IVANA POPOVI], Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade

SNE@ANA FERJAN^I], University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of History, Belgrade

A NEW INSCRIPTION FROM SIRMIUM

AND THE BASILICA OF ST. ANASTASIA

UDC: 904:003.071=124(497.113)"03/05" e-mail: [email protected]

DOI: 10.2298/STA1363101P Received: December 09, 2012
Original research article Accepted: April 23, 2013

Abstract. – A fragmentary marble inscription, preserved in the Museum of Srem in Sremska Mitrovica, seems to mention
the basilica of St. Anastasia: ¡In dom¿o beati¡ssimae dominae nost¿re Anast¡asiae - - -. This monument provides
epigraphic evidence on the cult place of the martyr in Sirmium, already recorded by written sources. According to the
Passion of St. Demetrius, the church of St. Anastasia had already existed in Sirmium when Leontius, praetorian prefect
of Illyricum, started the construction of the basilica of St. Demetrius. Although the find spot of the plate is not known,
the finds of Ostrogothic coins next to the northern city wall imply that the basilica of St. Anastasia was located in that zone
of the city, as the Ostrogoths highly respected the Martyr. It is possible that it should be identified with a martyrium leaning
against the northern city wall that had been unearthed and then destroyed at the end of the 19th century.

Key words. – Sirmium, Early Christianity, martyrs, St. Anastasia, inscription, basilica.

T
he collection of the Museum of Srem in Srem- subjective reasons and after the death of P. Petrovi}
ska Mitrovica includes one damaged marble and then also of V. Popovi}, we could not get the text
plate with an inscription in Latin (fig. 1). of the catalogue of Early Christian inscriptions neither
Although the text is not completely preserved, we pre- from N. Duval nor from his collaborator Sylvain
sume that it mentions the basilica of St. Anastasia, Janniard who started editing it again in 2005. As it
cofirmed in Sirmium by the written sources.1 The plate would turn out later in this work, we assume that V.
has not been published yet, although there is a possi- Popovi} knew about the inscription, considering a
bility that it has been included in the catalogue of Early remark in one of his studies.2 Since no data indicating
Christian inscriptions from Sirmium that Petar Petro- the location and circumstances of its discovery have
vi} prepared for publication between 1975 and 1980 been recorded and since we did not find any evidence
under the leadership of Vladislav Popovi} in order to
be published in volume IX of Sirmium edition by the
French School in Rome, with V. Popovi} and Noël
Duval as editors. Unfortunately, this volume still has 1 AA SS, Oct. IV, 90–95 = PG 116, 1173–1184.
not seen the light of day, due to many objective and 2 Popovi} V. 1982, 553.

* The article results from the projects: Romanization, urbanization and transformation of urban centres of civil, military and residential
character in the Roman provinces on territory of Serbia (no 177007) and City Life in Antiquity: The Expansion of Cities and Urban
Civilization in the Balkans and the Neighbouring Areas from the Hellenistic to the Late Roman Period (no 177005) funded by the Ministry
of Education, Science and technological development of the Republic of Serbia.

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POPOVI], FERJAN^I], A new inscription from Sirmium and the basilica of St. Anastasia (101–114) STARINAR LXIII/2013

about its discovery in the documentation, we will try to

locate the cult place of the martyr Anastasia by indirect
methods.
Fragment of a slab, made of marble from east
Alpine quarries of Pohorje or Gummern, broken on all
sides, except the upper one. Dimensions: 39 x 24 cm.
The inscription consists of eight partially preserved
lines, the eighth line containing only traces of two or
possibly three letters. Letter height: 5 cm in the first
line, 6 cm in the second line and 4 cm in lines 3–6. The
fragment is preserved in the Museum of Srem in Srem-
ska Mitrovica. No information is available concerning
its find-spot or when it was found. The preserved text
runs as follows:
[---]OBEATI[---]
[---]REANAST[---]
[---]HOCLOCOD[---]
[---]XQVICONV[---]
[---]QVIVIXITA[---]
[---]OEIVSDPRIDIE[---]
[---]TFLDECEN[---]
[---]++[---]

The inscription presumably mentions the basilica

of St. Anastasia. Its existence in Sirmium is confirmed
by the Early Christian literary sources. The first two
lines could be supplemented in the following way: [In Fig. 1. Plate mentioning the basilica of St. Anastasia,
dom]o beati[ssimae dominae nost]re Anast[asiae - - -. Museum of Srem, Sremska Mitrovica
The term domus, meaning “church”, is relatively fre- Sl. 1. Plo~a sa pomenom bazilike sv. Anastasije,
quent in the Early Christian inscriptions.3 However, Muzej Srema, Sremska Mitrovica
we must emphasize that, to the best of our knowledge,
the formula in domo, meaning “in the church”, fol-
lowed by a name of a saint or a martyr is not attested in line. The name could have been, for instance, Vindex
epigraphic evidence. The term beatissima for a female or Felix.7 The following expression – qui convixit
martyr is not without analogies. It is, for instance, annis – denotes the number of years that the deceased
recorded on an inscription from the vicinity of Portus spent in wedlock. If the inscription was erected by his
near Ostia in Italy: Sanctis martyribus et beati[ssimis] | wife (a possibility that will be discussed later) this
Eutropio, Bonosae et Zosim[ae - --].4 The term domina, segment of the text could be restored in the following
denoting a female martyr, is rather frequent in early way: qui conv[ixit mecum annis - - -].8 The beginning
Christian inscriptions.5 Although the exact parallels
for the proposed restoration of the first two lines are
lacking, a close analogy is provided by an inscription 3 ILCV III p. 344 sq., s. v. domus. Cf. ILJug 2275 from Solin:
from Sremska Mitrovica. It was set up in the basilica domos s(an)c(ti) S[- - -].
of St. Irenaeus by Macedonius and his wife Ammes 4 CIL XIV 1937.
5 ILCV III p. 341, s. v. domina.
and it runs as follows: In basilica domini nostri Erenei
6 Popovi} 2003, 262 (photograph and translation); Mirkovi}
(!) ac memoriam posuit Macedonius una cum matronam
2006, 117 (restored text).
suam <A>Ammete Evenati.6 7 For cognomina ending with letter X cf. Mócsy 1983, 397.
After the formula in hoc loco depositus in the third 8 Cf. CIL III 2225 (Salona); X 5986 (Signia); XIV 3458
line, there followed the name of the deceased, probably (Sublaqueum); AE 1987, 389 (Saturnia). The verb convivo is also
ending with an X, the first preserved letter in the fourth attested in Christian inscriptions: ILCV III III p. 502, s. v. convivo.

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POPOVI], FERJAN^I], A new inscription from Sirmium and the basilica of St. Anastasia (101–114) STARINAR LXIII/2013

of the sixth line seems to suggest that the inscription the subsequent spreading of her cult. According to
mentioned a son of the deceased as well: [- - - fili]o Martyrologium Hieronymianum, the universal calen-
eius. He might have been buried alongside his father or dar of martyrs,13 she has been put to death on 25th of
still alive when the tombstone was erected. December 304 AD in Sirmium, as the last one of the
The inscription has been dated by the usual formu- group of sufferers for faith that have been executed in
la beginning in the sixth line with the words die pridie.9 that year in the Pannonian metropolis. Namely, the
There followed the day of the month (calendae, ides, persecution of Christians intensified in Pannonia after
nonae) and the name of the month. The seventh line, the proclamation of Diocletian’s fourth edict against
obviously containing the name of the person who erect- the Christians, published, according to certain scholars,
ed the tombstone, could be restored and interpreted in during the emperor’s stay in Pannonia,14 so the perse-
various ways. The first preserved letter – T – might be cutions in that province and its capital were most
the element of a date, i.e. the name of the month: severe.15 The cult of the Sirmium martyr Anastasia
Mart(ias), August(as), Sept(embres), Oct(obres). On spread rapidly to the east as well as to the west, so her
the other hand it could also represent the abbreviated hagiography contained fantastic elements already in
praenomen T(itus). If we accept the first possibility, the Late Antiquity, and it could be classified in the
according to which the letter T is part of a date, it group IV of martyr legends, which included texts in
seems likely that the inscription was set up by the wife which real historical events were reduced to minimum,
of the deceased and that her name was Fl(avia) while the only reliable data are those concerning the
Decen[- - -] or Decem[- - -], depending whether the time and place of execution.16
last preserved letter in the seventh line is an N or an M. As chance would have it, a certain Anastasia, who
The abbreviation of the gentilicium Flavia to Fl(avia) was a respected Roman citizen and perhaps the half-
is well attested in northern Italy and western provinces sister of Constantine the Great,17 built in her city in the
of the Roman empire.10 If, however, we decide on the 4th century the church named after her – titulus
other possibility, the name of the person who set up the Anastasiae. But as the cult of St. Anastasia very early
plate would be T. Fl(avius) Decen[- - -] or Decem[- - -]. expanded as far as Rome, in the course of time it
He could be a relative or a friend of the deceased. The became commonly accepted that the titulus Anastasiae
cognomen of the person who erected the plate (the wife is the church of the Sirmium martyr, whose name was
of the deceased or someone else) is impossible to re- even included in the Roman liturgy canon, despite the
store because it is not certain whether the last pre- fact that the relics of St. Anastasia have never been
served letter of the seventh line is an M or an N. The transferred either to this or any other Roman church.18
names, which should be taken into consideration, are However, the relics of this martyr did not remain in
December, Decembricus, Decembrinus/-a, Decembris, Sirmium either. Conveying the words of the church
Decens, Decentius/-a, Decentiana and Decentinus.11 historian Theodorus Lector, Byzantine chronicler
Bearing in mind all the difficulties and problems Theophanes writes that patriarch Gennadius ordered in
concerning the reading and interpretation of our frag- 468 the translatio of St. Anastasia’s relics from
ment, we propose the following restoration of the text: Sirmium to Constantinople. They were kept in that city
[In dom]o beati[ssimae --- | --- nost]re Anast[asiae
--- | --- in] hoc loco d[epositus --- | ---]x qui conv[ixit
mecum annis --- | ---] qui vixit a[nnis --- | --- fili]o eius
d(ie) pridie [--- | ---]T Fl(avius, -avia) Decen[---| --- 9 ILCV III III p. 307, s. v. pridie, d.
]++[--- |---. 10 OPEL II 145.
Judging by palaeographic features, the fragment of 11 Kajanto 1965, 219, 231; Solin–Salomies 1994, 322.

the inscription presumably mentioning the basilica of 12 Petrovi} 1975, 110, 114.
13 AA SS Nov., 41.
St. Anastasia dates from the Late Roman period. The
14 Brato` 2003, 42–43, 71–85; Jarak 2011, 56.
letter A with the broken horizontal stroke and the letter
15 For chronology of persecution of Pannonian martyrs cf. Zeiller
L with the horizontal stroke slanting downward appear at
1918, 68–104; Mirkovi} 2006, 115–118; Brato` 2003, 29–98; Jarak
the end of 3rd and the beginning of the 4th century. Both 2011, 56–68.
shapes are attested in the early Christian inscriptions.12 16 Delehaye 1955, 106–109.

Not much is known about the life of the martyr 17 Zeiller 1918, 85.

Anastasia, while there is much more information about 18 Zeiller 1918, 86.

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POPOVI], FERJAN^I], A new inscription from Sirmium and the basilica of St. Anastasia (101–114) STARINAR LXIII/2013

in 468/70 in the church ’An£stasij19 (Resurrection). present day. Namely, in Passio altera Sancti Demetrii
This shrine dated back to earlier times and in it Gregory Thessalonicensis, while describing activities of
of Nasianus preached in 379/80 against Arianism, so it Leontius, praetorian prefect of Illyricum, it is men-
was considered that the name of the church Anastasis tioned that after building the church dedicated to St.
–Resurrection relates to the resurrection of the ortho- Demetrius in Thessalonica he wanted to build a similar
doxy in conflict with the Arian heresy.20 However, that one in Illyricum, so on arrival in Sirmium he deposited
church had been reconstructed around the middle of the chest with the bloodstained saint’s chlamys and
the 5th century by the military commanders of the fragments of his oraria in the most holy temple of the
Eastern Empire Aspar and his older son Ardabarius, holy martyr Demetrius, that he instituted in the vicinity
barbarians of the Gothic ancestry who were very of the honored home (=church) of victorious martyr
devoted to Arianism. They ordered that the bible in Anastasia (plhs/on toà sebasm/ou o'/kou tÁj kal-
Gothic language was to be read in the church of St. lin/kou m£rturoj 'Anastas/aj).25
Anastasia on the feast days.21 Thus, the church where Following these topographic indications and also
relics of St. Anastasia had been deposited in regarding local tradition, the investigators of Sirmium
Constantinople was of the Gothic rite, so it could be suggested various conclusions. J. Brun{mid, after revi-
assumed that the Goths, during their stay in Pannonia, sion of Hytrek’s excavations at the east necropolis of
had chosen the Sirmium martyr as their patron and Sirmium, at the site known as “Rimsko groblje” or
transferred her cult to the eastern capital of the Empire. “Gradina”, passed the opinion in 1895 that the uncove-
This assumption seems to be confirmed by the fact that red cult structure, most probably cella trichornia
a certain Ecclesia sanctae Anastasiae legis Gothorum recorded by Hytrek, is in fact the basilica of St.
is mentioned in Ravenna around AD 550. It probably Demetrius26 and then N. Vuli} assumed in 1929 that
served the Arian rite, as the single church in Ravenna the small single-aisled chapel discovered at the same
whose Arian consecration continued even after the cemetery is the basilica of St. Anastasia.27 The same
rejection of that heresy.22 The establishing of the cult identification of cult structures at the east necropolis of
of the Sirmium martyr Anastasia within the Arian Sirmium was suggested already in 1918 by J. Zeller.
church in Ravenna could be explained by long-lasting His information came from the letters of I. Jung, a
and intensive contacts of the Goths settled in Sirmium teacher living in Sremska Mitrovica, who was the re-
and its vicinity with Ravenna. It all started with presentative of the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb.28
Vidimer, who, leading a part of his tribe, entered north- Such attribution of those cult structures allowed G.
ern Italy from Pannonia in 472, and ended with Györffy to suggest, in 1959, that the mediaeval mona-
Theodoric. Passing through Pannonia, he defeated the stery of St. Demetrius shared the same location as the
German leader Odoacer in Italy. Having created the antique one,29 but this claim was rejected in 1961 by P.
state with the center in Ravenna he expanded it to Milo{evi}, first of all because of the small dimensions
Pannonia with Sirmium as its capital city in 504.23 Of (19 x 17 m) of the building, which had been earlier
course, the relations between the courts in Constanti- assumed to have been the Late Roman basilica of St.
nople and Ravenna were intensive and that also con-
tributed to favorable conditions for establishing the
cult of St. Anastasia in Ravenna.
19 Janin 1953, 26; Deichmann 1969, 26; Nikolajevi} 1979, 44.
Details of subsequent transfer of relics of St. 20 Janin 1953, 26–27.
Anastasia from Constantinople to Zadar (Iader) on the 21 Deichmann 1969, 26–27.
Adriatic coast and to Fulda in Frankia24 in the 9th cen- 22 Deichmann 1969, 26.
tury are not of interest for the theme of this work, while 23 Stein 1968 (I), 356–357; (II), 111–124.; Mirkovi} 1971,

information about the Gothic milieu within which the 48–51; Mirkovi} 2006, 99–103.
cult had spread in the 5th and 6th centuries is, in our 24 Nikolajevi} 1979, 43–51.
25 AA SS, Oct. IV, 90–95 = PG 116, 1173–1184. For French
opinion, very important for a possible ubication of the
translation of the text of the Passion and mention of the church of
basilica of St. Anastasia in Sirmium.
St. Anastasia cf. Lemerle II 1981, 201.
Discussions about the possible location of the basi- 26 Brun{mid 1985/96, 162.
lica of St. Anastasia in Sirmium and possible identifi- 27 Vuli} 1929, 164.

cation of existing cult places with it last in the academic 28 Zeillier 1918, 190.

literature from the second half of 19th century until 29 Györffy 1959, 10, ref. 3.

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POPOVI], FERJAN^I], A new inscription from Sirmium and the basilica of St. Anastasia (101–114) STARINAR LXIII/2013

Fig. 2. Ground plan of the church of St. Demetrius in Sirmium (plan of M. Jeremi} after: Popovi} V. 1987, 118, Abb. 3)
Sl. 2. Osnova crkve sv. Dimitrija u Sirmijumu (plan M. Jeremi}a prema: Popovi} V. 1987, 118, Abb. 3)

Demetrius.30 This opinion was also accepted in 1969 conditionally as a chapel.34 However, R. Popovi},
by V. Popovi}, 31 who like N. Duval32 in 1979, ascer- publishing in 1995 the report about the excavations at
tained that there is nothing reliable in the identification the necropolis of St. Sinerotes (with the remark that
of cult structures at east necropolis with basilicas of St. these are other Christian finds in Sirmium about which
Demetrius and St. Anastasia. Later, after meticulous he would write later,35 but never did), considered
analysis of written sources, archaeological remains Hytrek’s plan to be the drawing of cult structures at the
and numismatic material, V. Popovi} demonstrated in north cemetery and identified them as basilicas of St.
a number of studies that the cult structure discovered Sinerotes and St. Anastasia.36 Then M. Jeremi}, after
in 1979 in the center of Sremska Mitrovica (locality
59) could be identified as the basilica of St. Demetrius
(fig. 2), which, according to written sources, had been
30
erected in Sirmium by Leontius.33 On the other hand in Milo{evi} 1961a, 75.
31Popovi} V. 1969, 674, ref. 26.
2004, M. Jeremi}, after architectural analyses of exist-
32 Duval 1979, 84.
ing plans, came to the conclusion that the remains at 33 Popovi} V. 1982, 545–556; Popovi} V. 1987, 95–122;
the site “Rimsko groblje” or “Gradina” were a funerary Popovi} V. 1998, 43–56.
complex, which included, besides structures depicted 34 Jeremi} 2004, 54–58; Jeremi} 2006, 124–128.

in Hytrek’s plan (fig. 3), also a triconchal martyrium 35 Hytrek 1894, 10, t. II.

and a small single-aisled basilica with apse, identified 36 Popovi} R. 2004, 42.

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POPOVI], FERJAN^I], A new inscription from Sirmium and the basilica of St. Anastasia (101–114) STARINAR LXIII/2013

Fig. 3. Disposition of cult objects

around the city forum:
G – basilica of St. Demetrius,
F – pagan temple on top
of the had been erected?
(after: Jeremi} 2008, 195, Fig. 40)
Sl. 3. Raspored kultnih objekata
oko gradskog foruma:
G – bazilika sv. Dimitrija,
F – paganski hram iznad koga
je podignuta crkva?
(prema: Jeremi} 2008, 195, Fig. 40)

analyzing architectural remains of presumed pagan funerary structures and grave goods, nothing indicates
temples in Sirmium, has demonstrated in 2008 that the the existence of two distinct necropolises.38
city basilica (locality 59), identified as the basilica of Our short summary of available theories about
St. Demetrius, had been built on top of the ruins of possible locations of the basilicas of St. Demetrius and
some pagan temple, so he assumed that a Christian cult St. Anastasia in Sirmium (fig. 5) confirms the interest
object (fig. 4) was also erected on top of the remains of which this problem has kindled among the scholars,
a neighboring structure (locality 47), identifying it, but also the difficulties surrounding the identification of
with argumentation with a pagan temple. In two
Christian temples built in the immediate vicinity M.
Jeremi} recognizes the basilicas of St. Demetrius and
St. Anastasia, in accordance with the data from written 37 Jeremi} 2008, 194–196.
sources that Leontius built the basilica of St. Deme- 38 Popovi} I. 2012, 113–135.
39 Popovi} V. 1982, 553.
trius near the basilica of St. Anastasia, but leaves open
40 Dimitrijevi}, Kova~evi}, Vinski 1962, 93, T. III, 1; Mrko-
the question which of these two temples was dedicated
brad 1980, 41–43, T. XXXIV, 10; Demo 1994, No. 123. According to
to Him or Her.37 As graves with humble grave goods
the information obtained from Pavle Popovi}, curator-numismatist
(bone combs, iron knives and buckles) have been en- in the Museum of Srem in Sremska Mitrovica these coins were not
countered at localities 59 and 47, around 60 meters far returned to the Museum after having been displayed at the exhibi-
from each other and at nearby locality 46, I. Popovi} tion Seoba naroda. Arheolo{ki nalazi jugoslovenskog Podunavlja,
organized in 1962 in the National Museum in Zemun.
concluded, after analyzing the material, that these are 41 Demo 1981, 455, 461–463; Demo 1994, 12–13, 61–62, Nos.
approximately contemporary graves of the urban popu- 71, 74, 76, 80,124, 194, 195.
lation, which, facing the Hunnic threat, started to bury 42 Stefan 1925, 1–12; Meihner 1968, 53–54, Demo 1994, 195.

their dead intra muros, but, due to the resemblance of Nos. 77, 81, 126.

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POPOVI], FERJAN^I], A new inscription from Sirmium and the basilica of St. Anastasia (101–114) STARINAR LXIII/2013

the structures when there is no epigraphic evidence but of cult place of St. Anastasia that would be confirmed
only scarce and insufficiently precise data in written by one still unpublished inscription”.39 The author
sources. On the other hand, we assume that the inscrip- most probalby had in mind just the inscription we are
tion published here should be taken as epigraphic evi- publishing in this article. When the finds of Ostrogothic
dence confirming the existence of the basilica of St. coins are concerned, one Theodoric’s silver quarter
Anastasia in Sirmium, but we do not know from which siliqua, minted in Sirmium between the years 518 and
location in the city it comes from. Therefore, in an 526 in name of Justin I, was discovered in 1960 in the
attempt to locate the basilica of the Sirmium martyr, debris near the Roman building with mosaic floors at
we would start with the already mentioned remark in locality 21 in Sirmium, situated next to the north city
the work of V. Popovi}, the greatest expert in archaeo- wall.40 In the numismatic collection of the Archaeolo-
logical remains of Sirmium. Namely, speaking about gical Museum in Zagreb there are seven specimens of
the reduction of the Sirmium urban territory at the Ostrogothic coins minted in Sirmium and six of them
beginning of the 5th century, which he had document- come from various sites in Srem and Slavonia, while
ed by mapping the finds of coins minted in 425/55, he one Athalaric’s quarter siliqua minted in the name of
concluded that the center of the city shifted southward, Justinian I was found in Sremska Mitrovica, but at an
towards the Sava river, considering that most of coins unknown location.41 The coin collection of the same
minted between 423 and 455 have been found in the museum also includes three Theodoric’s quarter sili-
zone of the city basilica built in the first quarter of the quae, also minted in Sirmium and with information
5th century (fig. 6). On the same occasion he claimed that they were found in Srem or in northern Serbia.42
that “we are surprised by the find of three Ostrogothic Nevertheless, as many as five Theodoric’s quarter sili-
coins in the vicinity of north wall; their discovery in quae found in Sremska Mitrovica are kept in the nu-
this section of the city could be explained by existence mismatic cabinet of the National Museum in Ljubljana

Fig. 4. Cult structures

at the site “Gradina” or
“Rimsko groblje” at the
east necropolis (after:
Hytrek 1894, Plan II)
Sl. 4. Kultni objekti
na lokalitetu
„Gradina“ ili „Rimsko
grobqe“ na isto~noj
nekropoli (prema:
Hytrek 1894, Plan II)

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POPOVI], FERJAN^I], A new inscription from Sirmium and the basilica of St. Anastasia (101–114) STARINAR LXIII/2013

Fig. 5. Early Christian cult structures in Sirmium: a) basilica of St. Sinerotes; b, d) triconchal martyrium and chapel;
c) basilica of St. Irenaeus; e) martyrium (of St. Irenaeus?); f) city church (of St. Demetrius?); g) church discovered
and destroyed in the 19th century (of St. Anastasia?); 1) rampart; 2) settlement; 3) necropoles; 4) marshes;
5) streets; 6) assumed line of the inner rampart (after: Jeremi} 2006, Fig. 1, with addition of church g)
Sl. 5. Ranohri{}anski kultni objekti Sirmijuma: a) bazilika svetog Sinerota; b, d) trikonhalni
martirijum i kapela; c) bazilika svetog Irinija; e) martirijum (svetog Irineja?); f) gradska crkva
(svetog Dimitrija?); g) crkva otkrivena i uni{tena u XIX veku (sv. Anastasije?); 1) bedem; 2) naseqe;
3) nekropole; 4) mo~vare; 5) ulice; 6) pretpostavqena trasa unutra{weg bedema
(prema: Jeremi} 2006, Fig. 1, sa dodatkom crkve g)

and four of them had been minted in Sirmium and one cult of Anastasia spread in the Gothic milieu and that
at the Mediolanum mint.43 We do not know whether V. the Goths, by all appearances, accepted the martyr as
Popovi} was informed that the three coins from this their patron and transferred her cult from Sirmium to
group have been found in the vicinity of the northern
Sirmium wall or he had in mind some coins, which did
not reach museum collections,44 as in his plan45 (fig. 6)
three Ostrogothic coins are mapped to the east of local- 43 Demo 1994, 56, 185, Nos. 2, 70, 72, 78, 122.
ity 21 and to the north of localities 50–53, where the 44 According to the information, for which I am very grateful
remains of residential structures and wall of the north- to Dr. @eljko Demo from the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb,
ern city rampart have been recorded in the course of the collection of the numismatist-collector Dr. Ivo Meisner contains
three quarter siliquae found in Sremska Mitrovica. Unfortunately,
excavations conducted in 1973–1975.46
we could not be certain whether these are three Ostrogothic coins
Connecting the finds of Ostrogothic coins and the mentioned by V. Popovi}.
basilica of St. Anastasia is utterly in accordance with 45 Popovi} V. 1982, 556, Abb. 12.

the above mentioned data, which bear witness that the 46 Milo{evi} 1994, 38–39.

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POPOVI], FERJAN^I], A new inscription from Sirmium and the basilica of St. Anastasia (101–114) STARINAR LXIII/2013

Fig. 6. Finds of coins from the 5th and 6th centuries in Sirmium (after: Popovi} V. 1987, 122, Abb. 6)
Sl. 6. Nalazi novca V i VI veka u Sirmijumu (prema: Popovi} V. 1987, 122, Abb. 6)

Constantinople and also to Ravenna. After all, the father as ruler in 471. Around AD 472 Ostrogoths left
relics of St. Anastasia were transferred from Sirmium Pannonia and a group of them under Vithimer invaded
to Constantinople in 468/70, at the time when the Italy.47 These historical circumstances greatly favored
Ostrogoths, after the fall of Hunnic state in 454 and an the spreading of the cult of St. Anastasia first to Con-
arrangement with the emperor Martian, settled in cen- stantinople, where her relics had been transferred
tral and southern Pannonia and took on the defense of probably to be protected from barbarian invasions and
Roman frontier from other tribes. They successfully pillaging, and then to Ravenna, the center of Theo-
protected Pannonia first of all from the Suebi, but also doric’s state.
from the remaining Huns. The tribe of the Sadagi, liv- If we accept that Ostrogothic coins found next to
ing around Sirmium, was probably of Hunnic descent. the northern Sirmium rampart indicate the possibility
However, if the court in Constantinople did not pay that the basilica of St. Anastasia had been located in
tribute, the Ostrogoths raided Illyricum. As a guarantee that city zone, the question could be asked where it was
that they would observe the agreement with the Empire, actually situated. Archaeological excavations reveal the
they sent sons of their leaders to Constantinople and residential character of the localities where Ostrogothic
among them was Theodoric, son of their leader Thiudi- coins have been found. However, the martyrium was
mer. Young Theodoric, met in Constantinople the mili-
tary commander Aspar, who restored the church of St.
Anastasia, and was very much impressed by him. He
was allowed to return home around 470 and joined his 47 Stein 1969, 356–357.

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POPOVI], FERJAN^I], A new inscription from Sirmium and the basilica of St. Anastasia (101–114) STARINAR LXIII/2013

of the saint who through time became the patron of the

Goths was located on the northern city periphery. It
remains to be seen whether the discovery of four cross-
arranged horse heads and a large quantity of fragmented
lids of pottery vessels, recorded in 1961 next to locality
21,51 where Ostrogothic coins were found, could be
related to the remains of Huns, possibly the Sadagi
tribe, with whom the Ostrogoths came into conflict by
the end of sixth decade of the 5th century.52 Was the
danger of plundering raids of these barbarians the rea-
son for transferring the relics of St. Anastasia from
Sirmium to Constantinople?
If the assumption about the possible location of the
Fig. 7. Ground plan of the martyrium discovered in the cult place dedicated to St. Anastasia next to northern
19th century next to the northern city wall (plan of I. Jung rampart is correct, the confusion in the text of Passion
after: Milo{evi} 2001, figure on page 183, bottom) of St. Demetrius could be easily explained. Namely,
Sl. 7. Osnova martirija otkrivenog u XIX veku the text is mentions that Leontius crossed the booming
uz severni gradski bedem (plan I. Junga prema: Danube River (toà Danoub/ou potamoà kacl£zontoj
Milo{evi} 2001, sl. na str. 183 dole) tù reÚmati) before arriving in Sirmium. Already the
editor of the Passion of St. Demetrius noticed that it
was not necessary to cross the Danube on the way from
Thessalonica to Sirmium and suggested that Leontius
discovered at the end of 19th century to the north of possibly first went from Thessalonica to Dacia and
them and against the external side of the northern ram- then to Sirmium.53 But, as he already stayed in Dacia
part, but it was later destroyed. There is an information, where he fell ill and then St. Demetrius cured him on
preserved in the letters of I. Jung, that in 1878–1880 his return to Thessalonica, this thesis does not seem
the foundations of a rectangular chapel with an apse plausible. On the other hand, quoting this fragment from
had been excavated probably in the east side. The the Passion, V. Popovi} thinks that the anonymous
structure had been built of stone, but the material was compiler of the text meant the Sava river,54 quoting the
immediately carried off. Approximately 300 tombs, opinion of P. Lemerl that the rivers Danube and Sava
lead and stone sarcophagi were discovered around that are frequently confused in written sources.55 But, if
structure in the 19th century. One stone sarcophagus, Leontius, starting from Thessalonica, took the land
decorated probably with Christian symbols, was trans- route through the valleys of Vardar and Morava, he
ferred to the chapel at the Mitrovica catholic cemetery. could have, upon his arrival in Singidunum, continued
In the plan presented by Jung (fig. 7) there are four along the usual navigable route by the Danube and
tombs in front of the chapel entrance.48 Archaeological reached Bononia, the northern harbor of Sirmium. So,
excavations in this area (locality 60), carried out in he “could have crossed the booming Danube” and
1979, have revealed the remains of destroyed graves entered the city from the north via the road connecting
and unearthed sarcophagi. The graves were mostly Bononia and Sirmium. Thus, on his entering the city
oriented in N–S direction and in two instances both he first saw the church of St. Anastasia so this could
arms of a skeleton were placed on the pelvis.49
The assumption that the martyrium at locality 60
could be identified with the basilica of St. Anastasia is
based on proximity between this location and localities
48 Milo{evi} 2001, 172–173, fig. on page 183 bottom.
49 Miladinovi}-Radmilovi} 2011, 310.
where the Ostrogothic coins were found (fig. 6), but 50 Mirkovi} 2006, 101.
also on the already proposed thesis that, after the dis- 51 Milo{evi} 1961 b, 85–86.
integration of the Hunnic state in 454, various tribes, 52 Mirkovi} 2006, 101.
including the Ostrogoths, who were engaged in pro- 53 PG 116, 1183, nap. 22.
tecting Pannonia from other barbarians, lived in the 54 Popovi} V. 1987, 97, ref. 6.
vicinity of Sirmium.50 It is possible that the martyrium 55 Lemerle II 1981, 201, ref. 20.

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POPOVI], FERJAN^I], A new inscription from Sirmium and the basilica of St. Anastasia (101–114) STARINAR LXIII/2013

explain the quotation from the Passion that he built the After all, the formula in domo (?) beatissimae dominae
new basilica dedicated to St. Demetrius in the vicinity nostrae Anastasiae, that is presumably recorded in our
of the existing temple of St. Anastasia, that he noticed inscription, has good parallels in formulas in basilica
previously. Of course, all reflections on the direction domini nostri Erenei,57 from the inscription in the ba-
of Leontius’ journey and the location of the church of silica of St. Irenaeus, and in ad dominum Synerotem58 as
St. Anastasia in Sirmium must remain in the domain of well as ad beatu Syneroti,59 from two inscriptions in the
hypothesis, due to the lack of more precise data. basilica of St. Sinerotes. On the other hand, the inscrip-
As the comprehensive analysis of written sources, tion from the basilica of St. Irenaeus records that a cer-
archaeological, epigraphic and numismatic material tain Macedonius erected the plate together with his wife
has revealed, Leontius could have built the basilica of Ammes, daughter of Evenatus. The two latter names
St. Demetrius in Sirmium only after yielding this city suggesta an eastern origin of the family.60 Artemidora,
to the Eastern Empire, most probably in 424 or 425 the woman mentioned in the inscription from the basi-
and it means that the church was consecrated in 426.56 lica of St. Sinerotes, was by all appearances of Greek
Considering the information from the Passion that origin. Unfortunately, in the inscription we are dis-
Leontius built his church in Sirmium in the vicinity of cussing in this paper, the names of the deceased and of
the existing church of St. Anastasia, the year AD 426 the person who set up the monument are not preserved.
could be the terminus ante quem for its construction. Despite all the perplexities resulting from the frag-
Considering the increasing danger of the Hunnic inva- mentary character of our inscription and the necessity
sion and the general disintegration of the city at the to eventually locate the church of St. Anastasia using
beginning of 5th century, the church dedicated to the indirect evidence, we hope that this paper contributed
Sirmium martyr was probably built in the period bet- to our knowledge about the cult structures in Sirmium.
ween the third decade and the end of the 4th century, The inscription from the Museum of Srem seems to
approximately at the same time when the martyrium of confirm the data from written sources and we have
St. Sinerotes was built at the north city cemetery and suggested a possible location of the church of the mar-
the martyrium of St. Irenaeus at the east cemetery. tyr Anastasia.

56 Popovi} V. 1982, 548–550; Popovi} V., 1987, 95–122; Popo-

vi} V.1998, 43–56.

57 Duval 1979, 83–84, fig. 6; Popovi} V. 2003, 262, sl. 2.
58 CIL III, 10233.
59 CIL III, 10232.
60 Jarak 2011, 61.

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POPOVI], FERJAN^I], A new inscription from Sirmium and the basilica of St. Anastasia (101–114) STARINAR LXIII/2013

ABBREVIATIONS:

AA SS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Acta Sanctorum
AE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . L’année épigraphique, Paris
CIL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum
ILCV . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . E. Diehl, Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres I–III,
Berolini 1961.
ILJug . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A. [a{el–J. [a{el, Inscriptiones Latinae quae in
Iugoslavia inter annos MCMXL et MCMLX repertae
et editae sunt, Ljubljana, 1986.
OPEL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Onomasticon provinciarum Europae Laitnarum I–IV.
PG . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Patrologia Graeca (J.P. Migne, éd., Patrologia
Graeca, Paris 1960)

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POPOVI], FERJAN^I], A new inscription from Sirmium and the basilica of St. Anastasia (101–114) STARINAR LXIII/2013

Rezime: IVANA M. POPOVI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd

SNE@ANA B. FERJAN^I], Univerzitet u Beogradu,
Filozofski fakultet, Odeqewe za istoriju, Beograd

NOVI NATPIS IZ SIRMIJUMA I BAZILIKA SV. ANASTASIJE

Kqu~ne re~i. – Sirmijum, rano hri{}anstvo, mu~enici, Sv. Anastasija, natpis, bazilika.

U Muzeju Srema u Sremskoj Mitrovici ~uva se jedna o{te}e- stasije (plhs/on toà sebasm/ou o’/kou tÁj kallin/kou
na mermerna plo~a sa natpisom na latinskom jeziku (sl. 1). m£rturoj 'Anastas/aj). Ne zna se na kojoj je lokaciji u
Iako natpis nije u potpunosti sa~uvan, mi{qewa smo da se Sirmijumu otkrivena plo~a sa natpisom, a na osnovu nala-
u wemu pomiwe bazilika Sv. Anastasije, o ~ijem postojawu za ostrogotskog novca uz severni gradski bedem (sl. 6),
u Sirmijumu svedo~i podatak iz pisanih izvora. Tekst nat- pretpostavqa se da se bazilika Sv. Anastasije nalazila u
pisa mogao bi se rekonstruisati na slede}i na~in: ovoj gradskoj regiji, budu}i da su Ostrogoti veoma po{to-
¡In dom¿o beati¡ssimae - - - ¤ - - - nost¿re Anast¡asiae - - - vali Mu~enicu. Mogu}e je da je re~ o martirijumu naslowe-
¤ - - - in¿ hoc loco d¡epositus - - - ¤ - - -¿x qui conv¡ixit mecum nom uz severni gradski bedem, otkopanom i zatim uni{te-
annis - - - ¤ - - -¿ qui vixit a¡nnis - - - ¤ - - - fili¿o eius d(ie) pridie nom krajem XIX veka (sl. 7).
¡- - - ¤ - - -¿T Fl(avius, -avia) Decen¡- - -¤ - - -¿++¡- - - ¤- - -. Kako je iscrpna analiza pisanih izvora, arheolo{kog,
Na po~etku natpisa se pomiwe bazilika Sv. Anastasi- epigrafskog i numizmati~kog materijala pokazala, Leon-
je, ~ije je postojawe u Sirmijumu posvedo~eno u ranohri- tijeva gradwa bazilike Sv. Dimitrija u Sirmijumu mogla je
{}anskim literarnim izvorima. Termin domus u zna~ewu da se dogodi tek posle ustupawa ovog grada Isto~nom car-
„crkva” relativno je ~est u ranohri{}anskim natpisima. stvu, najverovatnije 424. ili 425. godine, {to bi zna~ilo
Prva dva reda mogla bi se dopuniti na slede}i na~in: ¡In da je crkva osve}ena 426. godine. Sledstveno podatku iz
dom¿o beati¡ssimae dominae nostr¿ae Anast¡asiae - - -. Posle Pasije da je Leontije u Sirmijumu svoju crkvu sagradio u
formule in hoc loco depositus u drugom redu sledilo je ime blizini crkve Sv. Anastasije, koja je, dakle, ve} postojala,
pokojnika, koje se verovatno zavr{avalo slovom X, prvim godina 426. ozna~avala bi terminus ante quem za wenu grad-
sa~uvanim slovom u ~etvrtom redu. Zajedno sa pokojnikom wu. S obzirom na rastu}u opasnost od nadirawa Huna i op-
je, izgleda, bio sahrawen i wegov sin, ~ije ime nije sa~uva- {tu dezintegraciju grada po~etkom V veka, crkva posve}e-
no. Na wega bi se odnosila formula qui vixit annis u petom na sirmijumskoj mu~enici verovatno je podignuta u
redu. Sude}i prema paleografskim odlikama, fragment nat- periodu izme|u tre}e decenije i kraja IV veka, pribli`no
pisa na kojem se pomiwe bazilika Sv. Anastasije pripada u isto vreme kada i martiriji Sv. Sinerota na severnom i
dobu pozne antike (IV–VI vek). Slovo A sa popre~nom crtom Sv. Irineja na isto~nom gradskom grobqu. Uostalom, for-
slomqenom na dole i slovo L sa koso spu{tenom drugom cr- mula in domo (?) beatissimae dominae nostrae Anastasiae, koja
tom javqaju se krajem III i po~etkom IV veka. se sre}e na natpisu, dobre paralele nalazi u formulama in
Rasprave o mogu}oj lokaciji bazilike Sv. Anastasije basilica domini nostri Erenei, sa natpisa iz bazilike Sv.
u Sirmijumu i eventualnoj identifikaciji postoje}ih Irineja, i ad dominum Synerotem, odnosno ad beatu Syneroti,
kultnih mesta sa wom u stru~noj literaturi traju od druge sa dva natpisa iz bazilike Sv. Sinerota.
polovine XIX veka do dana{wih dana (sl. 3–5). Naime, u Uz sve nedoumice koje donosi fragmentarnost natpisa
Passio altera Sancti Demetrii Thessalonicensis, pomiwe se da o kojem je u ovom tekstu bilo re~i, ali i uz neophodnost da
je on, po{to je u Solunu podigao crkvu posve}enu Sv. Di- se eventualno locirawe crkve Sv. Anastasije u Sirmijumu
mitriju, `eleo da takvu sagradi i u Iliriku, pa je, do{av- izvede posrednim putem, pa da, stoga, ostane u domenu hi-
{i u Sirmijum, kov~eg sa okrvavqenom sve~evom hlamidom poteze, nadamo se da je ovaj rad doprineo boqem poznavawu
i delovima wegovog orarija odlo`io u presvetom hramu kultnih gra|evina Sirmijuma, makar u pogledu potvrde po-
svetog mu~enika Dimitrija (sl. 2), koji je on osnovao u bli- datka iz pisanog izvora da je u ovom gradu postojala crkva
zini po{tovanog doma (= crkve) slavodobne mu~enice Ana- mu~enice Anastasije.

114