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1. Critically analyse how intersections of race, ethnicity and class might impact upon a
students’ educational aspirations and life chances. Reflect on how your own
intercultural understandings might influence your teaching practice.

Critical race theory acknowledges that, subliminally, there is a dominant ideal within

society that values ‘whiteness’. My aim is to prove that white privilege is the dominant

discourse of Australian society. It pervades the education system and instils students with

subtle messages of their futility, or their power. In this essay I will be exploring critical race

theory as the framework to discuss the impacts of ‘whiteness’ on Indigenous Australians’

educational aspirations and life chances. Firstly, teacher awareness can create a quality learning

environment, through the use of reflexivity and differentiation. These techniques aid in

eliminating the ‘colour-blind’ classroom. Secondly, the curriculum yields lessons in the

dominant discourse of Australian society, which are undeniably ‘white’ in nature. Thirdly,

government policies try to band aid inequality in Australian schooling with the compulsory

teaching of multiculturalism, however, American studies have found multiculturalism only

shows positive outcomes for privileged white children – not the minorities. The impacts of

‘white’ power are evident in non-white students’ cycle of life. The child will remain in the

working class, unless they conform to white standards and perform well in school. Finally, all

this is possible in the Australian context, especially for Indigenous students, as it is a remnant

of colonisation.

Teacher’s underlying attitudes toward diversity are key in student’s learning, as the

lessons learnt in school, prepare one to be a successful social participant. There are many

different techniques teachers need to be aware of so that non-white students, especially

Indigenous students, can have the same opportunities as white students. Reflexivity and

differentiation are two techniques teachers can apply to teach without the underlying

‘whiteness’ within the classroom. Lampert, Burnett and Morse (2015) state, a teacher would

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use reflexivity to critically “reflect upon their own cultural identities, and question the taken-

for-granted assumptions that come from the belief that dominant ways are ‘normal’” (p.78).

The dominant way in regard to the classroom is the need for all students to be quiet, and let the

teacher deposit information into the students’ knowledge ‘bank’ (Freire, 1970). Rejection of

these ideals will look like ill-disciplined students; however, these students are dismissing the

white ideals underlying the education system in Australia. I will explore this later, in terms of

curriculum. The other technique, called differentiation, is used to deliver the curriculum

outcomes to a diverse classroom, but in a way that is tailored to each students’ needs. There

are numerous studies on why these techniques should be adopted. There are also many scholars

who would argue that simply giving diversity a voice in the classroom, without dismissing it,

is enough (Gay, 2010, p.145; Knaus, 2009; Shay, 2015, p.97). The main reason techniques are

needed in the classroom what is Embrick (2013) calls ‘colour-blindness’. Enbrick’s research

in a school in America, shows why colour-blindness is problematic. The school in the study

contradicts itself, as it openly celebrates positive aspects of race, such as; “Hispanic Heritage

month” (p.30). However, “anything negative associated with race such as acknowledging the

existence of institutional discrimination and white privilege [which] call into question the basic

tenets of the social equality maxim are off limits” (p.30). By ignoring race, ethnicity or even

class, a teacher might create an unwelcome space for non-white students (Gay, 2010; Nunn,

2011). Therefore, diversity must be given a voice in the classroom. It is about creating a

comfortable space for all students, where “the space of the classroom [no longer] feels white”

(Nunn, 2011, p.1234). If the teacher can harness their own reflexivity and colour-blindness,

then non-white students can achieve anything they set their minds to.

Returning to my earlier point about ill-behaved students; I argue that Indigenous

disengagement is directly connected to their rejection of the ‘white’ curriculum. The

disengagement of Indigenous students is more than a discipline issue. The Australian

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curriculum teaches pervading issues of white privilege, which in turn makes the classroom

uncomfortable for Indigenous students (Nunn, 2010, p.1234). They may end up suspended

from school, or they will no longer show up for class. An example in the current English

curriculum, is the way narrative is constructed. Indigenous histories are passed down orally,

and with great respect. Therefore, stories are a part of them; it is how they connect to their

culture. Although, standardised testing demands stories be constructed differently. Value is

placed on stories outlined as “‘fiction’, ‘for entertainment’, […], ‘anybody can create’” (Shipp,

2012, p.21), which demoralizes Indigenous culture. The privilege of ‘whiteness’ is

unmistakable in Australia’s history curriculum. All students are taught that Australia was

settled by the British; not invaded by the British, as some would argue (Smyth, 2016, p8).

While immaterial examples to some people, these elements would undermine Indigenous

students’ self-worth. Knaus (2009) states that non-white students become disengaged because;

“being taught and tested on ‘White history’ [led] students to negatively associate with much of

schooling, and several argued that they cannot trust teachers who teach them lies about how

great White people are” (p.137). As previously mentioned, the teacher is in a key position to

influence the students learning; however, they can only do so much with a compulsory

curriculum. The outcome for non-white students in this regard, depends upon their choice to

conform to the demands of ‘whiteness’ and achieve high marks on standardised testing; or be

true to their race and ethnicity.

Australia has adopted Multiculturalism as it’s official policy (Shay, 2015, p.100). This

means it is serious about “anti-racism and discrimination as well as the promotion of equal

rights” (p.100). I would argue that this is the government, proving to the world, that ‘White

Australia Policy’ was valid in the context of history, and no longer valued. However, by

utilising critical race theory, we can see that white power still exists in policy. Multiculturalism

does not work; it seems to apply to non-whites only, including Indigenous Australians, who

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reject being lumped into this policy created for new migrants (Shay, 2015, p.100). There is a

push in teacher education to acknowledge multiculturalism in Australia, while in reality,

Martin’s (2014) research demonstrates that multiculturalism, only serves white students; to

teach them to become better, more accepting adults. Embrick’s (2013) research outcome

supports this. Embrick states “multiculturalism as currently manifested not only does little to

challenge students understanding of culture, difference and race, but in fact serves to defend

the status quo” (p.36). Multiculturalism as a public policy, incorporated into the curriculum,

needs to be readdressed for non-white students, (or Indigenous and migrant students), to

achieve academically.

The majority of teaching staff are white and middle class (Lampert et al., 2015, p.77;

Shay, 2015, p.95). Embedded within this statement is the uninterrupted cycle of white

supremacy, as only white students can achieve higher academic aspirations and life chances.

As previously discussed, disengagement leads to student expulsion or desertion of education.

“The Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody (1991) identified limited access to

and participation in education as factors contributing to Aboriginal disadvantage” (Wilson &

Wilks, 2015, p.663). Interestingly, two teachers from Embrick’s (2013) study unconsciously

blame poverty on ‘bad choices’ (p.87); which credibly could be the choice to evade white

power in education. Other influences on the cycle of white supremacy is how variances at the

family, or micro level, feed into the macro level. For example, the ideal childhood, which

appears to be the foundation of the dominant discourse, demands “fostered learning

opportunities at home, such as playing word games [… or] coaching them on how to use

evidence and details to back up their opinions” (Nunn, 2011, p.1227). The micro structure can

provide an imbalanced beginning, before the child even gets to school because, “working class

and poor parents [which are disproportionately people of colour (Nunn, 2011, p.1227; Embrick,

2013, p.32)] [see] school, not home, as the place for learning, and [see] teachers, not

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themselves, as their children’s academic guides” (Nunn, 2011, p.1227). Furthermore, since

dominant discourse states that academic success is aligned to white students, scholars argue

that non-white students may resist or oppose school on the basis of ‘acting white’, or

conforming (Downey, Ainsworth & Qian, as cited by Nunn, 2011, p.1228). The educational

system expects ideal childhoods, and expects habituated knowledge from micro level. So if

there is a discrepancy here, Nunn argues that it will show itself in the macro structure. This is

out of the students’ hands. Here, we can pinpoint how the cycle will continue if parents do not

academically achieve. They will receive low paying jobs, which requires longer hours, so then

have no spare time to spend helping with their child’s education. To escape this cycle,

Indigenous students are given a truly difficult task of rising above cultural bias imbedded in

the system, to get good enough grades to go into whatever job they desire.

In the global context, post-colonial racism is not isolated to Australia. Post-colonialist

theory provides a framework to explain why this is also apparent in other countries around the

world, such as the United State of America, and the Commonwealth. Power relations still exist

from colonial rule. The Age of Discovery meant that European countries were exploring

further, with the intention of expanding their colonial rule, to provide wealthy imports for ‘the

mother country’. Britain came to Australia and knew they had found a rich land. Indigenous

people had respect for their homeland. They flame farmed their lands to aid in hunting, which

provided an abundance of wildlife and natural beauty. When the British arrived in Australia,

things were congenial enough to begin with. However, once British started settling and

claiming traditional Indigenous lands as their own, the Indigenous (never having experienced

conflict before white arrival), fought back. This caused a vicious backlash by the British

colonialists, who in turn, were very good at fighting conflicts. Britain claimed the land was

empty of human inhabitants, or ‘Terra Nullius’, and claimed the land for Britain. Many native

people died in the establishment of Australia as a British colony (SBS, ‘First Australians’) This

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all impacts upon inter-racial relations today. “Australia is a post-colonial nation state and, like

other post-colonial societies, it continues to be subjected to colonial domination in which there

are power relations and internal divisions based on ethnic, racial, linguistic and religious

identities, including, most importantly, unequal power relations with Indigenous peoples”

(Jones Diaz, Ferfolja & Ullman, 2015, p.10). This explanation does not excuse white power on

the premise of the fault of our ancestors. We still inhabit their traditional lands, and expect

Indigenous people to conform to ‘British values’ of society. Post-colonialist theory highlights

how white privilege is damaging Indigenous students’ opportunities by expecting the same

outcomes from them, as white middle class students.

After exploring how white privilege is prevalent within the education system, I am able

to examine myself within this context. I am from British-Scottish-Irish heritage, with blonde

hair and green eyes. My family are wealthy, achieved through hard work, so they are able to

support me financially and emotionally through my university degree. I am a part of white

privilege. I agree with Knaus (2009) that students of different backgrounds must be heard. Too

often the confident white students feel they have the right answers in class. My teaching areas

are History and English, where I have discovered two examples of underlying white privilege

in the curriculum outcomes, while I do not have the authority to teach different outcomes, I can

engage the students in critical judgement of the Australian curriculum. By providing the quality

learning environment, recommended by Nunn (2011), students will have a comfortable, safe

space, to grow and achieve in.

White power is the dominant discourse within Australian society. It influences all

aspects of schooling, which is a tool to socialise students for life outside in society. Ergo,

intersections of race, ethnicity and class adversely affect non-white/Indigenous student’s

educational aspirations and life chances. Knaus (2009) provides the perfect statement to

envelope my argument; “critical race theory exposes how mainstream schools promote racism

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through white-supremacist teaching practices, [and] white-based curriculum, […] that

privilege white culture by ignoring and/or denying how racism shapes the lives of students of

colour” (p.142). Dominant discourse facilitates inequality. I have discussed reason why this

effects Indigenous students in particular, by exploring the current teacher education, contextual

influences and the impacts they all have upon students’ academic successes. Teachers have to

admit that inequalities still exist in the classroom, in order to rectify outcomes for Indigenous

students. In contrast to the education of teachers, with its equality versus equity undertones,

the Australian curriculum still demands predominately white values to be taught in schools to

diverse students. Multiculturalism was added into the policy for schooling to reach these

diverse students, however, studies show it is inconsequential. All of these influences impact

upon the learning of non-white/Indigenous students. These students internalise their own self-

worth, in comparison with white students, creating disengagement, low grades, low paying jobs

and another cycle of disadvantage for the next generation. The foundation of white supremacy

is found in the colonialization of Australia in 1788. Post-colonial theory states that power

struggles are a remnant of another time. In my opinion, as a new teacher, being aware is the

most important ideal when coming into a diverse classroom.

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References

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Diaz, F. Tania, & J. Ullman (Eds.), Understanding sociological theory for educational practices

(pp. 1-20). Melbourne: Cambridge University Press.

Embrick, D. G., & Stoll, L. C. (2013). Race is the colour-blind classroom: Multiculturalism and tracking.

In Race and gender in the classroom: Teachers, privilege, and enduring social inequalities

(pp. 85-106). Lexington Books. Retrieved Aug 15, 2016, from

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Embrick, D. G., & Stoll, L. C. (2016). The countervailing forces of privilege. In Race and gender in the

classroom: Teachers, privilege, and enduring social inequalities (pp. 29-49). Lexington Books.

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Freire, P. (1970). Pedagogy of the oppressed. New York: The Continuum.

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Nunn, L. M. (2011). Classrooms as racialised spaces: Dynamics of collaboration, tension and student

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SBS. (n.d.). First Australians. Retrieved Aug 15, 2016, from

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Shay, M. (2015). The perceptions that shape us: Strengthening Indigenous young people's cultural

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