Brahmi Script
Brahmi Script
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issx I,8,o,,: / v-issx I,,ooooI John Benjamins Publishing Company
Te development of structural characteristics
of Brahmi script in derivative writing systems
Liudmila L. Fedorova
Russian State University for the Humanities Moscow, Russia
Indian writing systems reveal a great variety of graphic forms, proceeding from
the unique source which is Brahmi script. Tese graphic forms render structural
oppositions developed in phonographic writing systems which stem from
Brahmi. Tis paper aims to highlight the changes scripts underwent to satisfy
demands of language structure. Te comparison raises the issue of the complexity
of writing systems.
Keywords: writing system; grapheme; typology; Brahmi; abugida; alphasyllabary;
akshara; diacritic; graphon; vowel diferentiation
:. Introduction
Te typology of phonographic writing systems can be based on diferent (but
interrelated) grounds structural or functional. Tis distinction can be compared
to the terms paradigmatic vs. syntagmatic used by Gamkrelidze (1994) with regard
to writing systems and, particularly, to alphabetic systems derived from Greek.
Tese terms are quite appropriate for the discussion of the Indian material in the
present analysis. And, in general, they correspond to the structural and functional
perspectives of research emanating from Cartesian and Gerderian approaches, as
Hymes (1974: 7879) notes.
Te structural criterion refers to the linguistic nature of the basic corresponding
unit of a written sign (phoneme, syllable, morpheme, or word). Te functional
criterion refers to the syntagmatic use of these signs, which can correspond to a
sound, a mora, a syllable, a word. As phonographic writing encodes spoken lan-
guage, there can be diferent correspondences between structural and functional
units.
Te term grapheme will be used in this paper to designate the independent
full-formed unit of linear scripts which refers to a linguistic unit. As full-formed
signs written within the vertical space of lines, graphemes are opposed to diacritics
i Liudmila L. Fedorova
as these are generally placed above or under the lines. As independent signs,
graphemes have their own linguistic referents and are thus opposed to
sub-graphemes, namely to both diacritics (even when placed in line) and parts of
ligatures. As signs with a linguistic referent (referring to linguistic units), they are
opposed, frstly, to punctuation marks (signs of division and integration) and, sec-
ondly, to diacritics that refer to features or characteristics of linguistic units and form
modifcations of invariant signs. Parallel to any other linguistic unit, a grapheme
can have its allographs. Finally, due to their structure, graphemes can be elementary
or compound, formed of several meaningful graphic elements composing a unit.
I am inclined to interpret Brahmi as belonging to the syllabic type of
phonographic writing, both in structure and in functioning. Although accord-
ing to Daniels typology, Brahmi belongs to abugida writing which is difer-
ent from syllabic writing, other authors highlight that Brahmi has a syllabic
nature: All Brahmi-derived writing systems are syllabic, i.e. characters represent
consonant-vowel syllables (Wali et al. 2009: 162). Bright (1996: 384391) refers to
such systems as alphasyllabaries, and so does Sproat (2006: 45):
Te Brahmi-derived Indic scripts occupy a special place in the study of writing
systems. Tey are alphasyllabic scripts [], meaning that they are basically
segmental in that almost all segments are represented in the script, yet the
fundamental organizing principle of the script is the (orthographic) syllable.
Since there is no complete agreement on classifcation terms,
1
I propose a rather
diferent, semiotic view on the hierarchy and distribution of the types of writing
systems, taking into account the referent of a writing unit. (cf. for the whole typo-
logical scheme Fedorova 2011)
Consequently, based on the linguistic nature of graphemes, I discern four
main functional types of syllabic systems:
1. Diferent elementary graphemes represent diferent syllables (CVC, (C)V, VC,
CCVC and others) as inseparable units; such systems historically developed
from logosyllabic (morphosyllabic) writing, or were recently standardized,
like the Yi; this type can be labeled as the Yi type.
2
2. Diferent elementary graphemes represent only simple moras ((C)V, (V)C):
the Kana type (following the Japanese model).
3
3. Te single grapheme represents syllables with the same consonant, accompa-
nied by diferent vowels or by their absence (C
x
) as an inherent characteristic
of a syllable: the abjad type (to use Danielss term (1996: 317)). Structurally,
it can be described as a consonant alphabet since only consonants have a vis-
ible expression. Functionally, it can be seen as syllabic writing since it allows
graphemes to be read as syllables (according to Gelb).
Te development of structural characteristics of Brahmi script in derivative writing systems
4. Te single grapheme stands for syllables with the same consonant, whereas
its modifcations diferentiate vowels (C
v
): the abugida type (Daniels term).
Structurally, this system can be regarded as an alphasyllabary (Brights
term).
Notionally, it is possible to discern a ffh model with the vowel grapheme being
diferentiated by a consonant (V
c
). Pahawh Hmong script comes closest to it
(Ivanov 2004: 25; Rogers 2005: 260263): though usually there are two graphemes
for a syllable CV in this writing system, their order in script is inverse VC. Tis
may show a subordinate role of the consonant in a syllable block in which the
vowel also has a tone function; so Pahawh Hmong combines properties of the
alphabetic and the syllabic type it has full-sized letters for vowel and consonant
phonemes, and its syllabic units (formed as non-linear) follow each other in a
linear order.
Each type is based on its own principle, or mode, of writing. When speaking
about principles, or modes, of writing I mean the common rules, which underlie
the way to relate speech with graphic symbols. Te second type is opposed to the
frst one in the way complex sound sequences are divided in parts; the third and the
fourth type of scripts divide the sound sequences further into subordinate parts
a consonant as a head and a vowel as a dependent element, a specifc or unspecifc
characteristic of a syllable and represent them in writing as subordinate vowel
marks in an abugida or as a zero-sign corresponding to an unspecifc vowel or
its absence in an abjad (the zero-sign can be substituted with matres lectionis or
with diacritic marks of vowels, cf. the Tiberian system). Under this conception,
an alphabet makes the relation between the consonant and vowel components
coordinative. I do not attempt to trace the historical evolution of script but rather
I am trying here to give a semiotic perspective of its improvement that reveals
in adaptation of a writing system to a language (the most common way in the
development of writing systems). In fact, such adaptation deeply depends on the
structure of a language its phonological, morphological, and lexical values, as
Pandey (2003: 4161) notes.
i. Te structural oppositions of the Brahmi writing system
Brahmi script has the form of an abugida, with an akshara (an orthographic syl-
lable, a syllabogram) being the main item. Te akshara is a traditional name for an
autonomic grapheme representing a C
v
syllable which refers to Ca in its alphabetic
form but can denote other vowels in the forms modifed with diacritic marks.
| Liudmila L. Fedorova
Te abugida systems are already the next stage of diferentiation of the abjad a
stage of vowel diferentiation (yet, the Japanese Kana, belonging to the second
functional type, is not a precedent, but a deviated pattern; Coulmas (1996: 252)
remarks on the Indian infuence on its structure).
Regarding its internal organization, the Indian script is a great innovation: it
allows representing the phonological structure of a word quite distinctively. Deriv-
ative scripts maintain and develop the main structural oppositions:
1. between CV and V: in the development of modes of representation of inde-
pendent vowels
2. in the diferentiation of short and long vowels
3. in the introduction of the opposition C
v
: C
m
ma-i pa-dme hu
m
O
m
ma-ni pa-dme hu
m
O
m
ma-ni pa-dme h
m
-m ma-ni pa-d -me h-m
Bengali:
Tibetan:
Tamil:
Te transcriptions are divided in graphic syllables (aksharas), and their number
A is: A
D
= 6, A
B
= 6, A
Ti
= 6, A
Ta
= 9. Te number G of elementary phonologi-
cally meaningful (or distinguishing phonological meanings) graphic elements is:
G
D
=13, G
B
= 12, G
Ti
= 14, G
Ta
= 16. (Yet there exists another possibility to write
-dme- in Devanagari: in two aksharas with a visarga afer -d- (d-me) like in Tamil;
in this case A
D
= 7, G
D
= 14, S
D
= 2. Te same is true for Bengali.)
Some calculations need comments:
1. Te unique graphic element for vowel prolongation in Devanagari (U: ) and
in Tamil (O: ) is diferentiated, using the procedure of Greenbergs square.
2. A vertical stroke is not divided from a superscript in vowel diacritics (for /i/)
in Devanagari, in Bengali, and in Tamil because a sole diferentiating meaning
Te development of structural characteristics of Brahmi script in derivative writing systems i:
for the stroke cannot be determined (yet this can be done otherwise when
considering two homographic signs: one for a vowel carrier and another as an
unalienable part of many letters).
3. Te inline sign for /e/ in Bengali and in Tamil are considered elementary
graphic elements, a diacritic (or quasi-grapheme, but not a true akshara-
grapheme).
4. Te close ligatures for /dm-/ in Devanagary and Bengali are counted as two
graphic elements, as they can be recognized. (Tis may be arguable since the
model of conjunction is fusion rather than agglutination (cf. Tibetan), but it
can be specifed in introducing the index of fusion.)
5. Te vowel carrier (grapheme <a> [h/?]) in Tibetan is considered a mean-
ingful graphic element, but an empty sign.
6. Sentence marks and syllable dots in Tibetan are not counted.
On this base, the degree of synthesis S can be calculated as a ratio of G to A:
S
D
= 13:6 = 2.17
S
B
= 12:6 = 2.0
S
Ti
= 14:6 = 2.33
S
Ta
= 16:9 = 1.78
Tamil yields the smallest result, which is clear since it uses pulli (virama) and
does not have consonant ligatures. Sproat (2006: 56) refers to the formal point
of view regarding Tamil script as the simplest Indian writing.
23
Te Tibetan
writing is the most complex in regard to synthesis. Of course, these results are
quite preliminary and cannot be considered as defnitive indexes of synthe-
sis for these writing systems. Te reason is, above all, the fact that very short
phrases were compared. Te examples just demonstrate the possible method of
index calculating. Te degree of synthesis is not the unique criterion for evalu-
ating the complexity of a script; other dimensions noted earlier should be taken
into account.
:i. Conclusion
In conclusion, it should be stated that the model of abugida, once invented in
India, has produced many variants in the related scripts of diferent languages.
Te inherent possibilities have developed in further diferentiation. Tis is a com-
mon way in the adaptation of writing: through more distinctive diferentiation to
new integrations. In this text, I tried to show how derivative scripts maintained
and developed structural oppositions in akshara grammar: in the representation
of a phonological unit as a non-linear composition a written emblem. Simpler
ii Liudmila L. Fedorova
writing tends to correspond to the linearity, while more complex writing tends to
exploit the emblematic principle as well.
Te productive use of emblematic syllable representation is characteristic
also for the Korean script which has an alphabetic nature, but is not quite simple.
Its difculty stems from the emblematic arrangement of its graphemes in sylla-
ble blocks and their changing shapes (allographs), which need to be discovered
in reading. An emblem tends to represent the whole in integrating its parts in a
conventional way.
It can be assumed that the linear and emblematic principles of writing provide
productive possibilities that can be exploited constructively. Sometimes a linguis-
tic emblem, an abbreviation, can take the form of a written emblem, so both of
them can have a symbolic meaning.
Notes
:. See e.g. Bright (2000: 6371) and the recent discussion of Daniels (2009: 277281) and
Swank (2009: 282285).
i. Te standardization of the logosyllabic Yi writing for the Nosu language in the 1980s
resulted in a syllabic system of 819 basic characters (Bradley 2009: 179).
. Te name moraic for this type (Sproat includes also Linear B, Sumerian and Mayan writing
systems in it (cf. Rogers 2005: 274)) seems not quite appropriate since it implies that graphemes
encode moras (syllables with a short vowel) only in this type of writing and not in others like
abugida or abjad which remains debatable.
|. Tus, an alphabet can have properties not only of a system, but also of a text that can be
learned and interpreted, and its format can be used with other purposes (semiotic counting
and even magic).
,. In fact, their names can be partly derived from their pronunciation as in Latin or modern
Cyrillic alphabets, yet they become not only marks of sounds, but names of letters (they difer
from hieroglyphs which can render sounds or words or morphemes).
o. References can be made to: Lyavdansky A.K. (2009). Te origin and early development of
the West Semitic alphabets. In A. Belova, L. Kogan, S. Loesov & O. Romanova (eds), Languages
of the World. Te Semitic languages. Akkadian. Northwest Semitic. Moscow: Academia, 811821.
. Te problem of the origin of Indian scripts is reviewed in Salomon (1995); mostly,
Kharoshthi is seen as an invention under the infuence of Aramaic script.
Te development of structural characteristics of Brahmi script in derivative writing systems i
8. Tere are some CCV graphemes, too (<ksa>, <sta>), which are elementary shapes and not
ligatures.
. Fragments are extracted from the illustrations in: http://www.rbardalzo.narod.ru/novosti.htm.
:o. Tis can be found only in later documents, maybe under the infuence of Brahmi, as
Salomon (1996: 373383) supposes.
::. Fragments are extracted from the illustrations in: http://www.omniglot.com/writing/thai.htm.
:i. Fragments are extracted from the illustrations in: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tamil_Brahmi
with reference to: Mahadevan, Iravatham (2003). Early Tamil epigraphy from the earliest times to
the sixth century A.D. (Harvard Oriental Series 62) Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 173.
:. Fragments are extracted from the illustrations in: http://www.omniglot.com/writing/thai.
htm.
:|. Te device of modifcation of a sign in its inner space is still used in more recent writing
systems on the base of Latin or Cyrillic writing; like other devices superscript and subscript
marks, digraphs, ligatures they usually just create another alphabetic sign and do not operate
like true graphons or diacritics whose function is to mark regular changes of sounds. Daniels
considers such marks with the example of Vietnamese vowels as integral parts of the letters
(Daniels 2006: 19). Such marks can be named quasi-graphons or quasi-diacritics, if needed.
:,. Tis is not the case in South and South-Eastern scripts with a quantity of vowels.
:o. Fragments are extracted from illustrations in: http://www.omniglot.com/writing/tamil.htm.
:. Te metaphor of clothes is used for the vowel diacritics in Javanese script.
:8. Sound sequences in Pali have less consonant clusters than in Sanskrit or some later Indian
languages like Hindi (Shevoroshkin 2004: 135138; the author of the book which was frstly
edited in 1969 and was not translated into English proposes two ways of translating his term
from Russian: sound chains or sound sequences).
:. Translation according to Dhammika, Ven. S. (1993). Te edicts of King Ashoka. Electronic
edition.
io. Te scheme is based on Rogers (2005: 225), using more detailed description in: http://
tibetan.bitecs.ru/fles/text_intros.pdf.
i:. Transliterations given according to: http://tibetan.bitecs.ru/fles/text_intros.pdf.
ii. While linguists have been elaborating the notions of phoneme, morpheme, and syllabeme
during the last 100 years, creators of writing systems resolved the problem of generalization of
pronouncing units in graphemes thousands of years ago. Teir analysis can be considered as
a practical base for further investigations. So the notion of moreme can be put in a line with
others according to the logic of graphic systems using them.
i. Still he shows that non-standard vowel-consonant ligatures can resist analysis, which
makes Tamil move closer to Japanese Kana, a core syllabary (Sproat 2006: 5668); it can enlarge
the general number of graphemes that resist analysis (and the general complexity of writing
system), but not the degree of synthesis.
i| Liudmila L. Fedorova
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Authors address:
Liudmila L. Fedorova
Russian State University for the Humanities
Institute of Linguistics
Miusskaya square 6
Moscow 125 993
Russia
[email protected]