Centre State Consti
Centre State Consti
UNIVERSITY
VISAKHAPATNAM, A.P., INDIA
PROJECT TITLE:
CENTRAL CONTROL OVER STATE
LEGISLATION
SUBJECT:
CONSTITUTIONAL LAW
NAME OF THE FACULTY:
Mr. BHARAT KUMAR
DHRUV RAJPUROHIT
Name-Dhruv Rajpurohit
Roll id-2014036
INDEX--
1.INTRODUCTION
2.CONSTITUTION OF STATE LEGISLATURE
3.CENTRE'S CONTROL OVER STATE LEGILATION
4.ART-245-255--Distribution of powers
5.ART 256-263--Administrative relations
6.ART 256-261--General
7. Article 262 -- on Disputes relating to waters
8. Article 263 -- on Co-ordination between States
Introduction:-
A State Government is of the parliamentary type and follows closely the model of Central
Government. The basic structure and pattern of a State Government resembles the Central
Government. The State Government may be resolved into three components:
jurisdiction or status of the High Court. The Centre may intervene in a fit case and preserve
the High Court's constitutional status. 3
(d) Under Article 288(2), a state law imposing a tax in respect of any water or electricity
stored, generated, consumed, distributed or sold by any authority established by law made by
Parliament for regulating or developing any inter-state river or river-valley, has no effect
unless it has received the assent of the President. 4
The Constitution provides for a three-fold distribution of legislative subjects between the
Centre and the states,
List-I (the Union List),
List-II (the State List)
List-III (the Concurrent List) in the Seventh Schedule:
(i)
(ii)
(iii)
3
4
5
The Parliament has exclusive powers to make laws with respect to any of the matters
enumerated in the Union List. This list has at present 100 subjects (originally 971
subjects) like defence, banking, foreign affairs, currency, atomic energy, insurance,
communication, inter-state trade and commerce, census, audit and so on.
The state legislature has in normal circumstances exclusive powers to make laws
with respect to any of the matters enumerated in the State List. This has at present 61
subjects (originally 662 subjects) like public order, police, public health and
sanitation, agriculture, prisons, local government, fisheries, markets, theaters,
gambling and so on. 5
Both, the Parliament and state legislature can make laws with respect to any of the
matters enumerated in the Concurrent List. This list has at present 52 subjects
(originally 473 subjects) like criminal law and procedure, civil procedure, marriage
and divorce, population control and family planning, electricity, labour wel-fare,
economic and social planning, drugs, newspapers, books and printing press, and
others. The 42nd Amendment Act of 1976 transferred five subjects to Concurrent List
from State List, that is, (a) education, (b) forests, (c) weights and measures, (d)
protection of wild animals and birds, and (e) administration of justice; constitu-tion
and organisation of all courts except the Supreme Court and the high courts. The
power to make laws with respect to residuary subjects (i.e., the matters which are not
enumerated in any of the three lists) is vested in the Parliament. This residuary power
of legisla-tion includes the power to levy residuary taxes. From the above scheme, it
is clear that the matters of national importance and the matters which requires
uniformity of legislation nationwide are included in the Union List. The matters of
regional and local importance and the matters which permits diversity of interest are
specified in the State List. The matters on which uniformity of legislation throughout
the country is desirable but not essential are enumerated in the concurrent list. Thus,
it permits diversity along with uniformity. In US, only the powers of the Federal
Government are enumerated in the Constitution and the residuary powers are left to
the states. The Australian Constitution followed the American pattern of single
enumeration of powers. In Canada, on the other hand, there is a double enumeration
Federal and Provincial, and the residuary powers are vested in the Centre. The
Government of India (GoI) Act of 1935 provided for a three-fold emumenration, viz.,
federal, provincial and concurrent. The present Constitution follows the scheme of
this act but with one difference, that is, under this act, the residuary powers were
given neither to the federal legislature nor to the provincial legislature but to the
governor-general of India. In this respect, India follows the Canadian precedent. The
Constitution expressly secure the predominance of the Union List over the State List
and the Concurrent List and that of the Concurrent List over the State List. Thus, in
case of overlapping between the Union List and the State List, the former should
prevail. In case of overlapping between the Union List and the Concurrent List, it is
again the former which should prevail. Where there is a conflict between the
Concurrent List and the State List, it is the former that should prevail. In case of a
conflict between the Central law and the state law on a subject enumerated in the
Concurrent List, the Central law prevails over the state law. But, there is an
exception. If the state law has been reserved for the consideration of the president and
has received his assent, then the state law prevails in that state. But, it would still be
competent for the Parliament to override such a law by subsequently making a law on
the same matter. '3. Parliamentary Legislation in the State Field' The above scheme of
distribution of legislative powers between the Centre and the states is to be
maintained in normal times6. But, in abnormal times, the scheme of distribution is
either modified or suspended. In other words, the Constitution empowers the
Parliament to make laws on any matter enumerated in the State List under the
following five extraordinary circumstances: When Rajya Sabha Passes a Resolution
If the Rajya Sabha declares that it is necessary in the national interest that Parliament
should make laws on a matter in the State List, then the Parliament becomes
competent to make laws on that matter. Such a resolution must be supported by twothirds of the members present and voting. The resolution remains in force for one
year; it can be renewed any number of times but not exceeding one year at a time.
6
The laws cease to have effect on the expiration of six months after the resolution has
ceased to be in force7. This provision does not restrict the power of a state legislature
to make laws on the same matter. But, in case of inconsistency between a state law
and a parliamentary law, the latter is to prevail8. During a National Emergency The
Parliament acquires the power to legislate with respect to matters in the State List,
while a proclamation of national emergency is in operation. The laws become
inoperative on the expiration of six months after the emergency has ceased to operate.
Here also, the power of a state legislature to make laws on the same matter is not
restricted. But, in case of repugnancy between a state law and a parliamentary law,
the latter is to prevail. When States Make a Request When the legislatures of two or
more states pass resolutions requesting the Parliament to enact laws on a matter in the
State List, then the Parliament can make laws for regulating that matter9. A law so
enacted applies only to those states which have passed the resolutions. However, any
other state may adopt it afterwards by passing a resolution to that effect in its
legislature. Such a law can be amended or repealed only by the Parliament and not by
the legislatures of the concerned states. The effect of passing a resolution under the
above provision is that the Parliament becomes entitled to legislate with respect to a
matter for which it has no power to make a law. On the other hand, the state
legislature ceases to have the power to make a law with respect to that matter. The
resolution operates as abdication or surrender of the power of the state legislature
with respect to that matter and it is placed entirely in the hands of Parliament which
alone can then legislate with respect to it. Some examples of laws passed under the
above provision are Prize Competition Act, 1955; Wild Life (Protection) Act, 1972;
Water (Prevention and Control of Pollution) Act, 1974; Urban Land (Ceiling and
Regulation) Act, 1976; and Transplantation of Human Organs Act, 1994. To
Implement International Agreements The Parliament can make laws on any matter in
the State List for implementing the international treaties, agreements or conventions.
This provision enables the Central government to fulfil its international obligations
and commitments. Some examples of laws enacted under the above provision are
United Nations (Privileges and Immunities) Act, 1947; Geneva Convention Act,
1960; Anti-Hijacking Act, 1982 and legislations relating to environment and TRIPS.
During Presidents Rule When the Presidents rule is imposed in a state, the
Parliament becomes empowered to make laws with respect to any matter in the State
List in relation to that state. A law made so by the Parliament continues to be
operative even after the presidents rule10. This means that the period for which such a
law remains in force is not co-terminus with the duration of the Presidents rule. But,
7
8
9
10
such a law can be repealed or altered or re-enacted by the state legislature. 4. Centres
Control Over State Legislation Besides the Parliaments power to legislate directly on
the state subjects under the exceptional situations, the Constitution empowers the
Centre to exercise control over the states legislative matters in the following ways:
(i)
The governor can reserve certain types of bills passed by the state legislature
for the consideration of the President. The president enjoys absolute veto
over them.
(ii)
Bills on certain matters enumerated in the State List can be introduced in the
state legislature only with the previous sanction of the president. (For
example, the bills imposing restrictions on the freedom of trade and
commerce). 11
(iii)
The President can direct the states to reserve money bills and other financial
bills passed by the state legislature for his consideration during a financial
emergency. From the above, it is clear that the Constitution has assigned a
position of superiority to the Centre in the legislative sphere. In this context,
the Sarkaria Commission on CentreState Relations (198387) observed:
The rule of federal supremacy is a technique to avoid absurdity, resolve
conflict and ensure harmony between the Union and state laws. If this
principle of union supremacy is excluded, it is not difficult to imagine its
deleterious results. There will be every possibility of our two-tier political
system being stultified by interference, strife, legal chaos and confusion
caused by a host of conflicting laws, much to the bewilderment of the
common citizen. Integrated legislative policy and uniformity on basic issues
of common Unionstate concern will be stymied. The federal principle of
unity in diversity will be very much a casualty. This rule of federal
supremacy, therefore, is indispensable for the successful functioning of the
federal system.12
Chapter II
Articles 256263 on Administrative Relations
Articles 256261 General
256. The executive power of every State shall be so exercised as to ensure compliance with
the laws made by Parliament and any existing laws which apply in that State, and the
executive power of the Union shall extent to the giving of such directions to a State as may
appear to the Government of India to be necessary for that purpose.
11
12
257 (1) The executive power of every State shall be so exercised as not to impede or
prejudice the exercise of the executive power of the Union, and the executive power of the
Union shall extend to the giving of such directions to a State as may appear to the
Government of India to be necessary for that purpose.
(2) The executive power of the Union shall also extend to the giving of directions to a State
as to the construction and maintenance of means of communication declared in the direction
to be of national or military importance.
Provided that nothing in this clause shall be taken restricting the power of Parliament to
declare highways or waterways to be national highways or national waterways or the power
of Union with respect to highways or waterways so declared or the power of the Union to
construct and maintain means of communication as part of its functions with respect to naval,
military and air force works.13
(3) The executive power of the Union shall also extend to the giving of directions to a State
as to the measures to be taken for the protection of the railways within the State.
(4) Wherein carrying out any direction given to a State under clause (2) as to the construction
or maintenance of any means of communication or under clause (3) as to the measures to be
taken for the protection of any railway, costs have been incurred in excess of those which
would have been incurred in the discharge of the normal duties of the State if such direction
had not been given, there shall be paid by the Government of India to the State such sum as
may be agreed, or, in default of agreement, as may be determined by an arbitrator appointed
by the Chief Justice of India, in respect of the extra costs so incurred by the State.
Article 257A. Assistance to States by deployment of armed forces or other forces of the
Union. (Inserted by the Constitution 42nd amendment Act, 1976 and repealed by the
Constitution 44th amendment Act, 1978.
Article 258(1). Notwithstanding anything in this constitution, the President may, with the
consent of the Government of a State, entrust either conditionally or unconditionally to that
Government or to its officers functions in relation to any matter to which the executive power
of the Union extends.14
13
14
(2) A law made by Parliament which applies in any State may, notwithstanding that it relates
to a matter with respect to which the Legislature of the State has no power to make laws,
confer powers and impose duties, or authorise the conferring of powers and the imposition of
duties, upon the State or officers and authorities thereof.
(3) Where by virtue of this article powers and duties have been conferred or imposed upon a
State or officers or authorities thereof, there shall be paid by the Government of India to the
State such sum as may be agreed, or, in default of agreement, as may be determined by an
arbitrator appointed by the Chief Justice of India, in respect of any extra costs of
administration incurred by the State in connection with the exercise of those powers and
duties.15
Article 258A. Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution, the Governor of a State may,
with the consent of the Government of India, entrust either conditionally or unconditionally
to that Government or to its officers functions in relation to any matter to which the executive
power of the State extends.
(This article was inserted by the Constitution 7th amendment Act, 1956 for the reasons that,
while the President is empowered by article 258(1) to entrust Union functions to a State
Government or its officers, there is no corresponding provisions enabling the Governor of a
State to entrust State functions to the Central Government or its officers. This lacuna has been
found to be of practical consequence in connection with the execution of certain development
projects in the States. It is proposed to fill the lacuna by a new article 258A)
Article 260. The Government of India may by agreement with the Government of any
territory not being part of the territory of India undertake any executive, legislative or judicial
functions vested in the Government of such territory, but every such agreement shall be
subject to, and governed by, any law relating to the exercise of foreign jurisdiction for the
time being in force.16
15
16
Article 261(1). Full faith and credit shall be given throughout the territory of India to public
acts, records and judicial proceedings of the Union and of every State.
(2) The manner in which and the conditions under which the acts, records and proceedings
referred to in clause (1) shall be proved and the effect thereof determined shall be as provided
by law made by Parliament.
(3) Final judgments or orders delivered or passed by civil courts in any part of the territory of
India shall be capable of execution anywhere within that territory according to law.
The central government exerts control over state governments through the financial resources
at its command. The central government distributes taxes and grants-in-aid through the
decisions of finance commissions, usually convened every five years as stipulated by Article
275. The central government also distributes substantial grants through its development plans
as elaborated by the Planning Commission. The dependence of state governments on grants
and disbursements grew throughout the 1980s as states began to run up fiscal deficits and the
share of transfers from New Delhi increased. The power and influence of central government
finances also can be seen in the substantial funds allocated under the central government's
17
five-year plans to such areas as public health and agriculture that are constitutionally under
the State List.18
(i) The governor can reserve certain types of bills passed by the state legislature for the
consideration of the President.
The president enjoys absolute veto over them.
(ii) Bills on certain matters enumerated in the State List can be introduced in the state
legislature only with the previous sanction of the president. (For example, the bills imposing
restrictions on the freedom of trade and commerce).
(iii) The President can direct the states to reserve money bills and other financial bills passed
by the state legislature for his consideration during a financial emergency.
From the above, it is clear that the Constitution has assigned a position of superiority to the
Centre in the legislative sphere. In this context, the Sarkaria Commission on CentreState
Relations (1983-87) observed: "The rule of federal supremacy is a technique to avoid
absurdity, resolve conflict and ensure harmony between the Union and state laws. If this
principle of union supremacy is excluded, it is not difficult to imagine its deleterious results.19
There will be every possibility of our two-tier political system being stultified by
interference, strife, legal chaos and confusion caused by a host of conflicting laws, much to
the bewilderment of the common citizen. Integrated legislative policy and uniformity on
basic issues of common Unionstate concern will be stymied. The federal principle of unity
in diversity will be very much a casualty. This rule of federal supremacy, therefore, is
indispensable for the successful functioning of the federal system"20
18
19
20
CASES:
1. K.K. Aboo vs. Union of lndia (1965)27
FactsIn this Case are that a general election of Legislative Assembly was held in February , March,
1965, for the purpose of constituting a new Legislative Assembly in the State, but it led to an
inconclusive result as it gave no clear majority to any political party. The CPI(M) had won
fourty seats in the House of 103 and had emerged as the single largest party. The then
Governor of Kerala, A.P. Jain, after a brief discussion with leaders of various political parties
regarding the formation of a ministry, reported to the President that no political party could
form a stable government in the existing circumstances. Consequently, President's Rule was
imposed in Kerala on March 24, 1965 along with the dissolution of the State Legislative
Assembly.
Issue Whether could State legislature be dissolved without meeting at all?
Whether Could a Proclamation under Article 356 be issued when the state concerned was
already under President's Rule?
What is the necessity of having a sitting Legislative Assembly at the time of
Proclamation?
ReasoningThe High court held that Article 356 of the Constitution does not prescribe any condition for
the exercise of powers there under by the President, except the satisfaction of the
President 'that a situation has arisen in which the government of the State cannot be carried
on in
The Court also ruled that the power to dissolve the State Legislature is implicit in clause (I)
(b)
of Article 356 itself and there is no need for the President to read the provisions of Article
356(I)
(a) with Article 172 or Article 174 to dissolve the State Legislative Assembly. The Court held
that "Article 356 (1) (b) empowers the President. Whenever he is satisfied of a constitutional
breakdown in the State, to issue a Proclamation declaring, inter alia, 'that the powers of the
Legislature of the State shall be exercisable by or under the authority of Parliament. That
necessarily implies a power to dissolve the State Legislature. No resort therefore need be had
by
the President to the provisions of Article 356 (I) (a) read with Article 172 or Article 174 to
dissolve the State Legislative Assembly. The power to dissolve the State Legislature is
implicit
Conclusion -The petition was dismissed without any interim relief as prayed for by the
petitioner
and all grounds of challenge to the Proclamation were struck down thereby upholding the
Constitutionality of the Proclamation. The Court enumerated the principle that the
Proclamation
under Article 356 is not justifiable, because it is depend on the personal satisfaction of the
President, who was a Constitutional head. So the Court cannot not inquire the
Constitutionality
of that Proclamation. However, the Parliament can inquire the Proclamation regarding
President's Rule.
Facts- In Haryana (1967), the Congress Party formed the Government, but it got ousted from
power owing to defections of the MLAs. Then, the SVD leader Rao Birendra Singh formed
the
29 Rao Birendra Singh vs. Union of India, AIR, 1968, Punjab & Haryana
15 | Page
government in the State. Defections and counter-defections continued in both the Congress
and
the SVD. Consequently, the Governor of Haryana sent a report to the Centre about the
political
situation of the State. The Governor highlighted the need for a clean and efficient
administration
and stated in his report that a fresh election under the President's Rule was the only solution
of
political instability in the State. The Centre considered the Governor's report and the
President's
Rule was imposed on November 21, 1967 along with the dissolution of the State Assembly.
Issue-
Whether the decision of the imposition of Presidents Rule in Haryana and claimed that he
had a majority in the Legislative Assembly, hence President's Rule could not be imposed?
Reasoning-The Punjab and Haryana High Court ruled that the President issued the
Proclamation
under his constitutional power (Article 356). So, the President is out of jurisdiction of the
Court
in view of Article 361. Thus, the Court cannot go into the validity of his Proclamation. The
Parliament can discuss the grounds of the Proclamation on the question of approval or
otherwise
of the Proclamation.
The Court ruled that the Parliament can reconsider the Proclamation and it is out of the
jurisdiction of this Court. The Court held that "The reconsideration of the Proclamation has
specifically been vested by the Constitution in Parliament and that, in my opinion, excludes
the
jurisdiction in this Court in so far as the Proclamation is concerned in that respect. Nothing
has
been said against the power of Parliament to approve or to withhold approval of the
Proclamation".30
The Court ruled that he cannot enquire into any advice of the Union Council of Ministers
rendered to the President regarding to the issue of Proclamation under Article 356 in view of
Article 74 (2). The Court held that "This Court has no jurisdiction in view of Article 74 (2)
even
to inquire whether he rendered any adviceto the President in regard to the issue of the
Proclamation".31
30 Rao Birendra Singh vs. Union of India, AIR, 1968, Punjab & Haryana
31 Ibid, p. 450
16 | Page
Conclusion- Thus, the Court dismissed the petition here again. The Court considered that the
Proclamation under Article 356 is not-justiciable, because the satisfaction of the President
Facts- President's Rule was imposed in Andhra Pradesh on January 18, 1974 exploring the
possibility of the formation of an alternative ministry; when Minister resigned under the
instruction of Congress High Command. The crisis in the leadership of the State Congress
legislature party: the Narasimha Rao had lost the confidence of the majority of members
because
Issues- Whether the Government of the State is in accordance with the provisions of the
Constitution?
Reasoning- The Court ruled that the Parliament is the final arbiter of the satisfaction of the
President, and that the Court can never review the Proclamation regarding the President's
Rule.
The Court held that "The President is the Head of the State that is entrusted with the
discharge of
the duty and the fact that it is the Parliament that is the final arbiter lead to the inevitable
conclusion that the Court can never go behind the proclamation issued by the President."
The Court ruled that he cannot go into the question of mala fide or otherwise reasons for the
action under Article 356 though it could go into the question of ultra vires. The Court held
that
"The Court was incompetent to go into the question of mala fide or probe into the reasons for
the
action of the President though it could go into the question of ultra vires."33
Conclusion- The petition was dismissed by the Andhra Pradesh High Court and the Court did
34 Bijayananda vs. President of India, AIR, 1974, Orissa, 52, vol. 61C
17 | Page
Facts- In Orissa (1974), the Congress Party government led by Nandini Satpathi got reduced
to
minority in 1973 owing to defections from the Congress Party. Consequently, the Chief
Minister
had to resign. On the contrary, Bijayananda Patnaik, the leader of the Pragati Party, who
commanded strength of 70 MLA's in a House of 140 (including the Speaker), staked claimed
to
form a government. However, the State Governor did not invite Bijayananda Patnaik to form
the
Government. He thought that the government formed by Bijayananda would not remain in
office
for a long time owing to the ongoing defections of the MLAs. The Governor preferred to
recommend the imposition of President's Rule in Orissa along with dissolution of the State
Issue- Whether the Proclamation of the President regarding the imposition of President's Rule
in
Orissa is valid?
Reasoning- The Orissa High Court rejected the challenge of the Proclamation of imposition
of
President's Rule in Orissa on March 3, 1973. The Court ruled that the Proclamation is not
(a) The wide source of information as contemplated by the expression 'otherwise' gives ample
(b) The satisfaction and the basis of satisfaction are both subjective and are not subject to
judicial
review.
(c) In view of the provisions under Article 74 (2) and Article 361 (I) the Court is not in a
position
to test the grounds of satisfaction. (d) The fact that its continuance after two months has been
(e) The emergency provisions under Articles 352, 356 and 360 in Chapter XVIII of the
(f) The satisfaction of the President is integrally connected with the question of enforcing the
convention on the Governor's failure to call the leader of the Opposition to form the Ministry.
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The convention being not enforceable, the satisfaction based on a decision whether to honour
the
Conclusion- The writ petition was dismissed by the Court by saying that there was no ground
for
Facts- The ruling Congress Party at the Centre was defeated in the Lok Sabha elections held
in
March, 1977 and the Janata Party came to power at the Centre. On April 17, 1977, the then
Union Minister for Horne Affairs, Charan Singh, wrote a letter dated 18.04.1977 requesting
the
Chief Minister of nine States ruled by Congress Party, viz., Bihar, U.P., H.P . M.P . Haryana.
Orissa, Punjab, Rajasthan and West Bengal, to advise the Governors of their respective States
to
dissolve the Assemblies of those States and to seek fresh mandate from the electorate on the
ground that the electorate had virtually rejected the ruling party in those States in the Lok
Sabha
elections. Six of these nine States. viz . Rajasthan, M.P., Punjab, Bihar, H.P. and Orissa filed
suits under Article 131 of the Constitution in the Supreme Court praying for a declaration that
the letter of the Horne Minister was illegal, and ultra vires of the Constitution and prayed for
an
interim injunction restraining the Union Government from taking any step to dissolve their
Issues-
(i) Whether the letter of Union Home Minister, Charan Singh, dated April 18, 1977, discloses
the
by a dissolution of the Legislative Assembly of the State concerned and that such a
proclamation,
resulting necessarily in the dismissal of the Ministries in the six States and the dissolution of
their Legislative Assemblies upon the grounds given in the letter, is prima facie outside the
(ii) Whether in any case, the condition precedent to the dissolution of the State Legislative
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356 so that no dissolution, at any rate, of a Legislative Assembly can take place without
(iii) Whether the grounds given being outside the constitutionally authorised purposes and
objectives make the proposed action, on the face of it, mala fide and unconstitutional?
Reasoning- Goswami. Fazal Ali and Untwalia, J.J., were of the view that the plaintiffs had no
locus standi to maintain the suit. Untwalia did not want to rest his judgement on this technical
ground alone. M.H. Beg, C.J. and Fazal Ali, J. held that the suit was premature. There was
general agreement among all the judges that the matter in question was beyond the range of
Judicial review either because it was of a political nature, regarding which the President's
subjective satisfaction was conclusive, or was otherwise non-justiciable in view of the bar to
the
Courts' jurisdiction in clause (5) of the Article. They observed. "Article 356(1) calls for an
assessment of a 'situation'. In so far as Article 356(1) may embrace matters of political and
executive policy and expediency courts cannot interfere with these unless and until it is
shown
admitted grounds of action under Article 356(I) for, while Article 74(2) disables Courts from
inquiring into the very existence or nature or contents of ministerial advice to the President.
Article 356(5) makes it impossible for Courts to question the President's satisfaction on any
ground".36
However the Court made it clear that the President's 'satisfaction' would be open to judicial
review only in those exceptional cases where on facts admitted or disclosed, it was
manifested
that it was mala fide or was based on wholly extraneous or irrelevant grounds. P.N. Bhagwati
and A.C. Gupta, J.J., observed : "If the satisfaction is mala fide or is based on wholly
extraneous
and irrelevant grounds, the Court would have jurisdiction to examine it... The satisfaction of
the
President is a condition precedent to the exercise of power under Art 356, clause (1) and if it
can
be shown that there is no satisfaction of the President at all, the exercise of the power would
be
constitutionally invalid."
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The Court ruled that the total and massive defeat of the ruling party in the Lok Sabha
elections
shows the complete alienation between the Government and the people and it is a relevant
ground for taking action under Article 356 (1). The Court ruled that the use of words "or
otherwise", as to Article 356 (1) calls on the President to consider materials and resources
other
than the Governor's report. But at the same time, in practice, this ambiguous phrase has given
assaults to the federal principles of Government. The Court held that "the usual practice is
that
the President acts under Article 356 (1) of the Constitution only on the Governor's report.
But,
the use of the words 'or otherwise' show that Presidential satisfaction could be based on other
materials as well. This feature of our Constitution indicates most strikingly the extent to
which
Conclusion- The Court dismissed the case unanimously, but the observations made by the
Court
are very important. For the first time the Court started judicial review of Presidential
proclamation under Article 356 of the Constitution. The Court made it clear that the
President's
satisfaction under Article 356 would be open to judicial review, where facts admitted was
President's power under Article 356 was brought under judicial review to that extent.
Facts- After the demolition of the Sabri Masjid at Ayodhya (6th December, 1992) President's
Rule were imposed in Madhya Pradesh on 15th December, 1992. The then Governor of
Madhya
Pradesh. Kunwar Mahmood Ali Khan, in his letter to the President has mentioned the acts of
omissions and commissions on the part of the State, but he didn't specify them. The Governor
also stated in his report that the Sunderlal Patwa government had soft reaction to the RSS (a
banned organisation).
Issues- Whether the Proclamation of President's Rule in M.P. is valid was challenged in the
M.P.
High Court?
37 Ibdi, 1364
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Reasoning- The Court held that "The Satisfaction reached by the President is issuing the
Presidential Proclamation dated December 15, 1992 imposing Presidential Rule in the State
of
M.P. and dissolving the State Assembly, on the advice of the Cabinet, is based on
circumstances
not relevant for invoking Article 356 of the Constitution of India and is therefore liable to be
quashed".39
The report of the State Governor regarding the deterioration of law and order situation in
Bhopal
and two other cities of Madhya Pradesh after the demolition of the Sabri Masjid at Ayodhya
on
December 6, 1992, could not itself be a relevant cause for the imposition of Presidents Rule
in
M.P. on December 15, 1992. Neither the report of the State Governor nor any other sources
could prove the failure of constitutional machinery in the State. So the Proclamation of the
President did not hold ground and it should be quashed. The Court held that, "The Governor's
reports on the worsening of the law and order situation in Bhopal and two other cities of
Madhya
Pradesh as aftermath of Ayodhya incident, could not in itself constitute a relevant material
having a reasonable nexus for the satisfaction of the President in imposing his rule in the
State of
Madhya Pradesh. There is no other material in existence-either in the report of the Governor
or
from any other sources-to hold that the Government in the State of Madhya Pradesh could not
be
carried on in accordance with the Constitution and that there was failure of the constitutional
machinery in the State. Failure on part of the State Government to save the lives and
properties
of citizens in few cities, as a result of sudden out-break of violence could not reasonably lead
to
the satisfaction of the President that the Government was unable to function in accordance
with
The Court held that "There was also no occasion to raise any inference of failure of
constitutional machinery under Art. 365 of the Constitution because there were no Central
Conclusion- The Court ordered to restore the dismissed Ministry as also the dissolved
Assembly. The judgement of M.P. High Court is a "significant milestone in legal history".
Since
it is the first case where the Court struck down a Presidential proclamation as
unconstitutional,
39 Sunderlal Patwa vs. Union of India, AIR, 1993, Madhya Pradesh, vol. 80,p.217
40 Sunderlal Patwa vs. Union of India, AIR, 1993, Madhya Pradesh, vol. 80,p.217
22 | Page
null and void. Later this judgement was challenged in Supreme Court in the S.R. Bommai
case
Facts- The situation in Karnataka in 1989 April was clogged and led to state emergency u/art
356(1). This proclamation was thereafter confirmed by the Parliament.The situation which
led to
state emergency was that S.R.Bommai a personal of Janta Party formed the government in
1988,
but subsequently joined the Lok Dal forming a collision government as Janta Dal.But soon
there
were bifurcations amongst the party members leading to fall of the Government. Therefore
the
President had to proclaim emergency. This proclamation was challenged through Writ
Petition
but the High Court dismissed the Petition. Hence appeal to Supreme Court.
Issues-
3. Whether the proclamation can be challenged even after approved by both the houses of
Parliament?
Reasoning- The Court interpreted Article 356 and ruled that the failure of State Government
to
comply with or to give effect to directions issued by Union Government are not the only
grounds.
B.P. Jeevan Reddy and S.C. Agrawal, J.J., held that "Article 356 merely says that in case of
failure
to comply with the directions given, 'It shall be lawful for the President to hold that the
requisite
type of situation has arisen.The President has to judge in each case whether it has so arisen.
Article
365 says it is permissible for him to say so in such a case. The discretion is still there and has
to be
exercised fairly."42
The Court ruled that the Legislative Assembly of a State coming under President's Rule
should not
be dissolved until Presidential Proclamation is approved by the Parliament, till this approval,
the
President can only suspend the Assembly. P.B. Sawant and Kuldip Singh, J.J., held that "The
23 | Page
President shall exercise the Governor's power of dissolving the Legislative Assembly till at
least
both the Houses of Parliament have approved of the Proclamation issued by him under clause
(I)
of the Article 356. The dissolution of the assembly prior to the approval of the proclamation
by the
Parliament under clause (3) of the said Article will be per se invalid. The President may,
however,
have the power of suspending the Legislature under subclause (C) of clause (I) of the said
Article."43
The Court ruled that the validity of Proclamation issued by the President imposing President's
Rule
is judicially reviewable. P.B. Sawant and Kuldip Singh, J.J., held, "The exercise of power by
the
President under Article 356(1) to issue Proclamation is subject to judicial review at least to
the
extent of examining whether the conditions precedent to the issuance of the Proclamation
have
been satisfied or not. This examination will necessarily involve the scrutiny as to whether
there
existed material for the satisfaction of the President that a situation had arisen in which the
Government of the State could not be carried on in accordance with the provisions of the
Constitution. The legitimacy of inference drawn from such material is certainly open to
judicial
review."Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy also supported this opinion. He observed, "The
Proclamation
under Article 356(1) is not immune from judicial review. The Supreme Court or the High
Court
can strike down the proclamation if it is found to be mala fide or based on wholly irrelevant
or
extraneous grounds."44
It is obvious that the action of the President under Article 356 is judicially reviewable and
Court
can restore the status quo ante. As Durga Das Basu observed, It is clear that judicial review of
a
Proclamation under Article 356 would lie on any of the grounds upon which an executive
detennination which is founded on subjective satisfaction can be questioned, e.g. (a) It was
issued
on the basis of no material at all, (b) Where there is no 'reasonable nexus' between the reasons
disclosed and the satisfaction of the President, (c) That the exercise of the power under
Article 356
has been mala tide, because a statutory order which lacks bona fides has no existence in law.
Conclusion-
The judgement of Bommai Case (1994) is a land mark judgement, which strengths the
principles
of federal democracy in the country. The political significance of the judgement is that it will
act
as a bar on arbitrary dismissal of duly elected State governments by the Union Government
for
44 Idbi, 191
24 | Page
fulfilling its political ends. As K. Suryaprasad observed, The general principles and
guidelines
which have been laid down by Supreme Court in the Bommai case will help to strengthen
national
unity and integrity, to sharply limit the constitutional power vested in the union government
to
dismiss State Governments and to prevent the arbitrary and whimsical use of the power of the
Governors in the name of exercising their discretionary powers conferred by the Constitution
and
conventions.
The three member bench of the Allahabad High Court unanimously held that the impugned
Presidential proclamation dated October 17, 1996 reimposing President's Rule in Uttar
Pradesh
power and was based on wholly irrelevant and extraneous grounds and, therefore, could not
be
allowed to stand. Consequently, the Proclamation was quashed. Justice B.M. La I observed.
The
Governor of Uttar Pradesh was constitutionally not bound to invite the single largest party to
form
a government, in case it did not have the confidence of the House. But at the same time he
was
Facts- In Bihar (2005), after general elections of the State Legislative Assembly in February,
2005, there emerged a hung assembly and there was no political party or coalition having a
clear
majority to form a stable government in the State. The UPA government at the Centre,
recommended the dissolution of State Assembly on the basis of two reports sent by State
Governor, Buta Singh. on April 27 and May 21, 2005. These reports became the subject
matter of
litigation in a batch of petitions, which questioned the legality and constitutionality of the
Issue-
whether the dissolution of Assembly under Article 356(1) of the Constitution of India can
be
ordered to prevent the staking of claim by a political party on the ground that the majority
Reasoning- The legal experts expressed divergent opinions on the Bihar Assembly
dissolution
Case 2005. Shanti Shushan has opined, The decision of the Supreme Court is not logical one.
If the
25 | Page
dissolution is unconstitutional, then the Assembly elections this will constitute a new
assembly.
Then, will there be two sets of assembly in existence. However, the way horse-trading of the
MLA
's was going on, the Governor was left with no alternative. Laxmi Mal Singhavi has opined, It
would be better if the Supreme Court had nulled the coming Assembly elections. P.N. Lekhi
has
opined. The Assembly was not formally constituted; so could the Governor dissolve it? Anil
Diwan has opined, When the Governor's action of dissoluti,on of the Assembly has been
declared
illegal, then it would be better that it was reinstated. Similarly the political parties gave varied
opinions. Arun Jaitley, Secretary General of BJP, said. The decision of imposition of
President's
Rule in Bihar was of the Governor. the Centre and the RJD party and all these there are
culpable.
Now the Centre should clarify their stance besides calling back the Governor. Ambika Soni.
Secretary General of Congress (1), said, The decision should not be taken as against Congress
Party. When someone becomes a Governor, then he stops working on the party line. Prakash
Karat, Secretary General of CPI-M, said, the arbitrary execution of the powers of the
Governor and
his discretion should end. For this. sincere effort should be made to change the institution of
Governor.
Conclusion- the Presidential Proclamation under Article 356 of the Constitution has t:ome
under
judicial review. The Supreme Court and the High Courts can strike down the Proclamation
when it
is mala fide or based on irrelevant material and restore the status quo ante, i.e., restore the
Legislative Assembly and the Ministry of the State concerned. The Court can also stress that
question of majority of the Council of Ministers of the State must be decided on the floor of
the
Assembly and not anywhere else. Therefore the Union Government cannot act arbitrarily. As
A.G.
Noorani pointed out ''Once the doors to judicial review are thrown open, everything will be
exposed to the scrutiny of the courts and to the glare of public opinion. No government of
India
can act arbitrarily as was the case with governments in the past. This does not weaken the
authority
It was urged before the High court that it was the president alone who had to form an opinion
about the necessity of instituting an inquiry, though the power to constitute the commission of
inquiry was delegated to the governor. The high court held that where the power to appoint a
26 | Page
commission of inquiry stands delegated to the governor by the president, the duty and the
statutory obligation to form an opinion about the necessity of such an inquiry cannot remain
vested in the President. Besides, by the virtue of Article 154(1), delegation of the functions of
state Government to the governor of the state would include within its ambit the power to
form
It was argued that if a proclamation made under clause (1), of Article 356 is revoked
subsequently by another proclamation made under clause (2) an act enacted by the President
in
exercise of the powers conferred on him by a law made by parliament under clause(1)(b) of
the
same article ceases to have effect. The Supreme Court, negativing such a contention, held that
such an Act. In view of the provisions of clause (2) of Article 357, shall continue to remain in
force in spite of the revocation of the proclamation unless the Act is repealed or re-enacted
with