More information of U Win Tin

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi returned to Myanmar to look after her ailing mother and to write a book on matters
relating to her father Bogyoke Aung San. In 1988, when disturbances broke out beginning with student matters,
U Win Tin, Maung Thawka and Maung Moe Thu group, which was searching for a leader to put on the
platform, saw Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as their choice. Later at the talks held in front of the General Hospital,
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was put on stage together with writers and artistes of the music and film world. She
became well-known when talks were held at the western entrance of the Shwedagon Pagoda.

That is why, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, befriended the intelligentsia with whom she became acquainted during
the disturbances and formed the Aung - Suu - Tin (U Aung Gyi-Daw Aung San Suu Kyi- U Tin oo) group
mainly with these persons.

However, it is evident that she did not know everything about the persons with whom she became acquainted.
Hence, after the formation of the National League for Democracy (NLD), news emerged that this group was
riddled with communists. One of the persons who initially put Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on the stage is reported
to have disclosed that the reason for selecting her as a political leader was that if the army attempted to quell the
disturbances by shooting the presence of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Bogyoke Aung San's daughter, may lessen
the amount of shooting.

After the formation of the NLD, as it is known, there were splits and in the end, all that was left were only two
groups, the patriotic veteran yebaws group and the intelligential group. The patriotic veteran yebaws were those
who had fought the communists while they were with the Myanmar army and they hated the communists. That
is the reason why the patriotic veteran yebaws group was not very satisfied with those who were once members
of the communist party, underground communists, communist half- castes and those who had communist traits
and who were now is the NLD.

There were also among them wolves in sheep's clothing pretending to be sympathizers of democracy and others
which began attacking the patriotic veteran yebaw group. While members of the patriotic veteran yebaws were
being attacked, these groups made efforts to gain proximity to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. U Win Tin who is a
member of the CEC and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi were those who respected each other and Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi appears to have absorbed much of U Win Tin's political ideas. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi also accepted many
of the things said by U Win Tin and it is thought that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi highly regarded U Win Tin's
political fore sight. On some occasions, works to be carried out by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi were assigned to U
Win Tin.

U Win Tin is a journalist with much experience and the majority of the people with whom he came in contact
and were acquainted were leftists. After the assumption of power by the Myanmar Army on 18 September 1988
he is reported to have said "We are now back to square one and that is why arrangements should be made for
staging demonstrations and must take to the streets again." Only when a friend who knew the real situation
explained did he back off.

Being a bachelor, he has no house hold duties and could spend long hours at office and show that he can work
and his political foresight made Daw Aung San Suu Kyi think highly of him. After gradually gaining Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi's confidence, he was able to dominate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's way of thinking and was
able to practically implement activities. On the other hand he did not oppose the patriotic Tathmus whom Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi trusted and hence he became more trusted.

The most obvious things was that he support U Tun Tin, who specialised in studying communism, in being
upgraded from CC to CEC. U Win Tin making the NLD carry out organizational work was able to maintain the
spirit which erupted from the 1988 disturbances and situation of the activities and he was able to organize and
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lead the public with these situations and eventually able to make public regard leader of the NLD as public
figures and, aim for the election.

He established political aim and created situations to bring about mass activities every now and then. The one
who worked together with him in implementing the plan in Yangon Division was U Tun Tin, an EC member of
the NLD. U Tun Tin specialized in literature on leftist ideology and he fully believes in communism. He was
also accepted and assigned duties by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

U Tun Tin was but a CC member and U Win Tin, a CEC member. So U Tun Tin usually carried out the matters
that the CEC wanted to get implemented, together with U Tun Tin. It was U Win Tin who expressed the idea
that this should be carried out in striving to turn Daw Aung San Suu Kyi into a representative that most political
parties supported. As his idea was accepted, he, together with U Tun Tin took measures to realize it. This was
undertaken with the support and agreement of the LDA (League of Democratic Allies) and others which they
had obtained in advance. This is quite clear. As the People's Progressive Party is made up of "half-caste"
communist; it is not easy for it to stand on its own feet.

So when the National League for Democracy formed the 41 - party alliance it joined it. When the CEC and the
organizing committee were formed, he was on the nine-member committee together with U Win Tin. He made
efforts for not only himself but for the LDA to merge with the NLD. U Tun Tin made further efforts to
materialize the Arzani Day affair after the arrest of U Tun Tin. U Win Tin and CEC member Daw Myint Myint
Khin were patrons of National Politics Front formed in Mandalay.

It is known to all what kind of organization the NPF is. It was also learnt that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi agreed to
U Win Tin and Daw Myint Myint Khin's becoming patrons of the NPF. At that time, U Ko Yu added fuel to the
fire. He wrote a paper instigating staging demonstrations beginning from February, 1989. Although the CEC did
not accept and discuss it, he distributed it at the meeting of the State/ Division Organizing Committee members
held at the NLD office. This paper spread to the youths and it was liked by militant youths and those who
wished to go out into the streets and fight and those who were fond of fighting. This became an agitate paper
among students and youths. It is a fact that U Ko Yu was once a red-flag communist.

It will be found that the communists have infiltrated into the National League for Democracy and their actions
and their ideas have influenced and dominated the NLD.
In the mean time, when the CEC laid down its policy, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi took the leading role and carried
out the tasks according to the ideas already known. The patriotic Tathmus did not criticize or point out what was
good and what was bad. They, like others, nodded their heads to show approval. They were not able to tell Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi what to do or what not to do.

As regards Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, one of the EC members pointed out that genuine democracy such as that
exists in US and England and what Daw Aung San Suu kyi wanted was not possible in Myanmar. He said it
would take about 40 to 50 years to achieve it. There were differences of opinion between patriotic Tathmus and
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi regarding the 1962 Printers and Publishers Law and the matter of marching on Arzani
Day and problems arose. Therefore, NLD has been formed with persons holding different ideas and views.

They did not declare the basic political line but carried out the 'defy all authority' line and acted according to the
communists' style of work and thus there was disunity and the NLD got onto the wrong path.

During the disturbances Daw Aung San Suu Kyi came into contact with the public beginning from the speech
she made at the western entrance to the Shwedagon Pagoda and became popular. Regarding this, Burma
Communist Party UG party committee assessed that some accepted Daw Aung San Suu Kyi as a national hero.

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The committee also came to the conclusion that they should take advantage of Myanmar public's "hero
worship" mentality and current popularity of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. So, instructions were given through
members of BCP UG leaders group to launch movements to turn Daw Aung San Suu Kyi into a national figure
in place of Daw Khin Kyi who was in ill health. When Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was approached through former
leftists, it was not successful. Ex Brig-Gen Kyaw Zaw of the BCP wrote a letter to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The
letter was first sent to BCP UG group in-charge Thet Khaing who sent it through Daw Kyi Kyi, wife of Thakin
Zin, and family of Daw San Kyaw Zaw, daughter of ex-Brig - Gen Kyaw Zaw of BCP. Daw San Kyaw Zaw
attempted to give the letter to Daw Aung San' Suu Kyi.

Efforts were made to turn Daw Aung San Suu Kyi into a national figure during the incident. It was found that
after the political parties were legally formed, democracy maha - meik-myar aphwe-gyok comprising BCP UG
group members' Ma-Na-Ta and leftist groups continued to make the same efforts. BCP UG group members' and
their links made efforts from all angles to get Daw Aung San Suu Kyi elected as a national figure, and as
representative of the various parties by the wishes of the people.

Their used the rallying way to keep the people from coming to know their efforts and to make them think it was
out of their own wish that they chose her. It was found that after turning Daw Aung San Suu Kyi into a national
figure, they tried to get the people to oppose the Government and to create disturbances. BCP UG leaders and
members simultaneously incited to defy the Government in connection with the 1962 Printers and Publishers
Law. In this way BCP UG group members, for realizing their aims, made collective efforts to channel the
movement along the line of defiance of authority to get Daw Aung San Suu Kyi elected by indirect means. They
made efforts to put Daw Aung San Suu Kyi on the path of defiance which the BCP wanted, it is learnt. They
made plans to carry out demolition work to cause mass uprising by this defiance movement in which Daw Aung
San Suu Kyi participated at the Shwedagon Pagoda on Arzani Day, 19 July.

If the plan was not successful on that day, they had made arrangements to try it again, on Shit-lay-lone
anniversary (8 August). If there took place a mass uprising again, efforts would be made to increase the
antigovernment forces which would become "internal" danger for the government and to carry out military and
political activities with the trainees who had completed the Democratic Patriotic Army training conducted by
the BCP till the interim government would be formed.

They intended to use Daw Aung San Suu Kyi just to a certain extent as she was not a leader representing all
strata of classes owing to her class character although efforts had been made to turn her into a national figure.
Since Daw Aung San Suu Kyi did not know the tactics of the BCP, she fall prey to their tactic of making her
their "master". It must be said that she had swerved from the path as she had not paid proper attention to the ex-
BCP members and persons with leftist ideas who were around her.

On 6 June 1989, the Home and Religious Affairs Ministry published Directive No (38) of the Printers and
Publishers Registration Central Committee and said strict action would be taken if those concerned did not
conform to the 1962 Printers and Publishers Registration Law. The NLD people were not satisfied with this
announcement at all.
Legal action was taken against the Maha Nanda Press at 245, 37th Street, Kyauktada Township on 12 May 1989
and it suffered much because NLD headquarters' literature being printed there was seized.

During her Myitkyina tour, she said that in maintenance of law and order, law and order must be known
separately. U Win Tin and Tharrawaddy San San Nwe also delivered speeches at the Tamwe Township NLD
office on 28 May 1989. U Win Tin spoke based on the writings of American philosopher and writer Henry
David Thoreau who was famous around 1840. He started out with disobedience, and also Mahatma Gandhi's
way of disobedience. He started instigating disobedience of notifications in Myanmar. U Win Tin and Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi had discussions after those talks when U Win Tin said that politics would be lively only if
there was movement.
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On her return from Kachin State and Mandalay Division, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi aired grievances ostensibly
on account of government announcement in connection with the printing law, saying words that meant non-
compliance with Announcement No 38 issued by the Home and Religious Affairs Ministry beginning 6-6-1989.
When Daw Aung San Suu Kyi met in the first week of June with National League for Democracy intelligentsia
and intellectuals group members namely Maung Thaw Ka, Daw Myint Myint Khin, Tharrawaddy San San Nwe,
U Ko Yu, Maung Wun Tha, Maung Khet Pan, U Tin Moe and group, Maung Thaw Ka recited a passage from
Henry David Thoreall embodying the idea of civil disobedience: all the members liked it and gave suggestions
for appropriate Myanmar words for it. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi liked it and assigned U Win Tin to discuss the
line of defying authority at the meeting held 4/5 days later. After discussion by U Win Tin at the executive
committee meeting, the slogan "Defy as of duty every order and authority not agreed by the majority" emerged.

This slogan was adopted as the National Democracy motto, and it put on banners at National Democracy
specifying meeting. Beginning 21-6-1989, by U Win Tin’s directive, the motto was put on every pamphlet
published by the National League for Democracy.

41 allied parties were said to have come together soon after the form of the National League for Democracy
movement remained cool and so U Win Tin suggested Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to invite and coordinate with
party representatives. So, meeting of 41 parties was convened. 18-4-1989 under the sponsorship of the National
League for Democracy.

It was attended not by all 41 parties, but only 18. A nine-member allied working group was set up ostensibly to
improve operation. The group comprised U Tin Oo, U Win Tin, Hla Shwe of League of Democratic Allies, Bo
Aung Naing of People's Volunteer Organization, U Kyee Myint of Myanmar Naing-Ngan Unity Democratic
Party, U Soe Myint of All Myanmar Naing-Ngan Youths Asiayone, Hkun Tin Shwe of Lu-myo-su Aphwe, U
Aye Tha Aun and Saya Dun.

Towards the end of May 1989 U Win Tin went to U Nu of League for Democracy and Peace to propose for
meeting with SLORC and contrived to get the League for Democracy and Peace and National League for
Democracy to get together and, as a representative, try and meet with the State Law and Order Restoration
Council. It was found that endeavours were made to obtain the support of the majority of the parties. One day
before the League of Democratic Allies and the National Politics Front met U Win Tin and U Tun Tin of NLD
Yangon Division. Moreover it was similarly done a day in advance with two, three parties forming other clique,
with attempts to get Daw Aung San Suu Kyi elected as the representative of the parties.

In connection with election of representative to meet the State Law and Order Restoration Council, a meeting
was held at the National League for Democracy with participation of representative from about 100 parties. Of
the 100 parties represented at the meeting, 68 put their signatures, it was said, but it was not clear whether they
signed consent or attendance. It was discovered that before the meeting reached a decision, U Tin Oo and Daw
Myint Myint Khin on the pretext of another matter went to the Election Commission and dishonestly informed
it that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was the sole representative of over 80 parties to meet and hold talks with the
State Law and Order Restoration Council.

As the meeting of the central leading body of the National League for Democracy was held during February,
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi said anniversary memorial days would be marked so as to make the people remember
the solution of political problems by means of arms instead of solving them amicably by political means, and so
as to move towards solution of political problems amicably through meeting and talks in future.

Thereafter, 13 March was observed as Phone Maw Day (or) “Myanmar Naing-Ngan Human Rights Day”. No
political anniversary observances were held in April and May. At the central leading body meeting on 3 June
1989 it was submitted by U Win Tin and approved to hold ceremonies on 6 June as workers' cause anniversary
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day and 7 July as students cause anniversary day. Similarly 21 June was observed as Myenigone anniversary
day and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi laid flower at Myenigone Traffic Lights junction. Some central executive
committee members criticized Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's action as having been done without central executive
committee meeting decision. In marking political days the Arzani Day was not included at first, but later it came
to be included due to urging and contrivance of some leftist authority - defers surrounding Daw Aung San Suu
Kyi.

In moves to raise the momentum of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's authority defying movement, the Arzani Day
ceremony was used as a fighting base. In the speeches made on 13-7-1989 at Kyauktada Township National
League for Democracy, it was declared that the arrangement to have only ten persons from each party attend on
Arzani Day was unacceptable, that it was a day concerning the public and one and all could come out in
procession and pay respects, that it was necessary to withdraw troops placed on security so as to enable it to
take place in peace, that the previous Arzani Day ceremonies had been attended by the President of the State
himself, but gradually it declined to a state wherein only a single minister attended and paid respects, and that
was tantamount to dimming the honour of the Martyrs etc.

A coordination meeting in connection with Arzani Day was held at the office of National League for
Democracy on July 13, 14, 16, 18, attended by representatives of various parties, and in the discussions, Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi said that, although ten from each party were to lay wreaths on Arzani Day, her party did not
take out official permission to lay wreaths, as they would defy every order and power as of duty, that like them
other parties too should refuse to take out permission in defiance of order but instead come and lay wreaths
under their own arrangements, that the National League for Democracy would go out in procession and lay
wreaths at the mausoleum, and that other parties were invited to attend the Arzani Day ceremony together with
their party.

To get Daw Aung San Suu Kyi discard the "defy all power authority" line, 5-7-1989 General Saw Maung,
Chairman of the State Law and Order Restoration Council, met personnel of national and international media
explained matters including the fact that the Tatmadaw is not subject to influence any party but an organization
that is neutral and carrying out its own duties, that if one wanted to build democracy it would be very wrong to
resort to confrontation method, that such a thing as head-on confrontation and defiance of authority was
something that should be done, that it was not good to do inner- party organization by the method of creating
enmity for the Tatmadaw, that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's line of defying every order and authority was very
wrong and it was necessary not to pursue it any more, requesting all parties to work together without losing
sight of the set objective.

An open letter dated 5-7-1989 was sent to U Tin Oo and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from Unity and Development
Party wherein was written that "our party had committed great wrong during 1947 - 1970 and so had the
responsibility to repay the debt of the wrong to the state, that our party had used head-on confrontation all the
time, laying it out among the masses in all aspects such as philosophical, ideological, organizational and
practical aspects, and that our party's "ideological and practical errors," physical, verbal and mental head-on
confrontation and violent actions should well be taken as lessons by the National League for Democracy led by
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi." They said that they were apprehensive that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and party would
commit the same mistakes as they themselves had made in 1946-1948.

Regarding arrangements to march to the Arzani Day observance ceremony under the leadership of the National
League for Democracy, the NLD leaders held discussions through out the night of 18-7-1989. After considering
the over-all situation it was decided that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi alone was to give the decision and all would
abide by this decision. On the morning of 19-7-1989, just after 4 am, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi ordered the
cancellation of the Arzani Day march programme and said that she would issue a statement boycotting the
Arzani Day observance ceremony held by the government. She wrote the statement on a sheet of paper herself
and ordered the statement to be circulated.
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Daw Aung San Suu Kyi did not carry on with the Arzani Day march programme. Although the NLD Arzani
Day observance central committee issued a statement that they would hold an observance ceremony of their
own on their headquarters premises this statement did not reach the youth masses in time. Thus, the youths met
with security personnel at road junctions and some had to be detained. Due to this the political parties and
masses of youth became dissatisfied with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

On 20-7-1989, a search was made of the compound of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's residence according to law and
seized papers and documents sent by armed insurgent groups and illegal organizations and 40 persons living
illegally in the compound were temporarily detained. Among the letters and documents sent by the insurgent
groups was one dated 23-9-88 sent by KNU Kayin National Union Chairman Bo Mya and addressed to Daw
Aung San Suu Kyi, Bogyoke Aung Gyi and Bogyokegyi Tin Oo. The letter mentioned that the KNU would give
full support in opposing and attacking the Tatmadaw. Two copies of the declaration made by the BCP central
on 10-9-1988 and the statement on the existing situation of the BCP(4828) party regional committee and its
attitude dated 19-8-88 were also found.

Also found was a diary of a youth, who from Yangon reached the (ABSDF) Paya-thon-suarea and visited the
KNU area covering the period 18-9-1988 to 16-10-1988. A bio-sketch of Win Naing Oo of the Democratic
Student Front (DSF), India (Manipur) and the Progressive Student Force for Democracy (PSFD) dated 13-3-89;
and documents on the activities of student youths in Thailand; account of visits to Indian border and re-entry
into Myanmar with four members of the DSF on 20-2-1989; review of the prevailing political situation and the
attitude of DSF and PSDF were also found in a letter.

In another letter found, one Than Tun Soe of the ABSDF No (701) battalion had written dated 7-6-1989, to Ko
and Ko Aung who taken body guard duty for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The letter said that although
arrangements were made to meet with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi it was not yet possible; it also said that video
tapes and photographs were sent by ABSDF to be show Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and requested arrangements be
made for meeting with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

Of the 40 persons who were detained in the compound of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's residence, Soe Myat Thu,
(22) son of U Mya San was also detained. Soe Myat Thu is joint in-charge supply committee of ABSDF. He is
said to have left Yangon on 2-9-1988 and proceeded from Mawlamyine to Ranoung and arrived in Bangkok and
took part in the activities of the ABSDF.

During November I988, in order to get help from war veterans regarding armed resistance and to hold
discussions with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and student leaders of the National League for Democracy, he re-
entered Yangon through Ranoung-Kawthoung route. After holding discussions with student leaders including
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, - he left for Bangkok again.

On 13-2-1989, he took up duties as joint in-charge of supply committee at the meeting to elect and form the
central committee at U l'huta Camp. On 13-2-1989, at the end of the central committee emergency conference,
he met and held discussions with Kachin insurgent leader Brang Seng at Mane-palaw camp on matters relating
to receiving education in West Germany. He reentered Yangon on 7-5-1989 to study the situation in the country
and stayed in the compound of the National League for Democracy and held discussions with Daw Aung San
Suu Kyi once at the end of May and once in the middle of June to ask advice on what the ABSDF should
continue to do. He continued to stay in Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's compound and while he was active in making
contacts with foreign embassies for obtaining assistance, he was detained.

To be continued …..

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