Proceedings of the First Symposium on Teaching

Indigenous Languages of Latin America

Actas del Primer Simposio sobre Enseanza de
Lenguas Indgenas de Amrica Latina


Edited by
Serafn M. Coronel-Molina & John H. McDowell





CLACS & MLCP, Indiana University Bloomington &
Association for Teaching and Learning Indigenous
Languages of Latin America (ATLILLA)




Copyright 2011 by Serafn M. Coronel-Molina & John H. McDowell
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274
CHAPTER 22

Some Issues in Translating Quechua
Margarita Huayhua
60


Do not believe in Apus or curanderos!
Jesus, our Lord will be displeased.
61


Abstract
Many scholars have recognized that the process of translating from one language to another is
not simple. Rather it is a complicated task in which concepts and meanings cannot be translated
in a straightforward manner. One language may require certain categories that are treated as
unimportant or insignificant in the other. For instance, in teaching Quechua to English speakers,
I have observed two phenomena: a) Students, who are learning Quechua to pursue research with
Quechua-speaking people, usually expect a transparent translation from Quechua to English.
However, as I observed with my students, this cannot be clear-cut. For example, the suffix -chi
led us to reflect on the translation of words containing -chi and their close equivalent in English.
b) Most researchers who do fieldwork in Quechua-speaking communitieseven with elementary
Quechuahire a translator who provides them with a translation of Quechua to Spanish, which
is the basis of the subsequent translation to English. That is, researchers interpret data that have
passed through multiple translations. They take these translations to be transparent and free from
any ideological input in the process of translating Quechua to Spanish. It is my purpose to
illustrate these two cases empirically, based in part on my experiences teaching Quechua to
speakers of English and Spanish.
Introduction
Scholars have written a great deal about the shortcomings and difficulties of cross-
linguistic and cross-cultural translation. This paper suggests that concepts and meanings of what
people intend or do in their everyday life cannot be translated or interpreted in a clear-cut
manner. For instance, students learning Quechua, as well as several scholars working in the
Andes, tacitly assume that there is a straightforward and transparent translation from Quechua to
Spanish or from Quechua to English. Students believe that any word in a foreign language can be
equated to a word of their own language and that the syntax of one language is always similar to
the other. Some scholars, who lack fluency in the language of the people that they will study and
who suffer from time and budget constraints, hire a translator to facilitate their work. To address
these phenomena I will outline some points about translation and its complexities, particularly
regarding the Quechua suffix -chi. I will discuss the shortcomings of assuming that the Spanish

60
This article was made possible by a Pre-doctoral Rackham Fellowship 20082009. I am grateful to Bruce
Mannheim and Sabine McCormack for their reading of this article in a previous draft. I am also thankful for the
comments of participants at the First Symposium on Teaching Indigenous Languages of Latin America (STILLA-
2008), particularly to Rosaleen Howard.
61
A warning given to a friend by a person who teaches Quechua.
SOME ISSUES IN TRANSLATING QUECHUA

275
translations of Quechua are transparent and unambiguous, an assumption which may lead to
misunderstandings and misinterpretations when the Spanish translations are subsequently
translated into English.
On Translating a Foreign Language
Translating or interpreting a foreign language to communicate or grasp meaning or
intention is complex. Ramirez (2006) points out problems of translation, particularly in the
Americas where natives and colonizers struggled to communicate. The colonizers lacked the
linguistic skills to translate imported concepts into native American languages, and literal
Spanish translations of native languages were insufficient to convey indigenous concepts and
meaning because of the lack of context (p. 305). Even translators who spoke for native people
struggled to express the cultural and unspoken assumptions that gave significance to native
thoughts. This was worst in the case of words that could not be directly translated. Thus,
communication was and is illusive. The intranslatability of certain words, concepts, and
institutions was believed to be solved in certain cases by using the native word and glossing over
it as best as possible. However, the literal or equivalent translation, or even choosing the right
word is frequently insufficient to express the fundamental/essential meaning or intention of a
foreign expression. It is crucial to explain the surrounding cultural context or situation.
Alton Becker (1996) suggests that all cross-linguistic and cross-cultural interpretation is
simultaneously exuberant and deficient. An interpretation is exuberant when the categories of
the interpreters language require something to be added to the original in order to be
understandable to the interpreter. [It is deficient when] the categories of the interpreters
language fail to account for significant patterning in the original (see Mannheim, 1991, p. 128).
In any interpretation, exuberance and deficiency occur every time the categories of one language
do not correspond with the categories of other language; i.e., exuberances and deficiencies are
intrinsic to any cross-linguistic interpretation.
Therefore, translation is not an unproblematic or simple endeavour, and it becomes more
difficult in an environment in which one group considers the other to be inferior. To render
words and concepts into another language is complex (for an example of how Quechua
phonological sounds were deficiently or exuberantly translated see Mannheim, 1991). The
multiple meanings of words or phrases can frustrate efforts to comprehend. Consider the word
runa, which has a myriad of meanings: a noun that can refer to all of humanity, to a group of
people who speak Quechua, to a group of people identifiable culturally, to all grown up adults, to
a grown man, to one who is capable of productive work, and so on. Those who fail to distinguish
among these various meanings risk misrepresenting the words complexity.
As related by Ramirez (2006), scholars have suggested various procedures to resolve
some of the difficulties in the process of translation, such as back-translation, improving a
scholars fluency in the target language, and trying to escape ones own cultural framework.
Moreover, scholars should acknowledge that people from two lingua-cultural groupings may
interpret the same word or phrase in different ways (p. 308). For example, using the causative
suffix -chi in a word such as llankachini as the one who is making someone else work is
usually used and translated by Spanish speakers
62
as I am making someone work for me for free

62
Spanish speakers refer to those whose maternal lenguage is Spanish.
MARGARITA HUAYHUA

276
involuntarily. Quechua speakers
63
may say that they do not use -chi to refer to free work in the
field. The suffix -chi is used with children and youth to command them to do a task. It would
not be used to command adults unless it were used by a hacienda steward or a hacienda
landowner who spoke Quechua as a second language, in order to control or exert authority over
the Quechua speakers who worked for the hacendado as servants.
These subtle distinctions were difficult to explain to English-speaking students of
Quechua who assumed that there would be a clear-cut translation. These students have learned
the basic principles of Quechua structure, such as the formation of a word by adding to the
Quechua stem or root suffixes to convey verbs, nouns, pronouns or tense. They also learned to
construct multiple Quechua sentences in simple present, present continuous, past tense, and
future. Some of them who knew a little Spanish claimed that Spanish grammatical structure was
equivalent to Quechua structure. This belief adds an extra burden to the process of learning and
comprehending Quechua as a language that is independent and different from Spanish. In
addition, attempts to translate Quechua into English were more difficult, a topic which I will
address in the last section.
One day, after explaining how the suffix -chi is used in conversation and how it may be
translated, I asked my students to write sentences using -chi and to translate them into English.
Below are some of the sentences they translated:

Wawata hanpichini I make someone cure my baby
Waqachini I make her/him cry
Antukuta qhishwata rimachini I make Anthony speak Quechua
Sipasta asichini I make the young girl laugh
Hanpiqwan hanpichini I make the medicine man cure her/him
Kumariyta waykuchini I make my godmother cook

I asked the students what making someone do something implies. They answered that it
means, in general, that one has given a command or an order to perform an action. I explained
that the sentences in Quechua would not, in fact, imply a command to Quechua speakers. The
students struggled to convey this complexity in English. They came out with the following
translations.

Wawata hanpichini I had the baby cured
Waqachini I made him/her cry
Antukuta qhishwata rimachini I made Anthony speak Quechua
Sipasta asichini I made the girl laugh
Hanpiqwan hanpichini I had the medicine man cure her/him
Kumariyta waykuchina I made my godmother [whose child I baptized] cook

Even these English translations do not convey fully what is being said in Quechua. The
students were frustrated in their attempts to construct a rule that would specify whether to
translate Quechua sentences containing -chi by using made or had. For example, it was not clear
which combination of direct object and verb would be translated into English using made or had.
The students commented that made and had imply a command; however, their meanings are

63
Quechua speakers refer to those whos maternal language is Quechua.
SOME ISSUES IN TRANSLATING QUECHUA

277
dependent on the kind of verb with which they are used. In the sentence I made the girl laugh,
made implies a command, but it seems that with the verb laugh it is no longer a command, while
if one combines had with laugh, it remains a command. If one takes the sentence I had the
medicine man cure her/him one may interpret had as a command like made, though had is less
strong than made. In this sentence there is nothing telling us whether the one who cures was a
willing participant or was asked, forced, obliged or begged. On the other hand, made definitely
indicates a degree of force. Thus, none of the above English translations fully conveys the
meanings of the Quechua sentences.
On Translating Quechua into English
Some scholars, in their attempt to translate a foreign language, draw on grammar as a set
of universal categories common to all languages (Becker, 1996), and take synonymy as the norm
in interlinguistic translation. They translate by glossing another language into their own word for
word and assume that such translation is enough to grasp the intention of an ongoing
conversation (for a critique see Asad, 1986). If we assume that grammatical structure is
equivalent across languages and simply look up word equivalences, we would translate the last
three Quechua sentences as follows:

Sipas -ta asi -chi -ni
Noun(girl)+direct object marker stem (laugh)+cause+ first person

I cause/ provoke the girl to laugh
I made the girl laugh
I had the girl laugh

Hanpi -q -wan hanpi -chi -ni
Noun (medicine)+agentive (-er)+instrum-comitative medicine+cause+ first person

I cause the medicine man to cure her/him (an awkward construction for English speakers)
I cause her/him to be cured by the medicine man (passive voice)
I made her/him to be cured by the medicine man (passive voice)
I made the medicine man cure her/him
I had the medicine man cure her/him (this can be stronger than made)

Kumari -y -ta wayku-chi -ni
Noun (godmother)+possessive+D.O. marker cook+ cause + first person

I cause my godmother [whose child I baptized] to cook
I made my godmother [whose child I baptized] cook
I had my godmother [whose child I baptized] cook

Although these English translations do express the denotational meanings of the
sentences up to a point (for a critique see Silverstein, 2003). Of course they do not completely
convey what the sentences intend to communicate and what the implications of the sentences are.
If the meaning of a word or a sentence, as Becker (1996) points out, is not an arrangement of
atomic categories and relations or underlying features or properties (p. 148), then it does not
MARGARITA HUAYHUA

278
take grammar as a closed system of rules. That is, one may consider grammar as contextual
relations in which the grammar is made up of the different modes and ways people shape a prior
text to a new setting or milieu (pp. 144148). Jakobson (1959) indicates that in cross-linguistic
translation or interpretation, synonymy does not mean a complete equivalence; there is never full
equivalence between code units in two languages, and translations from one language into
another replace messages in one for entire messages in the other rather than for separate code-
units. What is more, the translation of individual sentences from one language to another may
not replicate the initial content. To minimize the loss of information it is essential to pay
attention to the context of the message (pp. 233236). If one considers context, the Quechua
sentences previously translated into English do not fully express the meaning or intention. One
must ask what is the more accurate translation or interpretation?

Sipasta asichini
I made the young/mature girl laugh [because I love her]
I made the young/mature girl laugh [because I want her as my lover]
I made the young/mature girl laugh [because I want to live with her]
I made the young/mature girl laugh [because I would like her to be my wife]
I made the young/mature girl laugh [because I would like her to be my companion]

Hanpiqwan hanpichini
I had [by begging] the medicine man cure her [because I love her]
I had [by supplicating] the medicine man cure her [because it is my responsibility]
I had [by pleading] the medicine man cure her [because she is my beloved child]
I had [by imploring] the medicine man cure her [because I want her to be healthy]
I had [by begging] the medicine man cure her [because she is my wife]

Kumariyta waykuchini
I made/ordered my godmother[whose child I baptized] (to) cook [because I am the landowner
and she must serve me]
I made/ordered my godmother [whose child I baptized] (to) cook [because I secure her livelihood
by giving her a job or food]
I made/ordered my godmother [whose child I baptized] (to) cook [because I give her food to feed
her children]
I made/ordered my godmother [whose child I baptized] (to) cook [because I allow her to care for
her animals on my farm]
I made/ordered my godmother [whose child I baptized] (to) cook [because her child is living
with me to help me]
I made/ordered my godmother [whose child I baptized] (to) cook [because she owes me money]
I made/ordered my godmother [whose child I baptized] cook [because I sometimes give her
clothes]
I made/ordered my godmother [whose child I baptized] cook [because I made her get married]

These translations are more accurate than the first set of English glosses; however, there
is another detail. The Quechua sentences are in the simple present and the translations are in the
simple past. The Quechua examples are a good way to teach how to use -chi in the simple
present, but in reality, no one talks this way. Translating these sentences to English in this way
SOME ISSUES IN TRANSLATING QUECHUA

279
creates the fallacy that present simple sentences with -chi can be translated as past tense. A
Quechua-speaking male would say sipasta asichiRQAni
64
when talking with other people, adding
the past tense suffix after the stem and the causative asi-chi+RQA. This would be translated as:

I made the young/mature girl laugh; [because I want her to be my girlfriend]
[ to be my lover]
[ to be my wife]
[ to be my life companion]
[ to be happy]
[because I want to marry her]
[because I want to have her as my girlfriend]
[because I want to talk to her]
[because I want to take care of her forever]

As Silverstein (2003) states, words and expressions occur in discursive real time
(culture). Thus, they are embedded in principles of cotextuality and contextuality. This has to be
taken into account in order to capture the indexical and iconic modalities through which words
and expression are endowed with significances in their co(n)textual matrix. (p. 82). But in the
above translation, there is still something missing. Under what circumstances can a person make
someone laugh or have someone cure another, or make someone cook for another? For instance,
if one says sipasta asichirqani, this could be linked to a previous action such as harvesting,
sowing, grazing, being in the market, or at the carnival. Then sipasta asichirqani could/would be
understood as:

I had the young/mature girl laugh [while sowing maize]; [because I want her to be my girlfriend]
[while grazing my animals]; [because I want her to be my
lover]
[while harvesting potatoes]; [because I want her to be my wife]
[while being in the market]; [because I want her to be my life
companion]
[while at the carnival ]; [because I want her to be happy]
[while dancing at the carnival]; [because I want to marry her]
[etc]; [because I want to have her as my girlfriend]
[because I want to talk to her]
[because I want to take care of her forever]

Sipasta asichirqani not only elicits other verbal signs, but it also calls upon nonverbal
signs (landscape, body comportment, and so on). Words and expressions acquire meaning from
indexical modalities of semiosis and [)] from complex, dialectic, though indexically-based
ones (Silverstein, 2003, p. 82). Silverstein suggests that in any translation, an indexical system
having its own values has to be reconstructed into an indexical system of another culture without
missing the key point of communicating what the intended meaning or intention is. Therefore, if
scholars want to translate or interpret a foreign language (regarding it as a cultural form) into

64
Quechua language marks past tense with -RA or -RQA suffix . Both forms are widely used in the southern part of
the Andes.
MARGARITA HUAYHUA

280
their own language, they should understand the functions of that language and the intentions of a
particular conversation (Asad, 1986).
On Translating Spanish Translations of Quechua into English
Some scholars have hired research assistants to translate Quechua into Spanish because
either they understand Spanish better than Quechua, or they may not speak Quechua at all, or
they might simply lack sufficient fluency to do their own translations. These scholars then
translate these Spanish translations of Quechua into English as if they were transparent and free
of any ideological charge. Among other things, this assumes that the translator shares the same
sociolinguistic register with/as Quechua-speaking people, that Spanish and Quechua both have
the same obligatory grammatical structure, and that there is no need to pay attention to the
ideological underpinnings of the translators translation.
In grammatical terms, Quechua word order is, by default, S (subject), O (direct object), V
(verb) and C (complement) in which the S is not obligatory since it is marked in the verbal word
or phrase. Papata waykun (he/she cooks potatoes) is a sentence that can stand by itself. The
direct object potatoes is affected by the verb wayku, and -n refers to a female or male third
person that performs the action of cooking. In this Quechua sentence it is not crucial to state
whether the third person is female or male. In contrast, Spanish structure follows S (subject), V
(verb), O (direct object), and C (complement); thus, the Quechua sentence needs to be rephrased
in Spanish as ella/ l cocina papas, a sentence in which the subject is first followed by the verb
and then direct object. Unlike in a Quechua sentence, the personal pronoun ella or l is an
obligatory category. It indicates if the person cooking is female or male, an important distinction
for Spanish speakers because it is linked with their notions of masculinity and femininity.
If translators translate Quechua into Spanish, how can the researcher be assured that they
have accurately rendered the meaning and intention of the original Quechua, and how can they
escape the translators assumptions about Quechua-speaking people? It has been observed that
Spanish translators often consider Quechua speakers as backward, stupid, lazy, dirty, stinky,
lacking intelligence and the capacity for discernment (for historical view see Gall, 1964;
Gonzales Prada, 1904/1960; Guerrero, 1997; Whitten, 2001; Larson, 2004; Franco, 2006).
According to this view, Quechua might be translated in order to make the thoughts of the
Quechua people fit within the framework of the Spanish translators preconception of Quechua.
This may appear as exuberances or deficiencies that can occur in any translation, but scholars
may need to consider the translators preconceived notions of Quechua people.
The attempt to translate the three Quechua sentences into Spanish shows the problems of
accurate translation:

Sipasta asichini le hizo rer a la chica
Hanpiqwan hanpichini le/la hizo curar con el curandero
Kumariyta waykuchini hago cocinar a mi comadre

The first two sentences are translated in reported form while the last sentence is translated as
direct talk. The underlying background is that a Spanish speaker could almost never see himself
making a girl, who is a pasa, laugh. Pasa is pejoratively used to point at (describe/index)
someone as Indian, an insignificant peasant, and a backward person who has not yet been fully
SOME ISSUES IN TRANSLATING QUECHUA

281
civilized, which is indicated by the way sipas has been translated as chica and not as joven.
65
A
Spanish speaker would almost never approach a young Quechua woman to be his girlfriend. A
Spanish translator would bring his loved ones to a physician, a professional who occupies the
highest social standing within Peruvian society.
The translation of the third sentence as direct talk is linked to an old and still current
practice: Spanish speakers can make their comadre (whose child they have baptized) cook and
perform whatever duties they wish. They push a Quechua comadre into a subordinated position
in their face-to-face interactions. The above Spanish translations are taken by some researchers
as obvious and free of any ideological charge. What is more, even people who speak Quechua as
a mother tongue and have moved to a city hypercorrect themselves when they are unable to
translate Quechua within the structural grammar of Spanish.
66
Therefore, the Quechua sentences
might be translated as:

Sipasta asichini A la chica le hace rer
Hampiqwan hanpichini Con el curandero le/la hace curar
Kumariyta waykuchini A mi comadre le hago cocinar

These translations keep the Quechua grammatical structure up to a point, but some
researchers seem not to pay attention to these grammatical subtleties and even less to the past
and present contexts a word or sentence evokes (Becker, 1996). The first set of Spanish
translations above is likely to be more comfortable for the English-speaking researchers because
they can more easily translate the QuechuaSpanish translation to English because of the
similarity to English grammatical structure.
For example, if in a Quechua-speaking community a researcher asks about the person
who cured an illness, the research assistant may ask, piwan hampichinki? A Quechua speaker
might answer hampiqwan hampichirqani, which would be translated as le hizo curar con el
curandero. The fact that hacer is conjugated as hizo, and hampiqwan is situated in a secondary
role as a complement emphasizes the role of the subject who commanded another person (in this
case the curandero) to cure a third person. Le also implies that the person cured is masculine.
The translation fails to convey the fact that hampi-q is emphasized as being the instrument of the
action by using the suffix -wan (ham-piq-WAN) after the agentive -q (-er). The causative -chi is
also inferred by the Spanish speaker to indicate the power of the subject to order the curandero
to cure. This understanding misses the point that Quechua speakers would never command nor
would they attempt to exert power over a medicine man. Rather, Quechua speakers believe they
must beg and implore the medicine man to cure their loved ones.
Moreover, hampiq has been translated as curandero, which within the belief system of
many Spanish speakers is understood to be a charlatan, an ignorant liar, someone who does not
know true medicine. These negative connotations and the change of emphasis from the object in
the Quechua sentence to the subject in the Spanish translation (given the Spanish syntax)
permeate QuechuaSpanish translations and are, therefore, reflected in the final English

65
For some Spanish speakers may argue that chica is a label without discrimininatory undertones. However, in the
southern Andes it is used to refer to domestic servants whose mother tongue is Quechua.
66
Spanish rather than Quechua has hegemonic position as the language of communication in Peruvian society (see
Franco 2006), and also in other Latin American countries.
MARGARITA HUAYHUA

282
translation. For an example, see the section on translating Quechua into English, but the sentence
has to be in the past tense.
Scholars may not realize how problematic this is because in English and Spanish the
grammatical subject of a sentence is by default the agent. The understanding of the social role of
the hanpiq changes with each step of the translation. If the Spanish translation is used by
researchers to understand the role of the hampiq in Quechua culture, they will likely
misunderstand it. Quechua-speaking people themselves remain silent and beyond the scholars
comprehension.
Spanish speakers who translate Quechua cannot stand as representatives, nor should they
be taken to speak on behalf of Quechua-speaking people (see Alcoff, 1991). Research assistants
working with English speaking researchers have largely consisted of the urban elite or the
establishment who live in provincial towns or cities who are sometimes landowners and who
have specific social and ideological positions with respect to most Quechua speakers. Their
translations are colored by their social understandings of life in the Quechua hinterland.
A scholar who treats these Spanish translations as transparent buys into these
assumptions. However it is not only the point of view of the individual translator that introduces
ideological distortions. The long tradition of literate contact between Spanish and bilingual
speakers (documented in Alan Durstons (2007) recent book) has produced a tradition of
translational equivalences that constantly reframe Quechua within a Spanish framework, as Jane
Collins (1984) pointed out decades ago.
Once we move from a local to an international domain, we can see this hierarchy of
languages reproduced fractally. Just as Spanish (as the language of the Peruvian state) is
hegemonic over Quechua, so too is Spanish subordinated to English. Hence, Spanish translations
of Quechua suffer a double transformation. Quechua is placed within Spanish syntax, and
subsequent Spanish translations are then translated by scholars into their own language. This
twofold translation is also affected by the expected outcome the scholar is looking for, which
may not be linked to the nuances produced in translation, nor to the knowledge that Quechua-
speaking people may want to communicate (see Asad, 1986, pp. 157158).
Therefore, scholars who depend on translations of Quechua into Spanish while doing
their fieldwork may not learn to live another form of life and to speak another language (Asad,
1986, p. 149), in this case Quechua. They may not engage in a genuine dialogue with the people
with whom they are intending to work and live and about whom they will later write. The results
of their research are based on information seen through the translators lens, and the thoughts,
worldview, and daily life of the Quechua remain distant from the scholars understanding.
I hope this reflection on the issue of translation, the complexities of translating a foreign
language such as Quechua, and the problematic dependency on translators to understand other
cultural groups, enforces the need to learn the language of those with whom one seeks to work as
an investigator. This paper is only a starting point for the consideration of other issues, such as
the meanings and intentions that a translator might inadvertently infuse into his work based on
his social position.


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