NORC at The University of Chicago, Society of Labor Economists, The University of Chicago Press Journal of Labor Economics
NORC at The University of Chicago, Society of Labor Economists, The University of Chicago Press Journal of Labor Economics
Entrepreneurship
Author(s): EdwardP. Lazear
Source: Journal of Labor Economics, Vol. 23, No. 4 (October 2005), pp. 649-680
Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Society of Labor
Economists and the NORC at the University of Chicago
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Entrepreneurship
Edward P. Lazear,
Stanford University
What is entrepreneurship? Economic growth may be related to the formation of new businesses, but what is it exactly that entrepreneurs do?1
The view of entrepreneurship taken here is that it is the process of assembling necessary factors of production consisting of human, physical,
and information resources and doing so in an efficient manner. Entrepreneurs put people together in particular ways and combine them with
physical capital and ideas to create a new product or to produce an existing
I thank first Boyan Jovanovic for a useful derivation that is used in this article.
Comments from Anat Admati, Uschi Backes-Gellner, George Baker, Gary Becker,
Lanier Benkard, Jennifer Hunt, Andrea Ichino, Stephen Jones, Kenneth Judd,
David Kreps, Robert Lucas, John McMillan, Paul Oyer, Canice Prendergast, Korok Ray, John Roberts, Kathryn Shaw, Steven Tadelis, Robert Wilson, Justin
Wolfers, and Jeffery Zwiebel are gratefully acknowledged. Able research assistance
was provided by Yuliy Sannikov on theoretical issues and Eugene Kwok and
Zeynep Emre on data compilation.
1
Lazear (1995) found that those Eastern European economies that grew the
fastest during the transition from communism to market economies were those
for which new business formation was most rapid.
[ Journal of Labor Economics, 2005, vol. 23, no. 4]
2005 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved.
0734-306X/2005/2304-0001$10.00
649
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A number of the predictions are tested empirically using data on Stanford alumni and are borne out. Specifically, those who end up being
entrepreneurs are more likely to have varied backgrounds, both in school
and on the job. The probability of being an entrepreneur in an employment spell is positively related to the number of different roles that an
individual has had over his or her career and with the generality of the
curriculum followed when at school. Some of this reflects balanced skills
that the individual possesses before entering the labor market and some
reflects the balance that is acquired after entering the workforce. There
is also some evidence that risk tolerance enters into the decision to become
an entrepreneur. Specifically, those individuals who have displayed willingness to choose risky occupations in the past are more likely to become
entrepreneurs.
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652
Lazear
(1)
(2)
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Fig. 1
(3)
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Lazear
(4)
This is shown as the shaded area on the diagram between the lines
x1 p x 2 and x 2 p x1 /l. The area below the line x 2 p x1 /l corresponds
to points where the individual specializes and receives income x1.
Above the 45 line, the converse is true. Here, x 2 1 x1 so the specialist
receives income x 2. In these cases, the condition for entrepreneurship, that
l min [x1 , x 2 ] 1 max [x1 , x 2 ]
becomes
lx1 1 x 2 ,
so an individual for whom x 2 exceeds x1 becomes an entrepreneur when
x 2 ! lx1.
(5)
This is shown as the cross-hatch area in the diagram. The region in the
northwest corner corresponds to individuals who have sufficiently high
values of x 2 relative to x1 that it pays for them to specialize in x 2 and to
receive income x 2.
The probability of becoming an entrepreneur for any l is given by the
probability that the pair of skills lies in one of the two shaded areas in
figure 1 or
lx1
prob of entrepreneur p
(6)
0 x1 /l
It is now possible to derive and explain intuitively how the entrepreneurial decision varies with a number of different parameters. First, consider l, the market value of entrepreneurial talent. Differentiate (6) with
respect to l to obtain
prob
p
l
( )]
x1 x1
dx ,
l l2 1
which is positive.
The higher is l, the more likely is the individual to become an entre-
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Entrepreneurship
655
One of the skills can be interpreted as the ability to raise capital. This argument
is central to Evans and Jovanovic (1989). Holtz-Eakin, Joulfaian, and Rosen (1994)
show that capital is important in starting a business by linking the receipt of an
inheritance to the likelihood of starting a business. Recent work by Gentry and
Hubbard (2002) explores the relation of saving to entrepreneurial investment.
Their motivation is growth and macroeconomic factors, but the results are relevant
to this study as well. They find that there is an interdependence between entrepreneurial saving and investment.
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656
Lazear
prob of entrepreneurship p
(lx1rx1 )/(1r)
(7)
by using a standard change of variables and altering the limits of integration appropriately.
Next, differentiate (7) with respect to r to obtain
h(UL)
UL
r
h(LL)
LL
r
f(x1 )dx1 ,
where UL and LL stand for upper and lower limits of the inside integral
in (7). After substitution, this becomes
p
r
h(UL)
x1 (l 1)
x1 (1 1/l)
h(LL)
f(x1 )dx1 ,
2
(1 r)
(1 r) 2
which is positive since density functions are always positive and since
l 1 1 for there to be any entrepreneurs in the economy at all. Thus, as
10
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Entrepreneurship
657
correlation increases between the two variables, the proportion of entrepreneurs rises.
The idea that balance is important suggests that the supply of entrepreneurship may vary by industry. For example, consider insurance agencies. The ability to understand complex insurance policies is a skill that
is likely to be correlated with the accounting and management skills necessary to run a business. As a result, there are many who are well suited
to running their own agencies and so the number of agencies should be
great and their average size small.
An alternative example involves artists. Because art and business are
quite distinct skills, there is no reason to expect strong positive correlation
between artistic talent and business skills. As long as both artistic and
business skills are relevant for production in the art business, then few
will have high enough levels to avoid specializing in one or the other
aspect of the business. Thus, the supply of entrepreneurial talent in art
would be expected to be low, so most artists must be managed by others.
The prediction is that there would be very few artists who run their own
studios and publicize their own work.
The empirical statements are verifiable by looking at real world data.11
In situations where entrepreneurs are rare, a few must run the whole
industry, driving up concentration ratios. In situations where many opt
to be entrepreneurs, the concentration ratios should be low. Of course,
other technological considerations are key here and must be held constant.
If scale economies are more important in some industries (e.g., automobiles) than in others (e.g., restaurants), the concentration ratios are
likely to be higher in the former than the latter, independent of entrepreneurial supply considerations.
Complexity of Production
Some production processes are very complex, requiring many skills in
order to produce output. Others are relatively straightforward. As the
world has become complex, a larger variety of skills may be required to
be an entrepreneur. In an agrarian society, a farmer did not require too
many business skills to run his small farm and get his produce to market.
The founders of the modern corporation are a different breed. They are
more than competent technicians; they must understand how to create a
worldwide business.
What happens to the supply of entrepreneurs as the number of factors
increases? Without being more specific about the distribution of the factors, it is impossible to make qualitative statements. However, it is possible
11
To make statements about groups, it is necessary to show that the propositions
are true in a statistical sense at the level of the population. This is derived in the
appendix.
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Lazear
{
m(x 3 )
x**
3
lx1
m(x 3 )
x*3
0 x1 /l
lx1
{M(x**)
M(x*)}
3
3
0 x1 /l
Since the first term cannot exceed one, the probability of being an entrepreneur cannot be higher with three factors than with two and, in
general, must be lower.
The proof can be repeated, adding one factor at a time. Therefore, the
supply of entrepreneurs falls as the production process requires more
independent skills. More individuals can run family farms than multinational, multiproduct conglomerates.
There is some relation between correlation of skills and complexity.
For example, it is possible to think of being an accountant as requiring
only one skill, namely, accounting, which can be used to serve clients or
run the business. A skill is necessarily perfectly correlated with itself, so
the probability that individuals possess all the skills necessary to run an
accounting business, other things equal, might be thought to be higher
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Entrepreneurship
659
than that associated with running an art business, where two distinct skills
are required.
The Premium to Entrepreneurship
It is now straightforward to show that an equilibrium l always exists.
To make things simple, but without loss of generality, suppose that there
are a fixed number of firms in an economy and each firm requires one
and only one entrepreneur. Then the demand for entrepreneurs is perfectly
inelastic at q*, where q* is the number of entrepreneurs demanded. Let
the number of individuals in the labor force be given by N. Then, using
(6), which defines the probability of being an entrepreneur as a function
of l, the supply of entrepreneurs is simply
lx1
0 x1 /l
lx1
(8)
0 x1 /l
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Entrepreneurship
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Lazear
The response rate was 40%. Some individuals were very old, and others were
no longer alive, which accounts for some of the nonresponses.
13
Lentz and Laband (1990) find that there is a higher likelihood of self-employment among the children of the self-employed. They interpret this as human
capital that is passed from one generation to the next. There are also papers on
the link between education and entrepreneurship. See, e.g., Bates (1985, 1990).
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Table 1
Industrial Breakdown of Entrepreneurs in the
Stanford MBA Sample
Industry Code
Management Consulting
Construction/Real Estate Development
Investment Management
Retail/Wholesale
Venture Capital
Hardware/Software/Systems Services
Investment Banking/Brokerage
Real Estate Finance
High TechComputers/Software
Entrepreneurial Services
Consumer Products
Entrepreneurial Manufacturing
Entertainment/Leisure/Sports
Food/Lodging
Marketing Services
Diversified Financial Services
Diversified Service
Printing/Publishing
High TechOther
Health Care Services
Extractive Mineral/Natural Resources
Telecommunications Services
Foundation/Nonprofit Organizations
Agriculture
Medical Instruments and Devices
Accounting
Import/Export/International Trade
Commercial Banking
Education
Radio/TV/Cable/Film
High TechTelecommunications Products
Energy
High TechComputers/Hardware
Industrial Equipment
Advertising
Insurance
Transportation Services/Shipping
Legal Services
Multimedia Services
High TechMultimedia Products
Rubber/Plastics
Biotechnology
Diversified Manufacturing
Public Relations
Chemical
High TechConsumer/Electronics
High TechSemiconductors
Architecture
Arts
Environmental/Waste Management/Recycling
Social Services
Unknown
Aerospace
Automotive/Transportation Equipment
High TechOptics
Apparel/Textiles
Government
Pharmaceuticals
Utilities
High TechNetworking
Percent
14.51
8.07
5.87
5.08
5.08
4.86
4.23
4.01
3.73
3.67
2.65
2.32
2.20
2.03
1.69
1.58
1.58
1.58
1.36
1.30
1.30
1.24
1.13
1.02
1.02
.90
.90
.85
.79
.79
.79
.73
.73
.73
.68
.68
.68
.62
.62
.56
.56
.51
.45
.34
.34
.34
.34
.28
.28
.28
.28
.28
.28
.28
.28
.23
.17
.17
.06
.06
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664
Lazear
Table 2
Variables and Descriptive Statistics
Variable
A. Whole sample:
mbayear
male
age
white
exp
NPRIOR
NROLES
NROLESOTH
entre
numbus
avjobten
specdif
nafter
yrleft
B. Specialists:
mbayear
male
age
white
exp
NPRIOR
NROLES
NROLESOTH
entre
numbus
avjobten
specdif
nafter
yrleft
C. Entrepreneurs:
mbayear
male
age
white
exp
NPRIOR
NROLES
NROLESOTH
entre
numbus
avjobten
specdif
nafter
yrleft
Observations
Mean
SD
Min
Max
26,901
27,283
26,863
27,283
26,778
27,277
4,877
4,216
27,283
27,283
26,737
1,996
27,262
26,588
74.27
.83
50.24
.86
9.54
3.26
5.23
4.73
.07
.39
2.03
2.49
3.76
10.74
14.21
.37
13.59
.35
9.29
3.39
3.78
3.27
.25
.79
1.70
1.13
3.73
9.93
13
0
25
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
97
1
93
1
63
37
37
32
1
5
25
9
37
45
25,120
25,482
25,081
25,482
25,010
25,476
3,710
671
25,482
25,482
24,969
1,673
24,457
23,879
74.34
.83
50.18
.86
9.14
3.10
4.67
4.60
0
.36
1.97
2.51
3.92
11.39
14.25
.38
13.65
.35
9.08
3.26
3.39
3.02
0
.75
1.68
1.14
3.74
10.01
13
0
25
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
1
0
0
97
1
93
1
63
37
32
21
0
5
25
9
37
45
1,781
1,801
1,782
1,801
1,768
1,801
1,167
3,545
1,801
1,801
1,768
323
2,805
2,709
73.22
.89
51.12
.86
15.25
5.55
6.95
4.76
1
.85
2.88
2.36
2.34
5.06
13.62
.31
12.76
.34
10.21
4.27
4.39
3.32
0
1.19
1.75
1.05
3.28
7.04
13
0
26
0
0
0
0
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
97
1
88
1
59
35
37
32
1
5
18
7
25
41
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Entrepreneurship
665
Table 3
Proportion of Entrepreneurs by Number of Prior Roles
A. Roles
Proportion of
entrepreneurs
316
1 16
.03
.10
.29
B. Experience Level
P Low
NPRIOR
P High
NPRIOR
Difference
SE
.015
.034
.073
.099
.102
.145
.029
.073
.11
.115
.138
.187
.014
.039
.037
.016
.036
.042
.003
.005
.009
.011
.012
.022
8,163
6,971
4,597
3,415
2,965
1,148
Roles:
3 or fewer
48
913
1419
2029
30 or more
Note.P p proportion.
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666
Lazear
Fig. 2
many different assignments also have much higher probabilities of becoming entrepreneurs. More detail is given by the plot in figure 2. A clear
positive relation of entrepreneurship to number of prior roles is apparent.
Because it may be expected that individuals become entrepreneurs after
acquiring some on-the-job experience, it is useful to break the data up
by experience level. This is done in table 3, panel B. The column P Low
NPRIOR is the proportion of entrepreneurial spells in the group of
individuals who have the median or fewer than the number of prior roles
for this experience group. The column P High NPRIOR gives the
proportion of entrepreneurial spells in the group of individuals who have
more than the median number of roles for that experience group. Thus,
the first row of panel B shows that those with the median or fewer prior
roles were half as likely to be entrepreneurs as those with more than the
median number of roles (.015/.029). Since an individual may enter the
data set a number of times at different levels of experience, the rows are
not independent tests of the hypothesis.15 But the pattern is clear. Those
who have had more roles in the past are more likely to be entrepreneurs.
15
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Entrepreneurship
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Table 4
Logit Analysis Panel Data
Correlation Structure
Variable
EXP
NPRIOR
MALE
MBAYEAR
AGE
Independent
(1)
AR-1
(2)
Unstructured
(3)
Independent
(4)
Independent
(5)
Year Basis
Unstructured
(6)
Independent
(7)
.0452
(.0036)
.0851
(.0079)
.4757
(.0843)
.0070
(.0074)
.0265
(.0078)
.0502
(.0039)
.0769
(.0088)
.4562
(.0950)
.0044
(.0084)
.0250
(.0089)
.0534
(.0038)
.0706
(.0092)
.4565
(.0998)
.0054
(.0090)
.0256
(.0095)
.0070
(.0044)
.0808
(.0082)
.5266
(.0865)
.0214
(.0076)
.0117
(.0080)
.0186
(.0119)
.0786
(.0060)
.0205
(.0048)
.1166
(.0088)
.4769
(.0846)
.0094
(.0074)
.0281
(.0078)
.0341
(.0058)
.0875
(.0117)
.6021
(.1376)
.0136
(.0110)
.0299
(.0112)
.0430
(.0037)
.0764
(.0078)
.4605
(.0867)
.0218
(.0074)
.0024
(.0079)
1.583
(1.37)
281
62,229
.00090
(.00020)
5.499
(.9904)
617
21,956
NAFTER
YRLEFT
AVJOBTEN
.1218
(.0152)
SDFIRST
Constant
Wald x2
Number of observations
2.1085
(.9397)
842
26,819
2.3626
(1.0669)
706
26,663
2.2253
(1.1369)
786
26,819
.7957
(.9587)
944
26,163
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1.9849
(.9330)
876
26,779
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Table 5
Multinomial Logit Analysis of C-Levels, Employees, and
True Entrepreneurs
1
EXP
NPRIOR
MALE
MBAYEAR
AGE
Other
C-Levels
Other
C-Levels
.049
(.003)
.090
(.008)
.517
(.090)
.010
(.008)
.011
(.008)
.008
(.005)
.0004
(.098)
.575
(.143)
.027
(.011)
.030
(.011)
.025
(.004)
.028
(.005)
.480
(.091)
.010
(.008)
.029
(.009)
.175
(.007)
.602
(.143)
.046
(.011)
.048
(.011)
.069
(.009)
NROLES
SDFIRST
Log likelihood
Number of observations
10,540
20,920
10,325
20,920
Other
.049
(.004)
.092
(.008)
.515
(.090)
.013
(.008)
.007
(.008)
C-Levels
.008
(.005)
.001
(.010)
.577
(.143)
.024
(.011)
.026
(.011)
.00075
.00084
(.00021)
(.00032)
10,533
20,920
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have a long career in the data after a particular spell will have higher values
of NAFTER, irrespective of their general skills.) YRLEFT measures the
number of years remaining until the end of the career record at the point
at which the employment spell in question occurs.
Results are reported in column 4 of table 4. Although NAFTER enters
positively, it is less than one-fourth as important in magnitude as
NPRIOR. This is evidence that multiple roles are actually productive in
preparing a person to be an entrepreneur and that they are not merely a
proxy for unobserved general skills.17 One caveat: NAFTER is defined
only for those who have a subsequent employment spell so NAFTER
might relate to a preference for changing employers. This is unlikely,
because, as discussed below, those who change employers frequently are
less likely, rather than more likely, to become entrepreneurs.
Alternative Explanations
Might the results reflect something other than the jack-of-all-trades
view? One possibility is that entrepreneurs have more roles when they
are entrepreneurs than others and that the results are spurious. Indeed,
there is some evidence that this is the case. On average, entrepreneurs
have on average 2.4 roles during their entrepreneurial job compared to
an average of 1.2 roles for all nonentrepreneurial spells.
To deal with this, a variable like NPRIOR was defined, except that
each entrepreneurial spell is allowed to add only one role to NPRIOR,
irrespective of the number of roles claimed during the entrepreneurial
employment spell. This approach intentionally biases the results against
finding a positive relation of entrepreneurial activity to the number of
roles because one role is below the mean number of roles per employment
spell. The results are qualitatively identical to those reported. The coefficient on the redefined variable is about half that on NPRIOR, but
otherwise similar.
It is also possible that those with more roles received more promotions
with their previous employer. To check this, the same models were run
including a variable that measured the final salary on the last job. This
was done only for those with at most one entrepreneurial spell so that
the prior salary would be unambiguously defined. Those with higher final
salaries do have a slightly higher probability of being entrepreneurs, but
17
The evidence is not dispositive, however. Even if large effects of NAFTER
were found, it could be that being an entrepreneur prepares a worker to take on
many roles in subsequent employment, precisely because entrepreneurs perform
many tasks. Conversely, if entrepreneurship is an absorbing state or close to it,
an entrepreneurial spell could be associated with fewer roles after because there
are fewer jobs. This is unlikely, however, because entrepreneurs have more roles
per year after a given employment spell on average than nonentrepreneurs.
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the coefficient is not significant in the logits with ENTRE as the dependent
variable.
One theory, that entrepreneurs are those who are impatient, want variety, or fall into entrepreneurship accidentally because they are the individuals who change jobs often, is not borne out by the data. To examine
this hypothesis, average employment tenure defined as experience/number of employment spells was included in the logit. The result, in column
5 of table 4, is that those who have longer employment spells are more
likely to be entrepreneurs. If entrepreneurs were impatient types, the
relation of entrepreneurship to average job tenure (AVJOBTEN) should
be negative, not positive. There is surely some version of a taste argument
that can be made, but the most straightforward ones do not seem to be
consistent with the sign on AVJOBTEN.
The most frequently offered explanation of entrepreneurship is that
entrepreneurs are those who are willing to take risks. Taste explanations
are never particularly appealing unless they can be related to something
measurable. There is some hope of doing just that in the data set. Most
entrepreneurs work in other jobs before starting their own companies.
The jobs that they choose before becoming entrepreneurs can provide
some information on their preference for risk. Specifically, the data provide detailed industry/occupation codes that correspond to fields like
accounting, education, insurance, chemical manufacturing, and so forth.
There are 74 different industry/occupation categories. Some industries/
occupations are riskier than others, as can be proxied by examining the
wage distribution of individuals within these occupations. To measure
this, the standard deviation of income in each of the 74 groups was calculated. Then, each individual was classified according to the industry/
occupation of his or her first job choice after graduation from Stanford.
The standard deviation of income in that category becomes a variable
attached to the individual. The idea is that those who are less risk averse
should be willing to enter the higher income variance occupations than
the most risk averse, so that the standard deviation of income in the first
occupation measures their tolerance for risk.
The standard deviation in income of the individuals first industry/
occupation, FIRSTSD, is entered as a variable in the entrepreneurship
logit. The results are reported in column 7 of table 4.
Note first that the coefficient on FIRSTSD is positive. Those who enter
high income variance industries/occupations are more likely to have later
entrepreneurial employment spells. This is consistent with the view that
entrepreneurs are less risk averse. Of course, it could also reflect other
differences across occupations correlated with wage variance. For example,
fields with high wage variance like investment banking might attract people who think they are movers and shakers, and the same people might
also be inclined to start their own businesses. This is a taste explanation,
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Entrepreneurship
673
and there are surely others that cannot be rejected by these data, but the
risk aversion view is consistent with the findings.
Second, even though FIRSTSD enters significantly, the coefficient and
standard errors on NPRIOR remain virtually unchanged. Even if risk or
other taste factors affect the choice to start a business, the generalist
argument still seems to apply and is not weakened by this effect.
Defining Entrepreneur
Because the definition of entrepreneur is somewhat arbitrary, another
group was defined to be entrepreneurs. They are those who reported their
position as high-level general manager, specifically, I am responsible for
the organizations overall direction, including responsibility for major
business functions and personnel decisions (examples: CEO, President,
COO, Executive Director). Although individuals in this category may
not assume the same risk as those who found a business, they are senior
general managers, so the jack-of-all-trades argument should pertain to
them as well.
To determine whether general managers are also jacks-of-all-trades, a
multinomial logit was estimated. The dependent variable can either be
entrepreneur, which is the left-out group, C-level manager, or
other. The results (see table 5, col. 1) show a significant negative coefficient on NPRIOR for those who are neither C-level managers nor
entrepreneurs relative to true entrepreneurs. But the coefficient on
NPRIOR for those who are C-levels is zero relative to the true entrepreneurs. Apparently, prior roles do not distinguish between entrepreneurs and C-level managers. The prior skills seem to be the same. So the
jack-of-all-trades story applies well to senior-level managers.
It is possible to distinguish senior managers from true entrepreneurs.
The theory suggests that those who start their own businesses must perform many tasks as entrepreneurs that are not required of C-level managers. For example, the chief technology officer need not raise funds for
the firm since the chief financial officer generally performs that task. As
a result, NROLES, which differs from NPRIOR only in that it includes
the roles performed in the current job, should be more important for true
entrepreneurs than for chief-level managers. Column 2 of table 5 contains
the results of a multinomial logit, where the comparisons are relative to
true entrepreneurs.
The multinominal logit results are as predicted. As before, NROLES
has a strong negative effect on being an employee throughout the career,
that is, it has a strong positive effect on being a true entrepreneur. More
important, NROLES also has a negative effect on being a chief-level
manager relative to being a true entrepreneur. Although having many
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Table 6
Tobit and Logits with Stanford Course Data, Number of Businesses
Started (Tobit and Ordered-Probit), and Ever Started a Business (Logit)
Variable
EXP
SPECDIF
MALE
MBAYEAR
AGE
Constant
Log likelihood
Number of observations
Logit
(1)
Tobit
(2)
Ordered Probit
(3)
.0259
(.0185)
.1458
(.0581)
.6025
(.1511)
.0318
(.0215)
.0250
(.0179)
.0202
(2.4182)
841
1,952
.0266
(.0196)
.1452
(.0592)
.6305
(.1531)
.0384
(.0224)
.0264
(.1531)
.3243
(2.4897)
1,181
1,950
.0612
(.0042)
.0433
(.0180)
.3857
(.0482)
.0241
(.0069)
.0146
(.0053)
Cut parameters
omitted
also take on fewer roles when they enter the labor market, which suggests
that generalized formal education and generalized on-the-job training are
complements.
The first analysis reported in table 6 presents logits, tobits, and ordered
probits, analogous to those in table 4, but only pre-labor-market characteristics are allowed to affect the career. The approach is to assume that
school prepares an individual for the labor market and then to observe
how differences in the educational experience are reflected in the subsequent career. The jack-of-all-trades theory suggests that those who have
large values of SPECDIF should be less likely to become entrepreneurs.
The results confirm the hypothesis. The more specialized is the curriculum, as measured by SPECDIF, the fewer businesses the individual
starts and the less likely is the individual to start a business. Once again,
it is the generalists, as reflected in generalized course curricula, who end
up founding a business after they leave school. Those who want to found
a business prepare themselves by taking a variety of different courses that
they hope will later prove useful when they start businesses. An alternative
view is that those who happen to take a varied set of courses start a
business later because the spell has given them the general skills necessary
to found a business. Both views are consistent with the jack-of-all-trades
view of entrepreneurship. Only if entrepreneurs need general skills will
a varied course background be correlated with later entrepreneurial
activity.18
18
For example, suppose that some people like variety. They take many different
types of courses and also become entrepreneurs. But those who like variety would
only become entrepreneurs if entrepreneurship offered a more varied experience,
which says that entrepreneurship is a general rather than specialized occupation.
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The results of the Stanford course data support the earlier conclusions.
Entrepreneurs are jacks-of-all-trades. They have more varied course work
while in the MBA program and have many more positions when they
are actually in the labor market.
Conclusion
Entrepreneurs are individuals who are multifaceted. Although not necessarily superb at anything, entrepreneurs have to be sufficiently skilled
in a variety of areas to put together the many ingredients required to
create a successful business. As a result, entrepreneurs tend to be more
balanced individuals.
Two kinds of evidence are provided. First, those who have more varied
careers, as evidenced by having performed more roles as part of their
work experience, are more likely to be entrepreneurs. There are two
interpretations of this result, both consistent with the jack-of-all-trades
view. The first is that the correlation between number of roles and entrepreneurship reflects endowed differences in general skills across people.
Those with more general skills can perform more roles. The second is
that the correlation reflects conscious investment, where individuals who
plan to become entrepreneurs take on many roles so that they can acquire
the varied background necessary to start a business. Each version finds
some support, but the investment view seems to dominate.
Second, the pattern of investment that occurs prior to entering the labor
market is also consistent with the generalist view of entrepreneurship. In
the Stanford MBA data, it is found that those students who study a more
varied curriculum are more likely to be entrepreneurs and to start a larger
number of businesses over their careers.
Much more can be done, especially at the empirical level, given the
richness of the data. The prevalence of entrepreneurship by occupation
and industry is predicted by the model. Educational systems differ by
country in terms of amount of specialization, and this has implications
for the proportion of entrepreneurs by country. The model gives quite
specific predictions about these relations, but investigation is left to the
future.
Appendix
The Underlying Economy
In this section, the income-generating functions shown in (1) and (2)
are derived from a more fundamental production function.19
Let there be two raw skills, y1 and y2, for example, verbal and quan19
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titative ability. In any given firm with an entrepreneur who has the ability
pair (y1 , y2 ), output is given by
Output p Q(min (y1 , y2 ))f(Y1 , Y2 ),
where Q( ) and f( ) are parts of the production function and Y1 and Y2
are the amounts of skills employed by the firm in efficiency units. Normalize the price of a unit of output to 1 and let wages (determined by
the equilibrium) be given by w1 and w2. Then profit is given by
p(y1 , y2 , w1 , w2 ) p Q(min (y1 , y2 ))f(Y1 , Y2 )
w1Y1 w2Y2 .
(A1)
for I p 1, 2.
(A2)
(A3)
(A4)
(A5)
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and
(A6)
(A7)
(A8)
(A9)
0
2
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