Lee Dissertation
Lee Dissertation
by
Michelle Stoddard Lee
2009
The Dissertation Committee for Michelle Stoddard Lee
certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation:
Committee:
Samuel Baker
Lynn Miller
Hannah Wojciehowski
Renovating the Closet: Nineteenth-Century Closet
Drama Written by Women as a Stage for Social
Critique
by
DISSERTATION
Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of
The University of Texas at Austin
in Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements
for the Degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
This dissertation is more than words on pages, more than years of re-
search, more than a study of a certain genre or time period. This dissertation
is more than a career stepping stone, more than a potential book project. This
dissertation represents my personal transformation, my journey, my quest. It
was unexpected, this dissertation, bringing me new ways of thinking about
myself and about others those alive and those only alive in books. I need to
acknowledge the people who supported and advised, who listened and encour-
aged, who contributed to this wondrous project. Every one of you participated
in the enrichment of my self and my world. Unfortunately, I only have the
space to thank a handful.
v
commitment to and support of this project. For you, Lynn, I have a special
debt of gratitude for your constant encouragement, incredible wisdom, creative
inspiration, and lasting friendship.
vi
stage with Zelda Fitzgerald, and twisted her arm into reading my poetry. She
made grad school fun, creative, exciting, and everything seem possible. Thank
you, Elisabeth, for phone calls, walks at Zilker, strong coffee, the voice of Eve,
stumpy dog tails, Farfelu, red boots, black dresses, and little apartments that
I wont ever forget. You were my best friend when I was 12, in another life.
My inner child and my winged self-esteem must thank Lisa Leit for her
ever-present optimism and faith. She has a gift of making people rise to their
potential, of enabling them to clearly see their power and abilities. Thank
you, Lisa, for your soaring spirit.
vii
I cant wait to see where we walk next. Thank you for always being there
to take off my dusty boots, and for carrying me across one threshold after
another when I have faltered. I love you so much.
viii
Preface
1
See Fig. 1 for a reproduction of the actual poem.
ix
I want to hone in on the phrase, a place in our closets. I imagine an over-
stuffed storage space with shoes and clothes and boxes and mementoes filling
every nook and cranny. The speaker suggests that women should shove these
things aside to find a place in their closets, make room for a hat. Could be
feathered, felt, or a fedora. It doesnt matter. What matters is the embroi-
dery. Not mother or wife or even writer. But your name here. The
speaker makes a contrast in these labels. Mother, wife, even writer are
terms others use to name a woman, while your name here implies that a
woman must name, embroider, herself. Your name here. It can be anything,
multiple things at once, whatever a woman wishes. It is a conscious act, this
self-naming, just like reserving a bullet point on a list of things to do is a
conscious act. The poem offers the idea that women should find a spatial and
metaphorical place in their lives for reclaiming and renaming their hats, or
their identities, and mark that place with an event a fabulous party
where they can celebrate this reclamation. Yet, if we look closely at Woolfs
poem, that reclaimed hat is not actively worn, but still remains in the closet.
The speakers message is perhaps, we should. A hesitance, a wondering, a
measuring. However, in the closet, there is potential for action.
Like George Eliot, Michael Field, and Augusta Webster, Rebecca Woolf
suggests that for a generation, the public casting of womens identities and
performances have influenced the private casting of womens identities and
performances. For Woolf, womens closets are filled with many hats embroi-
dered by others. For Woolf, a womans awareness of her given clutter and
x
her first step toward clearing it away both begin in the closet. With my work
on the nineteenth-century closet dramas The Spanish Gypsy, Stephania, and
A Woman Sold, I show that this theme runs deeper and longer than a sin-
gle generation of women. I show how Eliot, Field, and Webster, in revising
the epic, Roman history, and biblical mythology through the closet drama,
called attention to the spatial and metaphorical closets that limited social and
cultural possibilities for nineteenth century women and created female protag-
onists who confront patriarchal belief systems, institutions, and conventions
that define and restrict their gender roles, sexual identity, and social power.
Certainly, Fedalma in The Spanish Gypsy may not fully succeed in growing a
future for her gypsy nation, but she does take her place as their leader. Cer-
tainly, Stephania in Stephania may not lead Rome to glory, but she does oust
an Emperor from a position he stole by murdering her husband. Certainly,
Eleanor in A Woman Sold must spend years of her life unhappily married, but
through that experience realizes the wider meaning of love. All three charac-
ters take action, take steps to renaming themselves, and are made aware of the
sociocultural ideologies that underscore the names or roles they have chosen
for themselves. Potential for change.
xi
auto/biographical connection to the archival and creative material of Katharine
Bradley and Edith Cooper, the two women who wrote dramas and poetry using
the name Michael Field. In my second, The Oneness of Two: Re-membering
Michael Field, embodied by actors of the Bare Bones New Works Festival
hosted at the Vortex Theater, I turned again to Bradleys and Coopers per-
sonal correspondence to imagine a dialogue between the two women and their
literary persona, Michael Field. For my third, however, The Angels of the
House, I wrote and produced a full-length play that leaned more toward
Michael Fields biography and enlisted the help of director Susan Todd and
an all-womens theater group, The Weird Sisters, to bring the story to life.2
2
See the Appendix to this dissertation for more on this play, as well as the performance
script.
xii
paced back and forth along the wide wooden windowsills high above the stage,
yet never was allowed to leave. Metaphorically, the play flirted with lesbian
themes and homosexually-oriented closets as Bradley and Cooper expressed
their desires for each other and as Cooper became emotionally involved with
one of the young female servants, Josephine. The closet, in its multiple man-
ifestations, was the birthplace of Bradley and Coopers identity as Michael
Field, of Michael Field him/herself, and of womens agency.
xiii
Figure 1: Turning Leaf advertisement, Oprah Magazine, May 2009.
xiv
Renovating the Closet: Nineteenth-Century Closet
Drama Written by Women as a Stage for Social
Critique
Publication No.
xv
My chapter, Angel of the Homeless Tribe: The Legacy of The Span-
ish Gypsy, shows how George Eliot melds the conventions of epic narrative
with those of Victorian closet drama and reveals a dynamic connection be-
tween the character development and genre. Eliots canonical novels are fa-
mous for their indictment of the limited roles Victorian culture offered to
women. Equally famous are the tragic destinies of her rebellious heroines:
they end up dead, unfulfilled, or virtually imprisoned. But scholars have
failed to notice that in her experiment with The Spanish Gypsy, Eliot cre-
ated a female epic: Fedalma, a woman of fifteenth-century Spain, becomes
the leader of her Gypsy nation, sung into the future by an admiring bard.
Eliots formal experiment makes The Spanish Gypsy an important text for
understanding how genre shaped gender representation in Eliots canon, and
in Victorian literature generally. My chapter, Something of His Manhood
Falls: Stephania as Critique of Victorian Male Aesthetics and Masculinity,
offers Stephania as Katharine Bradley and Edith Coopers commentary on
the predominantly-male Aesthetic and Decadent movements of the 1890s.
Through the pseudonym Michael Field, Bradley and Cooper wrote their way
into, and claimed their own space inside, a very exclusive males-only closet.
The chapter demonstrates how Stephania, set in Rome 1002 A.D., reclaims
agency for a Victorian artistic sisterhood adulterated and exiled by a broth-
erhood of male Decadents (who saw woman as a nemesis to social order, per-
sonal salvation, and creative production), both through its form, and its cast
of three: Stephania, Emperor Otho, and his old tutor Gerbert. Stephania, a
xvi
former Empress turned courtesan bent on revenge for her husbands murder,
challenges homosocial exclusivity and ultimately triumphs as a symbolic queen
and emperor. Successful in her plan to bring down Otho through her seduc-
tion and manipulation of both men, Stephania is redeemed and saved; she has
restored social order. In its resistance of the boundaries and expectations of
the closet drama genre, Stephania projects a new ideology for Victorian wom-
anhood and female authorship. My last chapter, I Could Be Tempted: The
Ev(e)olution of the Angel in the House in A Woman Sold, presents A Woman
Sold as an early example of Augusta Websters strategic social rhetoric, as her
use of the closet drama acts as a structural metaphor for the sociomythological
confinement of the nineteenth-century middle class woman. I investigate how
A Woman Sold exposes the notion that marriage for nineteenth-century mid-
dle class women symbolized a closet of social and cultural paralysis, as grown
from a history of socially and culturally institutionalized gender expectations.
At the same time, I demonstrate how Webster employs irony through a nexus
of genre, narrative, and form to support and advocate for opportunities outside
marriage that encourage female agency to develop.
xvii
Table of Contents
Acknowledgments v
Preface ix
Abstract xv
Appendix 195
Vita 296
xviii
List of Figures
xix
Chapter 1
1
be privately read or performed, not only to call attention to the social, cul-
tural, and ideological limitations placed upon women of their time, but also
to portray women breaking through those limitations and moving toward the
possibility of personal development, action, and redemption. The female pro-
tagonists in George Eliots The Spanish Gypsy (1868), Michael Fields Stepha-
nia (1892), and Augusta Websters A Woman Sold (1867) each face a future
seemingly pre-determined by patriarchal, homosocial, and misogynist ideals,
but ultimately reclaim ownership of that future. In these three dramas, this
struggle of a woman taking hold of her own identity begins in the closet, de-
fined by Marta Straznicky in her study of early modern closet drama written
by women as representative of private domestic space in both a spatial and
metaphorical sense. The closet adopts various manifestations in the three
texts I have mentioned, from the figurative for example, the institution of
marriage and the idea of filial duty in The Spanish Gypsy and A Woman Sold
or the disguise of a courtesan in Stephania to the literal, such as the palaces
in The Spanish Gypsy and Stephania or the middle-class domestic space in A
Woman Sold.
2
the Victorian woman herself. The OEDs definition of the closet leans toward
the physical:
(b) A pew in the chapel of a castle occupied by the lord and his family,
or in a Chapel Royal by the Royal family.
3
4. With special reference to size: Any small room: especially one belonging
to or communicating with a larger.
8. (a) In reference to the closet as a place of privacy, the word was formerly
almost adjectival = Private.
The OED, for the most part, pinpoints the closet as a private, domestic space
for worship, thought, or storage, an image that I will repeatedly return to in
this dissertation. However, I must acknowledge and incorporate the notional
description of the closet provided in lines 3.c)A skeleton in the closet (or
cupboard): a private or concealed trouble in ones house or circumstances,
ever present, and ever liable to come into view.; 3.d) To come out of the
closet: to admit (something) openly, to cease to conceal, esp. ones homosex-
uality.; and 8.b) Secret, covert, used esp. with reference to homosexuality;
closet queen, a secret male homosexual. Of course, the idea of the closet as
1
I edited the OED definition here, removing the indicators of types or parts of speech,
places of origin, and other abbreviations to focus on the meaning of the word closet itself.
4
a site of concealment, withholding, and secrecy, especially in the context of
homosexuality, undoubtedly invites contextualization with Sedgwicks ground-
breaking Epistemology of the Closet (1990), in which she considers the closet
as a publicly intelligible signifier for gay-related epistemological issues (14),
particularly due to the sociocultural assignation of the term homosexual2
during the late nineteenth-century, which instigated a systemic trend of ho-
mophobia that continued into the twentieth century and inspired her pointed
line of antihomophobic inquiry (2). Certainly the dramatic conflicts at the
heart of The Spanish Gypsy, Stephania, and A Woman Sold reflect Sedgwicks
theory about the binarized institutional power structure erected from the late
nineteenth-century sociocultural designation of the term homosexual as clas-
sification of a behavior subordinate and in contrast to heterosexual (2). In-
deed, each of the dramas that comprise the focus of this dissertation mark
the site of an individuals struggle against governing systems (social, political,
cultural, religious, and so forth) in claiming and naming their own identity.
2
The term homosexual was first mentioned officially in Krafft-Ebings Psychopathia
Sexualis(1892).
5
here as addressing and generating the necessary, even broad, questions about
what the closet drama genre provided nineteenth-century women writers that
other genres could not. I see these questions leading beyond this study toward
more complicated interrogations, ones which use Sedgwicks antihomophobic
inquiry of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century texts to further illu-
minate the open secret of desire and sexuality that anchors the narratives
and overall character development of The Spanish Gypsy, Stephania, and A
Woman Sold, as well as other nineteenth-century closet dramas written by
women. Though already intrigued by what the rich complexities of Sedgwicks
homosexually-oriented metaphor of the closet can offer, I deem it crucial to
start with a simpler grounding of the closet drama genre and of Eliots, Fields,
and Websters employ of that genre, as related to their textual interpretations
of the closet role given to, and played by, the nineteenth-century woman.
6
maintains the importance of recognizing those private and public boundaries,
no matter how permeable, as intrinsic to the identity of the closet drama and
as vital to rhetorical interpretation of the work itself (3). My study of the
nineteenth-century closet drama aligns with what Straznicky implies about
the early modern closet drama and focuses on two main points: 1) the notion
that gestures of the closet or private domestic space seem to only have
value in the eyes of others, or society at large, is one that still affects and
restricts womens lives centuries later; and 2) women writers of the nineteenth-
century, in the tradition of their female forebears, rhetorically used the closet
drama genre to reveal the closet or private domestic space as a public field
or stage on which women had to perform sociomythologically and culturally-
determined roles, namely the angel in the house, the femme fatale, the widow,
the wife, and the whore, among others. But while Straznickys investigation
focuses on the motivation and strategy of early modern women authors in
writing closet drama, in my study of The Spanish Gypsy, Stephania, and A
Woman Sold, I turn toward the theory of Tzvetan Todorov, which I also used
to open this introduction, and the way genres reveal the constitutive features
of the society to which they belong (200) in my examination of the closet
drama as a structural and thematic metaphor which signifies the central con-
flict in the lives of both the titular female protagonists at the core of each of
these texts and the nineteenth-century woman.
7
the nineteenth-century, with men socially assigned to be the guardians of po-
litical and economic affairs and women designated as angels of the household.
As such, women became the site of cultivation for morality, virtue, and peace
befitting nationhood and empire representative of the desire for the greater
good; a communal, public desire. By experimenting with the form of the
traditional closet drama in their telling of women-centered narratives, Eliot,
Field, and Webster created room for their female protagonists to recognize
their personal, private desires in their pursuit of the greater good and to con-
sider unconventional options for their futures. In essence, this dissertation is
about how nineteenth-century women writers in their renovation of the closet
drama attempted to rhetorically reform the dogmatic construction of the Vic-
torian womans closet itself. In this introduction, I will build a foundation for
my argument by first, briefly reporting on the state of contemporary criticism
on closet drama; second, establishing the definition and historical context of
closet drama for the purposes of this dissertation; and third, providing an
overview of the core issue that will be examined in each chapter.
8
way poets like Shelley, Tennyson, Byron, and Browning were innovators in the
genre, with a goal to embody subjective action in dramatic form (10) or to
move the dramatic focus toward character development. The 1980s included
scholarship by Richardson, who wanted to differentiate Romantic mental the-
ater from closet drama by marking mental theater as a tragedy of conscious-
ness as opposed to a what he saw as dramaturgically viable historical tragedy
(175). A decade later, Wang continued to discuss the Theatre of the Mind and
the work of Shelley, Browning, and Byron, among other male authors, and
made it a point to describe mental theater as unacted drama because of its
subjective content. Not until the twentieth century did work on women closet
dramatists emerge, with Burroughs study of Joanna Baillies dramaturgical
innovations on Closet Stages of the Romantic period, which cut a path to
twenty-first-century study by Straznicky, Raber, Newey, and Brown. These
critics of womens closet drama broadened a field of study formerly focused
on dramas written by, and about, men and began to explore how women in-
corporated the connections between the mind and the body into a genre that
previous scholars like Richardson and Wang were isolating in their mental
and unacted classification.
9
equal potential for falling into, these two categories often seen by critics as op-
positional and exclusive, the closet drama has generated much debate about
not only where it belongs in terms of categorization, but also its value in terms
of both canonical study and performability.3 The closet dramas simultaneous
shouldering against and merging with drama and literature points to what
Straznicky marked as a shifting of public and private and generates a com-
plicated, slippery rhetoric that defies classification. This uncertainty about
whether to read, perform, and situate the closet drama publicly or privately
has resonated in the multitude of synonymous designations associated with
the genre, a list which includes mental theater, private theatricals, unacted
theater, verse drama, poetic drama, dramatic poetry, and lyric drama. The
inconsistent terminology arose based on how a critic viewed a works level of
peformability, its lyricism, and its subject matter, thus reflecting and con-
tributing to the resistance with which early critics engaged with the genre.4
3
The emphasis on a characters emotions as the source of plot created the division between
what were considered successful acting plays as opposed to unsuitable dramatic poems,
as so-called by an anonymous reviewer of Louisa Jane Halls Miriam (1837), who introduces
his/her critique by reaffirming and clarifying the differences between the two genres (North
American Review 314). The reviewer asserts that acting plays emphasize drama, whereas
dramatic poetry emphasizes language (North American Review 315). Dramatic poems,
the reviewer suggests, also allow for licenses in ornament, in description, in rhetoric, in
digression which would be inappropriate and untranslatable on the stage (North American
Review 315). In other words, audiences would lose interest as the drama digressed into
what they viewed as extraneous emoting versus actual plot. Contemporary critic Thomas
Crochinus in Dramatic Closet at the Present Time claims that the way critics and readers
received a writers plays was influenced by public discourse about that writers relationship
to both the stage and the closet (para. 2).
4
While the OED defines closet drama simply as a play intended to be read rather
than performed; such plays collectively, another source positions the genre as [a] literary
composition written in the form of a play (usually as a dramatic poem), but intended
10
Ultimately, all of these terms grew to include and deny each other, and this
lack of stability in classification led to a lack of understanding about the genre
which is only now, and in recent years, gaining interest for its instability.
While I see the value in a study of the nuances in the terminology that
maps the epistemology of the closet drama, particularly as it would fill in the
sketchy history of a multi-faceted genre long neglected, for my argument in
this dissertation, I turn to the basic definition Catherine Burroughs gives in
her study of Romantic closet drama:
This definition, like Straznickys, captures the general essence of the closet
drama in its inclusivity and exclusivity, its shifting of private and public: Bur-
roughs pointedly identifies the closet drama as a text written to resemble a
or suited only for reading in a closet (i.e., a private study) rather than for stage
performance (Oxford Dictionary of Literary Terms). Here, a play becomes a dramatic
poem, a valuation established with regard to dramatic and poetic qualities as the core of
the work is marked a poem and its type identified as dramatic. But dramatic poetry can
be defined as lyrics or short poems that imply a scene; plays that are valorized with
the adjective poetic ; and dramas whose dialogue is calculatingly rhymed in rhythms
that are often regularized into meters and that are usually presented as discreet lines on the
page, in addition to verse drama . . . conceived for performance (Brogan 57). At the same
time, some resources also claim that poetic drama is not identical with dramatic poetry,
which also includes verse compositions not suited for the stage, such as closet dramas
(Oxford Dictionary, emphasis mine). I cannot begin in this dissertation or this introduction
to untangle the different and circular arguments scholars have made about the closet drama,
but I do believe that the debate is a vital one to acknowledge in future study.
11
play script, yet acknowledges the stress and slippage between written script
and live performance. But in order to successfully analyze the particular
nineteenth-century works featured in this dissertation, it is important for me to
amend Burroughs definition by identifying several elements deemed common
to the closet drama written in the nineteenth-century, namely 1) its emphasis
on psychological exploration or personal philosophies of male protagonists or
its male author, 2) its tendency toward historical, mythical, or supernatural
subjects, 3) its large cast of characters, 4) its long speeches, and 5) its use of
blank verse rather than ordinary dialect.
5
Also see Burroughs Closet Stages (9) and Ottens Deserted Stages (35).
12
the text erupts from internal rather than external conflict a struggle of the
self and the soul, rather than of the self against society. While Strafford and
plays with similar internal leanings such as Tennysons Maud (1855) eventu-
ally were staged, critics and audiences found the style appropriate for readers,
but too cerebral for audiences. Additionally, many of the dramas had a long
list of characters and rapid and elaborate scene changes, which made staging
difficult and expensive.6 Brownings Strafford fell into both categories. With
a cast of 17 major characters and a slew of minor ones, the drama was based
on events in the life of Thomas Wentworth (Earl of Strafford), a famous En-
glish statesman of the seventeenth century, but Brownings strategy was not to
conventionally dramatize the political exploits of Wentworths biography. In-
stead, the drama grew from Brownings characters and their personal feelings
about a situation.7 A look at Pym, a Parliamentary leader and Straffords po-
litical opponent, when he speaks to Strafford/Wentworth in the final act of the
drama about betraying their friendship for his own political gain, illustrates
Brownings emotional focus:
6
For a critical opinion about Strafford that seems to reflect the common opinion at the
turn of the century about this type of mental drama, see Stopford Augustus Brookes
The Poetry of Robert Browning (London, Bath, NY: Sir Isaac Pitman and Sons Ltd., 1911)
219-228.
7
In an 1892 edition of Strafford, Samuel L. Gardiner states in the introduction that [t]he
interest of politics is mainly indirect (xiii). He also suggests that Browning abandoned
all attempt to be historically accurate and did so in order to achieve higher truth in
character (xiv).
13
To my own heart, for whom my youth was made
Barren, my manhood waste, to offer up
Her sacrifice this friend, this Wentworth here
Who walked in youth with me, loved me, it may be[.]
[. . . ] And, saying this, I feel
No bitterer pang than first I felt, the hour
I swore Wentworth might leave us, but I
Would never leave him: I do leave him now.
[. . . ] for I am weak, a man:
Still, I have done my best, my human best,
Not faltering for a moment.
[. . . ] Ay, here I know I talk I dare and must,
Of England, and her great reward, as all
I look for there: but in my inmost heart,
Believe, I think of stealing quite away[.] (268296)
Though one speech among many in the play and obviously taken out of context,
this monologue punctuates a sudden confrontation between two former friends,
yet the focus is on internal action rather than external action. Although Pym
says that he has laboured for England in his political machinations with
disregard for [his] own heart, he goes on to reveal how his labor for England
has left his youth barren, [his] manhood waste, youth and manhood both
abstractions. He literally feel[s], as signposted by the seventh line (and
repeated in various conjugations), that he is weak and, in the end, sees in
his inmost heart his truest desire of stealing away and forgetting all. Pym
14
and Strafford/Wentworth continue an emotional exchange to the last lines of
the drama, clasping each other in the throes of forgiveness as Strafford goes
to his execution. Despite being derived from a history structured by political
maneuvers, the drama ends with a scene not about political triumph, but
about a friendship lost to political triumph an emotional loss.
15
To look within; and yet I live, and bear
The aspect and the form of breathing men. (I, 38)
16
Webster as revisionary examples of how women saw the closet drama not as
a venue for inward-thinking but outward mobility, as their protagonists grow
toward moments of self-awareness and take risks for their future. In all three
texts, Eliots The Spanish Gypsy, Fields Stephania, and Websters A Woman
Sold, the emotional conflict of the female protagonist inspires her to act in
her society, rather than withdraw from it. Unlike Byrons Manfred, who longs
for self-oblivion (I, 145), all of the female protagonists of the closet dramas
discussed in this dissertation work through their psychological discord, an ac-
tion which makes them evaluate and challenge the restrictive choices regarding
their gender roles, sexual identity, and social power. These protagonists, by
facing and exploring their emotions, claim a physical connection to, and agency
in, the world around them and represent potential change for women on and
off the page. The closet drama allowed Eliot, Field, and Webster to create
opportunities, situations, and destinies for their female protagonists in ways
that other genres could not.
17
light on prescriptives and issues which had the power to form and reform the
identity physical and figurative of women. Mary Eagleton, in Genre
and Gender, suggests that [n]on-realist forms [of writing] permit the woman
writer to express the contradictions, fantasies or desires that the demands of
realism silence (253). Though Eagleton refers to modernist or avant-garde
forms of writing and even lecriture feminine (253), I aim to illustrate in
this dissertation that the three works by Eliot, Field, and Webster indeed
express the contradictions, fantasies, or desires of their female protagonists,
particularly those that the demands of realism silence. In the reality of
the patriarchal, misogynist society of the nineteenth-century, the corporeal
existence of women was commonly recognized as either angel or whore, or, by
and large, women were not physically recognized, or heard, at all. While Eliot,
Field, and Webster acknowledged the growing trend of realism in other work,
they used the non-realism of the closet drama, ironically, to give their female
protagonists presence, power, and voice.
18
characters, and the genre as a whole. I also touch back on an idea Otten posed
in his study of what he saw as the innovative literary drama of the nineteenth-
century: how the primarily subjective or internal action in each play forced
its poet to experiment with new structural forms or drastically to modify
orthodox dramatic form (12). Like Ottens decades ago, my thesis deals
with how a protagonists internal action her spaces, her choices, her closets
demanded a new structural form, a new fixed shape, a new authorial
choice in modifying the closet drama. With that in mind, I evaluate the texts
in this dissertation not in chronological order, but rather in an order that
pulls attention to the way each dramas form signals the connection between
the authors formal use of nonrealism and their female protagonists level of
mobility. I am interested in discovering if the farther an author strays from
formal realism, the larger potential for public impact their female protagonists
choices have in their fictional worlds.
19
writers of the nineteenth-century seemed to serve as a conscious, formal way
to suggest that the only way a woman of the Victorian period could revise her
role in the closet into one of authority and power was to revise the history and
the belief systems that led her there.
Although George Eliot drew success from the novel form, she made
a conscious decision to depart from that genre in constructing The Spanish
Gypsy, the tale of a fifteenth-century young woman who, though raised in a
Spanish palace, discovers she is a Gypsy princess and must choose between
her love for a Spanish knight and her allegiance to her father, who wants her
help in leading the Gypsy nation toward their future outside of Spain. The
unusual form of The Spanish Gypsy, a hybrid of prose, poetry, and drama,
has been critically mentioned, but as a focus of study has been strangely
ignored. In 2008, Antonie Gerard van den Broek edited the scholarly edition
of The Spanish Gypsy, including Eliots various drafts, but analysis was spare.
Critics like Deborah Nord, Michael Ragussis, Victor Neufeldt, and Brenda
McKay have looked at the The Spanish Gypsy through the lenses of race,
nationalism, memory, and identity, while others have evaluated The Spanish
Gypsy against Eliots novels, often treating the work as little more than a
testing ground for ideas, themes, characters, and plots for Eliots future texts
like Middlemarch or Daniel Deronda. While it is important to explore the
ways in which The Spanish Gypsy relates to and lends new understanding of
Eliots other texts, The Spanish Gypsy should not be regarded as a secondary
20
afterthought or an anomaly in comparison to those works.
21
My second chapter offers a new perspective on the critical scholarship
of Michael Field (the aunt and niece pairing of Katharine Bradley and Edith
Cooper) by evaluating their little-known drama, Stephania. Although Fields
canon includes 25 dramas, scholars have focused on their lyric poetry, their
collaborative relationship as Michael Field, and the homoerotic/homosexual
nature of their relationship.8 On the whole, despite unsubstantial mentions in
critical articles, Fields dramatic opus has been unstudied, with the exception
of David Moriartys Michael Field and Male Critics, which focuses on how
men of letters received Fields dramatic work; Holly Lairds Michael Field
as the Author of Borgia, which discusses the post-Michael Field phase of
Bradley and Coopers authorial anonymity; and Vickie L. Tafts The Tragic
Mary: A Case Study in Michael Fields Understanding of Sexual Politics,
which looks at The Tragic Mary (1890) through a lens of same-sex desire. Both
contemporary scholars and turn-of-the-century critics alike have attributed
Fields marginal literary success to Bradleys and Coopers spinsterhood, their
gender, their collaboration, and the genres in which they wrote. But I want
to recognize Stephania as a signpost in a career that would be more and more
disregarded, particularly by their literary coterie at the fin de si`ecle, a coterie
8
I remark here about Yopie Prins showing how the homoerotic Sapphism of Michael
Field revises the singularity of authorship associated with the lyric (17); Virginia Blain
investigating the problematic cultural myth, or rather series of myths that have been con-
structed around the sign of Michael Field (243); Holly Laird, Bette London, and Lorraine
York exposing the complex, creative, feminist, and erotic space of Bradley and Coopers col-
laboration; Sharon Bickle recovering the lesbian textuality in the personal correspondence
archived at the Bodleian Library in Oxford, and Marion Thain examining Fields poetry
with an eye to its role in the aesthetic movement.
22
made up primarily of men notably aligned with the Decadent movement. In
my study of Stephania, I want to show how Bradley and Cooper alienated
this group of Decadent male readers with the story about a former empress
in eleventh-century Rome who exacts revenge on the new ruler and his male
mentor for murdering her husband and usurping the Empire, an allegory that
identified the homosocial/homosexual desires of the male Decadent community
as the source of what Bradley and Cooper saw as a nineteenth-century empire
of Art in rapid decline.
23
portrayed as a bound, restrictive space where the nineteenth-century middle
class woman must play the angelic, virtuous role to make amends for Eves
original sin or accept the consequences of causing societys downfall. With
her structural choices and allegorical reference, Webster implies that the idea
of womanhood in this drama is not new to the nineteenth-century, but began
with the birth of humanity itself, and thus proposes that the very nature of a
womans identity and existence has forever been sold on the sociomythology
born from patriarchal ideology. At the same time, Websters revision of the
closet drama points the way toward the possibility for female agency to grow
outside these ideologically constructed closets.
24
womans designated place in the politics of gender and sexuality.
25
Chapter 2
In his 1868 review of the The Spanish Gypsy, Henry James wrote that
until the publication of this particular work, many readers himself included
had hitherto only half known George Eliot and that by [a]dding this
dazzling new half to the old one, readers constructed for a moment a really
splendid literary figure (622). Though James went on to say that the dramas
virtues and failings (622) ultimately revealed the same old Eliot everyone
knew, Jamess initial insight provides an opening for a revised understanding
of Eliots art. Indeed, The Spanish Gypsy (1868) shows a dazzling new half
of Eliot, one that allows her to be associated with the word novel, not
simply referencing the literary genre but also meaning innovative, unique, even
atypical. In writing The Spanish Gypsy, Eliot exchanged her signature realism
to write something different from the schemed picturesqueness of ordinary
26
historical fiction, or a modified closet drama, an inventive work that shows
her challenging both literary and social conventions of the mid-nineteenth-
century.
27
Blackwood in 1861 after the release of the novel Silas Marner. Despite the
classification of Silas Marner as a legendary tale, one that focused heavily
on the psychology of Silas himself, Eliot did not think his story expansive
enough to warrant a poetic form (qtd. in Haight, Biography 341). Obviously,
for Eliot, The Spanish Gypsy required a form not bound by realism, a form
that could reveal the psychology of its main character and could also hold
the constant interchange of effects needed to tell a legendary tale a form
united by the genre characteristics of the closet drama and the epic.
1
In this dissertation, when referencing textual details of The Spanish Gypsy, I use the
terms Eliot herself employs in order to be consistent with the work itself. However, I would
like to note that Romany or Romani is the name preferred for the group in contemporary
classification (Nord 18, Hancock xvii).
28
turally assigned. From options bound by patriarchal prescriptions grows her
fated personal quest, as underscored by the merging of the conventional closet
drama with qualities of the epic.
29
her identity both socially and professionally, Aurora Leigh was modern in set-
ting, relatively autobiographical, and was told using realism, rather than the
grand, elevated style of the traditional epic (Brogan 72). Barrett Browning,
distrust[ing] the poet who . . . trundles back his soul five hundred years (Au-
rora Leigh V, 191) for inspiration, decided to create a contemporary or living
epic (Friedman 211). Although Barrett Browning wanted to acknowledge an
epic woman in, and for, her time and chose to locate the plot of Aurora Leigh
within the scope of ordinary life, Aurora Leigh does resemble The Spanish
Gypsy in its idea of legacy. Both Aurora Leigh and The Spanish Gypsy show
a woman rising to meet her larger destiny as the leader of a marginalized,
even socially invisible, people women writers for Aurora Leigh, women and
Gypsies for Eliots female protagnist Fedalma. As the titular subjects of
tales which recall the collective memory of oral tradition, Aurora Leigh and
Fedalma symbolically unite and immortalize their respective nations by the
record of their very existence and experience (though fictional) and become
cultural figureheads and/or matriarchs. Yet at the end of her story, unlike
Aurora Leigh, Fedalma is not relegated to a future of marriage.2
In this chapter, I want to argue that Eliots formal revision of the closet
drama genre helps construct a female protagonist unlike any of her others, one
who has the opportunity to make a social, cultural, and historical impact
within her world, one who despite her social casting as both angel in the
2
See the chapter in this dissertation on Augusta Webster for a more detailed view of
nineteenth-century marriage.
30
house and exotic other presses against her domestic confines and moves
toward a sense of independence and agency. While Barrett Browning used
qualities of the novel, a female-coded genre, to revise the epic, Eliot turned
away from the medium in which she primarily worked. For The Spanish Gypsy,
she went outside the home epic (a term for her novels which she coined in
Middlemarch [1871]) to ultimately settle on the closet drama. At the time,
women writers like Augusta Webster were putting a twist on the closet drama
much in the way Barrett Browning did with the epic, using contemporary
settings and topics to show middle-class Victorian women as split subjects
(Brown 104) torn between their individual desires and social duty as a women.
While Eliot did choose a present-day setting and context for her closet drama
Armgart (1871), about a gender-bending stage actress who must deal with
losing her voice, Eliot turned to the historical resonance of the epic to adapt
the closet drama in writing The Spanish Gypsy.
To develop this argument, I will first discuss The Spanish Gypsy in the
context of Eliots career at the time. In doing so, I will reveal her awareness
of the rhetorical effects of different genres, as well as the ways in which the
collision of epic and closet drama conventions caused a problem for some lit-
erary critics, those who could not accept works that ignored or tampered with
prescriptive notions of genre. Then, I will demonstrate how characteristics of
the epic and closet drama work with certain elements of The Spanish Gypsy to
create a unique form that develops new possibilities for its female protagonist,
possibilities which can only come from, and exist in, this hybrid.
31
In the Most Irregular Fashion: The Epic Hybridization of the
Closet Drama
In December 1863, Eliot attended a play, Leah the Forsaken, with her
partner George Lewes (Haight, Biography 374). Lewes was inspired by the un-
requited love story between a young Jewish girl and a Christian farmer set in
seventeenth century Germany and felt compelled to write a similarly-themed
play for their actress-friend Helen Faucit (Haight, Biography 374). He outlines
the five-act plot, but urges Eliot to flesh out the drama itself (Haight, Biog-
raphy 374). Eliot agreed, but the project was eventually neglected; however,
the bare essence of the story and Eliots desire to write a drama remained
(Haight, Biography 375; Karl 379). Yet, Eliot felt compelled to change the
subject matter; she writes in her Notes on The Spanish Gypsy:
On September 6, 1864, Eliot notes in her journal that she has begun the
First Act of [her] drama (qtd. in Haight, Letters 165). By early November,
she is well into the second act, and by the new year, she has completed the
third (Haight, Letters 167). When she becomes ill in February 1865, on the
strong advice of Lewes Eliot sets aside the drama, now four acts, and does
32
not return to it until August 1866 (Haight, Letters 303). At this point, Eliot
still considers the work a drama, precisely because it was in that stage of
creation, or werden, in which the idea of the characters predominates over the
incarnation (qtd. in Haight, Letters 303; in Cross 332). But Eliot is dubious
about the dramatic form and writes that the whole requires recasting and
that she intends to give The Spanish Gypsy a new form (qtd. in Haight,
Letters 303; in Cross 333, 334). A year later, Eliot classifies the work as a poem
that began as a drama, yet the structural shadow of its original form remains
in palimpsest. However, in a letter to John Blackwood dated December 30,
1867, Eliot says that [Lewes] is especially pleased with the sense of variety
[The Spanish Gypsy] gives; and this testimony is worth the more, because he
urged me to put the poem by on the ground of monotony (qtd. in Haight,
Letters 412; in Cross 360).
This sense of variety describes the way The Spanish Gypsy is repre-
sented and categorized in years to come, situated in the variable gap between
poetry and drama by literary critics and scholars alike. For example, though
her article is included in an issue of Victorian Poetry, Susan Brown classifies
The Spanish Gypsy as a closet drama and defines closet drama as a perfor-
mance that will occur within a readers mind as he or she sits inside closets
or private rooms (Brown 89, 91), while Sylvia Kasey Marks describes The
Spanish Gypsy as a long dramatic poem (Marks 184). Despite this ob-
vious slippage in classifying the works genre and Eliots pointed essays on
form, scholars have focused their studies of The Spanish Gypsy on Fedalmas
33
characterization, the theme of social duty and personal desire, the connection
between the Gypsy people and English identity/nationalism, Eliots technique
of narrative sympathy, and the relationship between The Spanish Gypsy and
Eliots novels.3 None have fully examined the link between the works genre
blend, unusual form, and character development of its female protagonist.4
3
Ian Hancock in We are the Romani People, Lou Charnon-Deutsch in The Spanish Gypsy:
The History of a European Obsession, and Deborah Epstein Nord in Gypsies and the British
Imagination, 18071930 provide comprehensive discussions on the histories of the gypsy
race. Both Charnon-Deutsch and Nord cover the mystery of their origin (Nord 7) and
mark the commonly held belief that their race originated in Egypt, which notes the deriva-
tion of the name gypsy from Egyptian (Nord 7, Charnon-Deutsch 5). Romany, or
Romani is the name currently preferred in contemporary classification (Nord 18, Hancock
xvii).
4
The scholarship on The Spanish Gypsy includes: 1) Lou Charnon-Deutschs The Spanish
Gypsy: The History of a European Obsession, a study of the idealized and sometimes
demonized figure of the Spanish Gypsy over centuries, which contains a section on Eliots
The Spanish Gypsy (4); Charnon-Deutsch focuses on the way nineteenth-century social
scientists across Europe influenced public perception of the Spanish Gypsies and looks at
how the rhetoric of race plays out in the drama, discussing how it affects duty, freedom,
nationhood, and even science(114124); 2) Bernard Semmels George Eliot and the Politics
of National Inheritance, a study of Eliots drama as reflective of social conservatism and
positivism; 3) Michael Ragussiss Figures of Conversion: The Jewish Question and English
National Identity, a turn toward the Jewish perspective in the drama (per a minor character,
Sephardo), though he does consider The Spanish Gypsy a portrait of the heroism of the
female heart; the entire project of The Spanish Gypsy was framed from the beginning by
an attempt to understand in what ways the genre of tragedy could function as category of
the feminine that is, as a representation of a specifically female action (152); however,
he neglects to fully explore the ways and leans into a discussion on race; 4)Deborah Epstein
Nords focus on the gypsy as a symbol of unconventional [. . . ] femininity in Marks of
Race: Gypsy Figures and Eccentric Femininity in nineteenth-century Womens Writing;
and 5) James Krasners look at the tension between fame and artistry for Fedalma and
for Eliot herself in Where No Man Praised: The Retreat from Fame in George Eliots
The Spanish Gypsy.
34
makes the distinction that while The Spanish Gypsy reveals a side of Eliots
canon that opens up a new realm of Eliot study, no one would make great
claims for the poem as a work of art (390) or Deborah Epstein Nord, who
considers The Spanish Gypsy a rehearsal for the novel Daniel Deronda (Nord
100). However, The Spanish Gypsy, as a hybrid of the closet drama and the
epic, allowed Eliot to create a space where the fate of her female protagonist is
eternal, generative, and hopeful, even positively affected by the sorrows of per-
sonal sacrifice. Unlike Eliots other female protagonists, Fedalma is recognized,
even mythologized, for her self-sacrifice and is cast as a heroine, essentially a
Moses destined to deliver [her people] from bondage into freedom in a new
land (Nord 109). The Spanish Gypsy elevates Fedalmas quest for identity
and agency (an internal conflict) to the heroic, making her story worthy of
legend and legacy. In comparison, Eliots Armgart, while also focusing on a
womens struggle to define herself and her role in society, is not epic in scope.5
Armgart tells the contemporary story of an opera singer who loses her voice
to illness and worries about how that loss will affect her present and future,
lamenting that she has been cast to The Womans Lot: A Tale of Everyday
(Armgart V, 129). Katherine Newey argues that Armgart liberated Eliot as
a work in which the future of the female protagonist offers more than death
Armgart becomes a singing teacher while The Spanish Gypsy weigh[ed
Eliot] down in that regard (114115). Though many biographical details
5
Eliots The Legend of Jubal (1870), though possessing themes of minstrelsy, identity,
and community which reflect The Spanish Gypsy and epic in nature, is a long narrative
poem, not a drama.
35
about Eliot could support Neweys claim, I disagree; the form of The Spanish
Gypsy, just as the form of Armgart, plays an essential part in developing the
narrative and rhetoric it is trying to convey.6 A close examination of The
Spanish Gypsy shows that, while the epic and the closet drama lost Victorian
readership to the popularity of the novel, Eliots combination of these demode,
yet classic genres into one work makes a creative and social statement about
how the formal revision of genres extant and emerging in the mid-nineteenth-
century speaks to the revision of roles and prescriptions given to Victorian
women, in and out of literature.
6
Eliot experienced massive anxiety and depression while writing The Spanish Gypsy.
Frederick Karl in George Eliot: Voice of a Century, his biography of Eliot, claims that at
the time of her writing [h]er talk is all of malaise and feebleness clearly psychological and
emotional (384). Between 186365, she hit bottom, Karl writes, and after considerable
writhing, she reached more deeply into herself than ever before; from that, she could exorcise
the subjective parts of herself and let a more objective, broader element emerge (386). Karl
also says the drama evoked personal feelings for her about her father, whom Eliot idealized
as a young girl and on whom he solely depended later in life. As an old man, he was very
set in his ways and in his politics protected the past as something sacred, his role in it as
priestly (43). Additionally, her anxiety could have been related to financial strain this
period marked a dry spell in her writing and income or various ailments (419).
36
Spanish Gypsy, Eliot challenged the flexibility of her readership by telling
the story in an irregular fashion, perhaps in hopes that her idiosyncrasy
would inspire them to think about what the innovations signified or suggested
to the story. The year The Spanish Gypsy was published, Eliot also wrote in
another personal notebook that
Eliot obviously saw, with regard to Form, the value in slipping outside the
admissible, in originality, in creativity, in relations of things. Yet after the
incredible success of the series Scenes of a Clerical Life (1858) and the novels
Adam Bede (1859), The Mill on the Floss (1860), Silas Marner (1861), Romola
(1863), and Felix Holt, the Radical (1866), Eliot was aware that her faithful
readership might not like a work wanting in form, or an idiosyncratic and
irregular poetic turn inward and toward the past.7 Eliot began to warn her
7
In writing Romola, a historical romance set in fifteenth-century Florence, Eliot was
worried about the publics reception. Eliot wrote in a letter to John Blackwood, You
know very well enough the received phrases with which a writer is greeted when he does
something else than what was expected of him (qtd. in Cross 208). But Romola, like her
other novels, did strive for realism unlike The Spanish Gypsy; in a letter to R.H. Hutton,
she suggests that the details of Florentine life and history hold the same weight as the
details of English village life(qtd. in Cross 276).
37
publisher, John Blackwood, long before the work was sent out into the world;
on a letter dated March 21, 1867, she writes, The work connected with Spain
is not a romance. It is prepare your fortitude it is a poem (qtd.
in Haight, Letters 354-355; in Cross 348). She goes on to say that she is
not hopeful about the new work, despite being quite sure the subject is
fine(qtd. in Haight, Letters 354-355; in Cross 348). In later correspondence,
Blackwood encourages Eliot about the work, but Eliot remains cautious. On
December 7, 1867, she replies, What you say about Fedalma is very cheering.
But I am chiefly anxious about the road still untravelled the road I have
still zur
uck zu legen [to cover](qtd. in Haight, Letters 404; in Cross 357).
After publication of The Spanish Gypsy, Eliots public continues to worry her,
as noted in May 1868, when she writes to her friend Caroline Bray,
38
But despite her anxieties, Eliot was compelled to frame the story in
this unfashionable way, as she notes in a letter to Blackwood at the end of
March 1868 when she says The Spanish Gypsy is a little in the fashion of the
elder dramatists, with whom I have perhaps more cousinship than with recent
poets (qtd. in Haight, Letters 428; in Cross 4). As the fashion of those
elder dramatists, Eliot was inspired by history: a small Titian painting of
the Annunciation that she had spied on her second visit to the Scuola di San
Rocco in Venice inspired new ideas. As she scribbled in her notes on the work,
she wrote, It occurred to me that here was a great dramatic motive of the
same class as those used by the Greek dramatists, yet specifically differing
from them (qtd. in Haight, Biography 376; in Cross 9). In the painting, Eliot
sees the story of a young woman torn between marriage and a more profound
destiny one entailing a terribly different experience from that of ordinary
womanhood (qtd. in Haight, Biography 376; in Cross 9) as a universal
tragedy weighing individual desires against the actions which would support
the greater good, or community. However, she does not simply contain this
narrative in the classic tragedy, or even a novel, with a female protagonist
whose downfall leads to resignation of domestic duty or death, as exemplified
by Romola or The Mill on the Flosss Maggie Tulliver. Instead, Eliot turns
these tragic elements into a dramatic, epic conflict that does not doom her
female protagonist to a bleak, bound, definitive end.
At the time of The Spanish Gypsys initial inception, Eliot was not
new to the epic and, in a letter to M. DAlbert-Durade in 1860, considered
39
her novels to possess epic breadth and also an epic tediousness, a possible
reference to her wide scope of characterization, theme, and setting (qtd. in
Haight, Letters 361; in Cross 215). The epic, a long narrative poem with a
setting which unfolds on a grand and vivid scale, originated as an oral genre,
a tale told and shared by a community. By that year, Eliot had published two
novels, Adam Bede (1859) and The Mill on the Floss (1860), both of which fo-
cus on relationships in provincial English communities as well as on the theme
of individual desire versus a moral and social duty that seems preordained.
These home epics represent Eliots signature style, one which translates the
elevated settings, deeds, action, and consequence characteristic of the epic into
those relative to the domestic sphere and the ordinary person. Book One of
The Mill on the Floss begins with a narrator who dreams s/he is standing on a
bridge overlooking the idyllic river Floss, and as an epic poet might, expresses
his or her intention to tell the reader a tale about a day long gone by but
still resonant in the present, a tale that starts with an ordinary Mr. and Mrs.
Tulliver who sat by the bright fire in the left-hand parlour (13). In Adam
Bede, the narrator compares himself or herself to an Egyptian sorcerer who
uses a single drop of ink to reveal the far-reaching visions of the past and
takes the reader, not to an epic battle or conflict, but to the village workshop
of carpenter Jonathan Burge. In these two novels, and in the two to follow
before publication of The Spanish Gypsy Silas Marner (1861) and Felix
Holt (1866) Eliot establishes her narrator as a conduit of memory, a phys-
ical way to bring past into present, possibly to shape the future. As told by
40
the narrator, and by Eliot herself, these home epics were a record of localized,
domestic traditions, experiences, and history.
41
usually delivered.
8
The drama also frames the nineteenth-century debate about Jewish conversion and its
relationship to English nationalism, The Jewish Question, but I will not explore that issue
here. In the fifteenth century, as expressed in the play, the Zincali, or Gypsies, were seen
by Western European culture as cunning and unworthy and only fit for imprisonment, after
which they could be forced into labor or war. During this period, this particular band of
Gypsies made their way into Spain, coming over the Pyrenees from Egypt. The Spaniards
viewed the Zincali as wild, unruly thieves. As Fedalma says, [A] race more outcast and
despised than Moor or Jew (288485).
42
Gypsy, while Silva, in the end, goes off to find personal redemption.
The Spanish Gypsy adheres to many epic conventions, from its myth-
worthy protagonist and long narrative to its rich descriptive setting. But
the work strays from epic formality in its overall composition. Regarding
the construction of the epic, Bakhtin sees the genre as having a past [that]
is distanced, finished, and closed like a circle (79). He suggests that only
low genres like the novel are flowing and transitory and represent a life
without beginning or end (80), while all high genres of the classical era . . . are
structured in the zone of the distanced image, a zone outside any possible
contact with the present in all its openendedness (79). Bakhtin views the
epic as a story whose time has come and gone, whose action is not alive (69
70), while the novel remains in process, a new world still in the making
(73). He also submits three distinguishing marks for a novel: a style which
reflects a world whose cultures and languages are merging and exchanging; an
inherent instability in its constant activity and development; and a collapse
of time, which causes past, present, and future to overlap and dissolve (76
80). Interestingly, I find Eliot accomplishing in her work the opposite of what
Bakhtin theorizes.
43
closure to the story and implies a distinct end to the narrative. For example,
a Conclusion wraps up The Mill on the Floss, sending the reader five years
into the future after the tragic flood in which Maggie drowns. Nature, after
the destructive flood, has repair[ed] her ravages and restored life around
the river Floss, but assures the reader that scars have been left behind, most
notably on a tomb etched with the names of Tom and Maggie Tulliver and a
dedication: In their death, they were not divided (547). In contrast, Eliot
concludes The Spanish Gypsy with the everlasting image of Fedalma and Silva
standing apart, the waters widen[ing] slowly (V, 436) between them and a
blackness overhung by stars (V, 438). The story is left unfinished, implying
that its characters are still acting, living; their lives have no beginning or
end.
9
Encyclopedia of Folklore and Literature. eds. Mary Ellen Brown and Bruce A. Rosen-
berg.
44
when Roldan the entertainer and his son Pablo are performing for a crowd,
Roldan with magic tricks and Pablo with his instrumental and vocal skills. The
narrator describes how Pablo pours [his] wondrous voice . . . /With wounding
rapture in it, like loves arrows (I, 1271, 1273) and how from him [f]all words
of sadness, simple, lyrical (I,1276). Pablo then pours out the lyrics of his song
in real time, present time, but when he takes a temporary breather and the
text returns to narrative, the narrator returns to the past:
It could be that the narrator is indeed telling a story of a finished past here,
but after Pablo sings one more song, the narrator arrives back on the scene
with the following present tense narrative:
45
This song can with subtle penetration enter all/the myriad corridors of the
readers passionate soul. These long notes did not linger from some
time long past, but are lingering now, spread[ing] and rous[ing] the soul
to action. The story, in this way, becomes unfinished, boundless.
46
son 1), the composition of a traditional mid-nineteenth-century closet drama
typically does not include much narrative, if any, and alternates sections of
dialogue with a few stage directions. In comparison, the construction of The
Spanish Gypsy, an active blend of omniscient narrative, dialogue, song, and
epic themes, seems to promote movement, opening the doors of the closet
drama to explore more than just psychological conflict or an authors personal
philosophies. Unfortunately, its patchwork form did not appeal to critics who
appreciated the familiar realism usually found in Eliots work.
47
Gypsy, it was quite possible that she might injure its fair proportions (621).
The reputation of Eliot, as a prose writer of recognized worth and distinc-
tion (Edinburgh Review 524), obviously played a major part in the lukewarm
response to, and perception of, The Spanish Gypsy.
Critics still applauded Eliots skill with detail, but they did not accept
her approach to the dramatic genre. James joins this school of thought when
he says:
Those who prize most her descriptive powers will see them won-
drously well embodied in these pages. As for those who have felt
compelled to declare that she possesses the Shakespearian touch,
they must consent, with what grace they may, to be disappointed.
. . . A real dramatist, I imagine, could never have reconciled him-
self to the odd mixture of the narrative and dramatic forms by
which the present work is distinguished; and that George Eliots
genius should have needed to work under these conditions seems
to me strong evidence of the partial and incomplete character of
her dramatic instincts. (624)
Both J.M. and James prize the descriptive powers and other skills that
forge Eliots talent as a novelist, but eschew as faulty and only partially dra-
matic the odd mixture of narrative and dramatic forms which make up The
Spanish Gypsy. James even discredits Eliots genius because of The Span-
ish Gypsys nonconformity, suggesting she is not a real dramatist. J.M.
also claims that The Spanish Gypsy will be appreciated not for its general
48
structure but on the strength of select passages (287) and notes that the in-
termixture of form displays an absolute insensibility to the elementary rights
of form and to all artistic fitness of things(281). An anonymous reviewer for
the Edinburgh Review from October 1868 also criticizes the peculiar form of
The Spanish Gypsy and considers it built by some arbitrary method arising
from some accident or convenience in the authors plan (524). This reviewer
goes on to censure Eliot for some injury to that sense of artistic completeness
which suspends critical judgment of the cultivated reader (Edinburgh Review
524). Perhaps this mode of thinking explains why The Spanish Gypsy was
so well-received upon publication, but has not been commonly studied as one
of Eliots major works; her name drew her fans, but the peculiar form left
her critics believing it might . . . have been told as well in prose (Edinburgh
Review 525).
49
well captured, but the whole of Maggies identity, as fleshed out through its
development as a character inside a Victorian novel having the room for the
expansive details of realism, would certainly change.
The year The Mill on the Floss was published, an anonymous writer
in Macmillans Magazine defined the modern novel as one of the most
important moral agents of the community (442) and located fiction at the
core of all the truths of this world; specifically, a mid-nineteenth-century novel
had to observe and reason, and guide moral passions (Macmillans 446).10
In thinking about Todorovs horizons of expectations with regard to a mid-
nineteenth-century novel, the novels narrative was to be evaluated in terms of
its ability of observation and reason, while certain aspects of Maggies life
in particular her actions, inaction, thoughts, emotions, and above all her
moral passions were to be measured with a public yardstick. Located in
a Victorian novel, Maggies fictional life is positioned at the core of all the
truths, an example from which to learn. Maggie then becomes a symbol of
what a young middle-class woman should or should not do, should think or
not think.
10
This article, To Novelists and a Novelist, addresses both the responsibilities and
influence of novelists at large, acknowledging George Eliot with praise.
50
in the rhetoric of different genres, namely poetry and fiction; in his essay
What is Poetry?(1833), he suggested that poetry was a representation of
feeling (qtd. in Collins 1213), and while [t]he truth of poetry [was] to paint
the human soul truly, the truth of fiction [was] to give a true picture of life
(qtd. in Collins 1214). In other words, Mill believed that a poem exposed
an individuals authentic being as captured in a given moment, while a novel
focused on an individuals engagement with, and influence on, the larger world
around him: life. If we take poetry to mean, then, as Mill suggested, feeling
confessing itself to itself, in moments of solitude (qtd. in Collins 1214), the
dramatic monologue version of The Mill on the Floss could be pared down
to Maggies personal actions, reactions, and reflections (as told to an auditor
or an implied auditor), without the judgment or guidance of a narrators free
indirect speech, without the outside commentary on how Maggie (and the other
characters who inhabit her world) lives within, and affects, the community. Or,
the story could be told by someone else in the town of St. Oggs, someone
who could provide only sideline commentary, or no commentary at all, about
Maggies life. In either case, the work would become one-voiced and subjective,
the sense of community sidelined as well. As F. George Steiner asserts in a 1955
Preface to Middlemarch, a storyteller depends essentially on the nature of his
material and on the associations it will evoke in the readers imagination
(273). But the meaningful horizons of genre determine the nature of
a storytellers material and the associations it will evoke and, as such,
dictate the narrative in its approach, point of view, and theme, which is what
51
Eliot seemed to realize when she wrote in her journal that to fully embrace
the scope of Fedalmas tale, the genre and form, and in turn, the narrative,
the whole of The Spanish Gypsy requires recasting.
Obviously, Eliot suspected that using a unique form of the closet drama
to tell The Spanish Gypsy would be more rhetorically effective than that of
the novel. As Mathilde Blind writes in her biography of Eliot (1883), The
poetic mode of treatment corresponds to the exalted theme of the Spanish
Gypsy, a subject certainly more fitted for drama or romance rather than for
the novel (167). Indeed, in Leaves from a Notebook, Eliot writes,
52
fashion and form, Eliot takes mental performance and makes it a cultural
statement. To return to one of the quotations I used to open this chapter,
Eliot writes: I want something different from the abstract treatment which
belongs to grave history from a doctrinal point of view, and something differ-
ent from the schemed picturesqueness of ordinary historical fiction (qtd. in
Pinney 447). In wanting something different from the schemed picturesque-
ness, the realism, of the ordinary historical fiction that she had already
accomplished, Eliot decided the original nature of The Spanish Gypsy had
to be retooled, even perhaps distressed, to fully capture her rhetorical in-
tention. Susan Stewart defines a distressed genre as a contemporary version
of a once-oral tradition antiqued to appear as though it belongs to the past
(6) and includes the epic in her study. A distressed genre takes on an im-
mortal form (Stewart 12) in reclaiming history for the reader; time becomes
blurred as memory becomes the now, yet obviously has already occurred and
been recorded. In distressing the closet drama with epic qualities, Eliot au-
thor[ed] a context as well as an artifact (Stewart 6), or attached to the work
a certain set of associations particular to the epic. In this way, Eliot made
legendary the story of a young woman forced to choose between her desires
and her destiny and thus provided the story with enough credence to make it
an authenticating document (Stewart 12) of permanence and legacy.
But what makes the form of The Spanish Gypsy so complex derives from
the works narrator which, by its very identity, drives the storys theme,
shapes the storys direction, dissolves stylistic and social boundaries, estab-
53
lishes a context of mythos as well as of community, and challenges gender
roles and histories. Eliot does this by recalling the Romantic use of folklore
and oral traditions and returning to the culture of the minstrel, an entertainer
in the medieval period known for his heroic or lyric poetry (OED). Eliots
minstrel style hearkens back to the eighteenth-century style of Thomas Percy
and Sir Walter Scott, as the narrator of The Spanish Gypsy falls into the
category of what Andrew Taylor calls pseudo-minstrelsy (39); more than a
wandering musician, storyteller, or poet, the medieval minstrel was a respected
historian, the chief guardian of the chivalric ethos (Taylor 38), rather than
the street corner juggler or musician. Like those in Eliots novels, The Span-
ish Gypsys narrator is essentially an agent of nostalgia who takes the reader
back to another time and place, a keeper and conductor of memory. However,
unlike her the fictional narrators in her novels, the narrator of The Spanish
Gypsy is not merely a third-person omniscient device which oversees, and at
times shapes, interrupts, and comments on, the story from a distance. This
narrator is involved in the development of the story, both in telling the tale
and in existing on scene.
The narrators true identity is unknown as Eliot blurs the line between
three possible roles: omniscient storyteller, unnamed witness inside the tale
itself, and a specific participant in the tale, most likely Juan the minstrel.
In fact, the conflation of the narrators roles immediately generates questions
about identity, as well as about the construction and presentation of both his-
tory and memory, themes vital to establishing the cultural mythos of Fedalma.
54
First, the narrator could simply be the omniscient poet/storyteller/minstrel,
providing for the reader a personal interpretation of historical record or
passing along folklore. The narrator refers to one of the men, a tavern keeper,
as Mine Host (I, 235). This reference could signify two things. One, Mine
could merely be evidence of the narrators awareness of social propriety: the
narrator could be making a nod to polite custom and acknowledging the host
of the tavern as the guests would have. Or, two, the possessive pronoun
Mine could mean that the narrator is reporting an eye-witness account of
his own experience as an observer within the tale. In this situation, the narra-
tor has a choice of roles: in introducing the reader to five men grouped in a
white tavern (I, 222) to Mine Host, the narrator could either be part of the
group, or merely a guest at the same tavern where the men are congregating.
Simultaenously, the possessive pronoun Mine attached to the word Host
could also mean that the narrator represents one of the four men being hosted:
Blasco the silversmith, Juan the minstrel, Roldan the old jester, or Pablo, son
of Roldan.
Although the narrator, with this line of logic, could be any person
in this group, Juan, described as a crystal mirror to the life all around
(I, 329) and singing as a listener (I, 334), poses the most obvious choice,
since the narrator in telling the story can be described as possessing those
qualities himself. The narrator of this drama is, for the reader, a crystal
mirror to life all around this fifteenth-century Spanish setting and sing[s] as a
listener with the ability to hear and witness all. Stylistically, the narrator, like
55
Juan, hardly take[s] note/Of difference betwixt his own [voice] and others (I,
333) as he switches between his own narrative and the dramatic dialogue
between other characters. Enamored with Fedalma, his former student of
poetics, Juan believes Silvas knightly love (I, 744) for Fedalma is the stuff
of a poets strain (I, 754). As the spare man with the lute/who makes you
dizzy with his rapid tongue, (I, 28889), Juan is
A new body animat[ed] by the antique souls, Juan bears the responsibil-
ity of recording and remitting the past. These same reasons could also apply
to the possible omniscient distant storyteller or the unnamed witness. Ei-
ther could be reciting Juans original story, tapping into the notion of social
continuity. Juan, during the time the narrator tells this story, may be the
minstrel buried, seeking a new bod[y] (the narrator) to animat[e] with
his antique sou[l]. By taking on the role of the narrator, Juan makes the
narrator a troubadour revived and continues the social cycle. The reference
to Mine Host, then, becomes a mark of collective memory, part of Juans
56
original story handed down through the years. The narrator, from this van-
tage point, hardly take[s] note/Of difference betwixt his voice and others
because he is one in a line of communal creation. The fluidity of the narra-
tors identity, time, and location, not to mention rhetorical intention, prevents
the story being told from adhering to one time, place, and genre expectation.
The narrators impermanence reflects the notion of myth and legend, stories
which stretch and simultaneously smudge prescribed boundaries.
57
she is determined [t]o guard her people and to be the strength/Of some rock-
citadel (V, 128129).
Though Isobel Armstrong credits Eliot for penning the first humanist
epic by a woman (370), she also believes Fedalma fails as a prophet (371)
and is not allowed to be both woman and leader. I disagree to an extent.
A potentially female minstrel, if we imagine her in the mindset of the bardic
Aurora Leigh, would be fashioning a record of a woman who nobly strive[d]
(Aurora Leigh V, 81) to achieve a future for her people. Failure could be
merely recognized as the honorable battle scar of labor and productivity, an
attempt at aims sublime (Aurora Leigh V, 71), as noted in the drama itself.
Fedalma does ask Zarca:
But Zarca reassures her: even if they fail in their mission, they will [f]eed
the high tradition of the world,/And leave our spirit in our childrens breasts
(I, 331718). Their spiritual and cultural nourishment will be their legacy.
With a female narrator, The Spanish Gypsy becomes the text of two women
trying to achieve something larger than themselves, acknowledging and acting
despite the great possibility of failure.
58
All Gathering Influences Culminate: Genre and Characterization
In this scene, Fedalma becomes the point where all gathering influences cul-
minate: physical, metaphysical, public, private. She leads the chorus of
11
The angel in the house is an archetype popularized in the mid-nineteenth-century by
Coventry Patmores long narrative poem The Angel in the House (18541862). The Angel
in the House provided a concrete image for middle-class domestic ideals: a virtuous, loving
wife at the heart and soul of a virtuous, loving marriage.
59
the peoples joy (I,1360) and is both possessed and inspired by the exultant
throng (I,1469). She simultaneously belongs and does not belong to them,
performs for and performs with them. She does not remain in one place, but
instead is pushed, hustled . . . and thrust(I, 1470) in and out of the crowd,
according to her desires and theirs. Individual and community blur, exchange
roles, and play multiple parts as Fedalmas private and public identities merge.
She loses [a]ll sense of separateness: Fedalma died/[a]s a star dies, and melts
into the light./[She] was not, but joy was, and love and triumph (I, 1983
1985). The closet drama genre becomes important to note here as Fedalma
embraces public performance; she cannot dance this way within the walls and
under the scrutiny of the Court. Eliots choice and revision of closet drama
works on many levels to bolster Fedalmas internal and external conflicts: as
a genre inherently geared toward a smaller public, where action happens
within the mind or, if physically performed, within a contained community,
the formal presence of the closet drama marks the contrast between what
Fedalma wants and what is expected of her. She wants her life, her actions,
to mean something in a larger space and community. As she explains to Silva
afterward: I longed to dance/Before the people be as mounting flame/to
all that burned within them (I, 197476). Fedalma wants to be a conduit
between the external and the internal, breaking down barriers and inspiring
her audience to be and feel in the moment.
Silva is upset about her public display, dancing alone, virtually unchap-
eroned:
60
Silva: Dangerous rebel! If the world without
Were pure as that within . . . but tis a book
Wherein you only read the poesy
And miss all the wicked meanings. Hence the need
For trust obedience call it what you will
Towards him whose life will be your guard towards me
Who now am soon to be your husband.
Fedalma: Yes!
That very thing that when I am your wife
I shall be something different shall be
I know not what, a Duchess with new thoughts[.] (I, 1990. . . 1993
2000)
61
the gazing flowers (I, 20312032), Fedalma says she only wants the world to
look at [her]/With eyes of love that make a second day (I, 20342035). She
sees no lust in the eyes of those around her, only love divine enough to control
and create, or expand, time.
When their dialogue turns to their wedding, which Silva has arranged
for dawn the next day, Fedalma expresses her joy over her experience in the
village: Now I am glad I saw the town to-day/Before I am a Duchess
glad I gave/This poor Fedalma all her wish (I, 21272129). She laments that
she will mourn for her days as poor unwed Fedalma (I, 2136), as they
are sweet,/And none will come just like them (I, 21362137). Silva tries to
assuage her grief by reassuring her that their marriage will be the time of
promise, shadows, and dreams (I, 2152), then presents her with heirloom
jewels as a pledge of his love. Yet when Fedalma tries on the rubies, she
hears a noise which reminds her of the imprisoned gypsies she had seen in the
Placa. Sympathizing with their confinement, she confesses to her fiance that
she long[s] sometimes to fly and be at large (I, 2223) and feels imprisoned
by her luxury (I, 2224). She tells him of dreams in which she seem[s] to
spring from the walls,/And fly far, far away, until at last/[she] find[s] [her]self
alone among the rocks (I, 22852287). She admits that she is afraid of her
desire for freedom, and of how that desire might affect their love. She tries
to contain her thoughts, those like a torrent rushing through [her] soul (I,
2300), but cannot.
After Silva leaves the room, she continues to meditate on her irrecon-
62
cilable longings, projecting her anxieties onto the rubies:
63
This conflict of desires is often expressed through the bird imagery,
which also speaks to the rhetorical intentions posed by the closet drama and
epic. When Fedalma reminds Silva about the time she uncaged the birds (I,
1931) against his wishes because something stronger/[f]orced [her] to let them
out (I, 193334), the birds not only represent her fear of confinement, but
also allude ironically to the psychological exploration of self which typically
forms the basis of the closet drama. In the genre, the focus is not on how
a characters thoughts lead him or her to act, but the thoughts themselves.
Although Fedalmas restless thoughts would provide a strong foundation for
a story grown from self-analysis and contextualized in a genre built on the
investigation of the restless psyche (a seemingly perfect fit), she is not freely
permitted to uncage her thoughts, just as she cannot freely uncage the birds.
In other words, Fedalma feels like she must explain herself, restrain herself.
The birds, in this case, symbolize the imprisonment of Fedalmas thoughts and
actions as a woman, and demonstrate how a woman had limitations set even
on her private intimations.
In contrast, when Zarca finally confronts Fedalma about her true iden-
tity as a Gypsy princess, he tosses a dead bird through her window with a note
attached written in blood: Dear child, Fedalma,/Be brave, give no alarm
your Father comes! (I, 279293). Zarca wants her to fly (I, 3109) with him
and the Gypsies, rather than stay with Silva in the palace where her spirit
will be grounded and will eventually die like the bird he tossed through her
window. With Silva, she will be a parrot, chained to a ring (I, 3187), an ex-
64
otic bird domesticated and made a pet, while with Zarca, she will either be an
eagle (I, 3186), a bird of freedom, strength, and independence, or a crane
with outspread wing (III, 652). Zarca wishes for his daughter to soar beyond
her miserable, petty, low-roofed life (III, 644), to take wing`ed pleasures,
wing`ed pains (III, 662). These are not the pleasures and pains of someone
destined to live the life of a home epic, but of someone born to reign (I,
3164) in a true epic.
Fedalmas conflict between remaining with Silva and flying with her
father also manifests itself in the cultural motif of the Gypsy, which, like the
bird imagery, provides another reason why the interplay between the epic and
closet drama can be discussed as more than some arbitrary method arising
from some accident or convenience in the authors plan, as suggested by a
reviewer at the Edinburgh Review (Edinburgh Review 524). In fact, as I men-
tioned earlier in this chapter, Eliot, in notes she made during her drafting
of The Spanish Gypsy, purposefully chose to focus her narrative on what she
termed the gypsy race, particularly as it was positioned at the height of
the Spanish conflict with the Moors and the Jews (Haight 376); historically
speaking, at the end of the fifteenth century when the drama takes place, the
Spaniards regarded Gypsies below Jews, who had enraged and alienated the
Spaniards with their religious beliefs, financial prosperity, strong sense of com-
munity, and, for some, their seemingly false conversion to Christianity.12 The
12
On March 31, 1492, King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella announced an edict of expulsion,
marking their decision to banish all Jews of both sexes forever from the precincts of Our
65
Jews were expelled from Spain on order of King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella,
and those who were found by the Inquisition to be pretending Christian faith
were burned alive. Eliot illustrates the treatment of the Gypsies and the Jews
in a comment Blasco, a silversmith, makes to the rest of his friends at the inn
after another man, Lopez, remarks that the Queen would have the Gypsies
banished with the Jews (I, 959):
Blasco argues that although Jews commit the useful sins so Christian souls
realm. The Jews were commanded on pain of death to leave within four months. They
could take personal belongings, but no gold, silver, coins or jewelry. See The Origins of the
Inquisition in Fifteenth Century Spain by Benzion Netanyahu (New York: Random House,
1995).
13
This pig, according to the fable, helped St. Anthony bring fire from Hell to people on
earth.
66
do not have to stoop to such work, Gypsies are valuable because they work
more than the grazing brutes, or Jews, cost less, are able to survive on
spoiled meat and vermin like vultures, and take orders and ample punish-
ment like slaves. Blasco goes on to say that God sent the Gypsies wander-
ing to Spain to do the most menial jobs for the Spaniards and turning them
away would be a sin. Eliot, in the early stages of plotting the drama, was
familiar with the historical events and sociocultural prejudices of the time as
interpreted by William Hickling Prescott in his historical narrative History of
the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, The Catholic of Spain (1861), since she
was reading his book while writing the first act of The Spanish Gypsy (Karl
383). In Eliots notes on The Spanish Gypsy, she remarks,
I could not use the Jews or Moors, because the facts of their history
were too conspicuously opposed to the working out of my catastro-
phe. Meanwhile the subject had become more and more pregnant
to me. I saw it might be taken as a symbol of the part which is
played in the general human lot by hereditary conditions in the
largest sense, and of the fact that what we call duty is entirely
made up of such conditions; for even in cases of just antagonism
to the narrow view of hereditary claims, the whole background of
the particular struggle is made up of our inherited nature. (qtd.
in Cross 10)
For Eliot, her subject, the Gypsies, symbolizes how hereditary conditions
in the largest sense physical characteristics, heritage, history decides
67
the way in which one is treated in society, determines ones future or ones
general human lot, and plants in one a certain sense of duty. All of this
measures how much of a particular struggle they will have to endure in
life. For Eliot, the hereditary conditions of the Jews and Moors were too
known, too conspicuously opposed to the conditions of a subject that, for
many early and mid-nineteenth-century writers like Sir Walter Scott with his
Gypsy character Meg Merrilies in the novel Guy Mannering(1815) and George
Borrow, whose first-hand experiences with the Gypsies as recorded in both
The Zincali: An Account of the Gypsies of Spain (1841) and Romany Rye
(1857), conjured images of boundlessness, freedom, and most importantly, the
unknown (Nord 25, 71).14
had denied succor to the Holy Family as it fled Egypt and so were
ousted to wander the world to atone for their refusal; they were the
Egyptians of the Old Testament, who, Ezekiel prophesized, would
be dispersed among the nations; they had denied their Christian
faith and were being punished by forced pilgrimage for five years,
or ten, or forever; they were a people forever cursed after they
14
For an overview on this topic, see Deborah Nords Gypsies and the British Imagination,
18071930 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003).
68
participated in the death of Christ by making the nails with which
he was crucified. (5)
69
Gypsy figure rarely has a voice and is hardly more than a thematic device, re-
flecting a rhetoric of primitive desires (Nord 3) on the part of writer, reader,
and character. For example, Maggie Tulliver in The Mill on the Floss sees an
epic freedom and independence in Gypsy life, but that vision soon becomes
an unrealistic dream that she is conditioned to resist and force herself not to
think about. The contradictions of the Gypsy lifestyle the freedom to
wander, the non-existent past, the roguish physicality were at once frighten-
ing and exotic to those of nineteenth-century mainstream society and signified
an Other space, a possible place where one could escape from propriety and
address ones darker side (Nord 6, 12, 24, 71).
70
becomes the starting point for the Gypsies history; she becomes the glorious
ancestor, the lore. At the same time, The Spanish Gypsy, as a work whose
title specifically locates place and culture, finally provided the Gypsies with a
Whence [and] Whither in their souls, making them no longer displaced or
disinherited.
Isobel Armstrong argues that [a]t the heart of [The Spanish Gypsy]
is a question about the extent to which women are capable of producing a
powerfully imaginative national myth about unity and cohesion, a matriar-
chal myth (370). While Armstrong does not believe Eliot succeeds, I offer
another opinion. Certainly, as I have noted in this chapter, the text indicates
that the Gypsy nation may not stay together when Fedalma becomes leader
after her fathers death; although the Zincali (as the speakers are identified
when they speak as a group) vow to obey [their] Queen (IV, 959) at Zarcas
final breath, Fedamla imagines the end of her people as a nation. She envi-
sions them turning away from her leadership to fashion their own service,
to come when it should suit them(V, 9798). Because of their desire for
independence, she sees them break[ing] into small and scattered bands that
would propogate forgetfulness (V, 103, 105) of their nation. She predicts
the death of hopes/Darkening long generations (V, 146147) and views her-
self as the funeral urn that bears/The ashes of a leader (V, 289290), even
forecasts [s]ome other hero with the will to save/The outcast Zincali (V,
279). But as I have suggested, the unconventional form of this work demands
71
a new perspective of Fedalma and her fate. Like Maggie Tulliver and Dorothea
Brooke, Fedalma bemoans forfeiting her love and anguishes over her duty to
the Gypsies; however, The Spanish Gypsy is not one of Eliots novels in which
the female protagonists deeds do not have consequences that go very far
beyond herself (Berman 555556), or in which the female protagonist herself
is permanently stuck in representational limbo, particularly as evidenced
by the comparison of an ordinary womans lot to an extraordinary, epic,
womans lot.
Zarca tells Fedalma that she belong[s] not to the petty round of cir-
cumstance/That makes a womans lot (I, 317071), using the term to refer-
ence what he sees as just an ordinary marriage to Silva. To him, the ordinary
womans dream or womans lot of love, romance, and desire equates to
enslavement and cannot compare to being the woman who would save her
tribe (I, 3011, 3033); this woman would have power beyond the domestic,
beyond the petty. In Zarcas mind, marriage to Silva, though founded on
love, would limit his daughters experiences and keep her in a role where social
and religious authorities would denigrate her, while as a Gypsy queen, she
would have authority over all. Fedalma ultimately sacrifices her love for Silva
for public service, rather than sacrifices who she is for love. In fact, the act
may even be more than duty or even hereditary condition on a subconscious
level, as Fedalma always longed for the personal freedom to fly far, far away
(I, 2286). Silva tells the Prior, I seek to justify my public acts/And not my
private joy (16691670), and Fedalma takes that vow equally. To the con-
72
trary, Victor Neufeldt believes Fedalma makes a useless sacrifice motivated
by others and describes her fate as the nothingness of a future based on a
denial of personal happiness (52), a statement which echoes a metaphor Eliot
uses in the short story, Janets Repentance, from Scenes from a Clerical
Life: the blank that lay for her outside the home (Scenes 335). In Janets
Repentance, Janet chooses to remain married to an abusive man rather than
venture on her own into the blank or unknown. Janet obviously worries
about the nothingess, choosing to stay instead with the familiar, despite
its dangers. In The Spanish Gypsy, Fedalma may forego her personal happi-
ness, but does so with courage and awareness; for her, the blank is frought
with visions of risk and tragedy. Experiencing the loss of a father, lover, and
a community can certainly be considered suffering, but not nothingness.
Instead the blank becomes the site for female potential beyond the
norm, particularly for some beauteous dame, half chattel and half queen
(Aurora Leigh V, 196) whose historic tragedy the fictional Aurora Leigh (and
literary critics) dismisses as the type of story too far in the past to be relevant
to contemporary readers. But Fedalma is depicted as a self and nation
divided, one side of her representing the socially acceptable or conven-
tional personality, the other externalizing the free, uninhibited, often criminal
self, a common motif in nineteenth-century literature (Rosenfeld 328). Claire
Rosenfeld in The Shadow Within: The Conscious and Unconscious Use of
the Double states that the motif indicates [t]he dream of reconciliation be-
tween conflicting selves (328, 343), and The Spanish Gypsy entertains that
73
possibility for Fedalma. In her quest for identity, Fedalma chooses to be the
angel of the homeless tribe (I, 2971), a moniker which not only identifies
her with the Gypsy nation inside the text, but also connects her to a mid-
nineteenth-century readership, a nation of women who, like her, strive and fail
to fully become the angels of the house because of their own conflicting duties
and selves.
74
Fedalma is not Maggie or Mary or Dorothea or even Romola; she is
resigned to her duty, but she will wed a crown (I, 3357), and in her fa-
thers eyes, they will make royal (I, 3358) their peoples lowly lot (I,
3358). Fedalmas royal crown could not be worn in the domestic reality of a
conventional nineteenth-century novel, but in the unstaged epic verse drama,
Fedalma finds a sacred poet (Middlemarch Prelude) to sing and record her
experience with the power of oral tradition, communal memory, even the idea
of a shared performance. She will not s[i]nk unwept into oblivion (Middle-
march Prelude). Yet there are those scholars who argue that because Fedalma
does not die mercifully in the end, nor experience a grand epiphany, nor feel
a great comfort, her life is bleak (Neufeldt 52). I have to question, bleak by
what and whose definition? Since we are not privy to the alternative future
of Fedalma, i.e. her future with Silva, can we call her actions a useless sac-
rifice, especially since we only know idealistically what she sacrificed? If she
had stayed with Silva, would her fate necessarily be less bleak? Or, is there
a possibility she might have a different sort of self-sacrificial fate similar to
Dorothea Brookes marriage to Will Ladislaw or a darker fate similar to the
drowning of Maggie Tulliver? The Spanish Gypsy not only gives us a new
Eliot heroine whose story warrants further debate and analysis, but allows us
to see Eliot as a writer taking risks outside her usual genre, acknowledging
and acting despite the great possibility of failure, much like Fedalma.
75
Chapter 3
Not long after the closet drama Stephania (1892) was published by
Katharine Bradley and her niece Edith Cooper under the pseudonym Michael
Field, Cooper recorded her bewilderment and anxiety over the public reaction
to the work in the personal journal she shared with Bradley called Works and
Days. This was not the first time Cooper worried about criticism regarding
their work. In the eight years since they had begun writing together as Michael
Field, Bradley and Cooper often expressed, in their collaborative journal as
76
well as in their personal correspondence to each other, anxiety over their pub-
lic reception and often discussed how contemporary audiences resisted their
archaic language and Shakespearean bent.1 In these instances, Bradley and
Cooper would cheer each other, encouraging the other woman to persevere in
her talent and ambition. In a letter to Cooper in 1885, early in their career as
Field, Bradley refers to a less-than-stellar review in the Pall Mall Gazette that
she had ripped into small fragments and advises her niece that their literary
struggles are common to all poets and that they should rejoice to share
their bitter herbs of adversity (Folio 117, MS. Eng. Lett.c.418). Bradley goes
on in the same letter to remind Cooper that as Michael Field, [W]e have
determined by Heavens grace to give the English people plays full of poetry
& religion, & humour, & thought. They will not like this. I believe, however,
that the unusually strong critical reaction to Stephania, labeled by Cooper
in the quotation that begins this chapter as a boycott and a shunning, indi-
cates something more than just the ordinary critical resistance from the press,
which contemporary scholars and turn-of-the-century critics usually attribute
to Bradley and Coopers spinsterhood, their gender, their collaboration, and
the genres in which they wrote.2
1
They would write together for nearly 32 years (1881-1913), and would publish 25 dramas
and 11 books of poetry. Print runs remained small, for an elite audience.
2
Contemporary scholars of Michael Field include Marion Thain, Ana Vadillo, Jill Ehnenn,
Yopie Prins, and Holly Laird. In her unpublished biography of Michael Field written in the
mid-1970s, Ursula Bridge recounts the opinions of many of Bradley and Coopers peers on
this subject (See Ms.Eng.misc.d.983, Michael Field archive, Bodleian Library, Oxford).
77
against a man for murdering her husband, had struck a very particular chord
with a very specific readership, one that might not be as mysterious, as
Cooper indicated. Given that Stephania eschews Fields usual Elizabethan
form and foregrounds what they called their Eternal-No period in which
publishers hesitated to print their dramas (Donoghue 89), Coopers diary entry
at the start of this chapter suggests a possible new explanation. I want to
argue that Fields Stephania is an allegorical narrative that uses the female
invasion and conquest of an exclusive homosocial empire in eleventh-century
Rome to blame what they saw as the nineteenth-century decay of Art on the
homosexual desires of the male Decadent community.3
A few months before Cooper wrote about the boycott, she seemed to
have an inkling of things to come; in a journal entry from September 18,
1892, the day she and Bradley took the manuscript to their publisher, Elkin
Matthews, Cooper writes: The man seems in a panic; he says nothing about
the sale of the book, he never smiles again. Does he fear, does he sicken
over our morality? We make these sacrifices for art G.M. says women will not
make.4 Though Matthews, in a partnership with John Lane (a frequent editor
3
This type of allegorical narrative participates in the tradition of Dr. Jekyll and Mr Hyde
(1886) by Robert Louis Stevenson, which J.A. Symonds references in a letter to Stevenson
himself: Viewed as an allegory, it touches upon one too closely (Showalter 115; March 3
1886 - Letters of J.A. Symonds, ed. Herbert M. Schueller and Robert L. Peters [Detroit:
Wayne State University Press, 1968] 120-121). Showalter says men may have read [Jekyll
and Hyde] as a signing to the male community (115). Additionally, throughout this chapter,
the term homosocial will reference Eve Sedgwicks definition within an orbit of desire (10),
on a continuum between homosocial and homosexual (1).
4
The drama was then named Otho. Also, George refers to good friend George Mered-
ith. The quotation comes from Add Mss 46780, Folio 16, Michael Field and Fin de Siecle
78
of Fields work), was an avid publisher of work by Aesthetes and Decadents,
including Arthur Symons, John Gray, and Oscar Wilde (Beckson xxxiv), he
obviously does not react positively, in Coopers eyes, to Fields drama; he
does not engage Bradley and Cooper in the usual fashion, does not smile or
speak about the work. Cooper undeniably has anxiety over whether Matthews
fear[s] for or sicken[s] over their collective moral state. In December 1891,
after Cooper and Bradley pitched Stephania to Matthews, Cooper does write
in their journal that he hesitates over Stephania because Michael Field has
waited so long after The Tragic Mary (1890) to produce another closet drama
and suggests they concentrate on publishing lyrics since their readership is
more receptive to that genre.5 Bradley and Cooper give Matthews a collection
of lyrics to be compiled in the poetic volume, Sight and Song (1892), but they
continue to advocate for Stephania. Matthews finally relents but, based on his
initial negative reaction to the receipt of the manuscript, is not enthusiastic
about promoting the work. Though Matthews response is open for interpre-
tation, I want to show that the reception of Stephania is directly connected
to the sacrifices for art Bradley and Cooper make which other women
will not. More specifically, I want to show how Bradley and Cooper, in trying
to thematically reclaim Art and agency for women artists through the
narrative and metanarrative of Stephania, offended their already small and
Culture and Society: The Journals, 1868-1914 and the Correspondence of Katharine Bradley
and Edith Cooper from the British Library London, hereafter referred to as Journals and
Correspondence.
5
Folio 140 - from a note written by Katharine Bradley, November 29, 1890, Journals and
Correspondence.
79
elite readership comprised mostly of male Decadents.
The plot of the drama unfolds as follows: in 1002 A.D., former Empress
Stephania, bent on revenge for her husband Crescentiuss murder, plots to rid
Rome of the new Emperor. She invades the usurpers male-only inner sanctum
by assuming the guise of a courtesan and ultimately triumphs as a symbolic
queen and emperor. For Emperor Otho and Gerbert, Stephania represents a
sexual insurgence which has the power to destroy their physical and emotional
6
Apparently Cooper developed feelings for Berenson, and he was the only person who
came between Bradley and Cooper in a romantic sense. Donoghue remarks that Bradley ap-
preciated the intellect of this good-looking, Lithuanian-American art expert, but Cooper
developed a full-on crush (70). I agree that Stephania provides ample evidence for that
reading.
80
well-being, their relationship to each other and to God, and the spread of the
Roman Empire. For the Decadent male artists and critics who viewed woman
as a nemesis to creative production, social order, and personal salvation, the
figure of Stephania, as created by two female members of their literary co-
terie, not only represented a personal betrayal in a time when the Labouch`ere
Amendment to the Criminal Law of 1885 made illegal all male homosexual
acts, private or public, but also seemed to chime in with homophobic attacks
on fin de si`ecle homosexual decadence, attacks that blamed the end of the
British empire on the same depravity that, many believed, had brought down
the Roman Empire. For Bradley and Cooper, the figure of Stephania, as she
battled what they considered masculine perversity, reclaimed for the woman
artist a new authority based on an aesthetic vision of Beauty and Art that
they saw becoming tainted by the male Decadents focus on physical desires.
For those male Decadents, Stephania seems to have put Michael Field finally
and firmly on the wrong side of this artistic and political/sexual divide. While
Bradley and Cooper felt writing the drama was the Eve of their resurrection
as artists, as Cooper declared in a journal entry prior to the dramas publi-
cation, ironically, the dramas critique of the exclusion of women from power,
which Bradley and Cooper hoped would win them a place in the homosocial
world of the Decadents, instead ended up permanently exiling them from that
world.7
7
The journal entry is dated Easter Thursday, 1891; Folio 27, Journals and Correspon-
dence.
81
Elizabeth Primamore, in echo of other Field scholars, suggests that
Bradley and Cooper used Michael Field as a means to dialogue with an
elite male homosexual world (Primamore 100). A drama about a woman
disguising herself to access male power, written by a pair of women claiming a
male identity also to access male power, blatantly displayed womens growing
social and literary cogency in the turn from the fin de si`ecle to Modernism
and challenged the authority and agency of the very people who made up
their primary and elite readership.
82
circumstances or of the secret, covert, especially with reference to homo-
sexuality. I will also illustrate how the triangular relationship of Stephania,
Emperor Otho, and Gerbert adds a new dynamic to the theory of triangular
desire in Eve Sedgwicks Between Men.8
8
This chapter undoubtedly draws provocative connections among the relationship of
Bradley and Cooper, the closet drama genre, the closets of male and female homosexuality,
and the trends of Aestheticism and Decadence at the fin de si`ecle. But I see the primary
goal of my work here as offering the first critical inquiry of the intersection of genre and
womens agency as shown through Stephania and, consequently, hope to sow the seeds for
future field of investigation that focuses on what the closet drama genre reveals about the
performance of sexuality as depicted in Bradley and Coopers dramatic canon and evidenced
in their correspondence and journals.
83
because the dramas are still fairly neglected in Field scholarship, and Stepha-
nia itself has little to no study, I want to resurrect the closet drama as a major
part of Bradley and Coopers legacy.9
This chapter is divided into two main sections. In the first section, I will
provide a brief background of why Bradley and Cooper created Michael Field
and how that identity was positioned at the time of Stephanias printing. I will
also situate Stephania inside the closet of Decadence, by giving an overview
of that artistic movement and showing how Bradley and Cooper censured the
decay and demoralization of Decadence. In the second section, I will explain
how Stephania castigated the male participants of the Decadent movement
through its revision of closet drama convention. This will lead me to illustrate
how Bradley and Cooper, through Stephania, transformed the Decadent trope
of the courtesan into an authoritative performance for women. Finally, I will
demonstrate how the trialogue form of Stephania places power in the hands
of a woman, of women, upsetting the male, homosocial dominance of the
conventional erotic triangle.
9
Stephania has not been the subject of singular study, but has been mentioned in a
few texts, including Emma Donoghues biography We Are Michael Field and David Mo-
riartys article, Michael Field and Male Critics. Recently, in Michael Field and Their
World, edited by Margaret D. Stetz and Cheryl A. Wilson, Joseph Bristow in his article,
Michael Fields Lyrical Aestheticism: Underneath the Bough, boiled Stephania down to
the description Fields exploration of a Roman womans sexual subjection (51).
84
enter the male palace of Art, cloaking both their gender and their collabora-
tion. They hoped the secret identity would give them an unbiased critique of
their literary endeavors a real criticism, such as man gives man (Sturge
Moore 6), as they told friend and mentor Robert Browning. In fact, Bradley
urged Browning to keep their secret, fearing the report of lady authorship
[would] dwarf and enfeeble [their] work at every turn (Sturge Moore 6). As
avid readers of Wordsworth, Bradley and Cooper were familiar with his def-
inition of a poet as a man speaking to men (Lyrical Ballads) and were
concerned that a woman poet would not be accepted, or heard, speaking the
language of men.10 But much of this anxiety about their place as women came
from much closer sources, like their admiration for, and eventual relationship
with, Walter Pater, an idol whom they grew to love and call Tottie (Donoghue
55). Bradley had a painful awareness of the following remarks in Paters essay,
Style (1889):
Throughout their lives, Bradley and Cooper would seek out every educational
10
As exemplified in April 1890 journal entries (Journals and Correspondence), when Edith
mentions that they were reading constantly, particularly Wordsworths Odes on the Intima-
tions of Immortality. The quotation referencing a poet as a man speaking to men comes
from Wordsworths Lyrical Ballads (1802).
85
opportunity open to them11 ; however, Paters identification of the literary
artist as scholar and, in turn, the scholarly conscience as the male con-
science stuck with Bradley so much she once told Oscar Wilde how hurt she
was by that very comment (Sturge Moore 137, qtd. in Leighton 218). The
idea of the scholarly conscience and in conjunction, the identity of the
literary artist being male affected Cooper as well. During an encounter
11
Some background on Bradley and Coopers education and family life: Bradley and
Cooper recognized and envied the options available to men, particularly with regard to
their education and career path. In preparation for a socially prescribed future as a wife
and mother, Bradley as a child was tutored at home in the genteel pursuits of Romance
languages, Classics, music, and painting (Donoghue 14). Though she loved learning and was
fearless in libraries, she resisted the direction chosen for her and her older sister Lissie
(Coopers mother); marriage seemed a risk and a sacrifice, especially when it came to
childbirth and child-rearing (Donoghue 14-15). However, Lissie became perpetually feeble
after Coopers birth, and Bradley was left to care for both her sister and her niece, along
with her own mother, who was struck by cancer (Donoghue 15-17). Bradleys father had
died years earlier, and James Cooper, Bradleys brother-in-law, left the household duties
to the women so he could pursue his business, his worship, and his hobbies (Donoghue
15). Though Bradley loved her family and felt a connection to Cooper early on, she grew
frustrated with her assigned role as family caretaker and longed for time alone so she could
write (Donoghue 22). During this time, she lashed out in her diary: Wild gusts of passion
sweep over me, & leave me desolated in body & spirit. At such times, I feel evil as a strong
man within me (Donoghue 17). Bradley connects this surge of resentment, these wild
gusts of passion, to being evil as a strong man, and when these gusts blow through,
they leave her desolated inside and out. What remains is a woman unfulfilled in body &
spirit, depleted of passion. The strong man within her symbolizes a certain freedom of
emotion that she cannot show on a daily basis or even have, a yearning to be as uninhibited,
unencumbered, and powerful as only a man could be. Those feelings are evil, inappropriate
and wrong for the roles she must play. Donoghue quotes Bradley as saying she was made
for something nobler than to be an old spinster aunt (17). For Bradley, a nobler future
meant furthering her education, to the extent possible as a woman of the time. In the
years to come, after her mothers death, she traveled to France to attend classes at the
Coll`ege de France (which was free and open to everyone) and later took a summer course
offered at Newnham College, the newly created womens college of Cambridge (Donoghue
22). In between bouts of her studies away from home, Bradley tutored Cooper and her
younger sister Amy, and when Cooper was sixteen and the family Bradley, Cooper, Amy,
and Coopers parents moved to Stoke Bishop, a suburb of Bristol, Bradley and Cooper
attended daily lectures at University College Bristol (Donoghue 33).
86
with literary critic Lionel Johnson after a lecture, Cooper found herself prat-
tling, shaking, and nervous. In their diary, she chides what she sees as her
female behavior, suggesting that in her public anxiety she demonstrate[s] that
woman cannot have the scholarly conscience. I am an occasion for cynicism
a stumbling-block to youth, the sensibility of male youth: a dream turned
into a nightmare, perchance! (Sturge Moore 192, qtd. in Leighton 218). Only
a male youth could dream of having a scholarly conscience, while she,
a woman, could only turn [it] into a nightmare.
In their joint diary, Bradley often recorded her recognition and envy of
the expressive and creative options available to men, as in this brief rant:
What good times men have, what pipes, what deep communings!. . . yet
if women seek to learn their art from life, instead of what the angels
bring down to them in dishes, they simply get defamed. (Sturge
Moore 202, qtd. in Leighton 218)
Bradley and Cooper sought the good times of men, envied the brotherhood
that could sit around smoking and partaking indeep communings. Yet the
two women felt the good times of life were, for their gender, limited to
heavenly fare, and, if they expressed want for anything more, they would be
defamed. However, by taking on a male pseudonym, they could, as Bradley
wrote in a letter to Browning, sidestep drawing room conventionalities and
say things the world [would] not tolerate from a womans lips (Sturge Moore
6). In constructing Michael Field, Bradley and Cooper thought they could
87
not only access an exclusive realm of male privileges, but could grasp the
power that came with artistic manhood, the power to skip public and private
conventionalities, the power to say and write what they wished without
shocking or offending the world. With Michael Field, Bradley and Cooper
used the male-identified scholarly conscience to promote dramas that dealt
with brutal kings, women in positions of authority, Machiavellian politics,
sins of the father and son, tyrannical governments, and desire both male
and female, and combinations thereof all thinly veiled social and political
commentaries.12
Yet interestingly, at the time Stephania was published, the secret iden-
tity of Michael Field was out; most of Bradley and Coopers literary coterie
knew the two women were behind the pseudonym. In essence then, Stephania
was neither fully produced by nor fully filtered through the man who had
been guaranteed an audience because of his gender. By this time, Michael
Field had become a socially-recognized male performance publicly put on by
two women; Stephania, as published by the women acting as Michael Field,
was a work in which the conscience of the literary artist was doubly
female. In fact, after the publication of Stephania, Bradley announces in
a letter to a friend that [Stephania] is a womans book, & women must de-
fend it. Except for a few dusty old cousins, all my women friends rejoice
in Stephania. . . . Men of course dont like this (Donoghue 77). Bradley di-
12
Their poetry has been studied as social, cultural, and political commentary, especially
with regard to gender play and sexuality, but little has been written on the socio-political
commentary presented in their dramas.
88
rectly classifies Stephania as a womans book, yet at the time the novel, not
the closet drama, was traditionally the womans book, or the predominant
womans genre of the time. Even earlier, as Bradley and Cooper finished
writing Stephania (originally titled Otho), Bradley wrote: Otho exists as a
completed conception. To be altered yes but henceforth a work to be read
from cover to cover. I can walk about now with the certain step of men.13
Bradley sees herself as walking not as a man but with the certain step of
men and thus claims herself with or equal to a man. As mentioned in
my Introduction to this dissertation, the closet drama, especially one which
tended toward introspection or historical subjects, was a dying masculine breed
which, more than once, friends like George Moore advised Bradley and Cooper
to revise or stop writing.14
13
Friday, November 29, 1891; Journals and Correspondence.
14
August 18, 1890. Folio 98, MS. Eng.misc.b.47., from the archive at the Bodleian Library,
Oxford.
15
August 13, 1890. Folio 109, From Add Mss 46780; Folio 16 in Journals and Correspon-
dence.
89
a streamlined, simplified structure that would showcase the will of a woman
as sprung from two female heads, or rather from a literary artists doubly
female conscience.
16
Though other artists ran with lart pour lart and other principles that resonated with
Pater, Pater seems to have been the single most important influence on their writing
(Leighton 215). This verse from Fields closet drama Callirrhoe reflects his aesthetic ideas:
All art is ecstasy,/All literature expression of intense/Enthusiasm: be beside yourself./If a
god violate your shrinking soul/Suffer sublimely.
17
Theophile Gautier is credited with originating the phrase art for arts sake in France,
though Desire Nisard brought it to England in 1837 (Fletcher 1618). For information
on Paters aestheticism, see Chapter 4, Masculinity Transformed, in Herbert Sussmans
Victorian Masculinities.
90
a long-standing tradition of artistic manhood. For Pater, art was all about
reflecting the intense experience of the male psyche held still on the brink
of ecstasy, as shown in his critique, Poems by William Morris (1868): A
passion of which the outlets are sealed, begets a tension of nerve, in which
the sensible world comes to one with a reinforced brilliance and relief all
redness is turned into blood, all water into tears (Pater, Westminster Review
145, qtd. in Sussman 177). In Paters philosophy, when the male outlets are
sealed, the passion builds; the tension of nerve comes to a head, so to
speak, resulting in a rush of blood, making a mans perception of the world
and hence, his artistic output shine with reinforced brilliance. Pa-
ters metaphorical language in his essay on Morris undeniably brings to mind
the image of a sustained erection, as does his famous quotation: To burn al-
ways with this hard gem-like flame, to maintain this ecstasy, is success in life
(Pater, Conclusion 148, qtd. in Sussman 197). Pater defined manhood and art
by what I call mental Viagra, a mans constant and unremitting personal
determination to keep desire burn[ing] always inside, rather than to permit
the chaotic release of seminal energy that could result if allowed (Sussman
197, 200). But if achieving artistic beauty grew from a man bolstering a hard
gem-like flame, then artistic beauty went flaccid, to borrow another word
from Pater, when a woman was involved. For this reason, Pater viewed artistic
endeavors as a male refuge, a sort of cloistral refuge, from certain vulgarity
in the actual world (Pater, Appr. 18). Pater, like Thomas Carlyle before
him, advocated the idea of an all male society of the cloister that would
91
devote itself to art through a monastic tenet of self-control (Sussman 3, 5).18
But unlike Carlyle who sought to repress sexuality in that sanctuary, Pater
believed artistic achievement arose from the tension that derived from a mans
unrealized desire for other men, as Herbert Sussman suggests in Victorian
Masculinities (189).
18
A bit about Carlyle: Bradley and Cooper read Carlyles Past and Present, which com-
pared the lives of a medieval abbot and a nineteenth-century man and championed com-
munal values. Carlyle wrote about an all male community excluding females (Sussman 17);
wrote Phallus Worship (1848) in which he sees sexualized desire as danger to social order
(Sussman 36); and advocated chaste masculine bonding (Sussman 74).
92
as possible into the given time. High passions give one this quick-
ened sense of life, ecstasy, and sorrow of love, political or religious
enthusiasm, or the enthusiasm of humanity. Only, be sure it is
passion, that it does yield you this fruit of a quickened, multiplied
consciousness. (Pater 41)
The Conclusion did, in fact, exact a virulent reaction from those who were
disgusted by what they viewed as a soulless hedonism (Dowling 111). Some
readers, shocked by the idea of filling life, or ones personal interval, with
as many pulsations or high passions as one can, viewed Paters following
as a cult of intense experiences (Dowling 180).19 Suddenly, followers of
Aestheticism seemed to strive to express the enthusiasm of humanity and
high passions over artistic technique.
19
For instance, John Wordsworth, grand-nephew of William Wordsworth, former student
of Pater, and eventual colleague at Brasenose College in Oxford, wrote him about The
Conclusion not long after the books initial printing (Dellamora 158-159). Wordsworth, in
echo of many other men within the college and outside in the press, reprimanded Pater for
perpetuating the dangerous idea that no fixed principles either of religion or morality can
be regarded as certain, that the only thing worth living for is momentary enjoyment, as well
as for inspiring that idea in minds weaker than [Paters] own (Wordsworth letters, qtd.
in Dellamora 158-159). Pater, having already been passed over for a professorial promotion
at Oxford and wanting to prevent another professional snub, revised and reprinted The
Renaissance without its conclusion (Dellamora 158-159). But his words had already made
a great impression on many.
93
idealized, carefully designed to undermine traditional mores (Hanson 3). Talia
Schaffer calls the Decadent style a brief defensive reaction of embattled male
writers who perceived themselves to be losing status to popular women writers
and consequently fetishized their own decay (6). Ian Fletchers borrowed de-
scription of Decadence from Theophile Gautier characterizes this fetishization:
This Decadent revision of Paters art for arts sake ideal transformed his
religion of high passions into a religion of ageing or depraved passion
practiced, or hallucinate[d], by men truly condamnes in the eyes of society
(as well as in their own). With the enactment of the Labouch`ere Amendment
of 1885 in which any male homosexual act, whether public or private, was
deigned against the law, Decadent men moved their close male relationships
and their art, which often reflected their relationships deeper into both
literal and figurative closets.20
20
Certainly, one could debate that Oscar Wilde was not concealing much in the public
eye, but I would argue that his careful control of his public image, his persona, was in many
ways a closet. Support of this idea might be seen in the incident following the exposure
at his trial of his intimate letter to Lord Alfred Douglas, sent from Reading Gaol. In the
letter, Wilde recalls being humiliated at the train station when he waits to be taken away
to jail: he weeps at the loss of the personal walls he had meticulously constructed around
him, exposed to the elements as he stood there in the grey November rain surrounded by a
94
Richard Le Gallienne, though often categorized with the Decadents
because of his literary style, comments on what he sees as this downward spiral
from Aestheticism to Decadence in a prefatory poem titled and addressed To
the Reader in his volume of English Poems (1892):
For Le Gallienne, Paters great and fair, strong and holy, palace of Art has
been transformed into a house of diseased, leprous male bodies, a common
metaphor for male homosexuality as a pestilence, plague, or malady.21 Ellis
Hanson in Decadence and Catholicism suggests that male Decadents used the
highly wrought language of illness, perversity, and degeneracy to scandalize,
even shock conventional morality (3). The seedy contagiousness of Deca-
dence was infesting what was once an artistic temple. For Le Gallienne, for
Bradley and Cooper, it had to stop.
Bradley and Cooper were extremely critical of art, theirs and every-
one elses, and their devotion to Paters clean aestheticism (despite Pa-
jeering mob (De Profundis 491). For a more detailed portrayal of Wildes emotional state
in the letter, read Oliver Bucktons Desire Without Limits: Dissident Confession in Oscar
Wildes De Profundis in Victorian Sexual Dissidence, ed. Richard Dellamora (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1999).
21
As suggested in Gregory Tomsos The Queer History of Leprosy and Same-Sex Love
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002) 747, 773. In Tomsos footnotes, he reveals that
in nineteenth-century medical discourse, leprosy and homosexuality were given the same
name, satyriasis.
95
ters gender bias) led them to denounce the more perverse forms of deca-
dence (Leighton 217). Though Bradley and Cooper themselves were consid-
ered Decadent in style by many, Stephania undoubtedly confronts the ways in
which Decadence was seen as corrupting Victorian masculinity, and as a result,
art itself.22 In Roba di Roma, printed in Blackwoods Edinburgh Magazine
(December 1890), the anonymous author writes: There is no period in the
history of the popes more stained with crime than that of the three Othos
(771). Thus, to the reader of Stephania, Stephania, in identifying herself as
Rome well into decay under the imperial reign of Otho III, represents both
fin de si`ecle England and its palace (or empire) of art - as threatened by the
same condition. In addition, to many Victorians, this homosexual ignominy
spreading through Victorian society and illustrated through its Decadent art,
as Elaine Showalter in Sexual Anarchy: Gender and Culture at the Fin de
Si`ecle notes, resembled the same type of immorality that had led to the
downfall of the Greek and Roman Empires and predicted a similar fate for
22
From a letter from Theodore Maynard, who wrote an article on Bradley and Cooper
after their deaths to Thomas Sturge Moore, their literary executor who was a bit taken
aback by the label: I dont think it is critically unsound to say that your friends were
at one time decadent, tho some readers might misunderstand the expression. Of course
Michael Field was not decadent in the sense that Wilde was decadent, but he was nearer
the literary school (by a long way) than were the two poets you mention. Browning &
Meredith seem to me to be about unlike decadents as it is possible to be. Probably we
mean different things by the word. I understand it to describe a certain unnatural union of
paganism & mysticism which, when attempted, brings about the disease & then the decay of
both (Folio 19, MS.Eng.lett.c.433). Moores response, edited for clarity: . . . I appreciate
the kindness of your concession over the footnotes and only regret that I failed to persuade
you over the wholely unjustifiable use of the words, decadent of the decadents. [Y]ou
couldnt have used stronger of Wilde himself Rimbaud or Verlaine. [. . . ]I begin to doubt
whether you have ever read [a] major portion of the work of Michael Field, finding you so
ready to justify a perfectly preposterous phrase (Folio 20).
96
England (3). Showalter quotes from The Political Value of Social Purity,
an article printed in The Sentinel, September 1885: If England falls, one
clergyman warned, it will be this sin, and her unbelief in God, that will have
been her ruin (3-4). When Stephania recounts the experience of her rape,
which occurred before the drama opens, during her first official introduction
to Otho she eloquently describes her subsequent change in being and credits
her lush manner of speaking by admitting, In my womanhood/I was a poet
(I, 571-572). In reclaiming Othos moribund Roman empire, Stephania will
restore the power of her artistic womanhood and thusly will revive national
identity along with poet[ic] tradition.
Though published two years after the publication of Fields Stephania, Gosses
metaphorical casting of Victorian women as Boadicea, a legendary queen who
led an uprising of ancient British tribes against the Romans in 60 AD, not to
97
mention the male Decadents as the Roman boy, in the tender effeminacyof
his politics anticipating the invasion at any minute by a female enemy,
aptly reflects the story of Stephania, an Empress wronged, who sweep[s]
into Emperor Othos fresh outpost, flings open the gate, and restores
order to a land Otho had poached by murdering her husband.23 To relate
this imagery back to Le Galliennes poetic observation, Stephania raids the
artistic empire of leprous men in order to reinstate something great and
fair, strong and holy. In the final verses of the drama, Stephania declares
that her love herded the wicked into hell (III, 821-822); she is rid of the
usurper (III, 827) and has cleansed herself (III, 821) and the palace. With
this in mind, the doors to what Gosse sees as a closet of tender effeminacy
and passivity are flung open. In Stephania, Rome, England, and the palace of
art are saved from Decadence. Bradley and Cooper have decided that women
will be the new rulers of country and art.
23
In ancient Rome, Roman men could only claim masculinity if they had the insertive
role in penetrative acts (Williams 125). If not, they were considered effeminate. Effeminacy
was a Decadent trait.
98
and his Empire were the perfect choice to represent the heart of a Decadent
civilization.24
Otho is a young man of 21 when the drama opens three years after
he marched on Rome, hung the Consul Crescentius high on the battlements
of Castle St. Angelo, and set about restoring what he saw as the glory days
of the Roman Empire.25 Othos vision for a new Rome has not materialized;
the citizens are on the verge of revolt, the ancient pomp and spectacle he had
fought for nowhere to be found. He blames Gerbert, his right-hand man so
to speak, for leading him down this path of blind ambition. Gerbert, also
named Pope Sylvester II, symbolizes the Roman Empire, the power wielded
by the unification of political and religious institutions. Although Gerbert has
a mystical past in learning wizardry from the Moors in his younger days,
24
In More Roba Di Roma, a collection of essays about Italian culture and history by
William Wetmore Story included in the December 1870 issue of Blackwoods Edinburgh
Magazine, Otho is described with characteristics of a decadent: In character he was at
once vehement and vacillating, melancholy and excitable by turns the victim of violent
fits of remorse and devotion, during which he was guilty of gross cruelties and crimes, and
of equally violent fits of remorse and devotion, during which he strove to expiate his offenses
by long pilgrimages, penances, fasts, and superstitious rites[.] In Roba Di Roma, Story
juxtaposes the state of mid-nineteenth-century Rome against its rich history, compelling
nineteenth-century readers to see how both Romes reflect each other (New York: Leonard
Scott Publishing Co., 1870).
25
Fields interpretation of Othos story adheres closely to the reported history of the actual
Emperor Otto III: while Consul Crescentius ruled Rome in Othos stead under a peaceful
republic and subjected the papal authority to civil authority, Emperor Otto decided to take
his rightful place as leader of the empire. Otho and Crescentius did indeed battle. Otho
offered Crescentius a deal, which Crescentius accepted under false pretenses. Otho hung
Crescentius on the castle battlements. There are many versions of Othos final demise.
Bradley and Cooper began researching the history in 1890; they visited archives in the
British Museum, read Bryces Holy Roman Empire (1887) and went to Germany to visit
Othos tomb. See the 1890 entries from Journals and Correspondence and Donoghue, 61.
99
he has become a political player (I, 8-9) and wants to keep Othos attention
on battling to save Rome. However, Gerbert does not encourage this imperial
warfare simply to build a divine empire. Nor does he stay by Othos side
merely to strategize and conquer. In Victorian Masculinities, Sussman claims
that in circumstances of war close masculinities bonding into adult life [was]
permitted within a warrior model of masculinity (49). For Gerbert, war and
empire-building sanction intimacy with Otho.
For Bradley and Cooper, Gerberts love for Otho reflects the controlled,
yet erotic, passions advocated in Paters artistic cloister. Gerbert conveys his
mental and spiritual love for Otho through a language of eroticism and longing,
as evidenced by this image Gerbert uses to describe for Stephania his love for
Otho:
. . . It is unsupportable
To breathe beside him with the consciousness
That he is growing alien whom I love
With such constriction of the heart, my prayers
Grow ruddy as with life-blood at his name,
Who is my dream incarnate, half my God. (II, 126-131)
In the tradition of Pater, whose passion rises and all the sensible world comes
to one with a reinforced brilliance and relief all redness is turned into
blood, Gerberts prayers grow ruddy as with life-blood with the invocation
of Othos name. Otho is his dream incarnate, half [his] God, his path to
100
transcendence into beauty. The relationship between Otho and Gerbert began
in the institutional cloister (I, 413) when Otho was 15 and Gerberts pupil,
but to Gerberts disappointment, Otho pulled away from the tutelage and
went his own way, questioning Gerberts motives and teachings. Bradley and
Cooper treat Gerbert with compassion, almost as if he is Pater himself, yet
also portray the relationship as constricting, claustrophobic, and crumbling.26
Gerbert feels Otho growing alien because of his attraction to what Romuald,
the zealous hermit practicing his religion in far-off countryside caves, can of-
fer. Romuald, like Gerbert and Otho, is also based on a historical figure; in
contrast to Gerbert, he railed against the hierarchical and excessive behav-
ior of religious authority and sought to transform the world into a hermitage
where no privilege, rank, or institutional regimen existed (Damian). Follow-
ing historical record, the Otho in Stephania supports Romuald, to Gerberts
dismay, and longs to relinquish his duty to the Holy Roman Empire so he
can become devoted solely to the hermit. In the drama, Bradley and Cooper
play up Gerberts fears that Othos actions will be their joint fall into what
the drama projects as depravity, rather than their joint transcendence into
Beauty/Power.
26
Though Im not certain if Bradley and Cooper were aware, Pater, like Gerbert was
known to have had relationships with younger men; well-known was Paters relationship
with 19-year old William Money Hardinge that cost Pater a university proctorship (Hanson
17475). See Ellis Hansons chapter on Pater Dolorosa in Decadence and Catholicism.
101
was the messy turn from Paters disciplined, mental ecstasy of Aestheticism
to the debauched and uncontrolled physical desire of Decadence. Othos con-
flict is illustrated through his account to Gerbert, early in the drama, of his
confession at Romualds cavern in the hill (I, 249). His physical encounter
with Romuald is one of renitence and acquiescence. When Otho arrived at Ro-
mualds grot, he found repentance for Cresentius murder in [Romualds]
arms and lost himself in the hermits presence (I, 244-245, 255, 258). Later,
Otho lay down (I, 275) with Romuald and, in the morning, was awakened by
Romualds kiss: A touch/woke me at last between my eyes that opened/To
see the saints mouth clingingly withdrawn (I, 275, 278-280). But the lan-
guage blurs to depict the scene as more like a rape:
102
Othos vacillation is evidenced by his fear and by his physical response to
Romualds advances: Otho finds himself aroused with life by the encounter,
but as an emperor who has only commanded other men to have sex (as seen
in his order of Stephanias rape which he does not join), and has not had sex
himself, he is confused by the enticing call of the trumpet, what could be read
as both a military call and as Romualds phallic trumpet, and tries to flee
the monks dark earthy dwelling place. This scene depicts Othos struggle
with both his identity and his desires. Shall he, as a soldier of Empire, resist
and control his passion, or shall he become a soldier of God and give in to his
physical nature like Romuald?
The night after his visit with Romuald, on the move with his army,
Otho weeps in private over this personal dilemma (I, 326328). He wonders
if he has sinned, and if he is worthy even manly enough to control
an empire. He went to Romuald for redemption, but found himself emotion-
ally and physically disturbed. Yet he is still attracted to the religious life
of solitude Romuald offers. Ultimately he considers himself, to recall Victor
Hugos condamne, damned in [his] very destiny (I, 693) and anguishes about
being caught between the lives of Gerbert and Romuald: I perish/Between
them, yearning for such unity/As they proclaim impossible (II, 391-392). The
drama presents both options as unnatural and unhealthy, on a personal level
and a national level. In Act One, Otho accuses Gerbert of making him sway
a vacant kingdom (I, 187); Otho, under Gerberts mentoring, remains a vir-
gin emperor; therefore, the kingdom remains vacant like an empty womb since
103
its leader is not populating the Empire. If he were to align himself with Ro-
muald, a zealot wanting to populate the Roman Empire with hermitages and
monasteries, Otho would also surrender his empire to infertility, as Romuald
seeks to create a world of men and solitude. Additionally, Otho would sacrifice
himself, in Gerberts words, to [a] creature skilled to blemish and deflower
(II, 7) and would be unmanned (II, 276).
In speaking with Gerbert and having her own brief encounter with
Romuald (off-page) when she was left to wander after her rape,27 Stephania
realizes that Othos connection to either man bodes badly for Romes future,
and on a metaphorical/thematic level, neither option bodes any better for Eng-
land. The stylistic and metaphorical treatment of the homosocial relationships
in Stephania suggest that any society or vocation limited to the male con-
science has inherent weakness and is certain to founder from its sterility. But
since Otho cannot quit the rule of men (II, 622), as he tells Stephania, the
fertility and survival of Rome hence, the fertility and the survival of Eng-
land, of Art depends on Stephania. At the start of the drama, she speaks
of poisonous spices wafting through the palace:
27
After she was left to die in the camp, she wandered into the hills and found herself at
Romualds cave. She asked for his help and kissed his feet, at which point he became violent
and beastly, crying as he were bitten by a serpents fang and clawing at her (II, 75-84).
104
Spread poison, but are fatal being breathed
By one without suspicion as in sleep. (I, 1014)
The poison could very well come from the censer Stephania clasps, as noted
in the stage directions, which might indicate that she has spread the fatal
poison which ultimately kills Otho. Yet at the same time, since historical
myths disagree about whether or not the real Stephania killed Emperor Otho
III by poison, this Stephania could be using the censer, or incense vessel, to
cleanse the palace of the poison that already seeps through the palace in
the form of Gerbert and Othos patriarchal, homosocial, and vacant Roman
Catholic Decadence. On the level of metanarrative, Stephania could represent
a censer itself, its rich imagery, as exemplified by this passage, a poison that
Bradley and Cooper created in the name of cleansing Beauty and Art. But
as Bradley and Cooper adopted the language of Decadence, infusing passion
with the metaphor of disease and death, to tell the story, the drama became
fatal being breathed by its Decadent readership.28
Bradley and Coopers choice to employ and renovate the closet drama
genre with Stephania seems purposeful and innovative, especially when eval-
uated alongside the rest of Michael Fields vast closet drama canon. Michael
28
In fact, at the time of Stephanias publication, Nietzche frequently employed the French
word decadent to paint the Church as the epitome of all that [was] weak, archaic, and
irrational in modern civilization (Hanson 8).
105
Fields closet drama was usually characterized by genre convention: blank
verse form, large cast of characters (or Dramatis Personae), and historical,
mythical, or supernatural themes. Similar to others of the genre, many of
Fields dramas were deemed either too large or too interior to be portrayed
on the stage and thus remained in their literary form. The pace of dia-
logue was also noted as being too slow and speeches too long. For example,
The Tragic Mary (1890), the drama published just before Stephania, with its
cast of twenty-four-plus characters, follows a traditional five-act style made
popular by the Roman philosopher/dramatist Seneca and adopted by Eliza-
bethan dramatists, including Shakespeare, whom Bradley and Cooper greatly
revered. The dramas Elizabethan form seems appropriate to chronicle the
story of Mary, Queen of Scots, especially since it takes place during her cousin
Elizabeth Is reign as Queen of England. However, The Tragic Mary received
hit-and-miss reviews (Donoghue 56), and Bradley and Cooper, as noted earlier
in this chapter, felt pressure to change.
106
obviously generates bold questions about gender, sexuality, and pederasty, as
does the narrators erotic language, exemplified by the moment when Otho
bids [the boys] lay (II, 175) and another orgasmic moment when, as the boy
plays his harp, Othos lip is quivering, and his breast/Heaves with convulsive
pangs oppressd, his dim eye seems fixd and glazed;/And now to heaven in
anguish raised. (II, 241244). The double entendre and homoerotic allusion
in Hemans version is much like that in Fields Stephania, particularly in its
depiction of the relationships among Gerbert, Otho, and Romuald. However in
Widow, Stephanias agency only goes as far as her disguise; in telling Stepha-
nias story as a long poetic narrative in two parts, the narrator, who is never
identified, restricts the tale to a third-person omniscient and consequently fil-
ters Stephanias thoughts, emotions, and words, not to mention controls the
construction of her identity. Stephania is a heros bride (II, 275), as she
reveals (in dialogue) to Otho near the end of the poem, and live[s] for one
dread task alone (II, 286) Crescentius glory. But this mission seals her
fate: she emphatically bids Othos court to lead [her] to death (II, 305), and
at the end of the poem, the narrator assures the reader that indeed she will
find repose (II, 322). Death was a common and accepted end for a woman
in Victorian literature, the ultimate sacrifice of her being to the males she
had been born to serve (Dijkstra 29). Though Stephanias death could be,
at first, read as a noble sacrifice, in the final four lines of the poem, the nar-
rator announces that her deed, her actions, will be forgotten with her grave:
And oer thy dark and lowly bed/The sons of future days shall tread/The
107
pangs, the conflicts of thy lot,/By them unknown, by thee forgot. It seems
that Stephania, as the Widow, begins and ends as the subject of another Ro-
mantic elegy, one that the narrator intends to bury with her, cross-dressing
minstrel-song lost.29
29
Hemans was known for her literary piousness, sweet language, and mothering voice
that bespoke true womanhood (Leighton 16). Yet Angela Leighton in Victorian Women
Poets: Writing Against the Heart does credit Hemans with liberat[ing] the idea of the
woman poet from the . . . denials of history (4041).
108
This Stephania expresses her mettle from the start, and at Crescentius sug-
gestion that she submit to Otho, she vehemently refuses. Not long after, when
Crescentius is led away by Othos men, Stephania vows: God shall avenge
him: if not God, then I (374).
109
tagonist in these dramas tends to grow debilitated by his psyche and seeks
asylum from his overwhelming emotions. Both Storys version and Fields ver-
sion of Stephania design the closet as a site of physical action. But while
many of Storys twenty characters act throughout the drama and his Stephania
ends in emotional paralysis, Fields Stephania is the only one who acts to and
beyond the end of her story. Thus, by using a dramatic structure (rather than
a poetic narrative structure as did Hemans, for example), yet keeping the cast
to three, Bradley and Coopers emphasis on female autonomy, authority, and
agency is unmistakable. Three years after Stephania was published, Richard
Le Gallienne declared that man for the present seems to be at a standstill,
if not actually retrograde, and the onward movement of the world to be em-
bodied in woman (Westminster Review 143, qtd. in Schaffer 24). As a closet
drama named for a determined, ambitious woman who includes in her goals
glory to [her] womanhood (I, 87), Stephania rehabilitates a physically re-
pressed genre based on a males inward movement by showcasing a womans
onward movement.
110
with the hermit Romuald, who aspires to populate Italy with monasteries and
hermitages. Otho sees no meaning in the world he conquered and, though
only twenty-one, feels blind, damned, and close to death. He is paralyzed with
inaction.
111
was overthrown, Stephania was taken to camp by Othos troops and, on his
orders, raped, borne away/To degradation (I, 62-63). At first, she surren-
dered to her attackers, but when the brutal assault ended, she wasted no time
in musing [her] revenge (I, 65). Weakened and in shock, she escaped the
city and headed into the distant hills, trying both to heal and to make sense
of the traumatic events. On the move, she realized that the assault did not
mutilate or destroy her spirit, and saw that power still remained in her beauty.
Through this self-awareness, this self-consciousness, she recognized her power-
ful need for justice and reward: she became determined to honor her husband
and, at the same time, bring glory to [her] womanhood (I, 87). The entire
drama is fueled by the physical manifestations of Stephanias will, the female
conscience.
30
La Revue blanche was a journal first printed in Belgium in 1889, but moved to Paris
in 1891. The journal catered to a readership of intellectuals and was dedicated to the
support and development of art. See Venita Dattas Birth of a National Icon: The Literary
Avant-Garde and the Origins of the Intellectual in France (New York: SUNY Press, 1999)
3133.
31
Grecian surname of Venus Pandemos means common to all. Also a symbol of pros-
titution. A temple was built for her with money public girls had to pay. (The Popular
112
umphed over idealistic aspirations; she ridiculed chastity, the fam-
ily, the fatherland, the future life, drama and the world of dreams.
It was the revenge of brute desire, breaking the lyres and the gui-
tars of an aged worlds orphic singers whom she had forced into
prostration before sex itself. (qtd. in Dijkstra 358, Barrucand 350)
Encyclopedia: Being a General Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, ed. Daniel Keyte Sanford,
Thomas Thomson, and Allan Cunningham [Oxford University: Blackie & Son, 1837] 404.)
32
Wilde wrote the play originally in French and used the French spelling of Salomes name.
113
the Baptist (Jokanaan), only to cause his execution after he refuses her affec-
tion. In the biblical myth, however, Herodias commands her daughter Salome
to seduce Herod, her new husband and Salomes stepfather, into ordering the
murder and the plated head of John the Baptist. No matter the take on
her gruesome mission, Salome was often presented as bestial virgin of deadly
desires (Dijkstra 386), and, in plotting Othos demise through the persona of a
courtesan, Stephania, like Salome, is classified by this bestial role of seduc-
tion. Yet Stephania is not motivated by brute desire, as Barrucand suggests
of Wildes Salome. Wildes Salome is driven by carnality or sensuality, even
a lack of reason, shown by Salomes repetition of imperatives as she tries to
physically possess Jokanaan:
Salom
e.
I will kiss thy mouth, Jokanaan. I will kiss thy mouth.
The Young Syrian.
[...] Princess, do not speak these things.
Salom
e.
I will kiss thy mouth, Jokanaan.
(Note: A few lines of dialogue follow here. The Young Syrian can-
not bear Salomes actions and kills himself, falling between Salome
and Jokanaan. The Page of Herodias expresses his guilt over the
action. A soldier announces the Syrians death.)
Salom
e.
Suffer me to kiss thy mouth, Jokanaan.
Jokanaan.
114
[...H]ath he not come, the angel of death?
Salom
e.
Suffer me to kiss thy mouth.
Salome has no perception of what is happening around her. She focuses solely
on kissing Jokanaans mouth, undeterred even when a man falls to his death
at her feet. She goes on to repeat the phrases I will kiss thy mouth and
Suffer me to kiss thy mouth a few more times, determined to get her way,
despite the fact that Jokanaan will suffer for it.
115
In her purposeful seduction, Stephania stirs up heterosexual desires in Otho,
desires he has never felt or experienced. He loses control of his own body and
mind as she summon[s] fantasies to erupt from inside him. In a sense, this
image resembles a Paterian Aesthete gone beyond Wilde; for Otho, it is bad
enough that he cannot control his thoughts, but they are thoughts strange
heterosexual thoughts. For this reason, in the all-male artistic communities
portrayed by Carlyle and Pater, women were demonized, excluded, othered,
and objectified because men could not figure out any other way to control them
or their effect. Thus, men believed that if they could not control women or the
temptations they caused, their manhood and consequently their creative
and social production was soon to be lost.
116
Sacred my beauty, sacred the strange arts
I found myself endowed with, as the child
Of a great craftsman is endowed with skill
To handle unfamiliar instruments[.] (I, 74-78)
The agony and shame she feels because of the demoralizing physical as-
sault becomes sacred, worthy of religious veneration, holy; the agony and
shame become feelings to revere. Her beauty and sexuality turn sacred
as well, as she realizes the skill she possesses as a woman. In comparing
herself to a child/Of a great craftsman, she implies that prior to the attack,
she was nave in the craft of sexuality and likens her body to an unfamiliar
instrument. At the same time, she is endowed with [the] skill to use it. She
recognizes the power and honors it with gratitude and awe (I, 79); she is not
pick[ing] apart the arts as Barrucand wrote, but sees herself as craftsman.
While the men who raped her, as well as Otho, the man who ordered the rape,
subjected her to complete degradation (I, 63), Stephania does not remain
in that state. She chooses to honor her body by wielding it, by allowing it
to gr[o]w bright in exultation as a shield/ fresh-burnished (I, 8991). In a
sense, she is a crusader for her own body.
117
century courtesan as a powerful symbol of a womans potential for autonomy,
for sexual and emotional self-expression; and a sweet-throated counterblast to
the stultifying tyranny of female propriety (332). Hickman posits that those
qualities are exactly the reason why the courtesan is denied a voice (331),
excluded and othered as I stated earlier. Hickman writes, Shunned in their
own day for being moral degenerates, courtesans were, quite to the contrary,
some of the most quick-sighted and astute observers of the moral issues at
the heart of womens lot (334). Stephania demonstrates her quick-sighted
and astute observations of morality in her critique of the courtesan role. In
Act III, near the end of the drama, Stephania rues having to act the part:
O God, how tedious is the harlots part,/. . . To dress for him,/To garnish
infamy (III, 611, 615616). A few lines later, she continues her censure of the
part: I clad myself/Thus secretly in grave-clothes every time/That I put on
harlots ornaments (III, 625627). Stephania sees herself as a harlot, an
unchaste woman costumed in robes of death, grave-clothes that have obvi-
ously been worn for Otho, but prescribed by everyman; since she dresses for
him, she is not the moral degenerate he is. In recognizing that she does
not shroud herself in this fashion, Stephania not only recognizes Otho and
Gerbert as well as the men who raped her, and men as a whole as the
moral degenerates, but also recognizes her true self underneath. In the final
scene, Stephania declares that the courtesans hateful clothes/ Make havoc
of [her] beauty (III, 791792) and strips them off. This action, as tied to her
beauty, seems to connect back to Paterian aesthetics and marks the disposal
118
of a hateful trope in the Empire of Art. As Stephania endows the courtesan
with the autonomy and stature befitting an Empress and, for that matter,
a woman, the trope and power of the courtesan changes as Stephania
physically discards her place as object for subject and other for self.
33
A friend of Bradley and Cooper, who supposedly developed romantic feelings toward
Cooper; various biographical sources disagree.
119
157). In this way, the trialogue form could very well symbolize a power strug-
gle between men and women as, historically, the triangle, a shape with three
sides and angles, is known to represent both sexes: pointing downward, uterus-
fashion, for women; pointing upward, phallic-style, for men. In Stephania the
trialogue, Stephania the woman emerges on top.
In the third act of the drama, which opens as the third day dawns,
Stephanias plan to bring down Otho, her distinct purpose, draws to its
culmination. She has spent three years before the drama, and three days
120
during, prepar[ing] for this moment when she would exact her revenge on
Otho. She has seduced him physically and has even convinced Gerbert that
the seduction was his idea. In this third act, on this third day, she reveals her
duplicity to Gerbert, and the new information comes as a surprise. She tells
him that he was complicit in her plot:
Realizing that he has participated in the impending death of his love, a de-
feated Gerbert exits the scene without saying anything further and does not
return to the drama. At this point, Otho grows more ill, either from the discov-
ery that his mentor betrayed him by collaborating with Stephania, his previous
sexual encounter with Stephania (which tore him away from his homosocial
path), or a literal, airborne poison made from herbs, which Stephania may or
may not have dispersed. Whatever the cause, the third day for Stephania was
Othos deadline, literally and figuratively.
For Stephania, this third day is also a day of healing and resur-
rection. As the stage directions mark, [s]he sweeps the coronation mantle
around her, symbolizing her resurrection as Empress. Yet not long after she
acknowledges that her actions have come to fruition, she looks at herself in
121
Othos shield and turns from her reflection with disgust (III, stage direc-
tions). Suddenly, she is drained physically and mentally by the role she had
to play: lethargy falls on [her] like a hell/Pressed inward, and she has need
of sleep (III, 619620), a time of renewal. Stephania removes the mantle,
her jewelry, and her dress, beneath which she wears a shroud (III, stage
directions). She regrets her brutal actions and feels as though she has lost
her virtue, [her] reality (III, 793). But as Otho lay dying, he forgives her,
making sure to leave no poor reproach upon [his] lips (III, 807). In the final
scene, as the sun sets on the third day, Stephania, in casting off her shroud,
sheds her courtesan identity, renews her vows to her dead husband, and re-
stores her chastity. Between its connotations of agency and revivification, the
three-day construction of Stephania makes this closet drama a symbol of a
womans definitive action, or onward movement, to once again reference Le
Gallienne.
122
erotic triangle. She is not a mere trope created by men, but a woman of virtue
and honor who borrowed the role. At the end of the drama, she tells Otho,
I never spoke/The least untruth to you (III, 68889). She finally tears the
shroud from her breast and pulls down her hair from the flat folds of her hood,
as the stage directions indicate, baring herself as the symbol of a revived and
empowered Rome, a revived and empowered womanhood, and a revived and
empowered art.
34
I have thought about discussing the drama with regard to Shakespeares sonnets: Sedg-
wick shows the homosocial power dynamic of the erotic triangle through Shakespeares
sonnets to the Dark Lady and Fair Youth. Without a doubt, Stephania plays with the
triangular relationship evident in these sonnets and shows Stephania revising Sedgwicks
reading of that homosocial power dynamic. As Adrian Poole writes in Shakespeare and the
Victorians: The Victorians had Shakespeare in their bones and blood. . . . He was certainly
around them, on stage and on posters, in paintings and print and cartoons, in the air they
breathed, on the china they ate off. As we listen to them now, his words seem always on the
tips of their tongues (1). Shakespeare was certainly around Bradley and Cooper and,
in fact, permeated the very air they breathed, the china they ate off. Shakespeares
influence went deep for the two women; he represented the literary gold standard. But at
the time, even Shakespeare was becoming corrupted by Decadence as a potent strait of
deviance especially in his sonnets because of the adulterous and homosexual themes
(Williams 65). Although many Victorian authors clung to Shakespeare in order to revive a
sense of literary decorum and national identity, as Rhian E. Williams states in Michael
Fields Shakespearean Community, the sonnets were also being adopted by the homosexual
community as advocating same-sex desire (65). Though Bradley and Cooper had what some
deem a sexual and incestuous relationship, their pride in a literary decorum and national
identity leads me to theorize that in Stephania they were playing right into the strait of
deviance in order to comment on it. Much of Fields canon poetic and dramatic rings
with Shakespearean influence.
123
two men who desire the same woman, the women is frequently positioned as
a locus of commutation, trade, barter, even honor between men.35 The desire
between the male rivals grows stronger than the desire either man has for the
woman, and through this desire, the men exchange power and confirm each
others value, leaving the pitiable and contemptible woman as a mere pawn
in, or even out of the equation (Between 160). In other words, the woman
acts only as a conduit for male-male desire, and this asymmetrical triangle
becomes a symbol of patriarchal, homosocial supremacy. This theory gains
new meaning in examining the triangular relationship formally constructed in
Stephania. Stephania, purposefully playing the role of the pitiable and con-
temptible woman, prevents Otho and Gerbert from exchang[ing] any sort
of power and from confirm[ing] each others value. Stephania is not simply
the mediator of male desire, even though Gerbert clearly loves Otho. She har-
nesses their illicit desires, uses them, and destroys them in favor of fulfilling her
own desires. When Gerbert admits to her that Otho is close to being sucked
up by the fiend Romuald (II, 198), Stephania decides to use his affection for
Otho to her advantage. At first, she kneels to Gerbert in deference:
Consent
To let me be your leech, and, while you mock
And disregard me, you will feel your powers
Press to expansion as the buds in spring. (II, 192195)
35
I have compressed ideas here that were sprinkled throughout Sedgwicks text.
124
As the pitiable and contemptible woman, even leech, she tempts him
with the figurative and physical; certainly his powers to influence Otho will
press to expansion if Stephania were to draw Otho back to Gerberts side,
but the connotations of an erection and of mental Viagra as well are
unmistakable. Stephania offers a reinforced brilliance and relief for Gerbert,
to touch back on Pater, something the cloistered Gerbert cannot refuse. In
the end of Stephania, the desires of a harlot are revealed to be the desires
of a noble woman and a widow, and these desires, not the desires of Otho or
Gerbert, crown the triangular structure of empire, glory, and honor. Stephania
dominates the triangle and gets the final word.
In Act One, Stephania asks Otho to remember that she is more than
his handmaid (I, 644); she is
In this verse, the monument shows Stephania as a human being denigrated like
an inanimate object, stripped of her life, left numb, made a symbol of war. She
is merely the monument to carnage and events past, a site of nothing-
ness or the gap left by the husband perhaps, as Dagni Ann Bredesen marks
125
the popular portrayal of Victorian widowhood(7). Bredesen, in her study
Categorical Exceptions: Widows, Sexuality, and Fictions of (Dis)Coverture in
Victorian Domestic and Imperial Narratives, poses an interesting question rel-
evant to the analysis and themes of Stephania discussed in this chapter: How
can a married woman virtually dead in the eyes of the law come back to
life, so to speak, on her husbands death? (65). Bradley and Cooper use the
closet drama genre not only to resurrect a widow who ceased to be/[her]self
after her rape (I, 56667), but also to show that empowerment as a challenge
to the male homosocial supremacy and desire. In the end, the story of Stepha-
nias triumph becomes a different sort of monument than the image offered at
the start of the drama.
sculptured on a monument
Together, side by side, and hand in hand,
As any mortal pair that had their part
Of joy and sorrow and then sank in death
The wife, the husband! (III, 829833)
The image of the monument, with its artistic and historic connotations, is
an important one on which to close Stephania. Though the monument offi-
cially and permanently memorializes the wife, the husband, that mortal
pair also sank in death. Stephania has cleansed (III, 821) her reputa-
tion as Crescentius wife, but in the final lines of the drama, she sits alone,
126
contemplating the great triumph [she has] won, first for Italy, then [her]
womanhood, and lastly, her husband. Crescentius, though celebrated on the
monument to come, is now the site of nothingness he has no actual tomb
(III, 833). In this way, the monument becomes a bold annunciation erected
by a woman and symbolizes a challenge to those doors and empires closed
by men and limited to male desires. Furthermore, Stephania, as a cleansed
woman with her love made so whole (III, 821) that she can turn the wicked
into hell/as unperturbed as God (III, 822823), a woman whose eradication
of those who trample[d] and pollute[d] (III, 818) the Roman Empire has
restored her purity, a wife who remains pure in her status as widow, is herself
a monument. She symbolizes womanhoods reclamation of the fallen, immoral
Roman empire, and in the same vein, womanhoods reclamation of the fallen,
immoral, decadent empire of Art. The battle for control over physical desires
is won.
With this lasting image, Bradley and Cooper, in their devotion to the
principles of Aestheticism and their struggle for equality as women writers, sent
a clear message to their readership about their personal covenant regarding
Art. Certainly, Bradley and Cooper did not set out to offend a coterie which
they admired, as shown by this quotation from Bradley to Robert Browning
early in their career as Field: It is not in our power or desire to treat irrev-
erently customs or beliefs that have been, or are, sacred to men (Works 8).
But in Bradley and Coopers rigid interpretation of the Paterian aesthetic
specifically, pleasure brought to the brink but deftly controlled, the physical
127
manifested through written expression or material decoration,36 earthly pas-
sions made divine through language and their dismissal of anything that
strayed from or, more importantly, tainted that philosophy, the two women un-
doubtedly saw corporeal desires (in effect, both homosexual and heterosexual)
as the cause of the decline in what they viewed as true Art. It appears that
they were not trying to offend men per se, just as they promised Browning,
but did so in their all-encompassing condemnation of uncontrollable physi-
cal passion. This point is ironic in light of what some scholars identify as a
physical relationship between Bradley and Cooper, as supported by explicitly
ardent entries in their correspondence and shared journals. In my opinion,
however, the language in those archival materials, as well as the rhetoric of
Stephania, only definitively indicates that Bradley and Cooper lived for, and
valued above all else, the written expression of ecstasy, and that pursuit led
to their professional demise.37 In a time when homosexual acts, private or
public, were illegal, Stephania, with its female protagonist using her feminine
wiles to destroy the relationship between two men, and its two female authors
condemning those who acted on physical desire, indeed made something of
manhood fall.
36
Bradley and Coopers dedication to Art could also be seen in their flamboyant manner
of dress and home decor. See Donoghue.
37
Throughout the correspondence between Bradley and Cooper, there are too many in-
stances to count of both women trying to control their wayward passions for each other, with
and without success. Most times, they express anguish, guilt, or regret for these feelings
and suggest this emotion is getting in the way of their creativity. I am intrigued by this
conclusion and am eager to further investigate archival materials.
128
Chapter 4
I Could Be Tempted:
The Ev(e)olution of the Angel in the House
in A Woman Sold
Eleanor.
Lionel, I know
I could be happier so with you I know,
Than in the tempting paradise Sir Joyce
Has won my parents with and almost me.
Ah! love, I have been weak. You were away.
And I was flattered. And I had gone far
Before I knew where I was being led.
(A Woman Sold, I, 310316)
1
By mercenary marriage here, I refer to a union initiated by the promise of a financially
stable future and by love, I refer to what Wendy S. Jones calls a virtuous passion as
129
protagonist Eleanor Vaughan at the crossroads of committing this marital sin.
Eleanor must choose between marrying the wealthy, older gentleman Sir Joyce
Boycott a match she is pressured by her friends and family into accepting
or her middle class suitor Lionel, a fledging lawyer. Throughout the entire
first act of the drama, Eleanor and Lionel argue over her decision to sacrifice
their love for a mercenary marriage. Lionel accuses Eleanor of allowing herself
to be sold by her parents for jewels, social status, and property and warns that
she will lose her piety, innocence, and virtue if she goes through with what
he considers an unholy business deal. In the second act of the drama, set six
years later, Eleanor now named Lady Boycott to indicate her new status
since she did indeed marry Sir Joyce off-page is mourning her husbands re-
cent death, grieving over her lost love for Lionel, and is devastated to discover
her best friend Mary is betrothed to Lionel and will live the life Eleanor once
desired.
130
serpent in the garden of Eden, as exemplified by the quotation that opens this
chapter, and thus lends moral weight to Eleanors choice: a spiritually weak
Eleanor (along with her parents) is led, lured, far away from love by the
material power promised in Sir Joyces tempting paradise.2 Though Eve is
seduced in Genesis by the idea of wisdom and Eleanor in A Woman Sold by
the idea of a secure upper class future, A Woman Sold conflates the choices of
the two women into a moral lesson about how disregarding the divine laws of
marriage and falling into temptation can lead to exile from certain contentment
in Paradise and to lifelong atonement for that sin. In this chapter, I want to
argue that Webster creates in her drama a synergy of narrative, genre, and
form to revise that lesson and to critique the institution of marriage itself.
Though A Woman Sold might, at first read, seem like a simple parable
instructing its readers about the importance of marrying for love, I want to
reveal how, upon close examination, the drama instead predicts the way in
which Webster will later lean on irony as a favorite rhetorical device to de-
liver sociopolitical commentary throughout what will be a prolific cross-genre
career. Twelve years after Webster wrote A Woman Sold, she published A
Housewifes Opinions (1879), a collection of previously printed essays that
range in subject from an analysis of Greek translation to the Protection for
the Working Woman, and challenged certain patriarchal and misogynist ideas
2
Regarding the story of Genesis, I refer to the King James version of the Holy Bible,
Oxford Text Archive, 1995, made available through the University of Virginia Library:
http://etext.virginia.edu/etcbin/toccer-new2?id=KjvGene.sgm&images=images
/modeng&data=/texts/english/modeng/parsed&tag=public&part=teiHeader.
131
about womens roles and interests. Though written some time after A Woman
Sold, these unconventional housewifes opinions show her purposeful employ-
ment of rhetorical irony as the self-proclaimed mid-nineteenth-century house-
wife of the volumes title demonstrates her political and intellectual knowledge
and critiques social and cultural attitudes. The intentional construction of A
Housewifes Opinions presents Webster as a writer who knew the power of
rhetorical form and function, particularly in gathering essays published sep-
arately and anonymously in the Examiner and promoting them through the
voice of a middle class housewife; through this collection, Webster showed the
housewife as well-read, socially conscious, and politically savvy, and used form
and genre to show that the change legislated in large halls or even Parliament
could begin right with her. In this chapter, I want to show that the construc-
tion of A Woman Sold provides an early example of Websters attention to
formal rhetoric, as her use of the closet drama acts as a structural metaphor
for the sociomythological confinement of the nineteenth-century middle class
woman.
132
nurture and maintain behind an idyllic little rose-covered wall, an image of
home life that social critic John Ruskin presented in Sesames and Lilies, his
widely read treatise on the inherent responsibilities of men and women pub-
lished two years before A Woman Sold in 1865. Rather, Webster depicts the
institution of marriage as a bound, restrictive space where society dictates that
the identity, choices, and actions of the nineteenth-century middle class woman
must be projected in an angelic, virtuous form to make amends for Eves orig-
inal sin. Though Marilyn Yalom in A History of the Wife (2002) negates this
idea by claiming, No longer the daughters of Eve associated with mans un-
doing, Victorian wives and daughters were elevated to the position of spiritual
guides (182), I believe A Woman Sold suggests that Victorian women were in
fact elevated to the positions of spiritual guides because they were seen as
daughters of Eve, that these spiritual guides or angels in the house were
created to keep women from having to make choices which, as in the Genesis
story, could have an adverse effect on the future of mankind at large. In
its allegory, A Woman Sold illustrates how the social and cultural interpreta-
tion of Eves story transformed marriage in the mid-nineteenth-century into a
dead-end choice that would restrict womens personal and social growth, inde-
pendence, and knowledge. I want to illustrate, then, how the construction of
A Woman Sold presents the idea that marriage for nineteenth-century middle
class women was a closet of social and cultural paralysis, built on a history of
sociomythologically-limited gender expectations.
133
word as provided in my introduction. For my specific use in this chapter, I
have pared down the definitions for clarity, eliminating certain redundancy:
With this set of definitions in mind, I speak of the closet as a private space,
a private trouble, the word private reflective of the following explanations:
restricted to one person or a few persons as opposed to the wider community;
of a conversation, communication, etc.: intended for or confined to the person
or persons directly concerned; confidential; kept or removed from public view
of knowledge; secret; concealed (OED). I also invoke Sedgwicks theories from
Epistemology of the Closet to highlight these points; however, I use Sedgwick
here not in the context of homosexuality per se, but rather a more basic level
of mobility and agency in a particular space.3 Although the closet takes on
3
As I mentioned in my introduction, while I see ample possibilities for discussing A
Woman Sold and the other closet dramas in this dissertation through the complex dis-
course of homosexuality Sedgwick offers in Epistemology of the Closet, I consider the level
of argument in this chapter an essential step in preparing the groundwork for those future
134
many manifestations in A Woman Sold, from the metaphors suggested by the
dramas genre and subject matter to the physical location where Eleanor/Lady
Boycott dialogues with Lionel and Mary, each manifestation projects a similar
meaning of confinement and restriction, yet ironically blurs the lines between
private and public, or the wider community, as the issues discussed and
decisions made inside the closet represent individual as well as social anxieties.
At the same time, I also want to direct attention in this chapter to the
ways in which Websters ironic interplay of narrative, genre, and form points
the way toward female agency growing outside those closets represented in A
Woman Sold. In positioning Eleanors marital choice in the first act as the
only choice she has for her future, Webster cast her female protagonist as the
mid-nineteenth-century middle class daughter, inheritor, and redeemer of Eve,
faced with a decision that not only will determine her own moral worth and her
future, but will affect the moral worth and future of other women of her time.
But at the end of the drama, Websters tightly-knit unification of narrative,
genre, and form supports a reading in which her female protagonists sin of
choosing a mercenary marriage over love only leads to temporary exile, as Lady
Boycotts punitive sentence ends when her husband dies and she is left inde-
pendent and financially secure. As the second act comes to a close, Webster
shows Lady Boycott moving toward taking possession of her voice, her reason,
her virtue, and her identity in imagining her future involved with a triangular
135
friendship with both her best friend Mary and her former suitor Lionel (now
Marys fiance), rather than entertaining the idea of another marriage, continu-
ing a life of widowed solitude, or even looking toward death, all popular finales
for nineteenth-century women in literature. I posit that Webster transforms
the closet, and the closet drama genre, from a male-defined space into a site
that invites for the mid-nineteenth-century middle class woman possibilities
beyond the patriarchal myths and prescriptions which bind her, especially to
the institution of marriage; Webster does this by choosing to write the story
of a womans impossible choice as a closet drama to recap, a genre tradi-
tionally written by men that tends to focus on the psychological exploration
of a male protagonist layering that story with an allegorical metanarrative
that critiques the sociomythologies of both Eve and the angel in the house,
and structuring the drama as two acts that signpost the female protagonists
life Before and After she chooses a husband.
136
to inscribe women as subjects and actors, and to demystify the historically
specific constraints to which they were subject (104). She suggests that these
closet dramas and others like them, in contrast to those characteristic of the
Romantic mental theater, show women recognizing, struggling against, and
acting on the various external forces that contributed to the construction of
their social identity (105). Brown posits that the women in these dramas
reflect the social complexity of their gender roles, at once heroically and
socially constrained (106). In terms of Websters A Woman Sold, Brown
discusses how the social institutions of marriage and family constrain Eleanors
desire, and only when she gets the opportunity to slip outside of them is she
rewarded with a fluidity of identity that can escape limiting and totalizing
social judgments (101).
I agree with Browns main arguments and support the idea that the
closet drama form of A Woman Sold (along with Eliots Armgart) allows for
an exploration of social questions and resists simplistic reduction (103).
But I believe Browns acknowledgement of the social engagement of A Woman
Sold, though important in the re-introduction and recovery of Websters work,
needs fleshing out to fully illustrate how A Woman Sold resists a simplistic
reduction. For example, while Brown declares that the status of the fallen
woman is also at issue in A Woman Sold and that the drama works to deny
the notion of female essence or of an opposition to pure and fallen natures
(97), she doesnt make any direct connection between the fallen woman/Eve
influence on Eleanor/Lady Boycott or the form of the drama. Brown does suc-
137
ceed in analyzing the language of the narrative but fails to fully explore what
she calls A Woman Sold s subjective, dialogized, dramatic form to support
her points (102). Thus I proceed further along Browns track by demonstrat-
ing how Webster, in tying a contemporary narrative to allegorical stakes and
containing it within a revised closet drama framework, allowed A Woman Sold
to critique the biblical mythology that created for the mid-nineteenth-century
woman a literal and figurative closet in which the institution of marriage, as
well as gender prescriptions, rendered her inert and voiceless.
4
Valerie Sanders in Eves Renegades: Victorian Anti-Feminist Women Novelists notes
that mid-nineteenth-century writer Elizabeth Strutt believed that the sexes were equal since
Adam and Eve came from the same place of origin, but still adhered to the idea that
men and women had inherent differences in their manners (164). In the early nineteenth-
century, author Hannah Mather Crocker also saw in the story of Genesis the equality between
men and women, yet promoted the idea that women became subordinate beings after the
138
in Let Her Speak for Herself: Nineteenth-century Women Writing on Women
in Genesis, nineteenth-century women writers perceived Eve in a multitude
of ways, from the crown of creation to Eve as the victim of power; from a
woman to be pitied to a woman to be praised (24). But Taylor and Weir posit
that most women writers of the period did not radically oppose the patriarchal
interpretation of the Bible, but instead offered their own retellings which gave
new depth to the character development of Eve. In the myth and character-
ization of Eve, as Taylor and Weir argue, nineteenth-century women writers
discovered self-understanding, self-knowledge, guidance, and direction (104)
and in their interpretation of the traditional mythology challenged conven-
tional readings, even when they did adhere to certain biblical and Miltonic
fall (Taylor, Weir 25). In Paradise Lost, Milton fleshes out the ribs of the original story
recorded in Genesis 2-3, which offers the account in a scant 49 lines or so, or two brief
chapters. Whereas the biblical telling eschews any form of character development, Milton
creates characters who cultivate certain gender roles and prescriptions for centuries to follow.
Miltons Eve is, at first, blissful in both her innocence and her ignorance and is happily
guided by Adams reason (Milton IV). The biblical description of Eve and her actions is
much more spare, leaving room for interpretation. Many nineteenth-century women writers,
as Gilbert and Gubar note, could not connect with either of these portrayals and offered
their commentary on, and adaptation of, the history through their own works. Gilbert and
Gubar mention some of these revisionary texts, including Charlotte Brontes Shirley and
Christina Rossettis Goblin Market, as well as Elizabeth Barrett Brownings closet drama, A
Drama of Exile (189). Like Webster, Barrett Browning set her drama, modeled after Greek
tragedy, following Adam and Eves exile from Paradise. The work focuses on Eve as she
deals with the guilt and consequences of her sinful deed; however, Barrett Browning uses the
drama to question the conventional gender roles and attitudes constructed by the patriarchal
myth.Ultimately, Eve comes to appreciate her mortality and the physical punishments she
received as a result of her fall. As Terence Allan Hoagwood suggests in Biblical Criticism
and Secular Sex: Elizabeth Barretts A Drama of Exile and Jean Ingelows A Story of
Doom, Eve relinquishes the abstract eternity of patristic exegesis to embrace a bodily
love of mother earth (167). She learns the love of motherhood and is honored by Adam as
Mother of the world (Exile 1824) and learns to [l]isten down the heart of things (Exile
2068) for answers, rather than to look up to Heaven for guidance (Hoagwood 167).
139
ideas.
5
Scholarship has focused on Augusta Websters poetry and includes: an overview of
Websters poetic canon in Angela Leightons Victorian Women Poets: Writing Against the
Heart; Christine Sutphins edited collection of Portraits and Other Poems and her article
The Representation of Womens Heterosexual Desire in Augusta Websters Circe and
Medea in Athens; and Marysa Demoors Power in Petticoats: Augusta Websters Poetry,
Political Pamphlets, and Poetry Reviews.
140
adaptation of the closet drama genre acknowledges and calls for a revision of
popular ideologies: essentially, the narrative, genre, and form of A Woman
Sold work together not only to recognize the institution of marriage as a figu-
rative closet that constrained the life possibilities of the unmarried Victorian
woman of the middle class, but also to remodel that closet into a space where
a woman could choose to reject the subordinate and submissive gender roles
assigned to her. With this chapter, I will conclude that A Woman Sold rad-
ically reveals the angel in the house as the angel in the closet, a direct
descendant of Eve in her closet Paradise, yet leaves the closet door open for
the reclamation of female agency and a new sort of female redemption.
6
For more in-depth study on the social and religious attitudes of the rising middle class:
Gerald Parsons et al, Religion in Victorian Britain (Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 1988); Claudia Nelson, Family Ties in Victorian England (Santa Barbara, CA: Green-
wood Publishing Group, 2007); Joan Perkin, Women and Marriage in Nineteenth-century
England (London: Routledge, 1989); Judith Flanders, Inside the Victorian Home (New
York: W.W. Norton and Company, 2004); Krishan Kumar, The Making of English Identity
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003); and Wendy Jones, Consensual Fictions:
Women, Liberalism, and the English Novel (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005).
My discussion in this paragraph was synthesized from the information provided throughout
these texts.
141
Even as it reached for material success and social power, the middle class as-
signed itself the protector of moral authority, denouncing what it considered
the self-indulgence and wasteful excess of the upper class by championing the
Protestant work ethic (pointedly, hard work and success equate to salvation)
as well as evangelical Christian doctrine. In a time when moral beliefs were
in danger of becoming deprioritized in the avid pursuit of capitalism and dis-
missed in the favor of scientific discovery, many in the middle class saw their
ethical fight as essential to the future of England. The institution of mar-
riage, and the home created by that marriage, became the site of repentance
not only for what the middle class saw as its growing social sins, but also for
the original sin committed in the first marriage between Adam and Eve,
which had resulted in Paradise lost. For the majority of the middle class,
upholding the sanctity of marriage a sacrament between two people and
the manifestation of Gods will was a crucial part of restoring Paradise on
Earth and, consequently, of supporting English nationalism; essentially, a soci-
ety built on the model of love and domestic duty portrayed in Genesis, a story
about mankinds creation and womankinds sin, was certain to fuel England
with Godly strength. Therefore, according to this middle class ideology, en-
tering into a marriage that equated to little more than a financial transaction,
rather than a moral, spiritual, and physical pledge, committed the ultimate
sin against both God and country.
142
concept of marriage as a social and national covenant and described how hus-
band and wife played different roles in fulfilling their commitment to the mar-
riage and to England.7 The notion of separate spheres for men and women
based on their natural attributes was one that would identify the century, and
while a husband was responsible for defending home and country against the
vagabonds of violence and vice, his wife, according to Ruskins treatise, was
cast as the centre of order, the balm of distress, and the mirror of beauty,
both within her gates and without her gates (138). In other words, though
a husband defended the boundaries of home and nation, a wifes social re-
sponsibility was to nurture and maintain the edenic, peaceful world inside
the boundaries of home, as well as to use the skills inside the home to lessen
and heal the agony of men beyond what Ruskin called her as previ-
ously illustrated little rose-covered wall (143). Furthermore, a wife, in
Ruskins popular opinion, had to cultivate her domestic paradise by being
enduringly, incorruptibly good; instinctively, infallibly wise wise, not for
self-development, but for self-renunciation: wise, not that she may set herself
above her husband, but that she may never fail from his side (122). Essen-
tially, a womans power came from her role as a mans moral guide and pious
helpmeet, privately and publicly. Therefore, since marriage was the mark of
eternal love, as Ruskin proclaimed, and a wife was expected to express that
7
Ruskins Sesame and Lilies is a transcript of lectures he delivered in 1864: Of Kings
Treasuries and Of Queens Gardens. The book, according to the 2002 reprint edited by
Deborah Epstein Nord, was a common gift for girls and a fixture in middle class homes
(Ruskin xiv).
143
love through her virtuous caretaking, a woman who succumbed to a loveless
marriage for the sake of status or wealth demonstrated a divine disobedience
and a moral corruption that would lead to the downfall of home, society, and
nation (Ruskin 117, 120).8
Ruskins view of gender and marriage in Sesame and Lilies was greatly
influenced by another widely read work about gender and marriage, Coventry
Patmores The Angel in the House, a long narrative lyric comprised of four
different volumes serialized between 1854 and 1862. The poem celebrated
the institution of marriage and identified woman as a paragon of virtue with
the moral power to rise above Eves fall, prompting the term angel in the
house to become a moniker that would historically symbolize ideal Victorian
womanhood.9 As the speaker, a poet named Vaughan, extols the marvel that
is first his beloved, then his fiancee, and finally his wife, he offers her as a
representative of what Everywoman should be an angel, a queen. Patmores
theme caught on with the public and was the subject of critical and literary
writings. For example, a five-part series called The Daughters of Eve (1861),
published in Temple Bar, a London town and country magazine, chronicled
the lives of seven famous women whom the anonymous writer believed to
8
I am simplifying Ruskins argument about womens roles quite a bit here. See Victoria
and Ruskins Domestic Mythology by Sharon Aronofsky Williams in Remaking Queen
Victoria, ed. Margaret Homans and Adrienne Munich, particularly the argument beginning
on page 105, for a more comprehensive reading of the connections Ruskin makes in Of
Queens Gardens between Queen Victoria and the Angel.
9
The Angel in the House includes a verse entitled The Daughter of Eve, in which the
speaker states that he accepts womans flaws, faults, and errors because underneath all
of those, she is a gentle woman.
144
epitomize Eve as she was created. In part five, Louise Emilie Beauharnais,
Comtesse de Lavalette, the writers definition of a true daughter of Eve
resembles Patmores married angel in the house:
Like the speaker of Patmores The Angel in the House, the author of Louise
Emilie Beauharnais describes contemporary woman in the state of Eve before
the Fall, born a bride in her native modesty and purity, ready to experience
the solemn joys and hallowed cares of wifedom. This language echoes the
way Patmores angel in the house also seems to be made in Eves image, as
depicted in a section of the poem called The Rose of the World, which tells
the story of God who formd the woman (7) with a countenance angelical
(12), such power in her beauty to bring the faithless the hope of heaven, and
modesty, her chiefest grace (25).
145
the long-standing title of consecrated laureate of wedded love.10 The poems
theme is summarized in Book One of The Angel in the House, in a verse called
Love Justified; Vaughan declares, This little germ of nuptial love,/Which
springs so simply from the sod,/The root is, as my Song shall prove,/Of all our
love to man and God (Patmore 4144). Through Patmore, the poets Song,
about nuptial love from which a root grows and is love to man and God,
became, as proclaimed by an anonymous essay in an issue of Macmillans that
appeared in the autumn of 1863, the song of songs, wherein is glorified the
the pure passion, which, if it is to be found anywhere in the world, is to
be found at our English firesides conjugal love (Macmillans 256). The
domestic image of marriage based on mutual love as an anthem to be sung at
English firesides, or hearths, assigned woman as the heavenly guardian of
the marriage flame that kept England strong, and subsequently faulted her for
dousing that flame by being tempted to marry for any reason but love, and
especially eschewing love for money. Patmore illustrates how marrying for
money negatively impacts an edenic domestic future in a section of The Angel
in the House called Aetna and the Moon when a woman on her sweet self
set her own price (58):
10
Many of the ideas of those who criticized Patmores feminine ideal would grow into the
philosophy of the New Woman. In contrast, critic Edmund Gosse would give the name
consecrated laureate to Patmore in his 1905 biography.
146
How spoild the bread and spilld the wine,
Which, spent with due, respective thrift,
Had made brutes men, and men divine. (6064)
147
my wedding robe will be a shroud. In another ballad, Cruel Agnes, a man
falls in love with a beautiful woman who declares that she could not be a poor
mans bride and demands he raise his fortunes to her height, but when he
succeeds in obtaining riches, she demands he achieve glory for his name on
the battlefield. He dies trying to gain her love, and she marries, sold, to be
a nobles wife,/To an old baron her young life. The woman goes on to live
a horrible life in woe and strife with an authoritarian husband and dies,
to her tyrant lord husbands satisfaction, regretting her lost chance at true
love. The common strains of love sacrificed and loveless marriages also reside
in the narrative poem Lilian Gray (1864) and Websters only novel Lesleys
Guardians (1864); throughout these works, the female protagonists find un-
happy ends as a result of either somehow turning their backs on love and the
marriage that could be born from that love or being forced into marriage out
of social expectation or familial necessity.
For the first collection of poetry published under her own name, Dra-
matic Studies (1866), Webster turned to the dramatic monologue and away
from the marriage theme in the poem By the Looking-Glass. Webster does,
however, critique the expectations of the angel in the house and presents the
speaker, a young woman, lamenting the fact that she does not fit the angel in
the house criteria in her words she is a common, clumsy creature never
given the angels wings and consequently has never experienced love or
marriage. The speaker of the poem declares that people do not know the poi-
sonful sting or the sense of shame she feels because she is not beautiful, nor
148
do they realize the way her plain appearance dictates her womans lot;
her successful future as a woman courtship, love, marriage, motherhood
depends on her looks.
11
My reading coincides with Angela Leightons reading of the poem in Victorian Women
Poets: Writing Against the Heart 186187.
149
as death predicts the speakers bleak future, potentially her only option since
she cannot fulfill the role society has assigned.
12
From Websters collection of essays, A Housewifes Opinions(1879), 96.
150
Girls Public Day School Trust in 1872, which allowed many girls to pursue
secondary education (Leighton 170). However, even with these legal improve-
ments, universities such as Oxford and Cambridge wouldnt give women de-
grees until the early twentieth century, an issue Webster lobbied for decades
by supporting womens right to vote (Leighton 170). In 1878, Webster wrote
a piece for The Examiner in which she demanded that all women should have
the right to vote, keeping in line with those husbandless or independent
women (widows, spinsters) who were considered heads of their households and
were already entitled to vote under the law (Sutphin 400401). This essay
argued for the right of married women to suffrage by highlighting the extant
right of unmarried women, a point which I will resurrect later in this chap-
ter. Change for all women, Webster believed, would come from the revision of
misogynist legislation enacted by men.
After Jacob Brights Suffrage Bill (1870, the first womens suffrage bill)
and others were soundly defeated, Webster honed in on the public anxiety
over what might happen if women thought for themselves and became too
independent:
There are fears that [women] will make matrimony illegal, suppress
cooking, and have the Prime Minister chosen for his good looks and
his skill at lawn-tennis. It is also apprehended that they will at
once throw off all their present customs, tastes, virtues, and attrac-
tions which, as is well known, are the compensations bestowed
on them by nature for the absence of a vote and will become
151
coarse-featured un-mannerly hybrids, men-hating and hateful to
men. They will wear coats and trousers, they will refuse to sew on
shirt-buttons, they will leave off poudre de riz and auricomiferous
waters, they will be Bishops and Judges, and will break all the
commandments. (Leighton 169, HO 273).
Webster ironically predicts what the public thinks might happen if women
were to vote for issues that would allow them to step outside their angel in the
house role, which had been designed to atone for the choice made by their sinful
mother Eve. Women would do away with marriage altogether by deeming it
illegal, and in so doing, would stop cooking, hire the Prime Minister as
their boy-toy, and overall would cause utter chaos by dismissing any sort of
customs, conventions, or virtues. The angels in the house, those women
whose daily domestic virtue was supposed to nurture a social and national
paradise as atonement for Eves wrong choice, would become coarse-featured
un-mannerly hybrids who, in refus[ing] to sew on shirt buttons, wearing
coats and trousers, and claiming the roles of Bishops and Judges, would
no doubt destroy the patriarchal institutions of marriage, religion, and law
through their irrational vote. Webster implies through irony what she views
as the only role socially sanctioned for women: they must marry, have culinary
talents, stay out of political affairs, cultivate and maintain certain manners and
their physical appearance, and above all, obey the commandments put forth
by society and God.
152
Lynn Linton offered a more straight-forward opinion in The Modern Revolt,
published in Macmillans Magazine (1870), about the two popular schools of
thought regarding women:
one, the cynical school, making [women] the authors of all the
evil afloat, sly, intriguing, unreasonable, influenced only by self-
interest, governed only by fear, cruel, false, and worthless; while
another, more poetic and quite as untrue, paints them as seraphic
creatures gliding through a polluted world in a self-evolved atmo-
sphere of purity and holiness and ignorance of evil. . . . [N]o school
has yet upheld them as sober, rational, well-informed beings with
brains to regulate their impulses, yet with more love than calcu-
lation; . . . women who do not care to make a fools paradise of
Arcadian innocence for themselves[.] (142)
153
But marriage, or rather becoming a professional good wife and mother,
was the highest ambition for any good girl of any social class, as Judith
Rowbotham states in Good Girls Make Good Wives: Guidance for Girls in Vic-
torian Fiction, since mid-nineteenth-century England did not offer much for
women in the way of guaranteeing a secure future (Rowbotham 12, 223). They
could seek respectable employment as a governess, seamstress, or housekeeper,
domestic vocations that still allowed them to wear the angel of the house
halo, albeit one belonging to a lesser angel (Rowbotham 223), yet marriage
was still the goal. As Webster wrote in Husband-hunting and Matchmaking
(1879): While young women know, and their parents know for them, that
marriage is not merely the happiest and fittest condition to which they can
look forward, but the only happy and fit condition the only escape from
dependence on charity or on their own incompetences, from loss of social po-
sition, and from all the hardships and hazards of an unskilled gentlewomans
precarious existence (qtd. in Sutphin 385). Despite Websters public advo-
cacy and writings on behalf of womens labor and education, she does not offer
any escape from dependence or outside employment to Eleanor/Lady Boy-
cott in A Woman Sold, published a year after Dramatic Studies and before
Websters career in journalistic social commentary picked up steam. In the
drama, Webster depicts marriage as the middle classs only possible option
the only happy and fit condition for her female protagonists future.
154
becomes impossibly intertwined with love and duty. On the surface, Eleanors
choice appears simple: marry the young enterprising Lionel, whom she loves
and who attempts to protect her womanly honor, as opposed to the wealthy Sir
Joyce, who tempts her away. However, Webster makes things more complex
by showing that choosing either man either marriage leads Eleanor to a
sinful situation; no matter if Eleanor remains faithful to love or remains dutiful
to her family, her identity, virtue, independence, and future will be sold in
one way or another.
13
The Married Womens Property Act of 1870 legally made married women the rightful
owners of the money they earned and gave them the ability to inherit property. Women
were then no longer considered to be part of their husbands property.
155
The juxtaposition of the phrasing Im prospering against the word love
links the endearment a symbol for her to his prosperity, or monetary
success. Eleanor becomes an object that aspiring lawyer Lionel plans to soon
win; his goal is to make enough money to claim her, his promised prize.
He tells Eleanor he must go to work and will only return when he can say,
[T]here is room for you/In a fit home which I have earned (I, 309310). This
line casts her as an object with which to decorate his appropriate fit home,
and the phrasing, There is room, implies that she will be one object among
many, but he will make room for her. Eleanor begs him not to leave her
for work, but he dismisses her: Nay, dear, I must work./ Clients and causes
stand no truanting:/And I am greedy to heap up gains (I, 312314). Lionel
openly admits his greed, which points directly to his last line in the drama,
Sir Joyce can never buy my wife away (I, 320). Once Eleanor is [his] wife,
the middle class, upwardly mobile Lionel will have ownership and the power
over Sir Joyce, which indicates that Lionels good, righteous love for Eleanor
is no more virtuous than Sir Joyces mercenary proposition. Yet ultimately,
even though both possible marriages are mercenary at their core, Eleanor
still has no other choice but to accept one of the proposals.
156
the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee (54). Essentially, in order to
have a long comfortable life on Earth (and in Heaven), children, particularly
girls, had to obey their parents. Within the family unit, [g]ood girls always
had their Bible and prayer book close to hand, and a good girls behavior
derived from unselfish submission (Rowbotham 23, 54). In fact, young women
were constantly being reminded through didactic fiction, as well as guides and
manuals on practical domestic matters, that self-sacrifice and family loyalty in
the image of Christ were their responsibility (Rowbotham 56,59).14 Although
young ambitious Lionel, with the social, economic, and political privileges
doled out to him as a mid-nineteenth-century middle class man, would be
expected to receive Eleanors unselfish submission as her husband, Eleanor
is a single young woman living in her parents home under their care and
commandment (as decreed by God). So, as Rowbotham proclaims in the title
of her book, to be a good girl, Eleanor must make a good wi[fe], which
means, to her parents, marrying Sir Joyce. Thus, Webster argues that a
society based on religious ideology places some unmarried women of the mid-
nineteenth-century in an impossible situation: you must love and you must
listen to your parents.
14
Though I wont discuss this here, I find it fascinating that Websters Household Opinions
rhetorically plays with the genre of domestic matters.
157
pleasure in submission, in bowing to authority, in the consciousness that her
trust outstrips her reason, in a double faith faith in her religion, and in him
that teaches it(Remembrancer 391). A womans pleasure, then, came from
bowing to authority, but Eleanor cannot bo[w] to both Lionel and her
family, and thus must disobey authority one way or another. As a result,
Eleanor can never be virtuous in the eyes of society no matter whom she mar-
ries. In presenting Eleanor with this choice that prevents her from attaining
moral, personal, or social worth, Webster illustrates the need for unmarried
women to have alternatives to marriage and speaks to a cause she will strongly
advocate in the future: the idea that if women were allowed a strong educa-
tion and professional opportunity, they could financially support themselves
and would not have to base their virtue or worth on marriage. They wouldnt
have to be responsible for creating and maintaining a, to reference Linton,
fools paradise. In building her theory about the metaphorical closet, Eve
Sedgwick in Epistemology of the Closet states that [i]gnorance and opacity
collude or compete with knowledge in mobilizing the flows of energy, desire,
goods, meanings, persons (4). Sedgwicks statement, though employed in her
own argument through a discourse of homosexuality, seems appropriate for how
Webster, in trapping Eleanor between two marriages and two authority figures
and not suggesting the merest hint of educational or employment opportunity
for Eleanor, reveals the ways in which sociomythology keeps Eleanor ignorant
and immobilizes her energies, desires, and meanin[g] as both goods and a
158
woman.15
The closet drama, with its focus on the conflict of the psyche, seems an
appropriate medium in which to situate the narrative of a female protagonist
whose future, not to mention her conscience, identity, and worth, is bound by
ideologically constructed closets. Additionally, relative to the way the closet
drama genre was slipping further into the literary closet of the nineteenth-
century,16 A Woman Sold, as a closet drama, commented on the way women
were being pushed deeper into institutional and ideological closets where they
had no control of their lives or even their own thoughts. Webster could have
written Eleanor/Lady Boycotts story as a dramatic monologue similar to By
the Looking-Glass, especially since the basic narrative of A Woman Sold also
critiques the way in which the private, personal spaces of a nineteenth-century
15
Again, I see ample opportunity to reach into Sedgwicks theories, particularly with
regard to the way she suggests that sexuality has been made expressive of the essence of
both identity and knowledge [and] may represent the most intimate violence possible (26).
A Woman Sold pre-dates the texts that Sedgwick explores in her work, but it certainly
reflects many of her theories and deserves more space to do so.
16
Websters choice to write a closet drama for the telling of A Woman Sold gains further
meaning when regarded in the context of closet drama written during the Romantic period,
which officially ended with the ascension of Queen Victoria in 1837, but lingered in its
influence for some years after. As discussed in my Introduction to this dissertation and in
my chapter on George Eliots The Spanish Gypsy, Romantic writers, as a response to what
they saw as the decay in the quality of writing for the stage, revived and revised the closet
drama to foster a more meaningful theater of the mind. During the period, Charles Lamb
seemed to express the shared feeling of his fellow closet dramatists when he wrote: On the
stage we see nothing but corporal infirmities and weakness, the impotence of rage; while
we read it, we see not Lear, but we are Lear, we are in his mind (Burroughs 9). The
stage had become a farce to serious writers like Lamb and Byron. By the 1860s, the
drama-written-to-be-read was becoming passe.
159
woman are invaded and impacted by the dictates of society. Instead, Webster
used a closet drama, a genre that resembles the dramatic monologue in its
blend of drama and interiority yet includes other characters and subsequently
incorporates other voices and perspectives, to recontextualize, dramatize, and
assert a similar, but more complex rhetorical message. In this section, I want
to show how Websters choice of genre for A Woman Sold works together
with narrative and form to expose the limited range of social motion allowed
her female protagonist, particularly in the context of marriage, and in fact,
implicates that institution as a closet, a private domestic space to which women
are exiled and emotionally paralyzed.
A Woman Sold certainly fits with the more conventional mental theater
of the Romantic period, but also nods to the idea of closet drama put forth
during that time by poet/dramatist Joanna Baillie.17 As Catherine Burroughs
noted in Closet Stages: Joanna Baillie and the Theater Theory of British Ro-
mantic Writers, Baillie viewed the closet drama as a theatrical or public per-
formance of what Burroughs calls real-life closet dramas, personal events
or moments that often occurred in private spaces (89). According to Bur-
roughs, Baillie recognized the value in revealing the traditionally unseen and
unheard and believed theater audiences would get as much out of spying on
17
Baillie, who wrote dramas for both stage and page from 1790 to just before she died in
1851, purposefully imagined her dramas as if they would be performed, though some were
never acted in her lifetime. For more detailed information about Baillie and her view of
the closet drama, see Chapter 3, Joanna Baillies Theater of the Closet: Female Romantic
Playwrights and Preface Writing, in Catherine Burroughs Closet Stages: Joanna Baillie
and the Theater Theory of British Romantic Writers (1997), and The Collected Letters of
Joanna Baillie, ed. Judith Bailey Slagle (1999).
160
mens actions, to quote Baillie in her Introductory Discourse from 1798, in
the closet as well as in the field (Burroughs 90). But while Baillie identified
the closets dramatic potential by publicly producing and staging drama
ordinarily enacted in the closet (91), Webster, in contrast, demonstrated the
closets dramatic potential at the site of its origin by illustrating, in each
act of A Woman Sold, her female protagonists inner conflict through a sin-
gular dialogue which she exchanges privately with one other character. Thus,
A Woman Sold acknowledges the performance of its protagonist on the stage
of her own real-life and shows, through two intimate conversations, that
the closet, here manifested as the domestic space of marriage, is actually a
public stage. Lionel and Mary in their performative language and purposeful
conveyance of middle class expectations regarding the institution of marriage
(and its relative, betrothal) and womens roles within that insitution, not only
direct Eleanor/Lady Boycott in her emotional and physical performance, but
also represent the sources of Eleanor/Lady Boycotts inner conflict, as well as
her conscience and her audience, marking the public role she must play, even
in private.
161
no Noes in protest. Lionel will not hear of the lie Eleanor is considering
to live by marrying Sir Joyce and charges ahead in a sixty-seven line speech in
which he lectures her, reminds her, about who she is as an unmarried woman:
. . . a young thing
In the bud of stainless girlhood, you the like
Of babies in your fond grave innocence,
You proud as maidens are who do not know
What sin and weariness is like in lives
Smirched by the pitch that seethes[.] (I, 1924)
162
development could be seen as a possible outcome for what Eve might have been
like should she have stayed in Paradise and never sinned.
In Act Two, Webster employs Mary to contain and redirect Lady Boy-
cotts feelings and actions. As the widowed Lady Boycott waxes sardonic about
her loveless six-year marriage to Sir Joyce, Mary first advises her not to speak
of the matter aloud (I think you should not say it even now. II, 49), then
encourages her to [h]ush, oh! hush, since she disapproves of Lady Boycott in
her flouting moods (II, 76). Mary accuses Lady Boycott of bitter acting
(II, 80) and offers her emotional direction: You shall not scorn yourself so.
Weep, dear, weep./ If you are sad, and bid me comfort you,/ But let be with
that jarring heartlessness (II, 7779). Webster, in supplying Mary with the
commandment You shall not, along with the imperatives weep, bid, and
let, positions Mary as the director of Lady Boycotts performance. Mary
does not approve of Lady Boycott covering her grief with a show of laughter
and mirth (II, 81) and urges her friend to demonstrate a more suitable and
authentic exhibition, one that is not so heartless or cynical. Through this ex-
change, Webster indicates that even in a private conversation, Lady Boycott is
not allowed to indulge her desires; she must fulfill the desires of Mary, her au-
dience of one. Indeed, Lady Boycott adheres to Marys direction, even saying
to her friend, You were right to hush me (II, 82), but does ask Mary to allow
her [t]he ease of complaining, after which she goes on at length to explain
her marital remorse: she had numbed [her heart] to an unsinning deadness
(II, 152) in her relationship with Sir Joyce, though he was kind and generous
163
to her. However, Mary still chides Lady Boycott for run[ning] too wild/In
[her] regrets (II, 159160); I stop you once again, (II, 159), she says, I
know you had no love (II, 160). She proceeds to tell Lady Boycott that she
has no need to feel guilty about her distant relationship with Sir Joyce. Here,
Mary justifies her directives and reasons away Lady Boycotts past:
164
her language, as an agent of Lady Boycotts past, present, and future, confining
Lady Boycott to Marys directives and assertions, all of which attempt to guide
Lady Boycott back onto the path of love. Lady Boycott, in Marys eyes, must
realize she has eaten the forbidden fruit and accept the consequences.
165
Less will not do. You must not; no, you must not.
You shall not marry so. (II, 516519)
But because Mary has already established that Lady Boycott is acting scorn-
ful and heartless, Lady Boycotts attempt to gain control, act on her own feel-
ings, and instruct Mary is futile. Mary tells Lady Boycott that she will change
her mind when she meets Marys fiance Lionel Ellerton and finally realizes
what love is: Youll know how far from possible it were/ For the woman who
loves Lionel Ellerton/To love a little. . . . Youll know what a rich thing my
sunshine is (II, 531533, 544). Under Marys direction, Lady Boycott will
know the truth of love, and Marys repetition of Youll performatively
commands the inevitable.
166
texts and ultimately represent the binaries that cause Eleanor/Lady Boycotts
conflicts good/evil, love/money, sin/piety, temptation/resistance, redemp-
tion/ruin, man/woman, and self/other, as signified by the characters own
double moniker.18 Together, the two acts identify and unify the absolutes of
the sociomythologically constructed existence as the angel in the house/post-
fall Eve from which Eleanor/Lady Boycott eventually breaks free late in Act
Two, just before the drama ends.
Lionel.
Then it is true!
Eleanor.
Oh, Lionel, you look
So strangely at me.
The very first line of the drama, Lionels Then it is true!, signals only two
possibilities for his discovery (as-yet-undefined for the reader): to be true
18
As mentioned in my earlier chapter on The Spanish Gypsy, Claire Rosenfeld in The
Shadow Within: The Conscious and Unconscious Use of the Double talks about how
the Victorians saw two opposing selves and the two sides represented the socially ac-
ceptable or conventional personality while the other externaliz[ed] the free, uninhibited,
often criminal self (327328). Eve Sedgwick in Epistemology of the Closet also denotes
certain binaries or pairings as basic to modern cultural organization, for example, mas-
culine/feminine, majority/minority, natural/artificial, and so on. Sedgwick discusses these
binaries in the context of the binary homosocial/homosexual, which I will not bring into the
argument in this chapter (73).
167
or false. This single, emphatic statement immediately forces Eleanors answer
into a track of confirmation or denial, true or untrue, and, coupled with
Lionels critical countenance as he look[s] so strangely at Eleanor, it also
implies her probable involvement in the activity that is or is not true. Con-
sequently, the first exchange of A Woman Sold wastes no time showing its
female protagonist having to answer to a man not only for something she may
or may not have done, but also for what he expected her to do or not do.
168
Eleanors friends are also encouraging the match and will not hear her objec-
tions, given the fact that any woman would [b]ow low and thank him and go
swelled with pride (I, 8) at his offer. Eleanor attempts to explain how com-
plicated the situation is, particularly since her mother and her friends believe
Sir Joyce to be so good. But her version of the truth makes her, in Lionels
eyes, untrue; Lionel is appalled by this lie of a life she is considering and
goes on to pronounce her actions as untrue to that pure self/Of [his] love
Eleanor (I, 1617), to that young thing/In the bud of stainless girlhood
(I, 1819). In other words, if Eleanor leaves him for Sir Joyce, she is staining
herself, corrupting her intrinsic purity, denying what Lionel and society believe
makes her true pure self.
In Act Two, Lady Boycott seems to have internalized this concept as she
recalls to Mary how for six years she boycotted all happiness as Sir Joyces
wife and kept her husband at a distance as self-induced punishment for being
untrue to love and surrendering her moral purity to material temptation. But
Lady Boycott regrets her behavior as Sir Joyces wife; Sir Joyce objectified her
but was generous and kind in his treatment of her, yet she still, as atonement
for her mercenary choice, refrained from showing him any affection:
Ah! he had
His rights upon me. He meant me well.
He was not often hard to me; he gave
With an unstinting hand for all my whims,
And tricked me with the costliest fineries
169
Almost beyond my wish; was proud of me
And liked to look at me, and vaunted me,
My beauty and my grace and stateliness,
My taste and fashion. (II, 112120)
Furthermore, although in saying that Sir Joyce tricked her with the
costliest fineries, Lady Boycott suggests that he might have paid for her
physical attentions with material things in the fashion of a prostitute, in the
same breath she admits that the fineries and whims were almost, but
not quite, beyond her wish. In effect, then, Lady Boycott did wish for what
her husband could provide materially and physically; he was not one hundred
percent evil, with a dried up pithless soul (I, 48), as Lionel describes him
in Act One. Consequently, Lady Boycott in Act Two reconsiders not having
170
reciprocated his kindness, admitting to Mary that she could not even shar[e]
with him little daily thoughts or answe[r] when he talked (II, 133134). In
marrying Sir Joyce, Lady Boycott had numbed [her heart] to an unsinning
deadness (II, 152), forcing herself not to feel, in both the emotional and
physical sense in order to redeem her choice of marrying him. But after keeping
herself true to the middle class ideals of wives, love, and marriage, she comes
to realize that she might have punished both herself and Sir Joyce and, for six
years, refused any chance at creating a different sort of Paradise: a mercenary
marriage in which love blooms, a Paradise that would be socially unaccepted
since the love grew from a union created for economic reasons.
By choosing in Act Two to have the widowed Lady Boycott confess all
about her six-year marriage through backstory to Mary, rather than devote
an entire real time act and a third dialogue directly showing Lady Boycotts
relationship to Sir Joyce, Webster emphasizes Lady Boycotts self-inflicted
suffering through silence. In thinking about the way in which Eve Sedgwick in
Epistemology of the Closet identifies closetedness as performance initiated
. . . by the speech act of silence and the way in which Sedgwick also considers
speech acts, the explicit and the inexplicit, as peculiarly revealing (23),
the silence of the missing third act speaks loudly, even from deep within
a closet that cannot even be seen. The omission of this act seems to reveal
much in its spectre-like non-performance, particularly in lieu of the Married
Womens Property Act of 1870. The Married Womens Property Act of 1870
had not yet gone into effect at the time of the dramas publication, and married
171
women were considered part of their husbands property; as such, they revoked
all rights to property they had held previously in their own names to their
husband. Because the married Lady Boycott could not own anything in the
eyes of a patriarchal, androcentric law, the silent gap in the drama in which
six years supposedly pass marks Lady Boycotts legal identity as an invisible
mute. In Act Two, the widowed Lady Boycott tells Mary that she smiled/A
cheating silence for so many years (II, 5354) as the penance to be good/And
pretty mannered dull day by dull day (II, 5556). Legally, the married Lady
Boycott does not have the right to possess anything except pretty manner[s];
legally, reminiscent of Gods law forbidding Adam and Eve from taking for
themselves the fruit of knowledge, Gods property (a law that Eve ultimately
broke), the married Lady Boycott must remain a beautiful, stately, graceful,
ignorant help-meet/angel.
Sedgwick also suggests the fact that silence is rendered as pointed and
performative as speech, in relations around the closet, depends on and high-
lights more broadly the fact that ignorance is as potent and multiple a thing
as knowledge (4). This idea further enhances the meaning of Lady Boycotts
closeted, unwritten, unspoken marriage to Sir Joyce. Specifically, Sedgwick
notes the way, with credit to Foucault, that knowledge and sex became
conceptually inseparable after the eighteenth century, with knowledge com-
ing to mean sexual knowledge and ignorance, sexual ignorance (73). In
the first act, Eleanor does not yet know Lionel sexually; despite their chaste
kisses and embraces, she retains her purity. Even if she had married him, in
172
the spirit of Patmores angel (or, the redemptive Eve), she would have re-
mained sexually ignorant, her wifely duty a divine sacrifice made out of love.
However, in accepting a mercenary marriage to Sir Joyce, Lady Boycott has
been tempted into sexual knowledge with, in a middle class view, Satan, their
conjugal relations socially and culturally worthless/worth far less than true
love: the price [she] earned was only smiles/And too familiar fondlings (II,
111112). Yet as wife of either man, she must play the part with knowledge
and ignorance, either way a woman sold. As Lionels wife, she would have
been considered the fit angel of the fit house, haloed object symbolic of a pros-
pering middle class. As Sir Joyces, she is viewed as the whim and property
of the upper class, or Satan himself.
Yet by leaving a hole between two acts that signifies Lady Boycotts
marriage to Sir Joyce, Webster opens space for Lady Boycott to eventually
experience a new awareness, the ironic realization that marriage to Sir Joyce
was not the extreme unholy bargain or treachery that Lionel, and society,
deemed it (I, 209, 281). Going into the marriage, she had wanted to see the
bad harsh tyranny (II, 143) of Sir Joyce, and although he touched her with
a condescending husbandly caress (II, 145), she also had noted his kindness
and his smile (II, 144). The knowledge that she gained through her marriage
to Sir Joyce was related not only to sexuality, then, but also to love and,
consequently, morality. As Sir Joyce suffered through his final moments, Lady
Boycott seemed to love him (II, 375376), as she tells Mary in Act Two,
and suddenly realized how much she and her husband both suffered from her
173
complete renunciation of any sort of love between them, as well as from her
renunciation of him, as the man who supposedly represented social ruin for her
and for society at large. She had dreamed, not loving him, I loved/No other
then (II, 150151); in other words, in never allowing herself to truly care for
Sir Joyce, she had believed she could honor by forgetting what she saw
as her pure, socially acceptable love for Lionel. In this way, the void Webster
leaves to mark Lady Boycotts six-year relationship to Sir Joyce begins to fill
with the possible consequences of the two choices that exist on either side for
Eleanor/Lady Boycott, and the tension of remembering and reevaluating those
choices pushes toward a social and personal awakening for her in the end. The
void eventually fills and spills over into Act Two, representing a new source of
power for Lady Boycott: widowhood.
174
tained. In either case, Lady Boycott as nineteenth-century widow, a woman
whose identity is no longer subsumed by her husbands, was doomed to the
same filling, containing, and general controlling that she experienced as
an unmarried woman and a wife.
This change occurs after Lady Boycott has finished telling Mary about
her marriage to Sir Joyce and has recapitulated feelings and events that have
175
developed over the last six years. After releasing her pent-up emotion, Lady
Boycott then discovers, a few moments before Marys fiance comes to the house
to pick her up, that Marys fiance is Lionel. Out of respect to her friend, Lady
Boycott does not reveal to Mary that Lionel is the man she still loves and
insists that Mary not betray to Lionel her secret feelings for Sir Joyce or the
unnamed man she let get away what Lady Boycott refers to as her [w]eak
baby trash. Mary then hears evidence of Lionels arrival in an exterior room
of the house and goes to fetch him, leaving Lady Boycott alone to figure out
what to do:
Lady Boycott is hurt by the knowledge that Lionel will be Marys husband and
lover. She makes a quick decision: rather than wait for Mary to bring Lionel
176
into the room and risk Lionels stunned realization, Lady Boycott chooses to
be pro-active and go to him/Welcome him briskly, wear the cheerful face/Of
pleasant meeting, determined to play [her] part, and naturally, to put him
at ease and head off any potential awkwardness.
She continues her monologue the only moment in the drama when
she is alone on stage and further explores her feelings about the predica-
ment, about the role she must play, and about how she and Lionel will behave:
Rather than slowly draw away from her friendship with Mary or die some
contrived death as was the mid-nineteenth-century literary trend for female
characters who did not make the right social choices, Lady Boycott, even in
the knowledge of Marys love for Lionel, chooses to be Lionels friend, cordial
and gregarious in her demeanor. An obvious and easy reading of this verse
suggests Lady Boycott is reverting back to the ways of her married self or even
the unmarried Eleanor, biting her tongue and playing the part of the virtuous
woman who values others feelings above her own. She must feign happiness
177
yet again in smiles, just as she did in her marriage to Sir Joyce. Her voice
will again be silenced beneath pretty nothings, though her silent suffering
for Mary will be far better than her silent marital suffering.
But I want to offer a different reading, one that shows Lady Boycotts
declaration in a less restricted light, one that offers a different possibility.
Just prior to the eight lines above, Lady Boycott pronounces her affection
for Mary, saying that she loves her for herself (II, 617). Therefore, Lady
Boycotts acting becomes more about supporting another womans desire
as well as her own and less about adhering to patriarchal standards, as
well as moral and gender expectations. She expresses the love of friendship,
something she seems to never have experienced as Eleanor, whose friends only
are only mentioned by Webster briefly in the context of forcing her to marry
Sir Joyce. Lady Boycott wants to genuinely support her friend in growing a
life and love with Lionel. Through her affection for Mary, Lady Boycott will
try to be genial friends with Lionel; granted, she believes the role will not
last forever, but I interpret this phrase to mean that even though the role
would continue until death do they part, she would endure. Because Lady
Boycott regrets her insincerity as Sir Joyces wife and despises herself for the
charade, she is ready or at least willing to embrace a new kind of love, beyond
the love associated with marriage. She seeks to create a stronger bond with
Lionel through their love for Mary, a bond that even suggests a more spiritual
connotation through the holy significance of the name Mary.
In fact, the last four lines of the drama could be read as a resurrection
178
of sorts for Lady Boycott as she proclaims:
Eleanor is gone, shes dead, but the widowed Lady Boycott has declared that
she will take her place. She identifies herself as Marys friend, empowering
herself with moral credibility, loyalty, and devotion. Webster closes the drama
on the image of a triangle of friendship that offers a potential for a love that
allows Lady Boycott to finally claim her existence and her desires.
179
unfolded. In this way, Webster argues that woman has forever been sold on
myth, ideologies, and gender prescriptions, and as a result of it all, the nature
of her very own identity.
But, as Eleanor becomes first the wife, then the widow, and, lastly,
woman in her own right, Webster offers the possibility of revising those man-
dates as well as moving beyond them. Lady Boycott, in looking to a friend-
ship with Mary and Lionel rather than matrimony as an option for her future,
trades patriarchal relationships to honor the desires of a female friend. She is
no longer invisible or mute. She is no longer bound by her family, her fiance,
her husband. Webster thus rethinks Eves future by showing a woman nearly
smothered by her closet Paradise who still manages to grow a new-found iden-
tity and personal awareness, and, ultimately, plants new boundaries in order
to survive her way.
A Woman Sold also predicts the irony Webster will use later in her
career. While the drama could appear like a cautionary tale for nineteenth-
century women about the pitfalls of choosing mercenary marriage over a mar-
riage based on love, the construction of the drama offers a reading which
implies that women need more than marriage to prevent them from having
to rely on their parents or men for their futures, to prevent them from selling
themselves literally and figuratively, to prevent them from basing their worth
and virtue on mythology that paralyzes their choices.
180
Chapter 5
181
flict as a catalyst for their female protagonists to discover possibilities brought
on by self-awareness and social engagement. Ultimately, this dissertation is
about how Eliot, Field, and Webster used the closet drama to critique the
patriarchal and misogynist ideologies that shaped nineteenth-century gender
roles for women, as well as the stages on which they had to perform those roles.
Within this cultural field of the closet drama, the farther away these three
authors moved from Victorian reality, the larger opportunity their fictional
protagonist was offered for mobility, action, and change. Yet, these authors
also seemed to suggest that the more epic the life of the female protagonist,
the less real potential a nineteenth-century woman had for that same sort of
grand destiny, unless she began to view her sociocultural mythology in a new
way. To return to Eliots quotation from Middlemarch, a Victorian woman
was somewhat doomed to be a tragic failure which found no sacred poet and
sank unwept into oblivion (3). These three dramas used nonrealism to sug-
gest nineteenth-century women needed a new past, new collective memories,
and new monuments to mark futures that would not be forgotten.
Other closet dramas written by Eliot, Field, and Webster would provide
rich material in support of this investigational direction. Eliot only wrote one
other closet drama, Armgart(1870), about a successful opera singer who must
entertain new possibilities for the future when she loses her voice. The closet
drama, set in the nineteenth-century, deals with a womans artistic talent,
ambition, identity (as a woman and a woman artist), sexuality, fame, and
182
performance, which critics like Grace Kehler, Britta Zangen, Renata Kobetts
Miller, Louise Hudd, Susan Brown, and Rebecca A. Pope have addressed.
But the fact that Eliot told the story about a stage prima donna in a closet
drama rather than through a novel begs a thorough examination of how the
closet drama enhances meaning for this narrative about a woman who reveres
and loses the identity she had cultivated on the public stage, a stage where
her starring roles were male characters. Susan Brown begins this type of
investigation in Determined Heroines: George Eliot, Augusta Webster, and
Closet Drama by Victorian Women, but does not give the topic the space it
requires.
Fields vast dramatic canon is fertile ground for study, as many of their
closet dramas have been mentioned in emerging scholarship but have rarely
been studied in depth. Several of the works could be read in the context of
Shakespearean drama as was Bradley and Coopers intention for the reader, ev-
idenced by the womens shared journal and personal correspondence in which
they discussed channeling the genius whom they, in the trend of Victorian
writers, regarded as the premier dramatist. Shakespeare was a cultural icon
for nineteenth-century artists, and Fields dramas, which undeniably resonate
with his influence, demand analysis of the way Shakespearian convention, in
theme, characterization, and form, greatly affected nineteenth-century con-
structs of society, politics, and culture, gender and sexuality. Furthermore,
in the context of Bradley and Coopers collaboration and unique relation-
ship, all of Fields dramas support opportunity for critical dialogue about the
183
private/public intersection of art, identity, and performance, as manifested
through the Victorians cultural insitutionalization of Shakespearian tradition.
After A Woman Sold, Webster wrote three more closet dramas: The
Auspicious Day (1872), In a Day (1882), and The Sentence (1887). Though all
three dramas are set in different times and places an aristocratic court during
the days of witchcraft, ancient Greece, and ancient Rome, respectively they
are thematically connected to each other and to A Woman Sold. The Auspi-
cious Day uses the metatheatrical issues as an opportunity to comment on gen-
der roles and womens performance as the drama features a play-within-a-play,
a production reminiscent of the Romantic mental theater with an all-woman
cast playing abstract roles like Love, Constancy, and Fame. The manner in
which the men watching the play comment on how well the young women fit
their roles encourages a closer look at how Webster used this metatheatrical
device to critique issues of womens social performance, their confinement and
agency with regard to certain ideological constructs, and their roles in social
institutions like marriage issues common to all three of Websters plays. The
historical and temporal distance Webster employs in these dramas would make
for interesting and layered comparison to that of Websters poetic translations,
as well as of her politically charged essays, provoking new discussion about the
rhetorical result of genre, form, and content.
I hope the consideration of the rhetorical form and function in the closet
dramas by Eliot, Field, and Webster will turn a critical eye toward the work
184
of other female closet dramatists of the long nineteenth-century to illustrate
how the dramatic form not only contributed meaning to the story the authors
were trying to tell, but also allowed them to comment on the female agency
(or lack of agency), in public and private situations. Felicia Hemans Siege
of Valencia (1823), for example, shares common ground with The Spanish
Gypsy as a closet drama with female characters who take on epic roles. The
narrative of this drama, set in eleventh-century Spain during a Moor invasion,
offers strong female characters in Elmina, a mother who directly pleads to
the marauders for the safe return of her son who was captured, and Ximena,
a young woman who takes a leadership role in the cause when her city has
lost hope. Elizabeth Barrett Brownings A Drama of Exile (1845), a text
that remains understudied, yet ripe for criticism on many levels, responds to
Miltons Paradise Lost, and, stylistically modeled on Greek tragedy, follows
Adam and Eves exile from Paradise. The narrative focuses on Eve as she
deals with the guilt and consequences of her sinful deed; however, Barrett
Browning seems to use the drama to question nineteenth-century gender roles
and attitudes constructed by Miltons revision of the patriarchal myth. Like
A Drama of Exile, Vernon Lees Ariadne in Mantua: A Romance in Five
Acts (1903) is not often recognized in the context of Lees overall literary
accomplishments despite being well-received by critics, one of whom marked
the work as the most self-revealing of all Vernon Lees work (Gunn 179).
Ariadne in Mantua: A Romance in Five Acts also invites examination of
gender, sexuality, and identity issues through a historical lens. Set in Italy
185
during the Holy Wars, the story revolves around Ferdinand, a Dukes son
who returns home emotionally scarred after being held captive in a Moorish
prison. His uncle hires Diego, a Spanish singer of Moorish descent (line) to
lift Ferdinands spirits. In reality, Diego is Magdalen, a courtesan/slave with
whom Ferdinand fell in love while in captivity. The Cardinal, desperate for
Ferdinand to marry the Princess Hippolyta and produce an heir to secure the
family line, believes Magdalen can use the feminine charms hidden under her
male disguise to cure Ferdinands mood. But as Hippolyta and Ferdinand both
succumb to Diegos wit and manner, the play recalls Shakespeares Twelfth
Night and demands exploration from that angle, yet it also welcomes study
of how Lees construction of the closet drama shapes the rhetoric about the
performance of gender and sexuality in the nineteenth century.
My work in this chapter only peels away the first layer of what I see
as a larger, more densely-stratified investigation promoted by Eve Sedgwicks
Epistemology of the Closet and her earlier work, Between Men. In this dis-
sertation, I merely scratch the surface in analyzing the ways in which these
nineteenth-century dramas portray the Victorian closet as a literal and figu-
rative stage regulated by what Sedgwick considers the binarized sociocultural
ideologies that were institutionally made normative during the period, a
stage on which the characters of these dramas struggle to perform their desig-
nated roles but ultimately resist them, a stage representative of similar social
186
and cultural structures of performative confinement outside the text. In the
arc of the argument that stretches across Between Men and Epistemology of
the Closet, Sedgwick traces the effects of male homosocial desire on the soci-
etal construction of, and allowance of agency inside, the closet, primarily from
the late eighteenth-century to the twentieth. Using Sedgwicks theories more
actively to investigate The Spanish Gypsy, Stephania, and A Woman Sold
through the lens of the homosocial continuum, not to mention the comprehen-
sive system of sociocultural valuation created through the homo/heterosexual
binary emergent in the nineteenth-century a methodology not yet fully un-
dertaken by closet drama scholars confronts the Tzvetan Todorov quotation
with which I began this dissertation: Like any other institution, genres bring
to light the constitutive features of the society to which they belong. As ex-
amples of the closet drama genre revised by nineteenth-century women writers,
The Spanish Gypsy, Stephania, and A Woman Sold can be seen to bring to
light and to reform for women (both inside and outside the text) a traditional,
institutionalized power play involving identity, gender, and sexuality.
187
(male, female alike) affected by the same restrictive and dictative ideologi-
cal systems. As with Sedgwicks studies in Epistemology of the Closet and
Between Men, the analysis of these closet dramas could reach beyond a fem-
inist approach to a more inclusive conversation about the nineteenth-century
homophobic trend reflected in their portrayal of power and identity.
188
who he is and what is expected of him as a Spanish Catholic Duke devoted
to the duties commanded by his King and his religion, as well as the duties
to his true love, the Gypsy queen Fedalma. At the center of Silvas conflict,
Eliot positions the Prior, a religious zealot who tries to control Silvas physical
and emotional desires for Fedalma. An investigation of the Priors character
development would expose the heart of the ideological and institutional clos-
ets that strictly assign roles of gender, race, and class in this world and thus
determine the characters actions, reactions, choices, and futures.
Like Silva and Otho, Lionel in A Woman Sold is also a man shaped
189
by the duties socioculturally assigned to him. Lionel is a middle-class man
trapped by the nineteenth-century patriarchal idea of manhood. His speeches
to Eleanor resound with expectations of who she should be and consequently
reflect who he is expected to be; if Eleanor, as a young thing/In the bud of
stainless girlhood (I, 1920), does not fulfill her promise to marry him, he, as
an aspiring lawyer, will not fulfill his responsibilities as a man. Specifically, as
a middle-class man who has been ideologically cast to redeem Adams sin and
prevent temptation before it begins, therefore given another chance to hold
onto Paradise, Lionel relies on the love of a stainless woman like Eleanor to
make his life near divine. He set all his hopes on [her]/Because he had [her]
promise (I, 279280), and if Eleanor fails him, he will have failed to achieve
his fit home (I, 328), his Paradise. He will have failed nationhood, empire,
and, as inheritor of Adam, God. Additionally, although Sir Joyce is never
physically present during the drama, the homosocial connection between him
and Lionel draws the boundary of their social and sexual agency as Victorian
men: what one man possesses, the other man must buy, own, and mark to
increase his worth. This connection would not only further expose the nu-
ances of Eleanors/Lady Boycotts life in a patriarchal, homosocial culture as
transaction (a woman sold between men), but may also suggest that the men
in this play are sold on that very idea as well.
In this way, an investigation into how the closet dramas by Eliot, Field,
and Webster also structurally emphasize and critique the closet of manhood
seems an essential part in fully evaluating how the genre, form, and narrative
190
of the closet drama work together to make a statement about gender roles, sex-
uality, the institutions and dogma of religion and marriage, and various other
Victorian closets. Specifically, this type of inquiry would identify the closet
dramas showcased in this dissertation as exemplary of the way the nineteenth-
century closet drama genre could be viewed as a symbolic textual monument
for the sociocultural negotiation of gender and sexuality issues that historically
closeted the identity, agency, and performance of Victorian men and women
alike.
191
of offering strategies for the self-improvement, empowerment, and education
of women. I would be interested in contributing to Corinne Squires work in
Empowering Women? The Oprah Winfrey Show (Feminism & Psychology,
4(1994): 63-79) by looking at the television talk show in terms of its closet-
edness: how can we see the show itself as a closet? Furthermore, how can we
see the show as exposing and opening the doors to certain closets for women?
What connections can we make between the fluidity of public and private
spaces (domestic and otherwise) in nineteenth-century closet drama and the
fluidity of public and private spaces illuminated by The Oprah Winfrey Show ?
How does the relationship between the psyche and action in nineteenth-century
closet drama speak to the relationship between the psyche and action touted by
Oprah herself? Where does the nonrealism of the nineteenth-century closet
dramas written by women intersect with the super-realism of The Oprah
Winfrey Show ?
192
and sponsors wrote serialized dramas that gave ordinary women a peek into
fictional lives frought with emotional and physical conflict. The goal of the
soap opera: to sell domestic products by drawing the simple housefrau into
this fictional, sudsy fantasy world. As the genre of the daytime soap opera
fights for survival in the twenty-first-century, I think about the unpopular-
ity of the closet drama in the late nineteenth-century and find myself faced
with questions that address the similarities between, and the fates of, the
two genres. What can we say about how the message of womens identity
and agency expressed by the nonrealism of nineteenth-century closet drama
written by women is reflected in the message of womens identity and agency
expressed by the nonrealism of the soap opera? How does the soap opera reveal
the socio-cultural ideologies, collective memories, and communal experiences
that shaped twentieth- and twenty-first-century womanhood in the tradition
of nineteenth-century closet drama written by women? How does the soap
opera operate as a nexus of popular genres, much like the nineteenth-century
closet drama served as a nexus of popular genres? Do the narrative strategies
of the soap opera operate in the same fashion as the narrative strategies of the
nineteenth-century closet drama written by women? What conclusions can
we make about the genre stigma that plagued the nineteenth-century closet
drama and shadows the twenty-first-century soap opera? How does the fact
that many women in the twenty-first-century still hide their habit of watching
daytime soap operas speak to the public/private performance aspect of the
closet drama?
193
My work on nineteenth-century closet drama has compelled me to write
three of my own closet dramas on Michael Field, to start on a quest for the
genres descendants, and to cast an eye backward toward the closet dramas
written by early-modern women writers like Margaret Cavendish, whose flam-
boyant, often outrageous costumes were a strategic public distraction from her
commentary on science and society. My work has compelled me to explore my
own closets, to figure out why I wear certain hats (to recall the poem in the
Preface to this dissertation), and why I have yet to cast aside others. Ulti-
mately, my work has compelled me to action, to see potential for change in
the darkest spaces and across generations. My work in this dissertation, then,
looks beyond the recovery of a literary and theater history for nineteenth-
century women writers toward a wider field of closet drama studies, in order
to find new strategies with which to discuss and define a variable tradition of
performance and social commentary.
194
Appendix
195
The Angels of the House, a closet drama by
Michelle Lee.
This drama ran four nights in mid-April, 2006, staged in a classroom on the
University of Texas at Austin campus. Dr. Susan Todd directed the pro-
duction, leading a talented cast comprised of all women from the company
called The Weird Sisters Womens Theater Collective based in Austin, TX.
Much of the dialogue grew from material in the Michael Field archive in the
Bodleian Library in Oxford or from Michael Field texts themselves, including
the closet drama, Stephania, which I discuss in this dissertation. Several of
Michael Fields poems were set to music and choreographed. I took great lib-
erties with the relationship between Katharine Bradley and Edith Cooper, as
well as with the relationship they had with members of their literary coterie.
Although I definitely lean in the script toward imagining the two women hav-
ing a physical relationship, I have not yet arrived at a definitive idea about the
nature of their intimacy. This version is the final acting script, accounting
for the minor inconsistencies in some formatting.
This play takes place on the cusp between Victorian and Edwardian England.
Time is blurred; years have merged and, at the same time, have been forgotten.
The set is full of lace, heavy drapery, ivy, books, art, a large birdcage, and busts
of important men. There is tea, cream, and scones. There is silver and brass.
196
And there is paper: writing paper, newspaper and ink. This is a story
about two women who want to be seen and heard. This is a story about words
becoming flesh. This play remembers Katharine Bradley and Edith Cooper,
two poet-dramatists who were neglected for nearly a century and who are only
now being re-membered in academia. This play speaks their words, and my
own.
CAST
KATHARINE BRADLEY
EDITH COOPER
MICHAEL FIELD
The Critics:
GEORGE
BERNARD
ANNA
GRAY
MARY
The Parlourmaids:
SALLY
LILLIAS
JOSEPHINE
Theater Folk and Supporters:
JT GREIN
ROBERT BROWNING
197
LOUISE CHANDLER MOULTON
BOY
Act 1
Scene 1. A sunroom in a brick
townhouse called Number One, The
Paragon, overlooking the Thames.
KATHARINE sits at a desk, making a
scrapbook with zeal. She is chopping
up newspapers and gluing/pounding the
ragged pieces in a hardbound book.
EDITH is arranging roses in a vase on
an end table with equal fury and atten-
tion.
BERNARD is somewhere offstage but
visible. He may be speaking to another
critic.
MICHAEL is on high, and still, like a
statue on a mantelpiece. He is dressed
like an archangel, in a breastplate and
wings. He carries a sword.
KATHARINE: One review of our play. One! And what do the critics of The
Academy have to say? That we make grotesque blunders in our history.
What do they know?
KATHARINE: But more importantly, they write as women and are treated
as women.
198
BERNARD: Womens pictures, womens plays, womens books. What makes
them temporarily so successful and eternally so wanting? A.G. P. Sykes
KATHARINE: Poetesses, Female Pens, Lady Fictionists. They are set apart
to stand delicately on pedestals.
KATHARINE: Do we not know the power of the gods? Have we not spent
hours at University studying Zeus, Dionysus, Apollo, and those who hold the
earth captive by their whims?
199
JOSEPHINE enters with tea on a tray.
She is startled by the animated conver-
sation but continues with her duties,
setting the tea out on a side table. She
listens intently, with a half-hearted at-
tempt at discretion.
BERNARD: Man is the doer, the creator, the discoverer, the defender. His
intellect is for speculation and invention, while a womans is for sweet order-
ing, arrangement, and domestic decision. John Ruskin.
KATHARINE: While I do not wish to displace man from his role, I am not
and will never be an angel of the house.
KATHARINE: I do admire their artistry, yet they do not write the things we
want to write. We want to return literature to Elizabethan valor and nobility.
To the unity of beauty and truth. To Art.
200
KATHARINE forgets her scrapbooking
and stands, fired up and fuming.
KATHARINE: But more importantly, they write as women and are treated
as women.
KATHARINE: Poetesses, Female Pens, Lady Fictionists. They are set apart
to stand delicately on pedestals.
KATHARINE: Do we not know the power of the gods? Have we not spent
hours at University studying Zeus, Dionysus, Apollo, and those who hold the
earth captive by their whims?
EDITH: So?
201
KATHARINE: Dont you see? The deities would transform themselves, create
their own destiny. Take a form that served their purpose.
KATHARINE: Precisely!
EDITH: But we already created nom de plumes for ourselves. Arran and Isla
Leigh. How would a new form change anything?
EDITH: One name, one voice? Whose name and voice would we use? I suppose
Arran Leigh. After all, you did publish a book under that name before you
asked me to join you
KATHARINE: No, Puss, a new name. A new voice. A new someone, like, like
. . . our very own child.
KATHARINE: No, no a god of art and a muse all in one. Think of it! The
merging of Apollo and Dionysus. The birth of a tragic poet. Why do you
frown so?
202
JOSEPHINE has forgotten the tea. She
is fascinated.
EDITH: Not George. There are far too many women and men with that
name.
KATHARINE: Michael.
EDITH: Michael.
EDITH: Field. Yes, yes, perfect. Michael Field. No more Arran and Isla
203
Leigh. No more Katharine Bradley and Edith Cooper, aunt and niece. No
more standing on pedestals.
EDITH: And in the beginning, the poet was without form. And so Two
Women made Him in their image and of their flesh.
204
KATHARINE: He is Michael Field. Let no man try to put asunder what two
women have joined.
KATHARINE: Josephine, dont stand there gaping like a fish. Bring us some
champagne.
EDITH: All we must do now is revise that scene where Nephele confesses to
Callirrhoe her wild night in the forest with the Maenads and then our play
will be complete!
205
It is so perilous a grief, a . . .
MICHAEL: a shame
EDITH: A shame, so wild and strange that I must tell thee of;
I shudder
MICHAEL: tremble
KATHARINE:
sweet conference, I went
And looking up, saw not thy clear
Calm brows, Callirrhoe a face as bright
As burnished shield
EDITH:
206
With hair that looked alive,
And cloak of shining hide. I lay as still
KATHARINE:
As if a leopard crouched there, threw her spells on me,
EDITH:
And emptied my young heart as easily
As from a . . .
MICHAEL: pomegranate
EDITH:
And emptied my young heart as easily
As from a pomegranate one plucks the seeds.
KATHARINE:
And then she drew me, in caressing arms,
By secret pathways, to the temple-gates
Where stood Coresus.
EDITH: And then Callirrhoe says
The new Bacchic Priest?
My father likes him not, thinks that the gods,
KATHARINE:
In scorn of mortal insolence, connive
At this terrific
MICHAEL: No, chaotic
207
EDITH: And then Nephele says:
Callirrhoe, had you been there I think
You would have saved me!
MICHAEL and KATHARINE: Perfect!
EDITH: Not since the ancient bards has anyone told the story of Callirrhoe.
She is reborn.
GRAY: May we always have wine in our glasses and the Queen in our pocket!
208
BERNARD: When we are married, I must have two servants.
ANNA: Im sure you shall, darling. One coming and one going.
GRAY: Wait, wait, I have a story: Poor young Bridget left Ireland with an
excellent letter of recommendation from her last mistress, but on the way over,
the letter fell into the sea. Distraught, she asked a friend to write another:
Dear Madam, Bridget Flaherty had a good reputation when she left Ireland,
but lost it on the way over.
BERNARD: To Bridget!
209
KATHARINE: Tell me, Bernard, do you critics even taste the words someone
wrote before carving them up and serving them al dente?
GEORGE: But Field isnt one of those He writes verse tragedies to be read,
closet drama, like Tennyson and Byron and Shelley.
MICHAEL: These gods are clever, arent they? They disguise themselves,
meet mortals unsuspecting in the market-place, and enjoy wholesome inter-
course.
KATHARINE: Do tell.
210
MICHAEL: Yes, tell.
ANNA: This country needs someone to breathe new life into drama.
MARY: I like musicals. In fact, I saw Macbeth just last week at the Lyceum.
KATHARINE: That is appalling. Next theyll have Hamlet doing the can-can.
Now back to Field
GEORGE: Here, see for yourself. The ring of a new voice among the English-
speaking people.
GEORGE: Glad you asked. Imagine it. Greece. A young girl named Callir-
rho (mispronounces the name).
KATHARINE: Callirrhoe!
GEORGE: Read.
211
The servants react to the scene:
SALLY rolls her eyes as if this is a
regular occurrence; LILLIAS smothers
raucous laughter; and JOSEPHINE is
captivated.
212
O the cheek.
GRAY (gaze sweeping the table): Well, that was a mouthful of ham. And for
dessert?
ANNA: You must admit the verse has a nice ring to it.
GEORGE: As a matter of fact, a faun does sing How did you know?
213
EDITH: Shes always been good at predicting the turn of certain plots. Anyone
care for dessert?
BERNARD: I think the hour is getting rather late. Anyone care to share a
hack?
KATHARINE: Michael Field is not a hack. Come. Lets read a few pages
more. Its not too much past the hour.
EDITH: Im certain Michael Field would be grateful for your devotion to his
work. But if he is as good as you say, there will be another opportunity for
trembling, murder, and, yes (smiling at Mary) song.
214
Scene 3. KATHARINE goes to the sofa
to unlace her boots, EDITH is untuck-
ing the silk scarf from her decolletage.
Her mood is stormy. MICHAEL ex-
plores things in the sunroom. He tries
on KATHARINE and EDITHs dis-
carded clothes. Or, he could remain on
his perch, just observing. A voyeur.
EDITH: You werent exactly discreet. I thought for sure someone would dis-
cover our ruse with all your preening.
EDITH: And you were standing on a chair, for heavens sake. What if we are
revealed? We will be patted on the head and our work will be placed back
into shackles again. We will lose everything.
EDITH: You are too bold. And I wrote the fauns song. It isnt just a quaint
little rhyme.
KATHARINE: You love me for my boldness. Have, ever since you were born.
215
EDITH: Youve been everything to me. Aunt, mother, partner, lover. Now
KATHARINE: Im sure no one suspects the name belongs to two old birds
like us.
EDITH: What does Michael Field look like, do you suppose, in their minds
eye?
216
KATHARINE: Virile.
MICHAEL:
I tell you there are hours
When the hereafter comes and touches me
O the cheek.
KATHARINE: Come, Puss, lets go to bed. It has been a long night. I want
to curl up next to you at last.
217
EDITH blows a kiss to KATHARINE.
KATHARINE exits. EDITH goes to
the window, opens it, leans into the
breeze. JOSEPHINE comes in with the
intention of tidying up. She pauses by
the door, not wanting to disturb, want-
ing just to look.
EDITH: I know.
MICHAEL: Shell come for you if you stay away too long.
EDITH: I know.
JOSEPHINE: Im sorry, Miss Cooper. Sally told me to turn down the lamps.
218
EDITH: Oh, I do that before I go up to bed.
JOSEPHINE: Did you see Miss Bradley jump onto the chair?
SALLY: Yes, and those shoe prints are not going twash out of that silk. If
they think Im goin ta
LILLIAS: Those odd ol birds will just buy another one. They can afford it.
They can afford a lotta things. Like fine china and furs and summers abroad.
Guess every woman needs her father or brother to die for her ta live the good
life
219
SALLY: Shush now and keep workin. Besides, we got it good. The misses may
pinch each other now and again, but the only thing omine getting pinched in
this place is my feet.
LILLIAS: Who they are is women who can afford a place otheir own and a
job that doesnt make their hands cracked and red. Did I say job? The only
work they do is slap words ont paper.
JOSEPHINE: I meant do people know they are that poet Michael Field. I
think its grand that they write books under a fake name.
LILLIAS: And its so grand they have tbe a man for their own friends tread
them.
LILLIAS: Well, la dee da. Queen Josephine knows her ABCs. Guess thats
why you stole these.
LILLIAS reaches into JOSEPHINEs
apron for the pages.
220
LILLIAS: Think youll get smarter reading this? Better off buying a penny
romance. Youll learn something useful from that.
JOSEPHINE: I heard the Misses talking about how they learned everything
from all those books in their library and from their mother and some cousins
I think. Learned German and Latin and French and Italian and all about art
SALLY: You shouldnt be listening in on the Misses. (to LILLIAS) And dont
get me started about puttin your ear to the door. Would ya like to end up a
scullery maid or a slavey for L5 a year?
LILLIAS: Does your auntie tickle you beneath your nightie too? Call you her
sweet Puss? Something isnt quite right
JOSEPHINE: Miss Bradley loves Miss Cooper with all her heart. Worships
her.
LILLIAS: Oh, I seen em worship each other once or twice in the garden by
the fountain. They pretend theyre Romans or fairies or somethin, singin,
221
dancin and carryin on under the full moon. They put flower crowns on their
heads and run barefoot through the grass Anyway, youve only been here a
few months. Youll see.
SALLY: Enough athis wind-blowin, ya haybags. Take the plates and lets
bid gnight. Im sure therell be more pomp and poetry tomorrow.
LILLIAS: Keep dreamin, Queen Josephine. Dreams are all yer gonna have.
222
To die by open doors, with you on wing
Humming the deep security of life.
EDITH: Wait, I have things to say. I wrote a song. Michael, Michael, come
here. You know the words.
KATHARINE: Allow me. I love you with my life, tis so I love you.
EDITH: And God may dwell behind, but not above you.
EDITH: I do.
223
MICHAEL, GEORGE, BERNARD, ANNA, GRAY, and MARY (hissing, whis-
pering): Do you? Does she?
KATHARINE: I took care of you when your mother died, when your father
died. I loved you more than I could ever love anyone. You were more than a
niece to me.
EDITH: I know.
KATHARINE: When you were a girl and we went to the sea, I saw the poetry
and passion in your eyes. We were kindred spirits.
KATHARINE: Then why arent you happy, Puss? Why? I have taken care of
you. I have given you my soul.
EDITH: Its too much. No, no, Love, come back. Take me to bed. I dont
want to be alone.
224
JOSEPHINE (key in hand): I dont have the keys, Miss Cooper.
Exeunt.
JOSEPHINE: Sugar?
JOSEPHINE: Cream?
225
JOSEPHINE: Scone?
JOSEPHINE: She hasnt been feeling ill, has she? I heard some awful creaking-
about on the floorboards the past few nights like someone was pacing back and
forth. When I cant sleep, I know I always
JOSEPHINE: Are you fine, Miss Bradley? You look a mite piqued. I could
KATHARINE: Miss Cooper is fine, Josephine, and I am fine, and I dont need
any sugar or cream or scones.
JOSEPHINE: Im sorry, Miss Bradley. Just let me know if you do need any-
thing.
226
JOSEPHINE leaves. KATHARINE
tries to breakfast as if everything didnt
just fall apart, but she is rattled. She
takes up a pen & paper and writes fu-
riously.
227
JOSEPHINE: Oh, good morning, Miss Cooper. A letter came in this morning
for Michael Field, but it was addressed in care of you.
EDITH: My favorites are A Womans Last Word and Any Wife to Any
Husband. (reciting) And yet thou art the nobler of us two.
What dare I dream of, that thou canst not do,
Outstripping my ten small steps with one stride?
Ill say then, heres a trial and a task
Is it to bear? if easy, Ill not ask
228
Though love fail, I can trust on in thy pride.
EDITH: Ive seen you flipping through one or two on occasion. Now you can
savor in private.
EDITH: I suppose not, with you, Lillias, and Sally all tucked under the roof
at night.
JOSEPHINE: Oh, never mind about that, Miss . . . Edith, Im used to sharing
my things.
JOSEPHINE: My parents died when I was ten and my aunt took me in, but she
only has two rooms and 6 children and someones always steppin on somebody
else or wearin someone elses clothes or spillin something No, I can breathe
here.
JOSEPHINE: I was lucky to find a situation in a house like yours and Miss
Bradleys. I knew a girl whose employer visited day and night when no one
was lookin and shed constantly be having to take a good dose of salts and
senna to make sure nothing grew, but eventually
EDITH: Yes, you are lucky your cousin has demonstrated her competent char-
acter at Mrs. Havershams. Your recommendation came highly. (pause) Enjoy
229
the book, Josephine.
MICHAEL: At every moment, she dreads new occasion for her wearied blame.
230
KATHARINE: Im sorry. Its a lovely day. Would you like to work in the
garden with me? The roses are in need of pruning.
EDITH: I may stay in and write. Add to what you were working on.
231
EDITH and MICHAEL: Yet high in mastery, born perfect man.
Soon as I touched my harp, how the gods ran
Ravished to listen!
MICHAEL: Born perfect man. How the gods ran ravished to listen.
EDITH: Dear Mr. Browning . . . (rushing to find a pen and paper, writing)
Exeunt.
232
MICHAEL admires an exceedingly
large painting of the archangel Michael
expelling Satan, then joins the gather-
ing. He physically teases the CRITICS,
who feel him but dont see him.
GEORGE: Have either of you read the Bristol Times? Seems my praise of
Michael Field was quite accurate. They say Mr. Field has few, if any, living
rivals.
GRAY: I read that Michael Field could be a woman. Or a man and a woman.
Possibly even two women.
KATHARINE: Why that is scandalous. Do you really think two women are
capable of imagining such bloody and violent tales?
EDITH: Do you truly think it matters who Michael Field might be if the work
is compelling? Elizabeth Barrett Browning once said, What is genius-but the
233
power of expressing a new individuality?
GEORGE: You know, Oscar Wilde told me that it is often genius that spoils
a work of art.
KATHARINE: Oscar spoke too much about too many things. He should have
been a bit more discreet about his opinions and his interests. Maybe then he
wouldnt have gone to trial.
GRAY: If ol Oscar were here, hed probably call Michael Field a poet that
dare not speak his name. Or her name. Their name? Of course, Oscar didnt
like naming names.
LOUISE: Who have we here? Miss Bradley and Miss Cooper! Im delighted
you could come to my salon. I have heard so many wonderful things about
you.
234
KATHARINE and EDITH (different in tone and reaction): We are?
LOUISE: Well, soon will be at least. You dont know how much Ive looked
forward to your company this evening. I am a great admirer.
KATHARINE (to EDITH): You didnt tell me you spoke with him.
EDITH: I answered one of his letters. I might have said something to the
effect that
LOUISE (to the group): Do you all know who you have here in your midst?
235
LOUISE: Everyone, it is my greatest pleasure to present the poet Michael
Field.
GRAY: So you two are the bloody geniuses? That explains some things.
MICHAEL: And God may dwell behind, but not above me.
KATHARINE: We have many things to say that the world will not tolerate
from a womans lips.
GRAY: Oh, God, that I were a man. I would eat his heart in the market-
place. Arent you making much ado about nothing?
LOUISE: Would you like something to eat or drink? You both look rather
236
flushed.
MICHAEL:
I must speak
At every moment
LOUISE: Please stay. Im sure everyone would love to chat with you about
your work.
EDITH: Really, it was lovely seeing you all, but we really must be going
KATHARINE (to EDITH, more than LOUISE): You certainly didnt, Mrs.
Chandler-Moulton. You only repeated what Mr. Browning told you. You had
no idea it was meant to be a confidence. If you did, Im certain you would
have been more discreet. And as a matter of fact, I think I would like some
champagne.
KATHARINE and LOUISE go off arm
in arm toward a tray of champagne.
EDITH looks lost and decides to leave.
She asks a servant to bring her wrap
and hat.
237
MICHAEL cant decide which woman
to follow. Ultimately, he stays right
where he is, with his public.
BERNARD: Sooner or later, Michael Field will be seen for what they are.
MARY (counting on her fingers): One woman plus one woman cant make one
man, can it?
ANNA: Are you saying we women cant define our emotions? Strange, I seem
to know exactly what Im feeling at this moment, Bernard.
BERNARD: Anna
238
KATHARINE excuses herself with dig-
nity and grace, though is obviously
concerned about - and angry with -
EDITH. Louises servants should be
nearby, trying to be discreet, obviously
intrigued.
EDITH: I told him who Michael Field was, but that the revelation would be
utter ruin to our career, that the report of lady authorship would dwarf and
enfeeble our work at every turn.
KATHARINE: He certainly didnt waste any time. Probably spilled our news
between the soup course and the roast.
EDITH: But do you want to know what Mr. Browning asked in his letter?
Who writes which lines.
239
EDITH: Which one of us is Michael and which one of us is Field? Which one
of us can be the righteous warrior delivering our holy words? And which one
of us is earth, silent and underfoot?
MICHAEL:
Thou who its sweetest sweet can tell
Heart-trained to the tongue . . .
MICHAEL: I am Michael Field. Let no man try to put asunder what two
women have joined.
Act 2
240
LILLIAS: Its been weeks and my friends are still talking about the salon over
at the Chandler-Moultons. Guess the days of those two ol downies playing
hide and seek behind a man are nearly over.
SALLY: You only wish you had the freedom to play as they do.
SALLY: Everyone in London knows who you are. Now stop yer blowin and
keep polishin.
LILLIAS: You know full well they got masqueradin words for women like them
in certain uppity circles. Ladie Love. Sister. Wife. Husband. Mother. Aunt.
Tomboy. Female Rake. Horsewoman. And a new one, hot off the cobblestones
Lesbian.
SALLY: Are you kiddin? Most people probably dont even think anything
about the Misses, let alone give em names. In their world, theyre as invisible
as we are.
LILLIAS: Not what I hear. Frienda mine told me that at a party, she over-
heard someone say that if Miss Cooper and Miss Bradley play at being men,
its never in the uncouth unsexed manner which one is inclined to associate
with, for example, the Ladies of Llongollen or Christina of Sweden. I may not
know who those other ladies are, but I bet theyre up to no good.
241
SALLY: Gettin clothes off the line.
LILLIAS: Sure she is. Have ya seen her trying to read that book shes been
carryin around in her apron? Says Miss Cooper gave it to her.
JOSEPHINE:
I have but to be by thee, and thy hand
Would never let mine go, thy heart withstand
The beating of my heart to reach its place.
SALLY: Easy on the girl, Lillias. She wants more for herself.
LILLIAS: And I dont? Tell you one thing, if you caught me readin youd
whip me up one side and down the other.
LILLIAS: Why, Sal. I didnt think you were into that sort of thing. There is
hope for you yet.
JOSEPHINE:
When should I look for thee and feel thee gone?
When cry for the old comfort and find none?
Never, I know! Thy soul is in thy face.
242
SALLY: Easy, ya dollymop, dont get excited. Im too seasoned fer ya.
LILLIAS: Yer seasoned all right. A tough ol bird. Get Queen Jos nose out
of that book. Shes liable to forget who she is and what she should be doing.
EDITH: I do believe Walter Pater is right when he says all art constantly
aspires toward the condition of music.
MICHAEL: Is this the Empire you have called me to? What is this mood?
243
MICHAEL:
There are perfumes here
Full of the spices that grow old in tombs,
Soft penetrative scents that shaken out
Spread poison but are fatal being breathed
EDITH: It is beautiful to think that some of the life youve given me has gone
out into the world, giving joy to so many.
KATHARINE: I will never forget the day you were born. I was walking be-
neath a full moon and burst into tears when my brother told me.
244
Of counsel and fondness, one of them
watches the other, both mute in their decay.
Can you exorcise
And rid me of my perilous distraction
If I attend you daily in your cell?
KATHARINE: Should I have let you go all those years past? Should I have
let you grow apart from me?
KATHARINE: You had so many chances to marry. John Gray, Bernard Beren-
son. Arthur Symons. You enchanted all of them. You could have bore their
children
EDITH: And you were in love once, with Alfred Gerente. No, we are closer
married than any we know. And my art, our art, is my child.
MICHAEL:
I was too weak at first to apprehend
The mysteries beyond the knowledge forced
Upon me!
245
KATHARINE and EDITH approach
each other, uneasy.
EDITH: My mother never understood the depths of our love, our devotion.
No one does. We are bound by words.
MICHAEL:
O believe
the things that ye were born for from this hour
Shall find fulfillment. Embrace your past,
Breathe over it and pray.
246
EDITH: You dont need to ask, do you?
KATHARINE: What does she mean by this? A sense of ruin. Those powers
that breed within a mans own breast move noiselessly within. (to MICHAEL)
Its you. She wants you - alone.
MICHAEL: Embrace your past. Search the stars. Harness your soul to the
impossible.
KATHARINE: I thought you would make her happy. But you are too much.
I am too much.
247
MICHAEL: Peace, peace. Love is the frenzy that unfolds ourselves. Let go of
this.
MICHAEL:
A face as bright
As burnished shield
With hair that looked alive,
And cloak of shining hide.
248
KATHARINE: Give her to me.
KATHARINE: I wont.
KATHARINE: I will watch over her and teach her and love her like no one
else. She will be my Muse and I will be hers.
MICHAEL:
They are bound by such close ties
None can tell of either breast
The native sigh
Who try
To learn with whom the Muse is guest.
249
The CRITICS applaud.
ANNA: Dont forget Stephania. The plots of an indecency that only pure-
minded elderly Victorian virgins could have imagined.
KATHARINE: I didnt!
JOSEPHINE (grabbing the baby from the floor): She let her fall!
250
GRAY (examining the baby): Her? I thought it was a him. A them?
EDITH: She drove her away. She drove everyone away. Her parents, my
parents. They all left her.
KATHARINE: But I was the one who took care of them when they got sick.
When they left you. I was the one who held our family together. I was the
one who loved them all
KATHARINE: Tell them, Puss. Tell them how you love me. How you pepper
my brow with kisses every morning. How I am your wise old bird
EDITH: I cant.
EDITH (pointing to KATH?): And you are Arran Leigh. And I . . . (forlorn?)
251
JOSEPHINE: You are a veritable god.
KATHARINE: Wait, Puss! Dont go! I need you. I will be the only one left.
You are my heart, my life, my voice. With you I am not afraid
MICHAEL:
Already to mine eyelids shore
the gathering waters swell,
For thinking of the grief in store,
When thou wilt say Farewell.
EDITH: Farewell.
CRITICS: Farewell.
KATHARINE:
I dare not let thee leave me, sweet,
Lest it should be forever;
Tears dew my kisses ere we meet
Fore-boding we must sever.
252
KATHARINE runs after them.
JOSEPHINE is startled.
LILLIAS: Dont bother lookin guilty. Everyones seen you sneakin off to read
scraps of paper or that book Miss Cooper gave you. Writing things down too.
What do you have to say anyway? A parlourmaid.
LILLIAS: Thats because Ive been around, Josephine. I know what lifes all
about.
JOSEPHINE: Have you ever read one of their plays? Their characters are
larger than life.
LILLIAS: Of course Ive read one of their plays, Jo, between makin the beds
and cleanin the lamp chimneys and polishin all this brass and silver.
253
JOSEPHINE: Well, this one is about an empress who disguises herself as a
prostitute to seek revenge on the man who murdered her husband.
LILLIAS: Who do you think we are, Josephine? Were told how we should
dress - cotton print dress in the morning, black dress with white cap for af-
ternoon how we should talk never let your voice be heard above a whisper
around guests - how we should deliver the post - on a silver tray and how
we should stand - perfectly still when speaking to a lady. We must know our
place, Josephine, and we must stay there. We dont have a choice.
JOSEPHINE: Maybe not, but you know we have it better than most.
LILLIAS: So that story of the Misses you were talking about . . . Is it finished?
JOSEPHINE: Not quite. Theyre still working on it. I could read a little.
Exeunt.
254
Scene 5. The sunroom.
KATHARINE and EDITH move into
the room arguing. EDITH snatches
sheets of paper from KATHARINEs
hands. Their appearances are slightly
wild, disheveled. EDITH might even
have feathers in her hair. The sun-
room appears lived-in, as if the women
havent left for awhile. MICHAELs
clothes look too big for him.
EDITH: For Brutuss sake, let me be silent a little longer. You must not hear
a word until I have done the gods will with this great inspiration.
MICHAEL:
O doom, O endless years of fiery penalty!
I dare not think of what it were to live
Chained up from shaping forth my eager thoughts ldots
I sway a vacant kingdom.
EDITH: Nearly? You are so easily distracted. I suppose youve begun some-
thing new?
255
EDITH (crumpling up the papers and tossing them toward a wastepaper bin):
Perhaps I could help settle its fate.
KATHARINE (upset): And what of that modern thing you started? The new
Ibsen?
They continue to bicker and charge
through the room.
JOSEPHINE enters the sunroom to
give KATHARINE and EDITH the
mail: a few newspapers, letters. She
hesitates, knowing its bad news.
MICHAEL:
I swear no harm shall touch you
My wealth is your possession.
EDITH (fuming, pacing): We no longer have any friends that believe in our
work. We are boycotted in the papers by the men to whom we have sent our
books and by literary society. We do not walk with any of the great souls of
the past. We walk alone. We have lost our friends. We have lost everything.
I knew this would happen. She tears apart the room as if she is trying to find
what they lost.
256
MICHAEL: Ask yourselves have you not a deeper need than the stale rites
of customary gods can satisfy?
JOSEPHINE exits.
EDITH: She is not our downfall. Look at this place. Our art doesnt live
outside of us. We do not live outside our art.
MICHAEL:
All art is ecstasy
All literature expression of intense
Enthusiasm.
257
their birth place and their resting place. They have no other place to let their
spirits go. Neither do we.
258
- to give them ourselves.
EDITH: The curtain will rise. The public will embrace us. All will applaud
the voice of two hearts.
MICHAEL:
In you I see
Human emotion, action in the rough;
Through me, your agitated gestures shall become
Rhythmic in tidal refluence, your hoarse shrieks
Sonorous intonations.
Let me speak for you.
JT: As soon as you give me permission, we will begin auditions. I would love
for you to become a part of it.
259
KATHARINE and EDITH embrace in
celebration.
MICHAEL:
I find corruption in my very dreams,
They crumble at a touch. I have foregone
All honour and hope.
LILLIAS: Dont see why Queen Josephine gets to go to town and live in a flat
with the Lady Loves.
SALLY: Look, Cinderella, theyre probly afraid of how many balls youd be
attendin to after midnight.
LILLIAS: Its cuza the way she looks at them Horsies. All moon-eyed like
their goddesses or something. Shes no different than I am, except for the fact
she reads a little.
260
SALLY: You only wished someone would gape at you that way.
LILLIAS: You might pass in the right light. With the curtains drawn.
SALLY: Promises, promises, ya Judy. Now pay attention to what yer doing
or yer gonna break that.
LILLIAS: If those ladies are that queer here in the country, I wonder what
theyll be like near theatre folk. What do you really think about the Misses?
SALLY: What do I think? I think they are livin as it suits them. Im not a
god. I dont judge. I dont have that kinda power.
LILLIAS: If I were a god, maybe Id have time to run through the grass.
Maybe Id have time to roll around in pretty words . . .
SALLY: Whats all that whisperin ? You know we dont have time for this-n-
that.
261
Exeunt.
KATHARINE: We have watched our characters come to life all these weeks.
We have watched them sigh and caress and tug on each other, love and disturb
each other. We have lived our work.
EDITH: I hear your words come from strange mouths. I see you as a man, as
a woman, as a soldier, as a child.
262
As they continue making love,
JOSEPHINE creeps into the room.
She is dressed for bed, perhaps even
has a quilt pulled tight over her head.
She is a voyeur.
MICHAEL:
Having no tears to shed, with no regrets
Remaining merely as a monument
Contending hosts have clashed against . . .
EDITH: Josephine?
263
Scene 8. Lighting should indicate a
break in reality, much like the other
dreams. JOs dream should evoke a
garden of nymphs, of Muses, dressed all
in white. SALLY, LILLIAS, MARY,
and ANNA touch, coax, and dance
around JOSEPHINE.
JOSEPHINE: Youre making too much noise. The misses will hear.
264
EDITH: Yes, isnt that what you want?
KATHARINE: You are lovely, are lovely, but unknown. What is your name?
SALLY: Sister.
EDITH: Wife.
KATHARINE: Husband.
MARY: Mother.
EDITH: Aunt.
SALLY: Horsewoman.
JOSEPHINE: Parlourmaid.
265
SALLY: Do you want more, Josephine?
ANNA: Be seen.
MARY: Be heard.
JOSEPHINE: Can I?
ALL:
Silver movements, silver voices
Women moving to & fro
Where the garden-spices blow
Where sweet women race together,
266
Softly moving, speaking low.
Exeunt.
JT: Welcome, welcome. It gives me great pleasure to see such an eager and
enthusiastic crowd tonight. As you are well aware, here at the Independent,
we pride ourselves on modern and avant garde theater. Tonight we have a
special treat, a new work by Miss Katharine Bradley and Miss Edith Cooper,
better known as Michael Field.
BOY: JT Grein and the Independent Theater Present Michael Fields A Ques-
tion of Memory.
267
BOY: Written by Miss Katharine Bradley and Miss Edith Cooper. And Fea-
turing Mr. Acton Bond as Ferencz and Mrs. Charles Creswick as Thekla.
(new card) Act One.
268
JT: I hope you enjoyed tonights production of A Question of Memory. It
gives me great pleasure to introduce its authors, Miss Katharine Bradley and
Miss Edith Cooper, otherwise called Michael Field.
GRAY: Especially the bit about the executions. Women have such a senti-
mental flair with war.
BERNARD: And maybe they should have kept their drama in the closet.
MICHAEL:
Do you see what you have done?
It would please me best
269
You declare allegiance to the god,
And make yourselves subservient to my worship.
It is not too late.
MICHAEL:
Tremble not
My office is to save and purify
To lift from degradation.
GEORGE: You must remember that present literary tastes are feverish. Your
themes are drawn from history. Too remote for comfortable digestion.
GEORGE: Shes right. You cant surrender now. But maybe you should think
about a new style.
EDITH: But our play was modern. We gave up the Shakespeare, the Greek.
270
MARY: Not everyone enjoys goulash. Not everyone knows what goulash is.
KATHARINE: It was the Hungarian Rising of 1848. A mans family was killed
and he went mad.
MICHAEL:
Search the stars,
Look deep into my destiny
GEORGE: The English are wholly inartistic. They ruin all their poets, for
they only praise what they find easy to understand. Do not give up hope.
Silence, awkwardness.
MARY: Rats?
271
GEORGE: She may be right. I have seen it make grown men wince. Or, more
often and more importantly, do nothing at all.
KATHARINE: That is because Michael Field is now seen as two old spinsters
trying their fragile hands at writing.
MICHAEL:
Think of all that I inherit and combine
Think of the fiery heart in me
MICHAEL:
I am a plan, a work of some strange passion
Life has conceived apart from Times harsh drill,
A thing it hides and cherishes to fashion
At odd bright moments to its secret will:
MARY: Who?
272
GEORGE and MARY leave hurriedly.
MICHAEL:
I have plunged deep in wars
Have summoned councils
MICHAEL: Oh unjust
MICHAEL: Am I now a rat? No, you make me feel like a strange creature,
rising to the seas surface, previously unseen by human eyes, barely grazing
the light of the sun before sinking once again to its cold dark depths. Or a
simple plan. A rose. A rose.
JOSEPHINE: My life will not be determined by the people who love me, but
by the people I love. When I love, I grow wonderful to myself. I am a woman
yet not a mere spectator.
273
JOSEPHINE blows kisses and bows to
imaginary applause then runs to catch
up with her mistresses.
MICHAEL:
Yet not a mere spectator.
Passive from the first
I yielded to my ravishers, and when
They left me fell musing to my revenge.
Act 3
Scene 1. The sunroom.
The silence belongs to a couple deep in
thought and afraid to voice their worry.
274
EDITH: The only thing I have ever wanted to do. Write.
MICHAEL: You created me so everyone would see you. Hear you. You used
me to speak.
MICHAEL: I was your child, your ideal. Your messenger. I am the angel you
couldnt be.
275
MICHAEL: I am more than what you could imagine. I am Gods emissary.
MICHAEL:
I could say
The powers that breed within a mans own breast
The very mood and temper of his fate
Move noiselessly within.
I am your word made flesh.
MICHAEL (to KATHARINE): Is this the end? I recoil. Who is it that put a
brand on me while I was absent? I came to you a moody dreaming child. You
gave me knowledge, played me about the past like summer lightning
MICHAEL: I am Michael Field. You twain are doomed. Your power shall
wane without me.
276
MICHAEL:
Ah, me!
How brutal, coarse, and ignorant I stand
Beside this sweet stray in humanity. Call the men to battle.
(to EDITH) I can free you.
KATHARINE: It is a full moon. Like the night you were born. I was so afraid
Id drop you. Hurt you. I still am.
EDITH: I could have flown at any moment. I chose to stay. I choose to stay.
277
MICHAEL: Think but of me, no veiled divinity. I can be who you want me
to be.
EDITH (to KATHARINE): Do you not remember the power of the gods? The
deities would transform themselves, create their own destiny. Take a form that
served their purpose.
MICHAEL: I have no parentage - all that I am, I cease to be. I am the last of
a dying species.
EDITH: We are finally free. He can finally be who we want him to be. A voice
for our words. A voice for us. Our souls will be the things seen and heard by
all, not our bodies, not our wombs. We will be formless, as deities are just
before they become thunder, stallions, swans. Like shadows around men, we
will seduce, charm, anger, and imagine. We will give and take as we wish.
KATHARINE: They say that God is everywhere, and yet we always think of
him as somewhat of a recluse.
EDITH: Yes, perhaps all gods need to be anonymous. Maybe that is where
their power lies.
Scene 2. A dinner party.
The Chorus of CRITICS gathers. In
the center of the table, a vase full
of huge white angel plumes instead of
flowers.
278
GEORGE: I have discovered a new playwright.
Groans, laughter.
BERNARD: Exactly what we need to go down with our sherry. Who is the
melodramatic sot this time?
GRAY: Then how, pray tell, did you discover him? Reading between the lines?
GEORGE (pulling a book from his coat pocket and jumping to his feet as in
Act 1, scene 2): Reading this. Queen Mariamne.
BERNARD: Shall I move dear Mary or will we not be performing on the chairs
this evening?
GRAY: Well, in the case of an ill manuscript, perhaps its better he was lost.
ANNA: Come to think of it, I heard the man was buried in an unmarked grave.
279
GRAY: Or two?
GEORGE: He is nameless.
GRAY: I suppose we could do with a little humor this evening. Rip out the
pages, George.
GEORGE gives the pages to MARY.
Somewhere offstage but noticeable,
JOSEPHINE is also reading.
280
KATHARINE and EDITH:
And beyond a king lies dead.
But that land is blest forever,
Safe & healed, & happy so
Where sweet women race together,
Softly moving, speaking low.
END.
281
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Vita
Michelle Lee, nee Stoddard, grew up in a Maryland suburb, where she bor-
rowed stacks of books from the public library, played pretend in the woods
behind her house, devoured her mothers homemade cookies, and watched her
father paint. After receiving her B.A. in English and graduating summa cum
laude from the University of Maryland, Michelle worked in public relations
for education-oriented nonprofit organizations, then upon marrying an Air
Force officer and moving across the country pursued a career in freelance
writing. Several years, several projects, an agent, and an e-novel later, Michelle
took her husbands advice and went back to school, accepting a spot in the
M.A. in Creative Writing Program at UT. While studying the craft of fiction-
writing, Michelle decided to go further in her studies and applied to the Ph.D.
in Literature program at UT. During her Ph.D. career, Michelle published
across genres, including poetry, fiction, and nonfiction, and wrote a handful of
plays about her beloved Michael Field.
A
LT EX is a document preparation system developed by Leslie Lamport as a special
version of Donald Knuths TEX Program.
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