln men prn pro!are!yai trofn: e d di t plon ylein onou pnein p to! loutro! pr tn !itvn, pgein to kat tn meton you! ma t ka to plyou! fairen tn te !itvn ka potn: !yen! gr koila ginomnh totvn yzetai dxe!yai t! j lou to !mato! periou!a! e! atn !urreo!a!kat kairo! d tina! men !umfrei xrin to xumn gl!xron ka ple!ton porrcai t! ga!tr!, nka =afand! te di jumlito! (. . .) ka to! jvyen pitiyemnoi! farmkoi! =vnnnte! atn.

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some,44 accustom him to vomiting before food so that the bile be cleaned, and if he is accustomed to that when he eats and lls himself with food and drink stop this habit of his by reducing his food and wine; their bellies are feeble indeed and ready and accustomed to matters owing in them, and for those in whose stomach viscous phlegm collects vomiting with radishes and oxymel at xed periods is benecial and (some corrupted words) . . . and put upon his stomach cataplasms with fortifying matter lest he should get feeble because of the evacuation by vomiting.

dicilis.45 Unde utendum erit vomitu ante assumptionem cibi ut mundi cari valeat de ipsa colera. Quod si patiens usualiter post repletionem cibarii et potus evomuerit corrigenda est illa consuetudo diminuendo cibum et potum cum inde stomacus debilitetur et aptus at ad recipiendum reumata discurrentia ad eum; quod si coadunatum fuerit in stomaco egma viscosum insistendum est vomitu cum radicibus et syrupo acetoso. frequenter quoque cura debet eri cum emplastro apponendo stomaco cum rebus confortantibus eum ne ex usu vomitus debilitetur.

Two more chapters of book 8 of the Collectiones, 9 on exercises and 12 on the times of exercising, may also have been lifted from the commentary. Bibliography
Anastassiou, A. and D. Irmer (1997), Testimonien zum Corpus Hippocraticum II 1, Gttingen. Balielek, R. (1982), Probleme bei der Edition der nur arabisch berlieferten pseudogalenischen Schrift De somno et vigilia , NTM-Schriftenreihe zur Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften., Technik, Medizin 19, 7580. Emending n'm in ta'abiyyan (pnoi!). Faragut has misunderstood the Arabic.

44 45

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Bardong, K. (1942), Beitrge zur Hippokrates- und Galenforschung, Nachr. der Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Kl. Gttingen, 7, 577640. Baumgarten, H. (1963), Galen ber die Stimme. Testimonien der Verlorenen Schrift Per fvn. Pseudo-Galen De voce et anhelitu, Diss. phil. Gttingen. Bergstraesser, G. (ed.) (1925), unain, Risala, ber die syrischen und arabischen Galenbersetzungen, Leipzig. Bos, G. (2002), The Reception of Galen in Maimonidess Medical Aphorisms, in: V. Nutton (ed.), The Unknown Galen (Institute of Classical Studies, BulletinSuppl. 77), London, 139152. Daremberg, Ch. and E. Ruelle (eds.) (1879), Oeuvres de Rufus dEphse, Paris. Deichgrber, K. (1972), Hippokrates De humoribus in der Geschichte der antiken Medizin, Abhand. der Akademie der Wiss. Lit., Mainz, 3357. Demont, P. (1999), elbeia peirh duspeirh. Observations sur la thrapeutique selon le dbut du trait des Humeurs, in: I. Garofalo, A. Lami, D. Manetti and A. Roselli (eds.), Aspetti della terapia nel Corpus Hippocraticum, Florence, 183176. Garofalo, I. (2002), Alcune questioni sulle fonti greche nel Continens di Razes, Medicina nei Secoli 14, 383406. Jouanna, J. (1992), Hippocrate, Paris. Manetti, D. and A. Roselli (eds.) (1982), Ippocrate Epidemie libro VI, Florence. . (1994), Galeno commentatore di Ippocrate, in: W. Haase (ed.), Aufstieg und Niedergang der Rmischen Welt 37.2, BerlinNew York, 15291635. Mattock, J.N. (ed.) (1971), Kitb Buqrt -l-akllt, Hippocrates On Humours, Cambridge. Sezgin, F. (1970), Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, Vol. III, Leiden. Ullmann, M. (1970), Die Medizin im Islam, Leiden. . (1994), Die arabische Uberlieferung des Rufus von Ephesos, Aufstieg und Niedergang der Rmischen Welt II.37.2, BerlinNew York, 12931349.

AUTOUR DE LA CONNAISSANCE DU TRAIT HIPPOCRATIQUE DES HMORROIDES LPOQUE BYZANTINE Alessia Guardasole

Summary In two manuscripts of Galens De compositione medicamentorum secundum locos, the Marcianus gr. V 7 and the Vaticanus Reginensis gr. 172, Galens text is interrupted by a brief anthology about aetiology and therapy of prolapses, haemorrhoids and anal inammations. Both manuscripts present a chapter, titled ata amorrodvn, which consists of chapters 12 (p. 146, 212 Joly) of the Hippocratic On Haemorrhoids. My contribution presents this new document about the knowledge of this Hippocratic work, neglected by modern scholars, but well known by Byzantine medical writers.

Robert Joly, dans son dition de 1978 des traits Des hmorrodes (De haemorrhoidibus) et Des stules (De stulis), avait dj soulign la ncessit et limportance dune tude dtaille sur le rle de prminence du Des hmorrodes dans la tradition mdicale ancienne.1 Ensuite, dans sa communication prsente Pise en 1997 dans le cadre du IXe Colloque Hippocratique, Anna Maria Ieraci Bio avait identi un remde hippocratique (Haem. 7, 6.442 L.) contre les hmorrodes, repris dans le quatorzime livre, encore indit, de lencyclopdie mdicale dAtius dAmide.2 Elle avait aussi trs bien document lutilisation directe du texte dHippocrate, ainsi que sa rvision, de la part dAtios, en soulignant le rle central du trait Des hmorrodes face au texte canonique des Aphorismes 6.12, traitant du mme sujet. Les rsultats de notre enqute sont tout fait comparables ceux de Madame Ieraci Bio. Lors de la collation des manuscrits Marcianus Graecus V 7 (= M) et Vaticanus Reginensis gr. 172 (= R) (datant tous les deux du quatorzime sicle),3 nalise ldition du trait de Galien Sur la
1 2 3

Joly (1978) 135. Ieraci Bio (1999) 458463. Pour la description de ces deux manuscrits, cf. Guardasole (1997) 4547.

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composition des mdicaments daprs les lieux aects (De compositione medicamentorum secundum locos), jai remarqu que ces deux manuscrits omettent un longue passage, traitant des remdes contre lhydropisie et les coliques, du texte de Galien.4 Dans les deux tmoins une anthologie sur les direntes pathologies dysentriques est insre au mme point du texte de Galien; on y trouve des fragments inconnus ailleurs des Collections mdicales (Collectiones medicae) dOribase.5 A la suite de cette premire insertion, le texte des manuscrits correspond aux pages 288,8314,12 de ldition de Khnmme si par ailleurs on peut noter que dans M les Compositions de Galien sont interrompues nouveau par linsertion dautres remdes contre les mmes pathologies.6 Au chapitre des Compositions galniques 9.7 (13.314,12 K.), traitant des pathologies anales, on voit apparatre aussi bien dans M, fol. 111v, 1, 35, que dans R, fol. 224r, un autre fragment dOribase (Oreibasou), qui introduit une anthologie sur les pathologies anales, prsentant exactement la mme structure que lanthologie prcdente. Les quatre premiers remdes sont tirs de manire vidente de Galien, mme si Oribase en a sans doute t la source intermdiaire;7 en revanche, pour le reste de lanthologie, je nai pas encore trouv de correspondance littrale dans les traits connus de mdecine et pharmacologie anciennes.8
4 La partie de texte omise correspond aux pages 266, 8288, 6 du tome XIII de ldition de Khn. 5 Cf. Guardasole (2003) 177196. 6 Sur la structure trs mlange du manuscrit M, cf. Sonderkamp (1987) 215228; Guardasole (1997) 46 sq. 7 Cf. Guardasole (2003) 181 sq. 8 Ms. Marcianus Graecus V, 7 (coll. 1054), fol. 111v, 1, 35; Vaticanus Reginensis 172, fol. 224r; cf. Guardasole (2003) 191: p d Oribasou. prw tw n dr& fleg-

monw ka proptseiw. khkda tn janyn csaw ka leisaw, katplasse sxurotr mn on, pr&otr d dati. ka xulw tw sxnou poie prw flegmonw ka proptseiw tw draw. llo: ptuow floio < h, kuparssou sfairvn jhrn < b, proaponcaw on strufn leoiw katplasse. llo prw d tw purdeiw dnaw tw draw: o pto lkiyon leisaw on leuk ka =odn khrvt nalabn dixrie. prw d tow knhsmow, gn Kimvlan leisaw nalmbane khrvt mursn ka xr. prw d tw n daktul ka ado =agdaw: spodo, jusmtvn yonvn kekaumnvn ka mlou son lenaw ka laaw fllvn xuln mjaw, katxrie. troxskow prw joxw: lhw, krkou, smrnaw, n ogg. a, stupthraw ogg. b. leou on mina ka xr. llo. panon kasaw ka w jhron poisaw, on prteron pobrjaw pltte. llo. setlvn flla leisaw ka xrthn kasaw ka mlitow koxliria b baln, kluson ka poisaw mplastron pityei. llo: blxnou tn botnhn kasaw met sklvnow. prw psan flegmonn kat te amorrsin ka daktlion pinmenon ka puriazmenon, paraxrma felon dedokmastai. ka poddeiktai pamplloiw edkimon. to

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Le vocabulaire (par exemple, lemploi de panon, purizv), ainsi que lutilisation de quelques ingrdients, p.e. lmanth9 contre toute forme dinammation anale et dhmorrodes, suggrent une datation assez tardive. Cest justement dans cette section que limportance encore consacre aux textes hippocratiques lpoque byzantine ressort de manire claire. Aprs la recette trs dtaille (cf. note 8) nous renseignant sur lemploi du remde base damanite contre les inammations et les hmorrodes, suit la section dont le titre est ata amorrodvn, tiologie des hmorrodes. Il ne sagit de rien dautre que du premier chapitre et dune partie du deuxime chapitre du trait hippocratique Des hmorrodes. En voici le texte: Hipp., haem. 12 (146,212 Joly = 6.436,212 L.)
ata amorrodvn: amorrodew gnontai tan xol flgma ew tw flbaw tw n t rx katasthrj, yermn t ama t n tow fleboiw: yermanon d, pisptai k tn gguttv flebn t ama, ka naplhromena jogko t ntw to rxo ka perxousin a kefala tn flebn. ka ma mn p tw kprou jioshw ylmenai, ma d p to amatow yroizomnou biazmenai, jakontzousin ama mlista sn t popt, note d ka xvrw to poptou. yerapeein d xr prton. amorrodvn t mn nshma de gnetai: pn xol flgma w tw flbaw tw n t rx katasthrj, yermanei t ama t n tosi fleboisi: yermainmena d t flbia pisptai k tn ggista flebvn t ama, ka plhromena jogke t ntw to rxo, ka persxousin a kefala tn flebvn, ka ma mn p tw kprou jioshw flmenai, ma d p to amatow yroizomnou biazmenai, jakontzousin ama, mlista mn sn t popt, note d ka xvrw to poptou. [2] yerapeein d de de: prton mn ktl.

smbvnow: plion desmdion sn mant met onou potritsaw, ddou pnein potrion. t d napomenan ew t xutrdion pnu yermnaw w kann purizein, lambnvn tn manthn, pura met ato skiw soi dj kalw xein. ew d stv manthw mgaw, do metriteroi ka tn zvmn d spgg kain lambnvn puraze. t at gr poie. tn d potn trew prvaw pintv. d pura ka trw e yelseiaw tn mran. 9 Cf. Savvinidou (2002) 55, 1720 ew flegmanousan dran maindow kefal kekaumnh lea sn mliti nalambanomnh ka t daktl pixriomnh: mkhw [BC: manth VF] sn dati cmenow ka leow nalambanmenow sn boutr pixrimenow kgxrou pturon seshsmnon prokatantlsaw tn tpon on ppasse.

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alessia guardasole 8. jogke (-ei) IR joidei w Littr

2. gnontai R: gr stin M 23. ew tw flbaw tw R: k tn flebn tn M 34. katasthrj scripsi: katasthrjan M katasxey R

Je voudrais commencer par une analyse strictement structurale de cette dernire insertion dans le texte de Galien; car si lon considre la structure de toutes les sections de remdes prsentes dans notre anthologie, on trouve quelles prsentent de manire commune: au dbut, une brve prsentation de la maladie, o sont traits les aspects pathologiques et tiologiques, ainsi que la symptomatologie; puis, une srie de recettes, constituant la partie thrapeutique. Dans les deux autres fragments sur lhydropisie et les pathologies dysentriques, ltiologie est toujours reprise des Collections mdicales dOribase; par contre, dans ce troisime cas lauteur de ces recueils danthologie fait directement rfrence lauctoritas dHippocrate mme si dans aucun des deux manuscrits nest mentionn le nom du pre de la mdecine. De lanalyse du texte et de sa comparaison avec celui du trait hippocratique rsultent les observations suivantes: 1) le verbe katasthrzv (katasthrj dans Hippocrate, katasthrjan dans M), qui est trs prsent dans les dits traits Cnidiens,10 a t retenu dans M, alors que dans R il a t remplac par le plus courant katxv (katasxey); 2) le yermainmena, la ligne 5, a t lobjet dune fausse apprciation de lecture dans son abrviation et il est devenu yermanon, se rfrant ama et entranant lomission du sujet t flbia; 3) le verbe jogke, ligne 8, a t chang en -o dans les deux manuscrits; 4) le dbut du deuxime chapitre, qui dans le trait hippocratique introduit la prsentation de la thrapeutique, a t rsum en yerapeein d xr prton, avant toute autre chose, il faut soigner. Partant, du point de vue du texte, la contribution de cette citation hippocratique est videmment ngligeable; nanmoins, si lon se rfre lhistoire du texte dHippocrate, ladite citation est beaucoup plus intressante, puisquil est fort vraisemblable quelle fut emprunte directement louvrage hippocratique, sans lintermdiaire daucune source, notamment de Galien.
10

Cf. Jouanna (1974) 294, n. 1.

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En fait, dans les traits mdicaux anciens conservs jusqu notre poque, en particulier dans le Corpus galnique, ce passage nest nullement cit, mme si pour Galien la question nest pas tout fait rsolue. Dans son Commentaire aux Aphorismes dHippocrate (In Hippocratis Aphorismos commentarii ), 3.30 (17B.647,8 sq. K.), Galien rsume manifestement la doctrine hippocratique sur ltiologie des hmorrodes en employant les mots suivants:11 les hmorrodes sont en ralit une maladie propre cet ge, ainsi que les mlancolies. Car elles sont causes par la bile noire, chaque fois quelle se reverse en quantit trop excessive dans les vaisseaux de lanus. De mme, dans son Commentaire aux Epidmies VI (In Hippocratis librum VI Epidemiarum commentarii ), 5.25, lorsquil traite de la couleur sombre du sang qui coule souvent des hmorrodes, le mdecin de Pergame crit:12 les hmorrodes ne sont pas provoques par une seule cause, mais tantt cest la nature mme qui les engendre lorsquelle se purie de lhumeur mlancolique, tantt lorsque la nature vacue lexcs de la mme humeur, comme dans les cas des malades qui sont atteints dpistaxis; tantt les hmorrodes se produisent lorsquun vaisseau a t violemment dilat par le sang qui sy est revers, sans que la nature intervienne avec prvoyance. Un troisime passage galnique, qui dailleurs est le plus intressant dans notre enqute, est tir du trait Sur lincision des veines contre Erasistrate (De venae sectione adversus Erasistratum); lorsquil considre la dette des mdecins, dont Diocls Praxagore et Hrophile, envers Hippocrate en ce qui concerne leurs doctrines sur lincision des veines, Galien crit:13 seuls les mdecins
11 Gal., In Hipp. Aph. comment. 3.30 (17B.643, 17647, 11 K.) tosi d pr tn likhn tathn symata, pleurtidew, peripneumonai, lyargoi, frentidew, kasoi, xolrai, dirroiai xrniai, dusenterai, amorrodew. [Hipp., aph. 3.30] [. . .] a d amorrodew okeon ntvw es tw likaw tathw pyow, sper a melagxolai. gnontai gr p melanhw xolw, peidn ew tw kat tn dran flbaw yroteron kataskc. Cette dnition galnique des hmorrodes a t emprunte par pseudo-

Damascius dans son Commentaire aux Aphorismes dHippocrate (In Hippocratis Aphorismos commentarius) 2.382,1517 Dietz. Sur le commentaire de [Damascius], cf. Magdelaine (1996) 289306. 12 Gal., In Hipp. Epid. VI comment. 5.25 (CMG 5.10.2.2, p. 303, 34304, 5 = 17B.286 sq. K.) melanhw xolw w moion amorrodi. [Hipp., Epid. VI 5.15] o
plestoi mn on atn ama mlan kkenontai di tw amorrodow, o mn pantw ge. gnetai d o kat man atan amorrow, ll note mn on atw tw fsevw kkayairoshw tn melagxolikn xumn, note d plyow kkenoshw, w ka tow di =inn amorragosin, sti d t flebw nastomvyeshw t b& to kataskcantow ew atn <amatow> neu to tn fsin rgzesyai toto pronohtikw. 13 Gal., De venae sect. adv. Erasistratum 6 (11.169, 13170, 5 K.) xri mn gr tode ka Dioklw pstato ka Pleistnikow, Hrfilw te ka Prajagraw ka Filtimow

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qui prirent connaissance directe de ses (scil. dHippocrate) traits, eux seuls apprirent par lui comment les hmorrodes se gnrent-elles. Dans ce passage, les mots de Galien pw mn amorrow ggnetai semblent de prime abord faire rfrence au dbut du trait Des hmorrodes (amorrodvn t mn nshma de gnetai ktl.); toutefois, la suite du texte avec les mentions de dysentrie et varices (pw d ka dusentera, pw d ka kirsw, ktl.) me poussent plutt penser que Galien se rfre au texte des Aphorismes dHippocrate.14 Si le traitement chirurgical des hmorrodes enseign par Hippocrate a toujours t le point de rfrence et de dpart incontournable de toute activit de recherche chez les mdecins anciens, le choix du premier chapitre du trait consacr cette maladie dans une anthologie dpoque tardive montre bien la continuit de la place dhonneur occupe par la doctrine du mdecin de Cos, mme en ce qui concerne les recherches sur ltiologie des hmorrodes. De surcrot, les liens trs troits et indiscutables prsents entre le texte transmis par les manuscrits M et R et celui du trait hippocratique tmoignent trs clairement de lusage et de la connaissance sans intermdiaire du texte dHippocrate par les savants byzantins. Bibliographie
Anastassiou, A. Irmer, D. (2001), Testimonien zum Corpus Hippocraticum II 2, Gttingen. Guardasole, A. (1997), Eraclide di Taranto. Frammenti. Testo critico, introduzione, traduzione e commentario, (Speculum, 18), Naples. . (2003), Nuovi escerti di Oribasio, in: Atti del Convegno internazionale Cultura, societ e diritto nel Tardoantico: da Costantino a Teodosio il Grande (Napoli, 2628 aprile 2001), Naples, DAuria, 177196. Ieraci Bio, A.M. (1999), Tracce della fortuna di terapie ippocratiche in et bizantina, in: I. Garofalo A. Lami D. Manetti A. Roselli (d.), Aspetti della terapia nel Corpus Hippocraticum. Atti del IX e Colloque International Hippocratique, Firenze, 458463.
lloi te pollo tn atrn: ok ato mn jeron, pmenoi d Ippokrtei, phnka xr tmnein ksthn n epon flba. ti d p xolw melanhw ew moion amorrodi, toto ok ti pntew gignskousi, katoi safw Ippokrtouw didjantow, ll soi gnhsvw mlhsan ato tow grmmasin, otoi mnoi pw mn amorrow ggnetai memaykasi par ato, pw d ka dusentera, pw d ka kirsw, ktl.
14 Je pense, en particulier, Aph. 3.30 (4.500 L., cit ci-dessus, la note 11) et 6.21 (4.568,78 L.) tosi mainomnoisi, kirsn amorrodvn piginomnvn, manhw lsiw, o lon trouve cit en couple amorrodew/dusentera et amorrodew/kirsw. Dirent est lavis de Anastassiou Irmer (2001) 237, qui classient cette citation de Galien comme tant tire du trait Des hmorrodes; je remercie vivement M. Dieter Irmer pour lattention consacre aux rsultats de cette tude.

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Joly, R. (1978), Hippocrate, Tome XIII. Des Fistules. Des hmorrodes. Texte tabli et traduit par R. Joly, Paris. Jouanna, J. (1974), Hippocrate. Pour une archologie de lcole de Cnide, Paris. Magdelaine, C. (1996), Le Commentaire de Damascius aux Aphorismes dHippocrate, in: A. Garzya J. Jouanna (d.), Storia e ecdotica dei testi medici greci. Atti del II Conv. intern. (Parigi, 2426 maggio 1994), Naples, 289306. Savvinidou, J. (2002), Empirica de Stephanos Magnes. dition critique princeps, commentaire et index analytique des plantes et de leurs usages, Thse dactyl., Paris. Sonderkamp, J.A.M. (1987), Untersuchungen zur berlieferung der Schriften des Theophanes Chrysobalantes (sog. Theophanes Nonnos) (POIKILA BUZANTINA, 7), Bonn.

FRANOIS TISSARD AND HIS 1508 EDITION OF THE HIPPOCRATIC OATH Thomas Rtten*

Summary A few years ago, a Greek text of the Hippocratic Oath (textus receptus) with an interlinear translation into Latin was (re)discovered in a book printed in 1508 in Paris. Its spiritus rector is Franois Tissard. This paper examines the nature of both the Greek and Latin versions of the Oath text and the rationale of including them in a book which contains an eclectic assemblage of texts in Greek, Latin and Hebrew. The paper also discusses the intellectual background of Tissard and his publishing programme, set up by Gilles de Gourmont. It addresses the social, political, pedagogical and religious implications of publishing a bilingual version of the Hippocratic Oath in 1508 in Paris, i.e. for the rst time in the history of printing, and attempts to accommodate this editio princeps (at least for the present) within the textual history of the Hippocratic Oath.

Who would have thought that anything could still be added to the philological exegesis or rather the textual history of the Hippocratic Oath, the most commented upon text of the Hippocratic Corpus? Yet, at the end of the century just past, a text suddenly surfaced which, according to the latest research, can safely be regarded as the editio princeps of the Hippocratic Oath. This discoveryas most discoveries

* I should like to thank Alexa Alfer for her expert translation of this paper, and am also extremely grateful to all my colleagues who facilitated and enriched my year as Matre des confrences at the Universit VII de Paris (20012002): Professor Claude Debru, Professor Eberhard Knobloch, and Professor Karine Chemla. Without the research resources of the Bibliothque Nationale, this paper could not have been nished, even though it was, of course, quite another project that brought me to and occupied my time at Paris. I should also like to thank Professor Nancy Siraisi und Professor Philip van der Eijk for their helpful suggestions and for reading the nal version of this paper. Finally, I am deeply indebted, in more ways than one, to Armelle Debru. She and her family were instrumental in making our time in Paris a truly unforgettable experience.

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in our disciplineis, of course, properly speaking a rediscovery, and it comes with its own little history. Some years ago, I was in the happy position to present a 1518 print by Johann Froben (ca. 1460 1527) to an audience at Pisa.1 This print gathered a number of texts, presented synoptically in Latin and Greek, with the express purpose of oering its readers a practical textbook introduction to Greek literature. The texts included, among others, Aesops fables, the pseudoHomeric Batrachomyomachia, Musaios epyllion Hero and Leander, Agapets Princely Code, and the pseudo-Homeric Galeomyomachia. Amidst this pedagogical-didactic assortment of texts, I also discovered the Hippocratic Oath, the Latin version of which turned out to be that of Niccol Perotti (1429/301480) dating from 1454/55.2 The Greek version, meanwhile, did not seem to correspond to any manuscript version hitherto known to the scholarly community. At the time, I arguedand cited circumstantial evidence to the eectthat Beatus Rhenanus (14851547)3 ought to be regarded as the spiritus rector of this edition.4 In the case of the Batrachomyomachia, the trail led to Rhenanus Greek tutor in Paris, Franois Tissard, whose edition of this text (with an imprint dated 18.9.1507) had demonstrably been in Rhenanus possession, and to which Rhenanus had not only added his own interlinear Latin version, but which he had also apparently copied out again in his own hand.5 And yet it took a seasoned expert like Jean Irigoin to establish that it was not only the pseudo-Homeric trail that pointed to Tissard here; the Hippocratic Oath, too, had, as Irigoin was able to prove, been edited by Rhenanus tutor, complete with his own interlinear Latin version.6 The fact that this edition had, until the publication of Irigoins short article in 1999, completely escaped the notice of Hippocratic scholars may be explained by the rather obscure place of its discovery, l o on ne pouvait gure lattendre.7 The book in question had been published on the 29th of January 1508 (1509 nouveau style) in Paris

Rtten (1999a). The print in question is: Aesopi Phrygis Vita et Fabellae (1518). See Mercati (1925) 22; Monfasani (1981); Rtten (1996) 461462, 479480. 3 For Rhenanus, see von Scarpatetti (1985) 104109. 4 Rtten (1999a) 519. In the meantime, this has been conrmed by Magdelaine (2000) 138150. 5 Rtten (1999a) 521, n. 14. See also Sicherl (1979) 60. 6 Irigoin (1999). 7 Ibidem, 716.
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language and thus deprives them of even the possibility of comprehending the origins of natural and moral philosophy, medicine and theologyeven of the possibility of reading the texts of the Gospels in the original, or of properly understanding legal terminology, Tissard, much in line with the spirit of a translatio imperii,45 fans the ames of competition for cultural hegemony and legitimate succession to the classical civilisations between the two nations. Furthermore, the Guarino-episode plays to a growing sense of the nation-state and the attendant rise in interest in national psychologies. Against the backdrop of the wars between France and several of the Italian states, the avantgarde, i.e. the educational programme of the Humanists, becomes increasingly politicised. The emergence of a European system of super-powers, which, since the invasion of Italy by the French King Charles VIII (14831498) in 1494, could no longer be ignored, henceforth also left its mark on parts of the Humanist movement. In Tissards case, this political dimension is evident in his choice of dedicatees: Prince Franois, later King Franois I of France, and Jean dOrlans, Archbishop of Toulouse (in the case of the Gnomagyricus); Jean dOrlans (for the Batrachomyomachia); Jean Morelet de Museau, Secretary du srnissime et trs chrtien roi de France (Works and Days); again Jean dOrlans (for the Erotemata); and, last but not least, once more Prince Franois (for the Opuscula (grammatica hebraica, etc.)). Anne-Marie Lecoq even ventures the hypothesis that Tissard resided in Italy as a propagandist de Franois.46 In any event, he repeatedly asks his dedicatees for their protection and appeals to them, not infrequently in the beseeching iterative, to remember him in days to come. And it seems that all this pleading paid o in the end: Jovy interprets some of the archive material to the eect that Tissard probably spent the autumn of his life as the kings authorised representative in his native Amboise.47 3. Tissards pedagogical enthusiasms not merely manifest themselves in his praefationes, where he never tires of extolling the advantages of Greek and Hebrew, particularly to his youthful readership. His selection of texts, their format (quarto) and inexpensiveness are equally

45 46 47

On this mode of argument, see Goez (1958); Krmer (1996). Lecoq (1987) 65. Jovy (1899) 5758.

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pedagogically motivated. Tissards favourite authorsHomer,48 Hesiod,49 Phocylides,50 and Pythagoras51were all regarded as extremely ancient during his lifetime andmore importantlyto have believed in and armed the basic truths of Christianity. The same even goes for the hexametric Batrachomyomachia, which, during the Italian Renaissance, had counted as Homeric. In the texts he chose for publication, Tissard seems to have been pursuing some sort of original revelation of human knowledge that would appear all the less tarnished by transmission and tradition the further back it could be traced. In linguistic terms, his aim is to understand ancient Latin in terms of ancient Greek, and in particular to trace Latin literature back to its Greek literary origins. From a moral point of view, Tissard is concerned with purging contemporary morals by promoting a return to the universal Judaeo-Graeco-Christian roots. 4. Which brings us to Tissards religious motivations. By invoking Hieronymus, the vir trilinguis uent in all three of the ancient and biblical languages,52 Tissard explicitly appoints himself as an advocate not only of Latin and Greek, but also of Hebrewthereby subscribing to the humanist ideal that the biblical scholar had to be trium linguarum gnarus.53 Yet, Hebrew was a language that, in the predominantly Catholic and more often than not decidedly anti-semitic climate of the 1500s, was by no means unquestioningly regarded as one of the favourite languages of Humanism.54 With his call for a
48 On Homer during the fteenth and early sixteenth centuries, see Dibdin (18274) vol. 2, 3971; Bolgar (1954) 498500. Grafton (1997) 135183 gives an excellent account on how Tissards compatriot and colleague Guillaume Bud read his Homer. Another slightly later example is provided by Ford (1995). 49 On Hesiod during the fteenth century, see Dibdin (18274) vol. 2, 2939; Bolgar (1954) 497498. 50 On Phocylides during the fteenth century, see Bolgar (1954) 502503. 51 On Pythagoras during the Renaissance, see Kingsley (1995) 317347. 52 In the preface to his translation of Euripides plays as quoted in Omont (1891) 65. 53 This ideal was embodied in the trilingual university established by Cardinal Jimnez de Cisneros in Alcal, in Richard Foxes foundation of Corpus Christi College in Oxford, in Francis Is noble et trilingue Acadmie (later the Collge de France), in the trilingue college in Louvain, and in the provision by Friedrich III, elector of Saxony, of professorships in the three languages at the University of Wittenberg. [Anon.] (2003b) 375. 54 Ulrich Zasius, Tissards contemporary and colleague, provides a good example for this kind of early 16th century anti-semitism: See Burmeister (1993). On Hebraistics during the Renaissance, see Zinguer (1992). The situation in France is

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Christian Hebraistics, Tissard seems to have been a brother in spirit of his contemporary Johannes Reuchlin (14551522), with whom he not only had his profession as a lawyer, his studies in Paris (1473/74 and 1477/78) and Orlans (spring 1479summer 1480), his rst hand experience of the Humanism of the Italian Renaissance (1482, 1490, 1498), and some interest in translating Hippocrates in common,55 but with whom he also shared an active concern for Jewish language and literature, and thus for the preservation of Jewish culture in general. The motivation here was a primarily theological one, born of the conviction that true knowledge was God-given knowledge, and that God had rst revealed himself to the Jews of Israel. Tissards enthusiasm for reform is thus not restricted to the education system and its curricula, but also extends to the Christian faith, to which the redite ad fontes applied just as much as it did to the scholastic academy.56 A brave plea, especially considering theat this time still unchallenged anti-semitic stereotype of the Jews collective responsibility for the death of Jesus, or the hotly debated legal question whether Jews, as subjects of the Holy Roman Empire, enjoyed the protection of the law or ought rather be regarded as objects without any rights before the law; not to mention the countless spiteful polemics accusing the Jews of having brought in the plague, poisoned wells, pierced hosts, and commited ritual murders at Easter.57 Above all, the call for a Christian Hebraistics suggested that Jewish literature did in fact contain evidence of the advent of Christ, passages

well described by Souli (1982) 109: A laube du XVIe sicle, les humanistes ont eu lardent dsir dapprendre lhbreu, mais il sagissait dune vritable aventure: on navait en France ni matres, ni textes, ni caractres dimprimerie, et pour certains le principal obstacle ctait la crainte de judaser, dtre saisi par la mentalit juive et converti. 55 See Rhein (1993). For Reuchlins interest in Hippocrates, see his Hippocrates De praeparatione, 1512; Johannes Reuchlin. Briefwechsel (1999), 77, 345; Rhein, 1989, pp. 5564. In his dedicatory letter to Johannes Stocker, Reuchlin exposes the idea of a translatio medicinae linking the Jews via the Egyptians and Greeks to the Germans. It seems that Reuchlin combines a cultural philosemitism with an actual antijudaism. 56 See Souli (1982) 109 where Tissards eulogy of the Hebrew language in his De iudaeorum ritibus compendium is summarized in the following way: Cest la troisime langue et il semble que cet accomplissement dans le domaine des langues doive ouvrir quelque source cache de la connaissance; en second lieu cest la plus ancienne, la plus pure (intactam) comme si une langue prserve dans le secret contenait un dynamisme particulier, une force cratrice, enn cest la langue que Dieu a choisie pour parler par la bouche des prophtes et annoncer la venue du Christ. 57 See Kudlien (1972); Obermann (1983); Rohrbacher/Schmidt (1991).

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akin to Christian belief, sentiments of deep symbolic value to both Christians and Jews in the form of the cabbalistic writings, and, with the Hebrew commentaries on the Old Testament, a valuable analogon to the Greek commentaries on the New Testament. As the obscurantists-debate showswhich was sparked o in 1509 by Reuchlins report and evolved around the question of whether the Talmud and other Jewish writings ought to be conscated or destroyed by the Christian authorities on account of their alleged anti-Christian content, such enlightened attitudes were anything but common at the time, especially in Paris, where the University led a counter-report to Reuchlin. Maybe Tissard, despite of all precautions,58 had overdone it in the eyes of the Paris authorities when he published a book veritably littered with hebraisms. He certainly does report hostile reactions and threats and repeatedly asks his patrons for their protection. If Jovy is right, Tissard may well have been removed from the capital for his own safety after the publication of his last volume, the Opuscula (grammatica hebraica, etc.).59 But where does the Hippocratic Oath t in with all of this? Everything points to the fact that Christian Humanism, as a representative of which Tissard can safely be regarded, aims at a revelation of truth that would be common to all religions and all philosophical teachings. Hippocrates, as the arch progenitor of medicine, participated in this revelation, the closeness of which to Christian doctrine was, to the Christian Humanists, nowhere more apparent than in the Oath.60 The religious connotations of the Oaths tripartite structure the opening invocation of the Gods, its central message (to preserve life and art untarnished and in their proper relation to the Gods), and the closing Selbstveruchungwere easily incorporated into Christian systems of thought: the names of the pagan gods were substituted with the Holy Trinity, sin replaced tarnish, the proper relation to the Gods became pleasing in the sight of God, and the

58 See Souli (1982) 109 summarizes some of these precautions and concludes: Ainsi la premire grammaire franaise nous apprend avec quelle ferveur charge desprance mystique on abordait la dcouverte de lhbreu mais aussi les interdits dordre thologique et raciste qui se dressaient au seuil du temple et qui allaient marquer profondment la pdagogie de cette langue. 59 Jovy (1899) 59. 60 See Rtten (1999b). Since Irigoins 1999 publication brought to light an older edition, my title should better read: ,,Retextuierungen des hippokratischen Eides im Vorfeld seines Zweitdrucks unter dem Einu seiner Christianisierungsgeschichte.

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earthly afterlife referred to in the closing vow was transposed onto the next world. Furthermore, the principle of loyalty towards ones teachers referred to in the indentures could be appropriated to t into Christian ideas of hierarchy and succession, the selective ban on abortion revised to justify Christianitys categorical ban on abortion, the vow of abstinence associated with Christian ideas of asceticism, and the ban on killing brought in line with the Fifth Commandment. The long history of the patristic and medieval Christianisation of the Oath 61 thus meant that it no longer sat in any way uneasily amidst biblical texts and Christian prayers. On the contrary, the Oath now not only marked the historically palpable origins of medicine as such, but also described the future goal towards which medicines projected moral and essentially Christian renewal was to strive.62 In the praefatio to his translation of Euripides, Tissard recalls how he had been asked by certain physicians to lecture on the Greek physicians Plato, Aristotle, Hippocrates, and Galen,63 whose teachings had not only been mutilated and profaned over the course of their latter-day interpreters endless disagreements, butfar worsewhose works would soon be all but forgotten if one did not hurry to make this source ( fons) and origin (origo) of the art of medicine accessible again to a contemporary public.64 Medicine was thus perceived from the very beginning as an integral part of the knowledge of rst revelation, while Hippocrates was regarded as its arch initiate and all-time guarantor. The intertextual links forged between the Hippocratic Oath

See my CD-ROM on the history of the Hippocratic Oath from Antiquity to the present day, available from Harrassowitz Verlag presumably as of 2005. 62 See Rtten (2002). 63 To call all four ancient luminaries physicians was common practice in the fteenth and early sixteenth centuries, as is beautifully illustrated by a title page on which Hippocrates, Plato, Aristotle, and Galen are depicted as a string quartet. See Champier (1516). It goes without saying that this practice reects late medieval Galenism. For an illustrating example of a 16th century perception of an Aristotelian text as a medical text, see Martin (2002). 64 Quoted in Omont (1891) 65: Nonnulli enim Esculapidarum genere ac Hippocraticam sectam publice protentes hoc nonnunquam (quum illis aliquas quandoque lectiones traderem) me poscebant, quo facilius ad illos percelebres ac famigeratos doctores graecos, Platonem, Aristotelem, Hippocratem, Gallenum et caeteros hujuscemodi perinde se atque ad Pythii Apollinis oracula ex latinis transferrent, quod interdum mihi asseruerint eorum doctrinam mancam et ob varios intellectus variasque sententias et opiniones violatam, temeratam ac pessum ituram, ni brevi ad hos veluti ad fontem atque originem illius artis pateret aditus.

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and St. Johns Gospel, whose in the beginning was the Word must have been music to the ears of the sect of literates, as Peter Sloterdijk calls the Humanists,65 allowed the Oath to be read as just such originary revelation, applicable in this instance to the art of medicine and the exemplary life of the physician. And it was precisely such Christianising contextualisation that also lay at the heart of Tissards eorts. His interest in the Oath seems to have been not primarily or at least not exclusivelya philological one. In the case of the Oath at least, we simply cannot tell to what extent he was interested in the study of manuscripts as such, in their collation and textual reconstruction. Extrapolating from his published output in general, however, it does seem that his main aim was simply to oer the Paris public Greek and Hebrew texts for study purposes at aordable rates, and to overcome the technical problems encountered during the printing venture. The question of Tissards source for his Greek Oath-text thus remains unanswered to this day: Tissards text certainly does not correspond to any of the recentiores known to scholarship so far.66 The same goes for the Latin translation, which does not coincide with any of the hitherto identied and securely dated pre-1508/09 translations of the Oath.67 It seems unlikely that Tissard, at Paris, edited and translated the text of the Oath himself. From what we know about his general working practices, it is far more likely that he brought both the Greek text and its Latin translation back from Italy, or that he at least took recourse to texts he had seen or worked on with one of his tutors there. We know that Johannes Cuspinian (14731529)68 had copied the Oath in or around 1510 for a Vienna lecture on Hippocrates.69 Why should the text not also have been used in Greek tutorials in the North of Italy? What is more, almost all of Tissards classics tutors can be shown to have had medical interests, held medical manuscripts in their possession, or had translated medical literature into Latin: Beroaldo the Elder, for example,

Sloterdijk (2001) 305. A list of Greek manuscripts containing the Hippocratic Oath can be found in Rtten (1997) 7071, n. 11. 67 Pre-1508/09 Latin translations of a prose version of the Oath were produced by Niccol da Reggio (rst half of the 14th cent.), Niccol Perotti (1454/55) and Andrea Brenta (c. 1480). See Rtten (1996) 460464, 478483. 68 See Wei (1990). 69 Ankwicz-Kleehoven (1959) 45, n. 102.
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is reported by his pupil and biographer Jean de Pins of Toulouse to have studied the works of lawyers, philosophers, and physicians as well as those of historians, poets, and orators, and is said to have known all of the Latin and most of the Greek texts by heart.70 An even more prominent example would be Demetrios Chalcondyles, whose Latin translation of Galens Anatomical Procedures as well as his collection of medical manuscripts and connections to a number of famous Humanist physicians have recently been the subject of a research paper by Stefania Fortuna.71 Battista Guarino was probably also well acquainted with medical discoursesat least if reports are to be believed that his style of teaching largely presented a continuation of his fathers eorts. In addition to his tutors, Tissard would probably also have come into contact with a number of other Humanists whose main interests lay in the study of ancient medicine and in Galen and Hippocrates in particular. Niccol Leoniceno (14281524) comes to mind,72 as does Wilhelm Copp (14501532).73 As far as I know, however, there are as yet no reliable sources testifying to such personal connections. For the time being, then, one can only study Tissards version of the Oath and attempt to reconstruct its place in the textual history of the Oath o ones own backnot a terribly promising venture, it has to be said. Tissards Latin version of the Oath is a word-by-word translation and thus stands closest to Niccol da Reggios translation from the rst half of the 14th century. At rst sight, this may seem surprising given the fact that, in Tissards day, the more modern translations by Niccol Perotti and Andrea Brenta (ca. 14541484) were already available in print. Other authors, such as Symphorien Champier (ca. 14721535) or Johannes Cuspinian, or the editors of

70 Divae Catherinae Senensis simul et clarissimi viri Philippi Beroaldi Bononiensis vita per Joannem Pinum Gallum Tolosanum, Bologna 1505, 138. Quoted from Krautter (1971) 25. See also ibidem, 42. Osler (1990) 233235 mentions and quotes from a book entitled De terraemotu et pestilentia and published in May 1505 in which Beroaldo who had already published a Declamatio philosophi, medici et oratoris in 1497, announces a larger work devoted to medicine and law. Due to his death a few months later, however, it never materialized. 71 Fortuna (1999). 72 See Mugnai Carrara (1979); eadem (1991); eadem (1994); Nutton (1997); Fortuna (1999b). 73 On Wilhelm Kopp (Guillaume Cop), see Bietenholz (1971) 170172, 278279; Bietenholz (1985) 336337; Wickersheimer/Jacquart (1936/1979) 235238; Delaruelle (1922); Delaunay (1935) 434435; Portmann (1958).

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the Articellacontemporaries of Tissard and, like him, eager to print Latin versions of the Oath and use such versions in their teaching did choose to make these two modern translations their point of reference.74 But we must not forget Tissards didactic mission, which may well have made him favour an interlinear word-for-word translation of the Greek text over Brentas and Perottis Humanist versions. And even if this style of translation had, by the beginning of the 16th century, undoubtedly become an antiquated oneit certainly did aord Tissard an opportunity to show o his linguistic skills and present himself as a more rened philologist than his latemedieval predecessors. If Tissard was indeed inspired by Niccol da Reggios translation of the Oath, it is likely that he had come across it in the form of the most recent of its four surviving copies, namely the 15th century Marcianus latinus XIV 124 (4044), f. 137v138.75 There,as a way of getting the audience in the right mood, as it werethe Oath is preceded by the passage from Hieronymus letter to the priest Nepotian, in which Hieronymus refers to the Oath.76 The importance of this adaptation of the Oath for its reception in the early 16th century cannot, as I have shown elsewhere,77 be overestimated. Erasmus of Rotterdam is our witness. And the religious connotations introduced by Hieronymus letter would surely have contributed to the receptive disposition of those eager to read and interpret the Oath in the light of a Christian Humanism. Tissard like Erasmus, Melanchthon,78 and Rhenanuswould certainly have been the ideal reader for such a textual conjunction of Hieronymus and the Oath itself which, furthermore, was subscribed with the word Amen.79 And yet, a comparison between Tissards and da Reggios versions refuses to yield any conclusive evidence of a direct relationship between the two texts. Tissards inserted comments on the Latin translationIonica dictio with regard to the form vutou (see gure 2), or multiplicata negatio magis negat (multiple nega-

Rtten (1996) 462, 464. See Zorzanello (1985) vol. 3, 155158; Kristeller (19621995) vol. 2, 265. There are three additional manuscripts that contain Niccol da Reggios Latin translation of the Oath: London, Wellcome Institute Library, 286, f. 117 (= L); Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, 1978 (L. 60), f. 96a-b (= M); Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale Vittorio Emanuele III, VIII D 25, f. 8484v (= N). 76 Hilberg (1910) 438439. 77 Rtten (1999b) 513518. 78 See Rtten/Rtten (1998). 79 At least in L and M.
75

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tion strengthens negation) with regard to the o dsv d oden frmakon (see gure 2 and 3)may, on the one hand, be simple explanatory asides to his student readers; on the other hand, however, they could represent corrections to existing translations, notes to his predecessors, so to speak, that may well have been addressed to Niccol da Reggio specically. The latter, for example, had written neque dabo ulli, while Tissard retains the multiple negation in Latin and notes non dabo autem nulli.80 To interpret such comments as reexes of a tutorial relationship, possibly even a North Italian one, in which the Oath had been the object of study and in which Tissard, as an alert student, would have diligently taken notes, would, however, be pure speculation. It is to be hoped that future research will uncover a further version of the Oaththis time, perhaps, one associated with Aldus Manutius and his print shop, which, as we know, had served Tissard as his model.81

Compare Rtten (1996) 478 and Tissard (1508). Judging from a marginal note to a Greek Oath version preserved in a manuscript that formerly belonged to the Phillips Collection Ms. 25553, f. 2 (second half of the sixteenth century) and is now in private property, such a Codex Manutianus must have existed. This note explicitly mentions such a codex detailing that it is in Jacobus Sadoletus possession.
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Illustrations: Nos 14: Hippocratic Oath, in: F. Tissard, Dialogus: Prothumopatris et Phronimus (. . .), Paris: Gilles de Gourmont, 1508, . XiiiXivv (Paris, BN, RES-X-1574)

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(Ps.) Alexander of Aphrodisias 437, 440 Abas 312 abcess 109, 110, 112 abduction 103 Acragas 198 adverbs of frequency 363 Aegina 203 Aeschylus 203 Aesop 466 Aetius of Amida 310, 457 Aetolia 213, 236; relations with Cos 215, 216 Aetolians 213216; League 213, 214, 215 Agamemnon 18 Agapet 466 Aigeira 230 Aineas 148 Ainos 230 air 240249 Alcaeus 242 Alcibiades 18, 19, 20, 223 n. 76, 225 Alcmaeon of Croton 105, 191, 198, 295, 373 Alcmaeonidai, in First Sacred War tradition 214 Alandre, Jrome 472 n. 43 Alexander of Tralles 437 Alexandria 205 Alexandrian school 445 Alexenor 140 n. 42 alloiosis (alteration) 333, 337 allopathy 371 ambassador(s) (see also theros), Asclepiads as 232.; Coan 210, 216, 218, and the Presbeutikos 221, strategy for gaining asulia 218221; in rhetorical compositions 217 and n. 35, 222, 225 n. 84, 226 n. 87 and 88; in historical exempla 217 n. 3740, 218 n. 41 and 42; Thessalus as 223 n. 76; Hippocrates as; Macareus as 210, 229, 230; and rhetoricians 224, 233 ambassadorial, address (see also presbeutikos logos) 210, 216, 223, and

Demetrius of Phaleron 217, 224; orations made by Coan embassies 209, 210, 212, 218221, 228; orations and Greek rhetoric 217 . Amboise 468, 473 Amerbach, Bruno 470, 471 n. 42 Amerbach, Johann 470 Amphiaraus 138, 139, 140, 141, 146 Amphictyony, Delphic 211, 212, 213, 214, 215 and n. 24, 219, 221, 230 Amphilochus 140 Amphipolis 219 n. 49, 230 Amynus 139, 139 n. 32, 146 Anacarsis 137 analogy 76, 79, 82, 8384, 251268 Anarieis 11 anathumiasis 319 Anaxagoras 74, 239, 261 Anaximander 373 angina 112n. Anonymus Londiniensis 202, 295, 296, 298, 301, 303, 304, 310, 311, 316 anthropogony 7576, 8384 anthropomorphic gurines and vases 178, 180, 186 Anticleides Cephisieus 144, 144 n. 64 Antigonid areas, Coan approach toward 219 Antigonus Gonatas, Coan claims of eunoia toward 219; dtente with Aetolians 215 antonyms 374 . aorta 316 f. apepsia 333 Aphrodite 10 Apis 7 apodosis 106, 107, 109, 115 Apollo 138 n. 27, 140 n. 43, 143, 143 n. 59, 147, 204 apoplexy 331 Aratus, father of Macareus (I) 230 and n. 98 232 Aratus, son of Macareus (I) 230 n. 98, 231 Arcesilaus IV 18 arche 37, 42 Architeles 137

494

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privileges at Delphi 214 n. 21; rhetorical expectations of dramatic context 223 . Athenians, Asclepiads service to 210; attack upon Cos 225; aggression chastised by Thessalus 211; in the Epibomios 227 n. 91 Athens 136, 139, 146, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 203, 210, 211, 217, 223 n. 74, 225; Coan embassy to 219, 221; resumed participation in Amphictyony 215 Attica 135, 136, 138, 139, 146, 148 Aurelius 153, 154 averters of evil 143 Baif, Lazare de 469 n. 29 Basel 470 bathing 406 Battista Pio, Giovan 469 Beroaldo, Filippo (the Elder) 469, 478; 479 n. 70 biographical tradition of Hippocrates 308 black bile 454 bladder 81 blend (krsis) 7980 blockage 317 . blood 240, 244, 247, 329 bloodletting 406 Bologna 468470, 472 Boreas 138 brain 246, 327, 329, 330, 339 breastfeeding 174, 180, 1812, 183, 184, 185 breasts 81 breath 239249, 327, 328, 329 Brenta, Andrea 478 n. 67, 479480 Brunet, Jacques-Charles 467 Bud, Guillaume 468 n. 14, 470 n. 30, 474 n. 48 Burgos, Antonio de 468 Cadmus (Coan tyrant), in Presbeutikos 211, 220 and n. 62; as historical proof in Coan embassies 221 and n. 63 Caelius Aurelianus 302, 303 Callimachus 205 Callimachus of Thymiatadai 144, 144 n. 63, 150 Callis 152 Calphurnio, Giovanni 468469 Calydon, and Aetolia 213 and n. 17;

Aretaeus 200, 413431 Argos 140 n. 42 Argos Amphilochia 145 n. 76, 149 Aristocrates 149 Aristophanes Nubes 224 n. 82 Aristotle 77, 83 and n. 14, 304, 416, 477 and n. 63; on conjecture and scientic status of medicine 87, 94, 96, 97, 98; on meteorology 256261; on respiration 245, 248 .; on polar thinking 373 art (techn ), 87, 9099; concept of 7273; and chance (tuch ) 73; and causal knowledge 73; and knowledge of human nature ( phusis) 7273 Artemisia 211, 219 arteries 262 Articella 480 Ascalon 10 Asclepiades of Bithynia 265, 303 Asclepiads, ancestors of Thessalus 211, 232, 233; Nebrus and Chrysus in First Sacred War 212; privileges at and relations with Delphi 212 and n. 13, 220, 235; patrilineal 229, 231 and n. 103, 232; possible involvement in promotion of Asclepieion 232 ., of Hippocrates 233; Presbeutikos promotion of 222 and n. 69 and 71, 223; as subjects in Ta Kaka 229 Asclepieion 138, 138 n. 28, 143, 144, 146, 209, 210, 215, 216, 223 n. 74, 228, 229, 231, 232, 233; inauguration of 215; Coan promotion of 210, 216, 222 n. 69, 228, 229, 231, 232, 233 Asclepius 139, 145, 146, 147, 202, 204, 204 n. 28, 211, 229, 231, 232 astronomy 253, 254, 257 asulia (inviolate status and protection for pilgrims) 210, 216, 219, 222 n. 69, 223 n. 74, 224, 229, 233 Asylieurkunden (decrees of asulia) 216 and n. 32, 218, 230, 235, 236 Asylus 146, 152 ateleia (exemption from nancial obligations) 214 Athena 139 with n. 36, 143 Athenaeus 229 Athenian, Alcmaeonidai 214; assembly (ekklsia) 210, 223 n. 76; attack upon Cos 211, 225; eet 210;

general index
and Delphi 213; Calydonian man, role in Presbeutikos First Sacred War episode 211, 212, 213 n. 14; and dating the Presbeutikos 212 . Cambyses 610 Campegius, Joannes 468 case studies 12932 Cassandrea 219 n. 49, 230 cataplasms 455 cause 325, 327, 328, 336 causus 433 cautery 193, 195, 196, 198, 199 Celsus 199, 200; adaptation of Hippocratic texts 403411 Celts, attack upon Delphi 215 Chalkondyles, Demetrios 469, 479 Champier, Symphorien 479 Charles VIII 473 Chartier, R. 446 cheese, eects of 72, 78 Cheiron 204 chest 242243, 248 children 332 Chrysippus of Cnidus 306, 307 Chrysoloras, Manuel 471 Chrysus (son of Nebrus), role in Presbeutikos 212, 213 n. 14 chylos 450 chymos 450 Cicero, Marcus Tullius 215 n. 26 circle 329 climate 121, 125 Cnidian School 296, 363, 365 Cnidian Sentences 365, 369 Cnidian treatises 460 Cnidus 193, 199 Coan medicine 445 coction (concoction) 327, 328, 330 colliquescence 327, 328, 335, 336 compound nouns 376 . conjecture 87, 88, 91, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99 Conon 304 contagion 14 cookery 272273 cooking 122, 1323 Copp, Wilhelm 479 Cordier, Pierre 467 Cos 199 Cos (Coan), ambassadors orations 216, 218, 219, 221; assistance to Amphictyons 211; celebration of stria for Delphi 215; historical embassies 209, 210; in the

495

Epibomios 227 and n. 91; Macareus as 228 and n. 94, 229, 230; Nebridai 214; privileges at Delphi 213 .; promotion of heroic Hippocratic gure 233; relations with Delphi, Aetolia, and Greece 215 .; with Alexandria 218; with west 215 .; resistance to Persians under Cadmus 211; rhetorical school 224; strategy for demonstrating eunoia in various regions 218 .; synoecism as terminus post quem 211; theroi (sacred ambassadors) 216; traditions in ambassadorial speeches 218 and n. 43, 220, 231, in the Presbeutikos and Ta Kaka 229 Cos, school of 296 cosmology 252, 253 (n. 13), 254; and medicine 7475, 80, 8485 craft 32, 38, 43 Crete 202, 204 n. 28 crisis 325, 436 critical days 103, 109, 110 (bis), 111 Croton 198, 199 cupping instrument 8182 Cuspinian, Johannes 478479 Cyrene 18, 191, 199 n. 19, 201205 Cyrus 199 (Ps.) Damascius 461 Damophyle 18 Darmarius 446 declamation, dramatic settings of 225; examples of 224 and n. 77 and 81; practice of 224 . and n. 82, 235 Delphi(c), Amphictyony 211, 212, 213, 214, 215 and n. 24, 219, 221, 230; isolation from Greece by Aetolians 215 and n. 24; privileges for Aetolians 214; Asclepiads 212 and n. 13, 231; Athenians, Calydon(ians) 212, 213; relations with Cos 215; mythology inuenced by Aetolians 215 n. 27 dmgorika (deliberative speeches), rhetorical limitations of 223 and n. 75 and 76 Demetrius of Phaleron (Demetr.) 217, 224 Democedes of Croton 198, 203, 295 Democritus 199, 239, 248, 295, 308, 309

496

general index
209, 210; possible origin in the history of Macareus 209, 210, 228, 229, 232; relation to Presbeutikos 222, 227 .; role in the formation of the Hippocratic Corpus 209, 232, 233 Epicurus 255 Epidaurus 204 n. 28 epilepsy 316 . Epimenides 136, 136 n. 7, 136 n. 10, 137 n. 20, 138 n. 22, 140 n. 43 epistemology 334 Erasistratus 262, 310, 440 Erasmus of Rotterdam 470 n. 30, 480 Erotian 102, 102, 103, 113, 414 and n. 2; reference to Presbeutikos and Epibomios 211, 227 n. 90 errhipsis 451 Erysipelas 110 Ethiopia 17 ethopoia 224 ethos 282285 Eua 140 n. 42 Eucolus 144, 144 n. 65 Euenor 149 Euexia 328 eunoia (goodwill) 218, 219, 221, 223 n. 74 Euripides 203, 309, 477; Medea 469, Hippolytus 469; Alcestis 469 Euryphon of Cnidus 193, 295, 296, 302, 303, 307, 310 Eustathius of Thessalonica 306, 307 evacuations 454 evidence 34 exercise 327, 328, 329, 331 exhalation (anathumiasis) 259, 259 n. 38 experience, medical 82, 83 explanation 327, 340, 341 eye 76, 82 eye-diseases 404411 Faragut 455 n. 55 fatigue 3326341 Ferrara 468, 469, 472 fever/ardent fever 109, 111, 112, 114, 115, 409 f. First Sacred War, episode in the Presbeutikos 211, 212; Aetolian inuence on 214 .; as means of dating the Presbeutikos 211; and Philip II 214; as proof of eunoia in Coan embassies 221 ux 1956

Demosthenes (D.) 214 n. 21 and 23; 224 n. 83; 226 Dexippos of Cos 295 diagnosis 101, 102 (quinquies), 106 diaphragm 81 diet 4950, 5658; boundaries of 125, 128, 129 dietetics 301, 306, 307 digestion 327, 328, 330, 332 333 Diocles of Carystus 239 Diogenes of Apollonia 74; on respiration 239, 246 Diomedes (son of Tydeus) as a man of Calydon 213 Dionysius 153 Dionysius of Halicarnassus 309 n. 34 divisions and collections 290 and note 13; as a necessary condition to think 290 dizziness 326341 Dorian, traditions in Athenaeus and Macareus 229, in the Presbeutikos and Coan speeches 221 Dracon 304 drugs 194, 201 Ebers papyrus 200201 Egypt 191, 198, 201, 202; Greek and Roman contact with 17982, 186; inuence on Greek medicine 174, 1779, 181, 183, 186, 200 elasticity 338 element 7577, 80 Eleusis 139 Elis 219 n. 46, 230 Elpis 107(bis), 107, 112 embassy (embassies), Coan 209, 210; recorded in asulia decrees 219 ., 224; the Presbeutikos as 209, 225, 227; Macareus as a member of 230 embryology 7576, 83 Empedocles 29, 36, 41, 42, 71, 74, 7577, 80, 8283, 83 n. 14, 191, 198, 252, 261; on polar thinking 373; on respiration 239, 243 . Empiricists 34, 72 empty postulates 345, 456 empyema 110, 242 enantiosis 372 Enareis 10, 11 Enkoimeterion 142 enthousiasmos 318, 320 epialos 433 epibomios (Speech from the Altar)

general index
food 332 foods 4445; classication of 12133; identication of 126, 128 Franois I 467, 469, 472473 Froben, Johann 466 Galen 103., 104., 105. (bis), 12333, 200, 205 n. 29, 295, 302, 413, 414 n. 2, 424, 477 and n. 63, 457, 458, 460, 461, 462, 479; Anatomical Procedures 479; De san. tuenda 448; on Hippocrates De alimento 447; Peri phns 447; on conjecture and scientic status of medicine 88, 94, 98, 99; on fevers 437442; Ps. Galen, De somno et vigilia et exercitiis 445 Gallienus 146 Gaul 199 Ge 143, 143 n. 59 Gorgasus, son of Machaon 140 n. 42 Gorgias of Leontini 298, 304, 308, 309, 312 Gourmont, Gilles de 465, 467, 471 Guarino, Battista 468, 470, 472473, 479 gymnastics 297, 299 head 81 heart 244, 318 heat 327, 328, 329, 330, 332; unnatural 439 Hellenistic medicine 406 Heracles 143, 229, 231; ancestor of Thessalus and Hippocrates 210, 211 Heraclids, Heracleidai, in the Presbeutikos 211, 212, 225; Coan Asclepiadai claiming Heraclid descent 210, 211, 231 n. 103; connections emphasised in Coan embassies 221 Heraclitus 249; on polar thinking 373 heredity 89, 11 Hermes 143, 143 n. 59 Hermogenes 154 Hermonymos, Georgios of Sparta 470 Herodes Atticus 224 n. 83, Peri politeias 224 n. 83 Herodicus of Cnidus 296, 298, 301, 302, 303, 307, 308, 311 Herodicus of Leontini 298, 305, 312 Herodicus of Selymbria 297, 298, 299, 301, 302, 305, 307, 308, 310, 311 Herodotus 199, 300 n. 11 heroes 138, 139, 139 n. 32, 140, 141, 143 Herophilus 200, 262

497

heros iatros 139 Hesiod 474, Works and Days 471 Hieronymus 474, 480 Hippias 309 n. 34 Hippocrates 101 (ter), 102 (ter), 104, 104 (bis), 105 (bis), 106; 295, 296, 299, 303, 306, 307, 308, 309, 310, 457, 460, 462 ; 476479, 477 n. 63; authority of 406; in the Epibomios 227 n. 91; as historical and traditional gure 209, 210, 221, 233, 234; as a part of Macareus work 233, 234; in the Presbeutikos 210, 211, 220, 221, 233, 234; in Plato and Aristotle 233 and n. 109111; portrayed in Coan embassies 220, 221 233 and n. 111; on conjecture and scientic status of medicine 87, 88, 90, 95, 97, 99 n. 30; gynaecological works 192, 193, 205; Hippocrates method, in Platos Phaedrus 291 and note 21; 292, and n. 24 Hippocratic gloss 414 Hippocratic Corpus, language, style, syntax 191207 Hippocratic quotations in Aretaeus 414431 Hippocratic writings: Acut. 193, 201, 205, 206; Aer. 244245; A. 193, 199 n.17, 205; Anat. 191; Artic. 192, 193, 198, 205; Alim. 239, 248249, quoted by Aretaeus 422424; Aph. quoted by Aretaeus 430431; Carn. 74 n. 4, 82 n. 13; Coac. 198; Dent. 191; Epid. I and III 244, 247; Epid. IIIVVI 247; Epid. II 201, 205; Epid. V 197, 201, 205, 247; Epid. VI quoted by Aretaeus 427430; Epid. VII 201, 205, 247; Foet. Ex. 197; Fract. 198, 205; Gland. 193, 194, 205; Gen. 245; Int. 192, 193, 201, 205, 206; Iusi. 465, 476481; Loc. Hom. 191194, 196, 199 n. 17, 205; Mochl. 193; Morb. II 192, 193, 199 n. 17, 205, 206, 241 ., 363, 364, 365, 368, 369; Morb. III 202; Morb. IV 202, 245; Morb. sacr. 73, structure of 357360; Hum. quoted by Aretaeus 42022; Mul. 245; Nat. hom., 80, structure of 357360; Mul. 1 197, 205; Mul. 2 197; Nat. oss. 239, 249; Nat. pueri 197, 245; O. med. quoted by Aretaeus 426427; Prog. quoted by Aretaeus

498

general index
Macareus, possible source of the Presbeutikos and Epibomios 209, 210, 228 and n. 93, 229, 230, 232 Kourotrophos 1812, 183 n. 50 Laennec, Rene 435 Lascaris, Janus 469 Lecoq, Anne-Marie 473 Leoniceno, Niccol 479 Libanius (Lib.) 224 n. 81 Libya 191, 198, 199, 201 lippitudo 404411 liquefaction 329 liver 81 logismos 103, 108 Longueil, Christophe de 472 n. 43 Louis XII 469 Lucian of Samosata 310 Lucretius 255, 256 lungs 81, 240 . Macareus, as an Asclepiad 229, 231 and n. 103, 232; as author of the Epibomios, ta Kaka (History of Cos), and the Presbeutikos 209 ., 228, 229 ., 232, 234; Coan theros and member of Coan embassies for asulia 209 ., 228, 229, 230; origin and prevalence of name 228 n. 94, 229 n. 96, 231 n. 104; (I), tou Aratou (son of Aratus) 230 and n. 98, 231, 232; (II), tou Philocleida (son of Philocleides) 230 and n. 98, 231, 232; (III), tou Platonos (son of Platon) 231, 232 Macedon, Macedonia. Coan embassies to 218221; Macareus an ambassador to 229; in Presbeutikos 211 Machaon 140, 211 macrocosm/microcosm 251, 252, 254, 266 madness 610 magic and religion 175; Eileithyia 180, 186; Hera 179 n. 30, 180, 185 with n. 62; Horus 178, 180, 182, 185; Isis 178, 180, 181, 182, 1856; mystery cults 185; pollution 173, 174, 1823, 184, 185; purication 173 with n. 3, 174, 184, 185; ritual 173, 174, 175, 178, 179, 1802, 185, 186; syncretism 17980 with nn. 30 and 33, 186 n. 63

424426; Prorrh. 2 192, 205, 206; Ulc. 192; VC 197.205; Vid. Ac. 191207; Vict. 74 n. 4; VM 243244; Vuln. exit 414 n. 2 Hippocratism, of Galen 434 historians, comparison with doctors 325 homeopathy 371 Homer 417, 474; on respiration 239241; Ps.-Homer, Batrachomyomachia 466, 471, 474, Galeomyomachia 466 Homolion 219 n. 47, 220 n. 59, 230 Hummelberg, Michael 470, 471 n. 42 humour (chumos) 72, 7880, 8384, 437 humours 121, 123, 129, 131, 251, 253, 262, 271286 Hunain 445 s. hupothesis 323, 41, 45, 4950, 60 Hygieia 139, 139 n. 36, 139 n. 37, 145, 146, 147, 151, 152 Idantirsus 137 Ikkos of Tarentum 299 n. 10, 300, 301 imperative, third person 363, 366, 367, 368, 369 impotence 1013 individuality, versus generalisation 290, 292 inductive method 37, 43, 44, 46 inference, inferential 104, 105 (bis), 106, 109 intemperance 283285 Ionic dialect 414 'Isa 446 Isocrates, Against the Sophists 3556, 360 Israel 475 Italy 198 Iulianus 154 Jean dOrlans 473 Jovy, Ernest 467, 473, 476 Juntina of 1597 446 kachexia 328, 333 Kahun papyrus 200 kairos 204 Kathartai 136, 138, 140, 146 knowledge, path to, in Platos Phaedrus 288290; in the Corpus Hippocraticum 290293 Kaka, Ta (History of Cos) of

general index
Maimonides 446, 447 malaria 436 Mallus 140 n. 40 Manutius, Aldus 471, 472 n. 43, 481 Marcus Aurelius 146 Maroneia 230 mean/measure 89, 92, 9498 Megara 219 n. 47, 230 Melampus 140, 140 n. 39 melancholy 283285 Melanchthon 480 Melon 144, 144 n. 66 melting 329 memory, remembrance vs. memory 289; and experience 289 Menandrus 152 Meno 304, 316, 319 Menoneia 202 menstruation 76 Messene 230 meteorology (meteorologika, meteora) 251268 metron 3940 miasma 1617, 135 moisture 327330, 332, 335 Morelet de Museau, Jean 473 movement 328, 337, 339 Musaios, Hero and Leander 466 Musaeus 136, 138, 138 n. 26e n. 27, 140 n. 43 Mycenaean Greek 377 Nebrus (ancestor of Hippocrates and Thessalus) in First Sacred War episode 212, 214 and n. 18; Nebridai, in First Sacred War tradition 214 Nepotian 480 Niccol da Reggio 478 n. 67, 479481 Nichomachus, son of Machaon 140 n. 42 Nicias 18, 19, 20 Nicomachus of Stagira 260 (n. 41) Nicomachus, medical doctor 151 Ninyas of Egypt 202 noein 289; to perceive through the mind the truth 289; by means of analysis and synthesis 289, 290 nosology 436 nudity 182, 1845 nutrition, occuring by attraction of like to like 79 and n. 11 nymphs 138 n. 26, 140 n. 43 observation 40, 42, 44, 46 oikeiots (friendly relations) 220 Omont, Henri 467 Onetor 150 ophthalmia 404411 ophthalmology 191207 oppositition (linguistic) 372 Oribasius 203, 437, 452 ss., 458, 460 Orlans 468, 475 Oropus 138, 140, 141, 146, 147

499

Padua 468 Palaemon 139 Palladius 440 Panacea 147 Pancrates 139, 139 n. 32, 146 Pappus Alexandrinus 414 n. 3 papyri, of medical content 387402 Paris 466468, 470, 475476, 478 Parisinus Coislinianus 163 446 patients, involved in health care 387402 Paul of Aegina 200 Pella 219 n. 48, 230 Pemphigus 441 pepsis 333 perception through the senses, aisthnesthai 288; in Platos Phaedrus 288 and nn. 68; in Platos Theaetetus 288 n. 6; in the Corpus Hippocaticum 290291; as a rst step in the way to wisdom 288, 290; and knowledge 288 n. 6 Peripatus 301 perittma 296, 319 Perotti, Niccol 466, 478 n. 67, 479, 480 Persia 6, 201 pestilence and plague 1317 Phaedrus (in Platos Phaedrus) 288, and n. 34 Pheidias 144, 150 Pherai 140 n. 42 Philetas 218 and n. 43 Philip, II of Macedon 213; V of Macedon 213, 214 and n. 21, 215 n. 24; the Letter of Philip 224 n. 83; (Coan) son of Aristolochus 230 n. 98 Philippi 219 n. 49, 230 Philistion of Locri 29, 239, 266 Philodemus of Gadara 256

500

general index
210216; dramatic date 210 and n. 5; and the Epibomios 209, 210, 227 ., 232; as an excerpt 209, 210, 226 ., 228; as a work of Macareus (see also Macareus) 209, 210, 228232; as promotion or propaganda 222 .; and Hippocratic pseudepigrapha 209, 210 and n. 3 and 4, 232234; relation to historical Coan ambassadorial orations 210, 216, 218221; as rhetorical composition 224226; as source for Hippocratic biography 209, 210 and n. 3 and 4, 233, 234; and the Ta Kaka of Macareus 228 . presbeutikos logos, presbeutikoi logoi (ambassadorial address), and dmgorika 223 n. 76; excerpted from historical works 217 and n. 34 and 36, 226; general guidelines for 217. and n. 36; historical speeches of Coan ambassadors 218221; rhetorical study of 217 Presocratics 1212 priamel 3504 Prodicus of Ceos 302, 303, 305, 308, 309 prognosis 101117; performance of 3469; use of ve senses in 35960 promanteia (right of rst consultation) 212 n. 13, 214, 231 pronoia 102 prostates (presiding ocial), Macareus son of Philocleides as 230 prostration 451 Protagoras 273275, 299 n. 10, 300 protasis 106, 107 (bis), 109 (bis), 109, 115 protreptic essay, nature of 35560 Pseudepigrapha 226; Hippocratic 209, 222, 232; the Presbeutikos and Epibomios inuence upon Hippocratic pseudepigrapha 209 ., 234, their relationship within 209, 227 . Ptolemy Euergetes (c. 246204 BCE) 228 Ptolemy Philadelphus 218 Pythagoras 474 Pythagoreans 202 Rasarius I.B. 446 rationalism 12 Rationalists 72 reduction 30

Philolaus 33, 295 Philon 151 philosophy 271286; and medicine 69 Philoumenos 414 n. 2 phlegm 246, 329 Phocylides 474 phrenitis 112, 114, 114 Phthiotic Thebes 219 n. 47, 221, 230 phusa 240, 318 . phusis 30, 40 physician/s, social role of 140 n. 38, 141, 144, 145, 146, 147, 149, 150 Pindar 2034 Pinel, Philip 435 Pins of Toulouse, Jean de 479 plague 275 Plato 29, 72, 122, 297299, 301, 302, 307, 309 n. 34, 438, 477 n. 63; on conjecture and scientic status of medicine 87, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98; on respiration 248; Phaedrus 287293; Timaeus 248; Theaetetus 288 n. 6, on polar thinking 373 Plato, Coan theros and colleague of Macareus 231; (Philosophicus) reference to Hippocrates 233 pleuritis 109, 110 (bis), 111 (bis), 112 Plinius senior 301, 305 n. 25 Pliny 200 Plutarch 302 pneuma 317, 243, 245 ., 327, 328, 330 pneuma (spiritus) 262265 pneumonia 109 (bis), 109, 110 (bis), 112 (bis) Podalirius 140 polarity 372 Polemocrates 140 n. 42 Polus 304, 305 Polybius (Plb.), criticism of Timaeus 217, 226 .; experience with ambassadorial speeches 217 n. 37 Polybus 295 Polycritus of Mende 144, 144 n. 72 Porphyrius 306, 308 Posidonius of Apameia 256, 257 postulates 305, 39, 46 power (dunamis) 79 and n. 10, 80 Praxagoras of Cos 262, 306, 307; relationship to Hippocratic Corpus 315 . precision 40, 46 prexes 376 Presbeutikos 209 .; authorship of 209 ., 228232; date of composition

general index
remembrance 289 residues v. perittomata 332, 333 respiration 82, 239249 Reuchlin, Johannes 470 n. 30, 475476 revulsion 452 Rhamnus 139, 146 Rhazes 448 . Rhenanus, Beatus 466, 470 and note 30, 480 rhetoric 6163, author of Presbeutikos familiarity with 221, 223, 224, 228231; place of presbeutikos logos in 216 .; of the Presbeutikos 209 Ronsard, Pierre de 469 n. 29 sacred disease 610 Sadoletus, Jacobus 481 n. 81 science 87, 97, 98, 99 Scythians 10 . seasons 404405 secretion 329 smainein 107 (ter), 110 (bis), 110, 111, 112, 114 (bis), 115 (bis) smeion/smeia 103 (bis), 104, 110, 111 (ter), 112, 114 smeisis 103 semiotics 102, 102, 103, 103 (ter), 106 Seneca 261266 Sicily 22, 198, 201203 signs 101117 silphium 202 skin-breathing 244 skotos 329 sneezing 452 Social class 122, 1269 Socrates 309, in Platos Phaedrus 287, 288, 289, 290, 292; on conjecture and scientic status of medicine 94, 95 Sollerius (de Salla), Antonius 468 sophists 6165 Sophocles 203 Soranus of Ephesus 303, 308 stria (festival of thanksgiving for deliverance), decreed by Aetolians and Coans 215 soul, remembers its past experiences 289; accompanied a god 289; the mind, pilot of the soul 289 Sozon Sounieus 146, 152 Sphyromachus 140 n. 42 spleen 81 St. John, Gospel 467, 478 staphul (uvula) 279 Stochastic 87, 91, 9396, 9899

501

Stocker, Johannes 475 n. 55 Stoics, on conjecture and scientic status of medicine 98 stomach 330 Strasbourg Papyrus 30 strength 338 style 333 Sudas 308 sun 143, 143 n. 59 surgery 192, 197 sweat 327341 synonyms 374 Syracuse 219 n. 50, 220 and n. 59, 221 taste 272273 Tebtunis (Fayum village, Egypt) 387402 techn 50, 5963, 65 tekmairesthai 105 tekmrion/tekmria 103104 terminology 381 terminthos 449 Thelphusa 219 n. 46, 230 Themistius 301 Theocritus 213, 218 therodokos (ocial host of theroi ), Macareus son of Philocleides as, 230 theros (sacred ambassador, see also ambassador) 216; architheros (chief theros) Aratus 230 n. 98, Macareus son of Plato 231; Macareus as 229, 230 Thera 201, 204 therapies, animal substances 1756, 185, 1867 (Appendix); excrement 173, 174, 1757, 183, 186, 187; milk (human) 173, 174, 178, 1823, 185, 186; kourotrophic 174, 17783; botanical substances 175, 176, 1867; gender-specicity in 1734, 177, 183, 185; minerals 173, 175, 1867; symbolism and metaphor 173, 175, 176, 1868; transmission of 173, 174, 176182, 183, 186; women as source of 177, 181 Thessalian(s), Thessaly, Coan and Hippocrates ties with 220, 221 and n. 66; in First Sacred War 214; as Heracleidai 211; Hippocrates appeals to in Epibomios 227; koinon (federation) 219 and n. 52, 230; privileges at Delphi 214 n. 21

502

general index
Tbingen school in Platonic research 288 n. 5 tumours 333 Tzetzes I. 308 n. 30 ulcers 333

Thessalus (son of Hippocrates, speaker of the Presbeutikos) 209212, 221, 223 n. 76; and the Epibomios 227 Thessaly 2034 Third Sacred War, Aetolian support of Philip II in as genesis of Calydonian Man story 214 . Thoas (Aetolian envoy) 214 n. 19 Thrasybulus 304 Thrasymachus 304, 305 Thucydides, 309 n. 34; as source of plague episode in Presbeutikos 221 n. 65 Timaeus Historicus, Polybius criticism of 217, 227 Tissard, Franois 465, 467474, 477481, Gnomagyricus 471, Opuscula (grammatica, Hebraica, etc.) 467, 469 n. 23, 471, 475 n. 56, 478481 Titane 140 n. 42 tongue 111 (bis), 111, 114 (quater), 114n. tormentum 451 Toxaris 136, 137 trephining 194 truth 289293

veins 262, 264 vessels 244, 247 ., 321 Vienna 478 vomits 454 womb 81 women, and pollution 1734, 177, 183, 184, 185; as source of medical therapies 177, 181; conceptions of 173174, 1835 Xenophanes yellow bile 39 454

Zachorate 146 Zachorus 146, 152 Zasius, Ulrich 474 n. 54 Zeus 140 n. 4, 143, 143 n. 59

INDEX OF PASSAGES CITED

Aeschines 2.2630 2.33 3.107 Aeschylus Agamemnon 848850 Prometheus Vinctus 436506 443444 452453 480483 497499 505506 Aetius Amidenus 10.29 Alcmaeon DK 24 B 1

217 n. 37 217 n. 39 214 n. 18

Anonymus Parisinus 20.1.1 Antiphon 87 A 6 87 B 13 87 B 49 Apollonius Argonautica 3.861 Apollodorus 3.10.3 Aphthonius Rhetor Protogymnasmata II 45, 9 Sp. Aretaeus (ed. Hude) 1.6 (6.20 H.) 1.7 (8.20 H.) 1.7 (9.13 H.) 1.10 (12.15 H.) 2.2 (16.29 .) 2.7 (27.6 H.) 3.1 (36.4 . H.) 3.1 (36.12 H.) 3.6 (43.11) 3.7 (44.14 H.) 3.7 (44.24 H.) 3.7 (46.18 H.) 3.10 (51.23 H.) 3.16 (61.12 H.) 4.1 (62.6 H.) 4.1 (63.8 H.) 4.1 (63.89 H.) 4.1 (64.32 H.) 4.12 (83.28 H.) 4.12 (84.3 H.) 5.1 (91.1298.6 H.) 5.2 (102.3 H.) 5.4 (105.2 H.) 5.10 (113.29 H.) 5.10 (114.2021 H.) 5.10 (116.16 H.)

318 n. 11, 329 n. 17 64 61 6465

18 51 51 51 51 51 51 310 105 n. 20

181 n. 42 204

224 n. 80 417 422 425 424 421 423 430 s. 429 427 414 n. 2 427 420421 416 427 426 423 427 426 426 421 417420 421 425 n. 29 425 n. 29 424 425 n. 29

Ps. Alexander Aphrodisiensis De febribus 15 (12) 437 n. 26 31 (27) 439 n. 38 Alexander Trallianus De febribus 1 (291) Anaxagoras DK 59 B 21a Anonymus Iamblichi DK 89 B 3

437 256 63

Anonymus in Aristotelis Rhetoricam 18,28 Rabe 304 n. 23 Anonymus Londiniensis IV 405.34 V 35VI 13.3143 VIII 45 IX 2036 296, 311 n. 36 318 312 297, 311

504
5.10 (117.18 H.) 5.10 (118.7 H.) 6.1 (119.25) 6.2 (120.25 . H.) 6.2 (121.1 H.) 6.2 (122.21 H.) 6.2 (122.30 H.) 6.2 (124.5 H.) 6.2 (125.1 H.) 6.2 (125.23 H.) 6.3 (126.3 H.) 6.3 (127.22 H.) 6.3 (129.22 H.) 6.4 (131.26 H.) 6.4 (133.4 H.) 6.7 (136.1013 H.) 6.7 (136.1314 H.) 7.2 (144.19 H.) 7.4 (154.10 H.) 7.5 (156.22 H.) 7.7 (158.6 H.) 7.13 (160.30 H.) 7.14 (161.16 H.) 8.6 (165.11 H.) Aristides Rhetor Orationes 1115 52D Aristophanes Ranae 1033 et scholia Nubes 201 Aristoteles Atheniensium Respublica 1 De anima 403 a 25 De generatione animalium 723a27 765a224 766b34 4.8, 776 a 2830 777a7 De insomniis 461a2223

index of passages cited

430 n. 43 425 n. 29 430 n. 43 422 425 n. 29 429 421; 422 425 n. 29 429 430 424 429 n. 38 416 425 n. 29 426 423 423 430 n. 43 429 f. 429 426 429 n. 38 426 n. 30 428 De memoria 453a14 De partibus animalium 640a1822 642a14 650 a 2b 32 650b2 650b2224 667a1115 676b2933 677a14 677a29b10 De respiratione 479b17480a15 De sensu et sensibilibus 441a1018 De somno 456a30 . 457a8 . 457a3133 Ethica Eudemia 1216b18 1243b1924 Ethica Nicomachea 1106a1519 1106a33 . 1106b914 1106b1416 1106b28 1109b23 1147b69 1149a513 1149a1620 1150b2528 1152a28 1152a2931 Historia animalium 487a210 487a10 487a28 491b1214 493a34 511b910 521a8 574a12 585b26 586b32 283 n. 62 77, 83 282 n. 258 n. 279 282 n. 282 n. 280 280 281 n. n. 14 59 36 58 57 49

259 n. 39 272 n. 3 330 n. 23 8 283 n. 62 281 n. 52 304 98 n. 27 97 n. 24 98 n. 28 97 n. 25 97 n. 28 274 n. 12 284 n. 66 282 n. 57 284 n. 66 283 283 284 278 282 245 282 279 278 279 183 183 183

224 n. 83 226 n. 88

138 n. 25 250 (n. 20)

136, 136 n. 10 282 183 183 183 332 182 n. n. n. n. n. 50 50 50 30 48

n. 51

281 n. 51

n. 50 n. 50 n. 50

index of passages cited

Metaphysica 980b28981 a 1 981a712 981b913 986a23 . 995a17 1018a2035 1018b18 1044a1523 1054a23 . 1055a38 . Meteorologica 346b2431 349a16 351a2628 353b1113 355a32355 b 20 357a24357 b 21 358a314 358b1012 360a20 360b2226 366b1429 368a611 Physica 200a32 Poetica 6 Politica 1268b251269a28 1326a1517 Rhetorica 1.2.4 1354a191355a4 1361b36 1400b1622 Athenaeus Naucratita 2.51a 8.355a358d Caelius Aurelianus Tardae passiones. 3.8.139 Callimachus Hymnus in Delum 160 2.276 289 281 288 n. 6 373 282 374 374 272 n. 3 374 374 254 n. 22 260 257 258 258 258 258 258 260 259 259260 260 282 n. 59 353 20 233 n. 110 3534 223 n. 75 304 304, 310 125 132 Cassius Felix 29.5 Celsus De medicina 1.5.1 1.9.5 2.1.6 2.1.69 2.1.12 2.1.13 2.1.14 2.7.8 2.8.14 4.2.2 5.23.3a 6.6.1ad 6.6.1b 6.6.1d 6.6.1e 6.6.1fg 6.6.1km 6.6.139 6.6.5b 6.6.8bf 6.6.9 6.6.14 6.6.8g 6.6.10 6.6.11 6.6.14 6.6.27 6.6.29 6.6.32 7.7.15 7.7.15d 7.7.15a, d Censorinus De die natali 17.2 Cicero Brutus 30 De natura deorum 2.138 De oratore 3.128 408 n. 56

505

405 n. 20 406 n. 21; 407 n. 35 405 n. 14 406 405 n. 15 404 n. 10 405 n. 12 407 n. 39 405 n. 18 407 n. 50 406 n. 29 407 408 n. 54 405 n. 19 406 n. 24; 407 n. 34 406 n. 27 407 nn. 3536 406 n. 29 407 n. 36 407 n. 36 406 n. 26; 407 n. 41 407 n. 36 407 n. 42 407 n. 43 407 n. 44 407 n. 45 407 n. 46 404 n. 6; 407 nn. 36, 56 407 n. 47 195 407 n. 36 408 n. 57

310

303

309 n. 33 263 n. 52 309 n. 33

218 n. 43 181 n. 42

506
Oratio pro M. Fonteio 14.30 Cyprianus Ad Demetrianum 3

index of passages cited

215 n. 26 1.114115 139 n. 34 5.25 8.8081 9.46 136 n. 11, 137 n. 20 136 n. 8, 136 n. 13, 140 n. 43 281 n. 52 217 n. 33 273 n. 8

(Ps.) Damascius In Hippocratis Aphorismos commentarium 2.382, 1517 Dietz 461 n. 11 Damoxenes 1 K.-A. Democritus DK 68 A 43, 119 DK 68 A 130 DK 68 A 40 DK 68 A 66 DK 68 B 34 DK 68 B 164 Demosthenes 9.32 9.34 18 In Midiam 52 272273 273 273 55 55 251 55 214 n. 21 214 n. 23 224 n. 83 143 n. 58

Dionysius Halicarnassensis De Isocrate 1.10 Radermacher 309 n. 34 Dioscorides De materia medica 2.8081 2.97 2.98 2.209 3.127 3.67 5.84 Empedocles Fr. 59 (68) Wright DK 31 A 66 DK 31 B 55 DK 31 A 70 DK 31 A 72 DK 31 A 78 DK 31 A 80 DK 31 A 81 DK 31 A 83 DK 31 B 6.1 DK 31 B 15 DK 31 B 17.2735 DK 31 B 6061 DK 31 B 62 DK 31 B 84 DK 31 B 97 DK 31 B 100 Epicurus Ad Pythoclem 2324 Erotianus Glossarium 36, 127 Euripides Bacchae 420

183 n. 49 185 185 176 176 176, 177 183 n. 50 182 258 258 76 76 n. 6 76 76 76 76 77 n. 8 76 n. 6 77 n. 8 76 n. 6 76 n. 6 76, 82 77, 83 n. 14 82, 243245

Diocles Carystius (ed. van der Eijk) Fr. 17 333 n. 34 Fr. 30 ad 329 n. 15 Fr. 34 333 n. 34 Fr. 176 123 Fr. 199 126 Fr. 202 126 Fr. 206a 126 Diodorus Siculus 1.8.34 5.73.6 5.81 16.69.8 Fragmenta 30 43 Diogenes Apolloniates DK 64 B4 Diogenes Laertius 1.109112 54 181 n. 42 228 n. 94 214 n. 22 146 n. 82 146 n. 82 246 n. 2 136 n. 8, 136 n. 10,

265

102

181 n. 42

index of passages cited

Fragmenta 515.1 558.2 213 n. 17 213 n. 17 De libris propriis (19.35 K.) (19.36 K.) De marcore 9 (7.701 K.) 9 (7.701,11 K.) De methodo medendi 4.6 (10.291,8 K.) 6.6 (10.474475 K.) 7.6 (10.474,14 K.) 1234 129 126 129 126 129 127 129 131 128 302 De praenotione ad Posthumum 4 (14.620 K.) De simplicium medicamentorum temperamentis ac facultatibus 10.1 (12.247 K.) 10.2.15 (12.284288 K.) 10.1830 (12.290309 K.) De naturalibus facultatibus 2.89 (2.110140 K.)

507
447 n. 17 448 n. 21 183 n. 51 303 449 183 n. 51 303, 309 n. 32 105 n. 21

Eustathius Thessalonicensis In Homeri Iliadem 9.453 (753,16) 307 11.514 (859,38) 306 Galenicum Corpus Ad Glauconem de methodo medendi 1.4 (11.17 K.) 435 De alimentorum facultatibus 1.1 1.2 1.13 1.25 1.26 1.27 1.29 2.323 2.67 3.1 De bonis malisque sucis 4 (6.775,9 K.)

183 n. 49 183 n. 49 183 n. 49 271

De compositione medicamentorum secundum locos 5.5 (12.887,1 K.) 452 n. 47 9.7 (13.314,12 K.) 458 De crisibus 1.7 (9.577 K.) De dierentiis febrium 1.1 (7.273 K.) 1.1 (7.274 K.) 1.1 (7.275 K.) 1.2 (7.278 K.) 1.13 (7.329 K.) 1.6 (7.290 K) 2.1 (7.3346 K.) De dicultate respirationis 3.10 (7.941,5 K.) De foetuum formatione 1 (4.654,3 K.) De humoribus 1 (5.476,1 L.) 4 (5.480,6 L.) 4 (5.480,9 L.) 449 439 439 439 440 441 17 347 418 n. 13 417 451 451 451

De placitis Hippocratis et Platonis 8.5.26 278 De semine 1.4 (4.525,7 K.) De tremore, palpitatione, convulsione et rigore 4 (7.591,17 K.) 5 (7.597 K.) 417

449, 451 440

De venae sect. adv. Erasistratum 6 (11.169,13170,5 K.) 461 De victu attenuante 3 Glossarium (19.156,7 K.) In Hippocratis Aphorismos commentarium 1.2023 (17B.436 K.) 3.14 (17B.562569 K.) 3.30 (17B.647,8 K.) 6.31 (18A.4550 K.) 128 418, 450

449 449 461 406 n. 23

508
In Hippocratis De humoribus commentarium (16.124125 K.) In Hippocratis de natura hominis librum commentarii 1.2 (15.2526 K.) 2.22 (15.171 K.) 2.22 (15.172 K.) In Hippocratis Epidemiarum librum III commentarium 2, prooem. (17A.578,5 K.) 2.7 (17A 905,1 K.) 3.74 (17A.755,15 K.) 3.77 (17A.568 K.) In Hippocratis epidemiarum librum VI commentarii 1.29 (17A.873) 1.29 (17A.877) 1.29 (17A.878) 2.28 (17A.951,2 K.) 2.28 (17A.953,11f. K.) 2.28 (17A.954,2 K.) 3.29 (17B.81,11 K.) 3.31 (17B.99,9 K.) 3.37 (17B.108 K.) 3.37 (17B.108,3 K.) 4.8 (17B.135,9 K.) 4.10 (17B.144,1 . K.) 4.11 (17B.153166 K.) 4.18 (17B.175 . K.) 4.25 (17B.200,6 K.) 5.25 (17B.286 sq. K.)

index of passages cited

Gregorius Nyssenus Contra fatum 50.3 Heraclitus 22 B 23 DK 304 483 105 n. 18, 483 Herodotus Historiae 1.54 1.105 2.4165 3.33 3.46 4.23 4.58 4.67 4.767 6.18 7.6 7.164 8.143 9.72,2
d 1221.1

454 n. 43

302 n. 18 115 n. 83

447 n. 17 449 n. 29 418 105 n. 18

440 441 441 430 430 430 302 302 450 448 429 418 416 428 423 461

214 n. 5, 10 179 n. 7 218 n. 9 178 n. 5, 10 137 n. 220 n. 138 n. 220 n. 217 n. 300 n.

21 30 42 23 19 62 23 62 39 11

n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n.

41 41 41 19 19 31 22 37

Hesychius 421 n. 20

Hesiodus Opera et dies 109201 180181 228 Theogonia 450 452 Hippocrates Aphorismi 1.1 (4.458,2 L.) 1.12 1.12,10 (4.466 L.) 1.16 (4.466,17 L.) 1.19 (4.468,5 L.) 1.20 2.22 2.38 3.11 3.12 (4.468,8 L.) (4.476 L.) (4.480,17 L.) (4.490 L.) (4.490 L.)

52 52 181 n. 42 181 n. 42 181 n. 42

n. 9 n. 26

De morbis IV 34.1 (7.544 L.) 33.3 (7.544 L.) 45 55 (7.600 L.) De morbo sacro 14 (6.352364,8 L) 2 (6.354,1415 L.) 2 (6.354356 L.) 2 (6.364,15 L.) 2.6 (6.366,1 L.) 3 (6.358 L.) 4 (6.362 L.) 4.1 (6.368,13 L.) 5.1 (6.368,10 f. L.) 521 (6.364.9396 L.) 7 (6.374 L.) 7.3 (6.372,11 L.) 7.6 (6.372,1921 L.) 7.7 (6.372,22 f. L.) 7.7 (6,372,22 L.). 7.9 (6.372,22 f.; 374,4 L.) 8 (6.376,9 L.) 11 (6.382 L.) 14 (6.386,15 . L.) 17 (6.386 L.) De morbis mulierum 1.34 (8.80 L.) 1.74 (8.156,10, 160.1, 160.13 L.) 1.75 (8.166,3 L.) 1.75 (8.166,10 L.) 1.78 (8.172,15 ; 176.15; 180.12 L.) 1.84 (8.206,13 L.) 1.84 (8.206,19 L.) 1.84 (8.208,10 L.) 1.102105 (8.2248 L.) 1.105 (8.228,12 L.) 2.110 2.116 2.123 2.131 2.143 2.145 (8.236 (8.250 (8.266 (8.278 (8.316 (8.320 L.) L.) L.) L.) L.) L.) 79 n. 11 79 n. 11 329 178 n. 23 357 355 n. 142 n. 52 8 322 n. 379 142 n. 322 n. 322 n. 358 246 322 n. 322 n. 322 n. 322 n. 23 2.149 2.158 2.162 2.179 2.205 (8.324 L.) (8.336,8 L.) (8.340,7 L.) (8.362,13 L.) (8.394,9, 396,5 L.) 380 174 174 178 178 n. n. n. n. n.

511
30 6 6 23 23

22 55 27 22 23 28 26

De natura hominis 12 (6.3236,16 L.) 38 (6.36,1752,3 L.) 9 9 (6.52 L.) 1215 (6.60,2068 L.) 15 (6.66 L.) De natura mulierum 3 (7.314 L.) 4 (7.316 L.) 14 (7.332 L.) 18 (7.338 L.) 32 (7.352,13 L. ) 41 (7.386 L.) 44 (7.388 L.) 109 (7.426,6 L.) De natura ossium 13 (9.184 L.) De natura pueri 13 (7.488,22 . L.) De octimestri partu 9.4 (7.448 L.) De ocina medici 1 (3.272,2 L.) 4 (3.288 L.) 9 (3.302 L.) 16 (3.322,2 L.) De sterilitate 214 (8.414,18 L.) 216 (8.416,21 L.) 243 (8.458,2 L.) 246 (8.460 L.) De vetere medicina 1.1 (1.570 L.) 1.1 (1.570 L.) 1.13 (1.570,1572,8 L.) 1.2 (1.5702 L.) 1.3 (1.572 L.) 1.3 (1.572 L.) 1.3 (1.572 L.)

357 358 22 426 n. 30 358 436 380 380 380 380 178 380 380 178 249 417 87 n. 1, 88 n. 4 426; 427 87 n. 1, 89 n. 5 380 427 174 n. 6, 1789 n. 25 178 n. 23 178 n. 23 380 n. 30 73 60 31 62 74 84 61 n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. 30 30 30 30 23 30 30 23

322 n. 263 416 329 n. 18 9 380 200 178 n. 23 174 n. 6, 1789 n. 25 178 n. 23 178 n. 23 178 n. 23, 179 n. 26 174 n. 6, 1789 n. 25 178 n. 23 194 178 n. 23, 179 n. 27 200 197 380 n. 30 380 n. 30 380 n. 30 380 n. 30

512
2 2.1 (1.572 L.) 2.3 (1.572 L.) 2.3 (1.572,1819 L.) 3.13 (1.5746 L.) 3.34 (1.576 L.) 4.1 (1.578 L.) 5.1 (1.580 L.) 8.3 (1.588 L.) 8.3 (1.588 L.) 9 (1.588,14 590,1 L.) 9 (1.590,34 L.) 9 (1.588590 L) 9.3 (1.588 L.) 9.3 (1.58890 L.) 9.34 (1.588,14590,5 L.) 9.4 (1.590 L.) 9.4 (1.590 L.) 9.2022 (1.590.24 L.) 101 11 11 12.2 (1.596 L.) 12.2 (1.59698 L.) 13.12 (1.598 L.) 14.1 (1.600 L.) 14.34 (1.602 L.) 14.4 (1.602 L.) 16.1 (1.606 L.) 19.5 (1.618 L.) 20 (1.620624 L.) 20.1 (1.620 L.) 20.1 (1.620,712 L.) 20.6 (1.624 L.) 22 (1.626 L.) 22.1 (1.626 L.) 22.24 (1.626628 L.) 22.6 (1.628 L.) 22.7 f. (1,630,6634,1 L.) 22.8 (1.632634 L.) 22.9 (1.634 L.) 24 (1.634636 L.) 24.1 (1.634 L.) De victu 13 1.10 (6.484486 L.) 1.23 (6.496 L.) 2.379 2.38 (6.530532 L.) 2.423

index of passages cited

122 59 275 36 56 5758 92 n. 16 57 59 92 n. 13 290 293 274 87 n. 1, 92 n. 14 61 38 58 96 n. 22 354 n. 17 131 340 n. 59 330 n. 21 93 n. 17 6263 58 65 7879 80 79 n. 10 276 7071 75 4041 78 243 272 81 81 320 nn. 1819 81 81 83 272, 277 12133 255, 258 (n. 36), 267 267 121 246 124 2.45 2.49 2.49.23 2.51 2.56 2.58, 1 (6.572 L.) 2.59 2.60 (6.572574 L.) 2.62 2.66 127 124 388, n. 2 131 122, 125 329 n. 16 335 n. 40 338 n. 53 335 n. 40 328, 329, 331 n. 24, 335 n. 42, 336 n. 46 127 335 n. 40 105 n. 24 142 n. 56 290 105 n. 348 340 n. 1920 380 281 n. 379 330 n. 380 194

3.689 3.78 4.88 (6.644 L.) 4.89 (6.652 L.) De victu acutorum 2 (2.230,12 L.) 8 (2.240242 L.) 9 (2.244,35 L.) 11 36 36.5 (2.298 L.) 42 (2.312314 L.) 46.4 (2.320 L.) 49.1 (2.330332 L.) 65 (2.366 L.) 6566 (2.520 L.) De victu acutorum (spurium) 1 (2.398,6 L.) 7 (2.406 L.) 10 (2.456,2 L.) 14 (2.470,8 L.) 18.2 (2.434,2 L.) De videndi acie 1 (9.152 L.) 2 (9.152 L.) 3 (9.154156 L.) 7 (9.158 L.) 8 (9.158 L.) 9 (9.160 L.) Epibomios 9.404 L. 9.404 L. Epidemiae 1 (2.696 L.) 1.1.2 (2.224 L.)

22 59 50 22

5 247 n. 3 5 5 419 192, 194 192 194, 200 194 192, 194 194; 406 n. 28, n. 32 227 n. 91 221 n. 66 276 106 n. 2

index of passages cited

1.1.3 (2.610 L.) 1.8 (2.628,3 L.) 1.11 (2.634,8 L.) 1.11 (2.634 L.) 1.11.11 (2.674 L.) 1.12.9 (2.682 L.) 1.18 (2.628,7 L.) 1.25 (2.616 L.) 2.1.7 (5.7678 L.) 2.4.3 2.6.1 (5.266 L.) 2.7 (5.7678 L.) 2.12 (5.134 L.) 3.3.3 (3.70 L.) 6.1.5 (5.268,6 L.) 6.1.14 (5.274 L.) 6.2.12 (5.284,1 L.) 6.3.18 (5.302,1 L.) 6.3.23 (5.304 L.) 6.4.7 (5.308,13 L.) 6.4.7 (5.308,15 L.) 6.4.8 (5.308,17 L.) 6.4.15 (5.310,10 L.) 6.4.18 (5.312,1 L.) 6.4.19 (5.312,6 L.) 6.6.3 (5.324 L.) 6.8.7 (5.346 L.) 6.8.18 (5.350 L.) 6.8.24 (5.282 L.) 7.68 7.82 7.102 7.120 Epistulae 16 (9.346 L.) 380 430 s. 429 102 n. 3 437 436 425 n. 29 406 n. 33 333 127, 130 247 247 n. 3 405 n. 18 405 n. 16 414 n. 2 439 429; 430 299 450 428 418; 427 416; 427 427 427 423, 427 272 440 406 n. 30; 407 n. 37 380 130 127, 130 132 15 87 n. 1, 91 n. 11, 91 n. 12 147 n. 87 476 480 481 476 476 355 n. 17 378 Presbeutikos 1 (9.406 L.) 2 (9.406 L.) 4 (9.412 L.) 4 5 6 7 9 (9.414 (9.414 (9.416 (9.418 (9.424 L.) L.) L.) L.) L.) 221 223 212 213 221 212 221 221 221 221 227 221 227 n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n.

513
64 76 11, 14, 67 67 67 66 67, 91 67, 91

10 (9.426 L.) Prognosticon 1 (2.112,711 L.) 1.1 (2.110112,11 L.) 1 (2.110,1 L.) 1 (2.110,8 L.) 1 (2.110,10 L.) 1 (2.110 L.) 2 (2.116, 23 L.) 5 (2.122 L.) 9 (2.132, 1415 L.) 15 (2.148 L.) 17 (2.154 L.) 24 (2.188 L.) 25 (2.188190 L.) Prorrheticon 1 1.16 (5.514,9 L.) Prorrheticon 2 1 (9.6 L.) 1 (9.6,18,5 L.) 1 (9.8,25 L.) 1 (9.8,26 L.) 2 (9.8 L.) 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 3 3 3 3 3 3 (9.810 L.) (9.8.710.13 L.) (9.10 L.) (9.10,45 L.) (9.10,46 L.) (9.10,67 L.) (9.10,1012 L.) (9.10 L.) (9.10,1621 L.) (9.10,2125 L.) (9.10,2324 L.) (9.12,922 L.) (9.14,23 L)

292 347 424 426 425 102 n. 3 290 n. 17 247 290 n. 17 247 242 103 103 418 104 3512 292 290 n. 17 105 n. 21, 106 107 354 105 290 n. 17 346 292 348 106 nn. 27, 28, 29 3567 292 290 35960 349

Iusiurandum 1 (4.630 L.) 1 1 3 4 8 Lex 1.2 (4.638.13 L.) Mochlicon 26 (4.370 L.)

514
4 (9.18 L.) 4 (9.20 L.) 4 (9.20,1115 L.) 4 (9.20,1213 L.) 543 (9.2074 L.) 6 (9.22,22 L.) 7 (9.26 L.) 9 (9.28,1718 L.) 15 (9.40 L.) 19 (9.46 L.) 22 (9.5052 L.) 24 (9.56 L.) 40.8 (9.70 L.) 41 (9.7072 L.) 42 (9.72 L.) Herodotus 2.61 2.84 3.1 3.125 3.131 3.1312 4.169 4.187 Hesiodus Theogonia 797 Homerus Ilias II 638 II 72933 IV 219 XI 831832 XI 382 XI 800 XV 235 XVI 301 XVII 760 XXI 202 Odysseia 4.227232 5.4567 8.185 8.265 9.27 Scholia Il. IX 453b XI 515

index of passages cited

107 108 n. 41 34950 291 360 348 106 346 106 107 107 107 379 108 n. 39 108 n. 38 201 199 199, 203 203 199 203 202 n. 27 199 (Ps.) Iamblichus Theologumena arithmeticae 61.14 De Falco Isocrates 15.8 Adversus Sophistas 14 11 Antidosis 1805 201 204 Ad Philippum 109 Libanius Sophista Declamationes 3, 4 F 5.35 Lucianus Scytha 12 Quomodo historia conscribenda 35 Lucretius De natura rerum 3.487509 Macareus Historicus Historia Coa (ta Kaka) FGrHist III B, 456 FGrHist III.38.457 Maimonides Aphorismi (ed. Bos, unpublished) 6.22 12.43 23.5

417 n. 11 223 n. 75 3556 356 346 n. 5 346 n. 5 346 n. 5 3501

226 n. 87 226 n. 88 137 n. 17 310 n. 35

241

214 n. 19 140 n. 41 204 204 241 241 241 241 241 241 201 241 n. 1 418 417 181 n. 42 306 306

256

228 n. 93 136 n. 6

451 453 n. 41 450

Maimonides (Ed. Chartier 1679) Fragmenta 60 451 79 450 Manuscript Meshed Tibb 80 446 n. 6

index of passages cited

Marcellinus Thucydidis vita 36.4 Menander Rhetor 423.6424 Oribasius Collectiones medicae 7.22.21 8.11.6 8.19.5 8.20.5 Eclogae medicamentorum 73,1 (p. 234 Raeder) ORPHICA 1.8 36.8 40.2 40.13 65.9 10.11.12 10.20.623.14 309 n. 34 217 n. 35 Philochorus F 56 Philostratus Vita Apollonii Tyanae 2.37.90 Vita sophistarum 1.482,18; 496,5 Pindarus Olympiae 1.3 8.7 Nemeae 3.5455 Pythiae 1, 3, 4, 5, 9 3.63 4.119 4.270 4.270271 4.286 4.199 9.29 9.3839 Plato Apologia 19e Gorgias 464c 465a Leges 1.642a 1.642d 7.797d 9 . Phaedrus 96c 227a1 227d 228e4230e5 247c1248c5 247c2247e6 247c3d1

515
140 n. 43 215 n. 25 214 n. 23

141 n. 48 309 n. 34

446, 454 446 446, 452 4545 414 n. 2 181 181 181 181 181 n. n. n. n. n. 42 42 42 42 42

203204 241 204 203204 204 204 18 204 204 241 204 204

Palladius In Hippocratis Epidemiarum librum VI commentarium 2.37,20 Dietz 430 n. 41 2.122,28 Dietz 423 n. 26 2.9698 Dietz 302 n. 19 Synopsis de febribus 4.1 (1.108 Ideler) Paulus Aegineta 3.18 Pausanias Periegesis 1.14.4 1.22.3 1.22.7 1.25.8 1.34.3 2.15.5 2.23.4 2.26 2.38.4 3.16.716 4.30.3 440 414 n. 2

309 n. 34 95 n. 19 95 n. 20 136 n. 11 136 n. 10 20 74 n. 4 288 300 288 287 n. 1 289 289 n. 10

136 181 138 138 140 138 141 140 140 204 140 176 140

n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n.

11 42 24; 26; 43 26 47 42 42 28 42 14 42

516
249b6249c1 249c1250c6 258e6259d8 265d35 265e12 266b37 266b5 266b56 267b 270b56 270c 270c6d7 270c910 270d45 278d26 279b8c7 Philebus 55e Protagoras 311bc 316e 327ab Res publica 405c406c 405dl6 406a 473a15 564b56 573c79 Theaetetus 146b 151e1152a4 166e 167d 167a1 Theages 127e Timaeus 79d 82e658 83b29 83c16 86a3 Plautus Poenulus 74

index of passages cited

290 289 288 289 289 290 291 291 309 291 223 292 291 291 292 288 Plinius Maior Historia naturalis 11.219220 24.19 24.28 24.9899 28.21.72 28.23.7787 28.33.124125 29.4 30.98 Plutarchus De defectu oraculorum 409 e De facie quae in orbe Lunae apparet 920 b De sera numinis vindicta 554c Symposium 71 Vita Solonis 12

n. 21 n. 34 n. n. n. n. 109 24 21 21

263 n. 52 178 n. 23 178 n. 23 178 n. 23 183 n. 50 184 n. 56 178 n. 23 301, 305 n. 25 146 n. 82

136 n. 12

95 n. 21, 96 n. 23 223 n. 109 300 62 122 276 299 245 276 284 n. 68 203 273 274 275 n. 15 309 n. 34 267 277 277 278 438

146 n. 82 301 242 136 136 136 136 137 n. n. n. n. n. 9, 10, 12, 13, 20

Vita Periclis 38 Polybius 1.6.5 2.10.6 9.2832 11.2.46 12.25A3 21.14 21.22.5 21.31.616 22.26 28.4 30.30.1218

146 n. 82 215 215 217 217 214 217 217 217 214 218 214 214 218 n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. 26 26 37 37 19, 40 37 19, 41 19 19 41

213 n. 17

index of passages cited

Porphyrius Quaestiones ad Homeri Iliadem pertinentes IX 453 140,10 Schrder 306 XI 515 165,11 Schrder 306 Praxagoras Fragmenta (ed. Steckerl) 8 9 21 22 32 70 71 74 75 84 Prodicus DK 84B2 Quintilianus Institutio oratoria 3.1.12 9.2.36 12.11.24 Rhazes Hyderadab 19551970 5.37.1 6.2.6 6.7.6 6.7.10 7.59.18 8.76.4 9.7.114 16.238.11 23.202.14 Continens (Venetiis 1529) f. 97rA f. 115rB f. 249rA SCHOLIA IN HOMERI ILIADEM IX 453 b XI 515 Scholium in MARCIANUM GRAECUM 269 f. 74r Scholium to Oribasius 44.15 449

517

Scriptores Historiae Augustae 23.5.5 146 n. 84 Seneca Naturales quaestiones 2.6, 4 3.15, 18 5.4, 2 6.14, 12 6.18, 6 6.24, 12 Sophocles Antigone 332333 342 347352 347 353361 356 360 361364 365367 368371 Soranus Gynaecia 1.45.2 1.60 2.56 Vita Hippocratis p. 175, 8 CMG Stephanus Magnes Empirica 55,1720 Savvinidou Strabo Geographia 2.2.3 2.5.33 9 C427 10.2.21 10.2.22 10.4.14 11.13.7 12.3.6 17.3.1 17.3.21

316 317 317 317 321 316 316 317 322 317 63

n. n. n. n. n. . . n. n. n.

6 9 7 7 25 8 24 9

265 262 263 263264 264 265266

309 n. 33 309 n. 34 403 n. 2

52 52 52 52 5253 53 53 53 53 53

4545 454 452 453 447 n. 13 451 447 n. 13 451 448 4545 452 454 306 306

183 n. 50 417 178 n. 23 308, 310

459 n. 9

445 n. 2

202 202 214 213 213 136 202 213 199 201

n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n.

27 27 23 16 17 12 27 17

n. 25

518
Suda s.v. Euripides s.v. Epimenides s.v. Hippocrates s.v. Leschides Synesius De insomniis 20 Themistius Orationes 23.9 (289d290a) Theocritus 7.91 17.112 Theon Rhetor Protogymnasmata RG I 137257 Theophrastus De historia plantarum 4.2.1 4.3.1 4.4.1 5.9.8 9.1 9.4 9.7 9.11 9.15 9.15.4 Fragmentum de sensibus 6567 De vertigine 1.184,14 FSS 7.190,6062 FSS 9.192.6972 FSS 8.190,6566 FSS 9.192,177178 FSS De lassitudine 1.264,1 FSS 3.264,2123 FSS 5.266,3839 FSS 5.266,42 FSS

index of passages cited

309 136 n. 10, 137 n. 20 308 152 6.266,4446 FSS 8.268,6263 FSS 18.276,139 FSS De sudoribus 1.24,13 FFS 2 13.30,8385 FFS 13.30,8332.89 FFS 19 20.36,138140 FSS 21 22.38,150151 FSS 24.38,163165 FSS 27.42,180182 FSS 40.48,249250 FSS Metaphysica 2425.16 (Laks-Most) Thrasymachus DK 85A 6 DK 85B 1 DK 85B 6a Thucydides 1.23 2.4.3 2.47 2.4754 2.48 2.49 2.49.3 2.52 2.71 3.102 4.1720 6.4 6.6 6.14 6.1618 6.18 6.8287 Tzetzes, Joannes Chiliades 7.155 Varro De re rustica 1.4.5 336 n. 45 338 n. 34 338 n. 52 327 332 332 333 332 330 340 332 329 331 329 n. 10 n. 29 n. 35 n. 23 n. n. n. n. 31 14 26 14

224 n. 82

301 218 n. 43 218 n. 43

341 n. 64 305 n. 25 63 63 16, 21, 23 275 16 5, 13 16 14, 15, 16 275 16 217 n. 38 and 39 213 n. 17 217 n. 40 220 n. 62 22 18 223 n. 76 19 217 n. 38

224 n. 79

201 201, 202 n. 27 201 174 n. 4 202 n. 27 202 n. 27 202 n. 27 204 201 178 n. 23 273 329 339 334 339 339 327 328 336 328 n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. 17 36 39 57 58 9 11 44 12

308 n. 30

223 n. 112

index of passages cited

Vegetius Mulomedicina 2.120 Xenophanes DK 21A1 DK 21B34 Xenophon Anabasis 4.5.79 Historia graeca 3.5.715 3.5.815 4.6.1.1 6.3.318 6.3.1218 7.1.211 5 Papyri Berichtigungsliste der griechischen Papyrusurkunden aus gypten (BL) VIII 432 399 XI 228 391 XI 204 398 XI 257 399 XI 213 399 Berlin Papyrus 3027 7,4 London Medical Papyrus 20 46 178 177 177 419 421 427 437 438 Papyrus Ebers 109 111 368 384 408 414 499 500 575 763 177 176 175 176 175 217 217 218 213 217 218 217 217

519
n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. 37 38, 41 17 40, 42 38 38

408 n. 59 245 39 n. 25

M.H. Marganne, P. Mertens (eds.), Medici et Medica (= M-P3) 388 M-P3539.21 389 M-P3543.1 389 M-P32345.3 389 M-P32356.2 389 M-P32358.01 389 M-P32401 389 M-P32433.21 391 M-P3 II 321 391 M-P3 II 322 391 M-P3 II 466 391 M-P3 II 480 391 M-P3 II 481 ii and i 391 M-P3 II 504 391 M-P3 II 522 391 M-P3 II 566 Papyri Graecae Magicae 12.401444 (Preisendanz) 408444 Appendix, 403 408 175 1867 175 176

177 177 178 178 178 178 178 with n. 22 178 178 178

Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus gypten (SB) XII 10842 391 XX 14163 391 XX 14164 391 XX 14165 391 XX 14166 391 XX 14167 391 XX 14168 391 XX 15010 397 XXII 15811 398 XXII 15704 398 XXII 15810 398 XXIV 16012 399 XXIV 16014 399 The Tebtunis Papyri P.Tebt. 484.1 P.Tebt. 1328 392 391

520
P.Tebt. P.Tebt. P.Tebt. P.Tebt. P.Tebt. P.Tebt. P.Tebt. P.Tebt. P.Tebt. P.Tebt. P.Tebt. P.Tebt. 2094 2094.1 2366 2368 2386 2419.2 2421 2422 2422.1 2422.2 II 321 II 322

index of passages cited

392 392 392 392 392 391 393 393 391 392 391 391 P.Tebt. II 446 P.Tebt. II 480 P.Tebt. II 481 P.Tebt. II 504 P.Tebt. II 518 P.Tebt. II 522 P.Tebt. II 566 P.Tebt. II 677 P.Tebt. II 689 (= M-P3 2369) P.Tebt. III 846 391 391 391 391 391 391 391 392 389 388 n. 2

Inscriptions Aleshire 1989 Inventory (S. = Samama (2003)) III IV V (= S. no. 9) 10 (= SEG 12.377) 11 (= SEG 12.378) 12 (= SEG 12.379) 12.11 12.20 13.9 13.16 13.20 Inscriptions de Dlos (ID) 17 62 (190) 421 Inscriptiones Graecae (IG) (S. = Samama (2003)) I2 164 I2 395 I2 1019 (= S. no.1) I2 1393 IIIII2 47 (= S. no. 4) IIIII2 372 IIIII2 374 (= S. no. 6) IIIII2 483 (= S. no. 7) IIIII2 772 (= S. no. 11) IIIII2 946 IIIII2 (ed. minor) 1425 A IIIII2 1534 (= S. no. 10) IIIII2 2234 (= S. 131 n. 70) 219 219 219 220 220 220 220 220 220 n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. 51 51 50 60 59, 60 60 59 60

1434, 149 1434, 150 1434, 151

Asylieurkunden aus Kos (Asyl.) 1 (= SEG 12.368) 216 n. 32 2.813 219 n. 53 3 (= SEG 12.370) 219 n. 50, 221 n. 63 3.23 220 n. 60 3.29 220 n. 60 3.31 220 n. 59 3.37 220 n. 59 4 (= SEG 12.371) 219 n. 46 4.6 220 n. 60 4.10 219 n. 57, 220 n. 59 4.11 220 n. 59 5 (= SEG 12.372) 219 n. 47 5.14 220 n. 60 5.24 220 n. 59 6 (= SEG 12.373) 219 n. 49 6.3 219 n. 55 6.4 219 n. 56 6.13 219 n. 54 6.30 219 n. 54 6.40 220 n. 59 6.41 219 n. 54 6.42 219 n. 56 7 (= SEG 12.374) 219 n. 48 7.3 219 n. 58, 220 n. 59 7.56 219 n. 55 7.12 219 n. 54 8 (= RC 25) 218 n. 45

231 n. 104 231 n. 104 231 n. 104

148 139 n. 33 148 148 n. 1 148 149 145 n. 76, 149 143, 144, 145 n. 76, 150 143, 144, 151 145 n. 76, 152 149 143, 150 153

index of passages cited

IIIII2 (ed. minor) IIIII2 (ed. minor) IIIII2 (ed. minor) IIIII2 (ed. minor) (= S. no. 24) IIIII2 (ed. minor) (= S. no. 17) IIIII2 (ed. minor) (= S. no. 18) IIIII2 (ed. minor) IIIII2 (ed. minor) (= S. no. 19) IIIII2 4962 IIIII2 7175 IIIII2 (ed. minor) (= S. no. 16) IIIII2 (ed. minor) (= S. no. 21) IIIII2 9052 (= S. IIIII2 9719 IV, 1, 121 VII 325 IX(2) 161B XII.3.360 Iscrizioni di Cos (Segre) ED 49.56 2236 2237 2243 2245 3798 3799 3808 4513 153 154 154 154 145, 152 145, 152 153 153 143 n. 59 140 n. 40 153 153 145 151 152 140 141 230 204 n. 76, n. 45 n. 49 n. 98 Nuova silloge epigrapca di Rodi e Cox (NS) 11.414 (= SEG 11.414) 438, I Royal Correspondence of the Hellenistic Age (RC) 25.3334 25.123 Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum (SEG) (S. = Samama (2003)) 11.414 (= NS 11) 12.36884 (= Asyl. 116) 17.238 17.329 22.196 (= S. no. 3) 24.227 (= S. no. 13) 25.180 (= S. no. 5) 33.158 (= S. no. 25) 39.189 (= IG II2 2235) Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum (Syll.3) 398 (= Moretti II.78) 443 The Inscriptions of Cos (P.-H.) 10 C 81, 90

521

230 n. 99 231 n. 104

216 n. 31 216 n. 31

7752 7810 no. 12)

230 216 231 231 149 150 149 154 154

n. n. n. n.

99 32 102 102

216 n. 30 216 n. 31

230 n. 98 230 n. 98

STUDIES IN ANCIENT MEDICINE

1. F. Kudlien and Richard J. Durling (eds.). Galens Method of Healing. Proceedings of the 2nd International Galen Symposium. 1991 ISBN 90 04 09272 2 2. Hippocrates. Pseudepigraphic Writings. Letters Embassy Speech from the Altar Decree. Edited and translated by Wesley D. Smith. 1990. ISBN 90 04 09290 0 3. Robert I. Curtis. Garum and Salsamenta. Production and Commerce in Materia Medica. 1991. ISBN 90 04 09423 7 4. Jody Rubin Pinault. Hippocratic Lives and Legends. 1992. ISBN 90 04 09574 8 5. Richard J. Durling. A Dictionary of Medical Terms in Galen. 1993. ISBN 90 04 09754 6 6. Willem F. Daems. Nomina simplicium medicinarum ex Synonymariis Medii Aevi collecta. Semantische Untersuchungen zum Fachwortschatz hoch- und sptmittelalterlicher Drogenkunde. 1993. ISBN 90 04 09672 8 7. Irene and Walter Jacob (eds.). The Healing Past. Pharmaceuticals in the Biblical and Rabbinic World. 1993. ISBN 90 04 09643 4 8. Marie-Hlne Marganne. Lophtalmologie dans lgypte grco-romaine daprs les papyrus littraires grecs. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09907 7 9. Samuel S. Kottek. Medicine and Hygiene in the Works of Flavius Josephus. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09941 7 10. Charles Burnett and Danielle Jacquart (eds.). Constantine the African and #Al ibn al-#Abbs al-Ma s. The Pantegni and Related Texts. 1994. ISBN 90 04 10014 8 11. J.N. Adams. Pelagonius and Latin Veterinary Terminology in the Roman Empire. 1995. ISBN 90 04 10281 7 12. Ivan Garofalo (ed.). Anonymi medici De morbis acutis et chroniis. Translated into English by Brian Fuchs. 1997. ISBN 90 04 10227 2 13. Armelle Debru. Le corps respirant. La pense physiologique chez Galien. 1996. ISBN 90 04 10436 4 14. Guigonis de Caulhiaco (Guy de Chauliac). Inventarium sive Chirurgia Magna. 2 volumes. Vol.I: Text. Edited by Michael R. McVaugh; Vol. II: Commentary. Prepared by Michael R. McVaugh & Margaret S. Ogden. 1997. ISBN 90 04 10706 1 (I); ISBN 90 04 10784 3 (II); ISBN 90 04 10785 1(Set) 15. Mark Grant. Dieting for an Emperor. A Translation of Books 1 and 4 of Oribasius Medical Compilations with an Introduction and Commentary. 1997. ISBN 90 04 10790 8 16. Armelle Debru (ed.). Galen on Pharmacology. Philosophy, History and Medicine. Proceedings of the Vth International Galen Colloquium, Lille, 16-18 March 1995. 1997. ISBN 90 04 10403 8

17. Marie-Hlne Marganne. La chirurgie dans lgypte grco-romaine daprs les papyrus littraires grecs. 1998. ISBN 90 04 11134 4 18. Klaus-Dietrich Fischer, Diethard Nickel & Paul Potter (eds.). Text and Tradition. Studies in Ancient Medicine and its Transmission. Presented to Jutta Kollesch. 1998. ISBN 90 04 11052 6 19. Keith Dickson. Stephanus the Philosopher and Physician. Commentary on Galens Therapeutics to Glaucon. 1998. ISBN 90 04 10935 8 20. Philip J. van der Eijk (ed.). Ancient Histories of Medicine. Essays in Medical Doxography and Historiography in Classical Antiquity. 1999. ISBN 90 04 10555 7 21. Christine F. Salazar. The Treatment of War Wounds in Graeco-Roman Antiquity. 2000. ISBN 90 04 11479 3 22. Philip J. van der Eijk. Diocles of Carystus. A Collection of Fragments with Translation and Commentary. Volume I: Text and Translation. 2000. ISBN 90 04 10265 5, ISBN 90 04 12013 0 (Set) 23. Philip J. van der Eijk. Diocles of Carystus. A Collection of Fragments with Translation and Commentary. Volume II: Commentary. 2001. ISBN 90 04 12012 2, ISBN 90 04 12013 0 (Set) 24. Manuela Tecusan. The Fragments of the Methodists, Volume One. Methodism outside Soranus. 2004. ISBN 90 04 12451 9 25. Julie Laskaris. The Art is Long. On the Sacred Disease and the Scientific Tradition. 2002. ISBN 90 04 12152 8 26. Julius Rocca. Galen on the Brain. Anatomical Knowledge and Physiological Speculation in the Second Century AD. 2003. ISBN 90 04 12512 4 27. H.F.J. Horstmanshoff & M. Stol, in collaboration with C.R. van Tilburg (eds.). Magic and Rationality in Ancient Near Eastern and Graeco-Roman Medicine. 2004. ISBN 90 04 13666 5 28. Mark J. Schiefsky. Hippocrates on Ancient Medicine. Translated with introduction and commentary. 2005. ISBN 90 04 13758 0 29. Peter E. Pormann. The Oriental Tradition of Paul of Aeginas Pragmateia. 2004. ISBN 90 04 13757 2 30. Jennifer Clark Kosak. Heroic Measures. Hippocratic Medicine in the Making of Euripidean Tragedy. 2004. ISBN 90 04 13993 1 31. Philip J. van der Eijk. Hippocrates in Context. Papers read at the XIth International Hippocrates Colloquium (University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2731 August 2002). 2005. ISBN 90 04 14430 7

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