Mode Choice in Multimodal Communication Threads by Susan Herring
Mode Choice in Multimodal Communication Threads by Susan Herring
Paper presented at Internet Research 12.0, Seattle, WA, October 10-‐13.
Introduction
Interactive
multimodal
platforms
that
combine
video
and
user-‐generated
textual
comments
represent
a
growing
trend
in
convergent
media
computer-‐mediated
communication.
Typically
in
such
environments,
visual
content
serves
as
a
prompt
to
which
text
comments
respond.
Examples
range
from
comments
posted
below
YouTube
videos
to
text
annotations
inserted
directly
into
videos
and,
perhaps
less
familiarly,
into
dynamic
visual
displays
of
audio
files,
as
on
SoundCloud.com.
The
platform
that
is
the
focus
of
this
study,
VoiceThread.com,
takes
mixed-‐modality
computer-‐mediated
communication
(CMC)
to
a
different
level,
however,
by
allowing
commenting
on
multimodal
slideshows
in
multiple
modes1—text,
audio,
or
video—and
in
displaying
all
comments
together
in
a
single
format.
VoiceThread.com
raises
questions
about
why,
how,
and
to
what
effect
users
choose
to
participate
in
CMC
in
a
given
mode.
In
particular,
the
question
arises
as
to
whether
“richer”
modes
such
as
video
and
audio
are
preferred
for
social
communication
and
“leaner”
text
for
more
impersonal,
contentious
communication,
as
previous
research
has
claimed
(e.g.,
Daft
&
Lengel,
1984;
Sproull
&
Kiesler,
1992).
Most
previous
research
in
support
of
such
claims
has
been
experimental;
an
advantage
of
studying
VoiceThread
comments
is
that
they
are
generated
in
authentic
contexts
of
use.
Moreover,
in
most
experimental
studies
that
compare
communication
modes,
subjects
are
assigned
to
one
2
mode
and
do
not
have
the
option
to
select
another,
whereas
VoiceThread
offers
users
a
choice
of
commenting
modes
within
a
single
platform.
All
that
is
required
to
post
audio
and
video
comments
is
a
microphone
and
web
cam,
which
most
laptop
computers
come
equipped
with
these
days;
audio
comments
can
also
be
made
through
a
telephone
or
uploaded
as
sound
files.
This
study
investigates
how
style
and
content
of
participation
differ
according
to
commenting
mode
in
three
public
VoiceThreads,
employing
language-‐focused
content
analysis.
To
determine
if
audio
and
video
are
associated
with
greater
sociability,
all
comments
were
analyzed
for
the
frequency
of
metadiscourse—hedges,
boosters,
personal
pronouns,
and
other
language
forms
that
indicate
a
degree
of
social
awareness
and
an
orientation
on
the
part
of
the
commenter
to
the
addressees
(Hyland,
2005).
To
assess
the
effect
of
comment
mode
on
evaluative
stance,
categories
from
Martin
and
White
(2005)
associated
with
attitude
were
adapted
and
coded
for
the
occurrence
and
polarity
of
each.
Participation
metrics
were
also
calculated,
and
the
results
for
all
measures
are
compared
by
thread,
gender,
and
mode.
The
findings
reveal
that
video
comments
were
made
mostly
by
males,
and
male
comments
are
more
negative,
consistent
with
previous
research
on
technology
adoption
(e.g.,
Gefen
&
Straub,
1997)
and
gender
and
politeness
in
CMC
(e.g.,
Herring,
1994).
Mode
differences
are
also
evident
throughout
the
data,
and
provide
support
for
the
claims
of
early
CMC
theorists
associating
richer
media
with
more
social,
interpersonal
communication
and
text
with
more
judgment
and
negativity.
The
latter
findings
lead
us
to
revisit
claims
in
the
literature
that
have
previously
been
largely
discredited,
including
technological
determinism
itself,
and
to
suggest
an
alternative
account
that
reconciles
the
VoiceThread
findings
with
those
of
previous
research
(e.g.,
Walther,
1996)
regarding
the
positive
sociability
of
textual
CMC.
Background
Voicethread.com
was
founded
in
Boca
Raton,
Florida
by
Benji
Papell
and
Steve
Muth
and
launched
in
March
2007.2
Thus
far,
the
platform
has
mainly
attracted
the
attention
of
educators,
who
view
it
as
an
engaging
learning
and
discussion
tool
(e.g.,
Weir,
2008).
However,
Millard
(2010)
analyzed
user
comments
from
50
randomly-‐selected
public
VoiceThreads
and
found
that
the
comments
showed
little
evidence
of
interaction
or
collaboration;
rather,
they
responded
to
the
content
featured
in
the
multimedia
slideshow.
Other
than
this,
little
scholarship
has
been
conducted
on
VoiceThreads
that
we
were
able
to
locate.
VoiceThread
is
of
broader
theoretical
and
practical
interest,
nevertheless,
in
that
it
offers
users
a
choice
of
communication
modes
on
a
single
platform.
This
has
not
been
possible
before
on
the
same
scale
outside
experimental
contexts,
although
mode
choice
across
separate
communication
platforms
has
been
theorized
and
researched.
Much
of
the
research
is
based
on
early
theoretical
claims
involving
media
“richness,”
or
the
number
and
nature
of
communication
channels
a
medium
provides.
Social
presence
theory
(Short,
Williams,
&
Christie,
1976)
posits
that
participants
will
perceive
greater
social
presence
via
richer
media
such
as
video
than
via
telephone
or
written
communication.
The
degree
of
social
presence
is
equated
to
the
degree
of
awareness
of
the
other
person
in
a
communication
interaction.
Information
richness
theory
posits
that
richer
media
such
as
3
face-‐to-‐face
(FTF)
communication
are
better
suited
for
tasks
involving
nuanced
social
communication,
while
leaner
media
such
as
text
are
best
suited
for
simple,
routine
tasks
such
as
arranging
meetings
(Daft
&
Lengel,
1984).
Similar
to
social
presence
theory,
Daft
and
Lengel
posit
a
one-‐dimensional
continuum,
with
FTF
as
the
“richest”
and
numerical
data
via
computer
as
the
“leanest”
medium.
Both
of
these
theories
predated
CMC,
but
they
have
been
influential
in
CMC
research.
CMC
modes
can
be
situated
along
the
continuum
as
in
Figure
1.
Figure
1.
CMC
modes
in
the
continuum
of
media
richness
messages
senders
feel
detached
from
(experience
less
social
presence
with)
their
addressees.
The
explosion
of
naturally
occurring
CMC
on
the
Internet
soon
thereafter
gave
the
lie
to
these
predictions
as
regards
the
limitations
of
textual
CMC,
however—or
so
it
seemed.
As
early
as
1987,
Rice
and
Love
found
a
high
incidence
of
socio-‐emotional
content
in
the
messages
exchanged
among
medical
professionals
on
a
CompuServe
discussion
forum.
Online
communities
arose
in
which
participants
reported
feeling
a
sense
of
belonging
and
social
presence
(Rheingold,
1993);
reports
of
online
romances
soon
followed
(e.g.,
Cooper
&
Sportolari,
1997).
At
the
same
time,
consistent
with
Kiesler
et
al.’s
findings
of
disinhibition
in
CMC,
a
high
incidence
of
hostile
verbal
behavior,
or
‘flaming’,
was
observed
in
some
online
forums
(e.g.,
Kim
&
Raja,
1990).
To
account
for
these
behaviors,
Walther
(1996)
theorized
that
textual,
asynchronous
CMC
was
‘hyperpersonal’
in
that
message
recipients
tended
to
overgeneralize
from
the
limited
social
cues
in
computer-‐
mediated
messages,
with
the
result
that
both
positive
and
negative
perceptions
of
the
sender
were
exaggerated.
Such
perceptions
fuel
romantic
feelings
as
well
as
feelings
of
hostility.
An
alternative
approach
that
accounts
for
the
inconsistencies
between
studies
showing
that
text-‐only
CMC
can
be
socially
oriented
and
findings
of
studies
such
as
that
of
Kiesler
et
al.
(1984)
is
the
Social
Information
Processing
theory
(Walther,
2002),
which
holds
that
close
social
relationships
may
be
formed
via
leaner
media,
but
that
more
time
is
required.
Most
previous
experimental
studies
provided
subjects
with
the
same
amount
of
time
in
each
mode;
to
compensate
for
this,
Walther
and
his
colleagues
allowed
subjects
in
text-‐only
CMC
conditions
up
to
four
times
as
long
to
complete
tasks
(Tidwell
&
Walther,
2002).
Under
such
conditions,
few
differences
in
social
perceptions
or
socioemotional
tone
arose
across
modes,
although
when
some
communicators
used
one
mode
and
others
used
a
richer
mode,
the
leaner
mode
was
rated
less
satisfying
(e.g.,
Walther
&
Bazarova,
2008).
These
results
are
consistent
with
the
Electronic
Propinquity
Theory
proposed
by
Korzenny
(1978),
which
posits
that
“users
will
adopt
the
widest
bandwidth
communication
medium
available
to
them,”
but
that
“the
fewer
one's
choices
of
media,
the
more
closeness
one
may
experience
even
through
the
lowest
of
bandwidths”
(Walther,
in
press).
In
contrast
to
explanations
that
invoke
the
influence
of
communication
technology
on
mode
choice
and
user
behavior,
Herring
(1993,
1994,
1995,
2003)
invoked
a
social
factor,
gender
socialization,
to
explain
why
men
and
women
participated
in
CMC
in
different
ways.
Herring
noticed
that
‘flaming’
was
much
more
common
in
messages
posted
to
online
forums
by
males
than
by
females,
which
should
not
have
been
the
case
if
technology
alone
predisposed
users
towards
expressing
hostility.
Men
also
participated
more
in
most
public
forums
and
tended
to
post
longer
messages.
Similarly,
studies
of
technology
adoption
in
organizations
have
argued
for
the
necessity
of
including
gender
as
a
factor
in
models
of
technology
acceptance.
These
studies
found
that
women
perceive
email
as
higher
in
social
presence
than
men
do
(Gefen
&
Straub,
1997),
adopt
new
technologies
for
social
reasons
(such
as
usage
by
their
peers)
more,
and
are
more
concerned
with
ease
of
use,
whereas
men
are
motivated
to
adopt
mainly
in
terms
of
the
affordances
of
the
technology
(its
perceived
usefulness;
Venkatesh
&
Morris,
2000).
Despite
being
motivated
to
adopt,
women
tend
to
be
slower
to
do
so,
consistent
with
previous
observations
that
men
tend
to
feel
more
at
ease
with
computers
(e.g.,
Frankel,
1990).
5
Methodology
Data
The
data
for
this
study
are
all
comments
posted
in
three
public
VoiceThreads.
The
threads
are
prompt-‐
triggered
discussions
set
in
academic
contexts,
consistent
with
the
most
common
use
of
the
VoiceThread
platform.
Because
we
had
little
indication
of
what
to
expect
given
the
paucity
of
previous
research
on
VoiceThread,
we
sampled
for
diversity.
The
three
threads
vary
in
topic
and
the
age
of
the
participants:
The
first
was
produced
by
an
elementary
school
class
evaluating
art
in
science
fiction,
the
second
was
produced
by
a
high
school
driver’s
education
class
on
the
topic
of
the
deleterious
effects
of
speeding,
and
the
third
is
a
discussion
among
professional
educators
in
response
to
the
question:
What
does
the
network
mean
to
you?
The
Sci
Fi
thread
had
155
comments,
the
Speeding
thread
had
97
comments,
and
the
Network
thread
had
111
comments
at
the
time
of
our
data
collection
in
March
2011.
The
total
corpus
consists
of
363
comments
and
22,069
words.
Figures
2
shows
how
an
audio,
a
video,
and
a
text
comment,
respectively,
appear
during
playback
of
the
Speeding
thread.3
Comments
can
be
accessed
Figure
2.
An
audio
comment
(top
left),
a
either
by
clicking
on
the
user
profile
pictures
on
the
video
comment
(bottom
left),
and
a
text
right
and
left
sides
of
the
central
slide,
or
by
comment
(right)
in
the
Speeding
thread
6
clicking
on
segments
of
the
playback
bar
at
the
bottom
of
the
interface.
The
playback
bar
replays
the
comments
sequentially
in
the
order
in
which
they
were
posted.
Analytical
Methods
For
the
purposes
of
analysis,
all
audio
and
video
comments
were
transcribed
by
the
authors
and
entered
into
an
Excel
spreadsheet
along
with
the
text
comments.
Each
comment
was
first
coded
for
the
independent
variables
thread,
mode,
and
gender
of
participant.
Gender
was
included
as
an
independent
variable
in
this
study,
because
previous
research
has
found
gender
differences
in
participation
in
CMC
(e.g.,
Herring,
2003),
including
in
online
learning
environments
(e.g.,
Barrett
&
Lally,
1999).
The
comments
were
then
coded
for
the
three
dependent
variables
of
participation,
attitude,
and
metadiscourse,
as
described
below.
Participation
The
participation
analysis
consisted
of
a
straightforward
counting
of
the
number
of
messages
and
the
number
of
words,
as
well
as
a
calculation
of
the
number
of
words
per
message.
The
results
of
these
measures
are
reported
using
descriptive
statistics.
Attitude
To
assess
the
effect
of
comment
mode
on
judgment
and
negativity,
we
adapted
categories
from
Martin
and
White
(2005)
associated
with
attitude.
These
are
listed
in
Table
1
below
(definitions
are
from
Martin
&
White;
examples
are
from
our
data).
Category
Definition
and
Examples
Affect
“Emotions;
reacting
to
behavior.”
(e.g.,
happy,
sad)
Judgment
“Ethics;
evaluating
behavior.”
(e.g.,
dangerous,
wrong,
should/shouldn’t)
Appreciation
“Aesthetics;
evaluating
text/process,
natural
phenomena.”
Appreciation:reaction
•
to
things:
“do
they
please
us,
do
they
catch
our
attention?”
(e.g.,
interesting,
like,
dislike)
Appreciation:composition
•
the
thing’s
“balance
and
complexity.”
Did
it
hang
together?
Is
it
well
crafted?
•
“How
innovative,
timely,
authentic,
etc.”
Was
it
Appreciation:valuation
worthwhile?
(e.g.,
useful,
cool,
great,
weird)
Table
1.
Martin
and
White’s
attitude
categories
We
also
found
instances
in
our
data
that
seemed
to
express
attitude,
but
in
a
formulaic
way,
and
that
did
not
seem
to
fit
into
Martin
and
White’s
categories.
Thus
we
modified
the
coding
rubric
to
include
the
three
additional
categories
listed
in
Table
2
below,
for
a
total
of
eight
attitude
coding
categories.
7
Category
Examples
Formulaic
affect
‘I’d
love
to
hear
your
thoughts,’
‘I
hate
to
break
it
to
you’
Formulaic
judgment
‘You
have
to
wonder,’
‘Speed
kills’
Formulaic
appreciation
‘Thanks
for
starting
this
thread,’
‘take
care’
Table
2.
Additional
attitude
categories
In
addition,
we
coded
each
expression
of
attitude
for
polarity:
positive,
negative,
or
neutral.
The
unit
of
analysis
could
be
a
word,
phrase,
utterance,
or
chunk
of
a
message
that
expressed
a
particular
attitude,
and
more
than
one
attitude
could
be
coded
per
message,
including
the
same
one
multiple
times.
Both
authors
participated
in
the
coding.
Attitude
and
polarity
codes
were
assigned
independently
by
each
author
for
a
portion
of
the
data,
code
assignments
were
compared,
and
disagreements
were
resolved
through
discussion.
This
process
was
iterated
until
all
messages
had
been
jointly
coded
with
100%
agreement
(for
Speeding
and
SciFi)
or
until
better
than
80%
agreement
was
reached
for
both
attitude
and
polarity
assignment
(for
Network);
in
the
latter
case,
the
second
author
coded
the
remaining
messages.
Metadiscourse
All
comments
were
analyzed
for
the
frequency
of
metadiscourse—language
forms
that
indicate
a
degree
of
social
awareness
and
an
orientation
on
the
part
of
the
commenter
to
the
addressees.
Hyland
(2005,
p.
37)
defines
metadiscourse
as
“self-‐reflective
expressions
used
to
negotiate
interactional
meanings,
assisting
the
writer
(or
speaker)
to
…
engage
with
readers.”
This
analysis
was
conducted
to
measure
the
amount
of
social
presence
in
the
comments
in
each
mode.
Hyland
groups
metadiscourse
into
two
broad
types:
interactive
and
interactional,
each
of
which
has
multiple
categories,
as
summarized
in
Table
3.
Interactive
Metadiscourse
Interactional
Metadiscourse
Code
glosses
Attitude
markers
Endophoric
markers
Boosters
Evidentials
Self-‐mention
Frame
markers:
Engagement
markers
• Sequencing
Hedges
• Label
stages
• Announce
goals
Shift
topic
Transition
markers
Table
3.
Hyland’s
metadiscourse
categories
Interactive
metadiscourse
mainly
involves
reference
to
other
parts
of
the
discourse,
while
interactional
metadiscourse
involves
the
interaction
of
the
writer
or
speaker
with
the
audience.
In
an
appendix
to
his
book,
Hyland
(2005)
provides
an
extensive
list
of
metadiscourse
8
terms
in
English,
based
on
his
studies
of
academic
writing.
We
modified
this
list
to
exclude
punctuation
and
non-‐alphabetic
symbols
(on
the
grounds
that
these
are
not
possible
in
speech);
formal
terms
and
conventions
mainly
found
in
written
text
(such
as
‘in
chapter
X’);
terms
with
variable
elements
(such
as
date,
sequences
of
numbers)
that
are
difficult
to
search
for;
and
common
terms
that
do
not
mainly
function
as
metadiscourse
(such
as
‘and’
and
‘go’).
We
also
manually
reviewed
the
messages
in
our
sample
and
added
terms
that
occurred
there
but
were
not
already
in
Hyland’s
list;
these
included
references
to
the
multimedia
slide
show
at
the
center
of
the
VoiceThread
(e.g.,
‘(in)
the/this
video/chart/diagram/picture/image/slide’)
and
spoken
discourse
phenomena
such
as
contracted
hedges
(e.g.,
‘kinda,’
‘sorta’)
and
discourse
markers
(e.g.,
‘oh’,
‘yeah’,
‘y’know’,
‘like’).
Finally,
we
lemmatized
terms
with
a
common
root
(such
as
‘seem/seems/seemed’
into
seem*)
to
facilitate
their
retrieval
from
the
corpus.
The
end
result
was
a
list
of
390
lemmatized
terms
that
we
imported
into
a
freely
available
concordancing
program,
CasualConc,
which
was
used
to
sort
and
count
the
frequencies
of
each.
The
results
returned
by
CasualConc
for
each
term
were
manually
filtered
by
the
authors
to
exclude
instances
that
did
not
function
as
metadiscourse
in
the
contexts
in
which
they
occurred.
Figure
3
shows
part
of
the
spreadsheet
in
which
term
frequencies
were
recorded.
Figure
3.
Spreadsheet
in
which
metadiscourse
frequencies
were
recorded
Statistical
Analysis
After
the
participation,
attitude,
and
metadiscourse
data
were
collected,
counts
for
each
category
within
each
variable
were
aggregated
to
reflect
counts
in
various
subcorpora,
first
for
each
combination
of
thread,
gender,
and
mode,
and
then
at
higher
levels
of
aggregation
(thread,
gender,
mode,
and
secondary
combinations
of
thread-‐gender,
thread-‐mode,
and
9
Results
Participation
Table
4
summarizes
the
participation
results
for
the
corpus
overall.
Percentages
add
up
to
100%
vertically
for
each
independent
variable.
Words
(%)
Valid
msgs
(%)
Avg
words/msg
All
22,069
3204
69.0
Gender
Male
12,702
(57.6%)
177
(55.3%)
71.8
Female
8824
(40.0%)
108
(33.75%)
81.7
Unknown
543
(2.5%)
35
(10.9%)
15.5
Mode
Video
2972
(13.4%)
15
(4.7%)
198.1
Audio
14,801
(67.1%)
102
(31.9%)
145.1
Text
4296
(19.5%)
203
(63.4%)
21.2
Thread
Speeding
2865
(13.0%)
87
(27.2%)
32.9
Network
16,853
(76.4%)
109
(34.1%)
154.6
SciFi
2351
(10.6%)
124
(38.7%)
19.0
Overall,
males
contributed
more
messages
(comments)
and
more
words
than
females.
The
majority
of
comments
were
via
text,
followed
by
audio;
relatively
few
video
comments
were
posted
(the
SciFi
thread
contained
none
at
all).
Conversely,
video
comments
contained
the
most
words,
followed
by
audio
comments;
text
comments
were
much
shorter.
There
was
also
considerable
variability
in
participation
across
threads:
SciFi,
the
thread
with
elementary
school
children,
had
the
most
messages
but
the
fewest
words
(most
comments
were
via
text),
while
Network,
the
thread
with
academic
professionals,
had
the
most
words
and
longest
messages
(most
comments
were
via
audio).
Table
4
represents
fairly
well
the
patterns
within
each
thread,
with
one
exception:
Females
did
not
post
longer
messages
than
males
in
any
of
the
threads.
The
overall
result
that
female
messages
were
longer
is
caused
by
the
fact
that
a
majority
of
females
in
the
total
sample
are
in
the
Network
thread,
which
also
has
the
longest
messages.
The
distribution
of
participation
by
gender
is
shown
in
Table
5.
10
Attitude
Figure
4
presents
the
attitude
results
for
the
corpus
overall.
Positive
expressions
of
attitude
are
the
most
frequent
throughout
the
corpus
(totaling
488,
or
70%
of
all
attitude
expressions),
with
negative
being
second-‐most
frequent
at
146,
or
21%.
Neutral
comments
constitute
the
remaining
10%,
with
68
occurrences.
Apprec:valuation
acts
were
used
most
often,
followed
by
apprec:reaction
acts,
then
judgment,
then
affect.
Appreciation:
composition
and
the
formulaic
acts
were
used
least
often.
200
150
100
50 positive
0
negative
neutral
Figure
4.
Attitude
results,
overall
corpus
11
The
profiles
for
attitude
results
vary
considerably
by
thread,
however,
as
shown
in
Figure
5.
The
Network
thread,
in
which
participants
mostly
praise
the
virtues
of
the
Internet,
is
overwhelmingly
positive
and
valuative,
while
comments
in
the
Speeding
thread,
which
concerns
the
dangers
of
driving
over
the
speed
limit,
have
mostly
negative
judgment.
The
SciFi
thread,
in
which
participants
commented
on
art
that
was
sometimes
violent
and
sometimes
beautiful,
has
both
positive
and
negative
comments
and
contains
more
reactions.
Network
Speeding
SciFi
Figure
5.
Attitude
results
for
(from
top
to
bottom)
Network,
Speeding,
and
SciFi
thread
Figure
6
shows
that
there
are
more
similarities
than
differences
in
the
overall
attitude
profiles
of
males
and
females.
However,
females
are
more
positive,
especially
as
regards
judgment
acts,
which
they
appear
to
use
more
than
males
do.
Females
also
express
more
formulaic
appreciation
(which
is
all
positive)
and
males
express
more
formulaic
judgment
(which
is
mostly
negative).
12
Males
Females
Figure
6.
Attitude
results
for
(from
top
to
bottom)
males
and
females
In
contrast,
the
mode
results
in
Figure
7
reveal
a
striking
pattern:
Video
and
audio
pattern
together
in
favoring
positivity
and
valuation
acts,
in
contrast
to
text,
which
is
more
negative
and
has
proportionately
more
judgment,
formulaic
judgment,
and
appreciation:reaction
acts,
all
of
which
tend
to
be
more
negative
than
the
corresponding
acts
in
the
other
two
modes.
13
Video
Audio
Text
Figure
7.
Attitude
results
for
(from
top
to
bottom)
video,
audio,
and
text
Most
of
the
trends
suggested
by
the
descriptive
statistics
turn
out
to
be
statistically
significant.
To
summarize
the
main
trends,
expressions
of
attitude
are
mostly
positive
overall,
but
there
is
significant
variation
by
thread:
Network
is
overwhelmingly
positive,
while
Speeding
is
mostly
negative,
and
SciFi
is
mixed.
Males
are
more
negative
than
females,
especially
in
judgment
acts.
Text
is
more
negative
than
video
and
audio
messages,
and
text
also
contains
more
judgment.
Metadiscourse
The
results
for
the
metadiscourse
analysis
for
the
overall
sample
are
presented
according
to
Hyland’s
categories
in
Figure
8.
Self-‐mentions
were
used
most
frequently
(1,423
occurrences,
or
39%),
followed
by
boosters
(645,
18%),
hedges
(452,
12.5%),
and
engagement
markers
(438,
12%),
especially
2nd
person
pronouns.
1600
1400
1200
1000
800
600
400
200
0
Figure
8.
Metadiscourse
results,
overall
corpus
Interactional
metadiscourse
was
used
much
more
than
interactive
metadiscourse.
Because
of
the
small
numbers
for
the
interactive
categories,
and
because
they
are
less
‘social’
than
the
interactional
categories
and
therefore
less
relevant
to
the
present
study,
we
do
not
analyze
them
further
here.
Figure
9
shows
the
distribution
of
the
interactional
metadiscourse
terms
by
thread
normalized
per
1000
words.
The
Network
thread,
in
which
participants
responded
to
the
question
“What
does
the
network
mean
to
me?”,
overwhelmingly
favored
self-‐mentions
(e.g.,
‘Hi,
this
is
[name]
and
I
just
wanted
to
say
what
the
network
means
to
me
is...’),
whereas
the
Speeding
thread
favored
engagement
markers
(especially
non-‐referential
‘you’,
as
in
‘you
shouldn’t
speed’),
boosters
(e.g.,
‘speeding
is
definitely
not
worth
the
consequences’),
and
attitude
markers
(‘its
amazing
how
5km
can
make
such
a
big
difference’).
The
SciFi
thread,
in
which
participants
evaluated
and
interpreted
art
works,
slightly
favored
the
use
of
hedges
(e.g.,
‘possibly
the
person
that
made
the
drawing
is
16
probably
an
atheist’)
and
discourse
markers
(e.g.,
‘Ok,
so,
I
kinda
feel
like
there's
um..
a
more
deeper
aspect
to
this
picture’).
80
60
40
20 Network
0
SciFi
Speeding
Figure
9.
Interactional
metadiscourse
results
by
thread
In
Figure
10,
the
interactional
metadiscourse
results
are
broken
down
by
gender.
Females
use
more
boosters,
and
males
use
more
hedges,
2nd
person
pronoun
engagement
markers,
and
more
discourse
markers;
otherwise
the
genders
use
similar
proportions
of
interactional
metadiscourse.
80
60
40
20
Female
0
Male
Figure
10.
Interactional
metadiscourse
results
by
gender
80
60
40
20
Audio
Text
0
Video
Figure
11.
Interactional
metadiscourse
results
by
mode
Chi
square
tests
Chi
square
statistical
tests
were
conducted
for
the
metadiscourse
trends
and
patterns
suggested
by
the
descriptive
statistics
presented
above.
The
Chi
square
tests
were
run
in
relation
to
proportions
derived
from
total
counts
of
words
in
the
tested
subsets.
Table
7
shows
the
results
for
those
patterns
that
were
found
to
be
significant.
To
summarize
the
main
findings,
the
corpus
contains
more
interactional
than
interactive
metadiscourse
overall.
Speeding
contains
the
most
metadiscourse,
followed
by
SciFi,
then
Network,
and
each
thread
favors
different
terms,
reflecting
the
topic
of
the
thread.
Males
use
significantly
more
hedges
(especially
in
video),
engagement
markers
(especially
in
audio),5
and
discourse
markers,
while
females
use
more
boosters
(especially
in
audio).
Video
and
audio
comments
contain
significantly
more
metadiscourse
overall
than
text,
especially
self-‐mentions,
and
audio
contains
more
discourse
markers.
In
contrast,
text
contains
significantly
more
engagement
markers,
hedges,
and
attitude
markers
than
video
and
audio.
Discussion
Research
Questions
and
Hypotheses
Revisited
Our
first
research
question
asked:
What
differences,
if
any,
are
there
in
sociability
and
negativity
across
the
three
commenting
modes
available
on
VoiceThread.com?
We
hypothesized
that
“richer”
modes
such
as
audio
and
video
would
convey
more
social
communication
and
“leaner”
text
more
impersonal,
contentious
communication.
The
first
part
of
this
hypothesis
was
partially
supported.
Significantly
more
metadiscourse
terms
were
found
in
the
audio
and
video
comments
than
in
the
text
comments
overall.
The
difference
was
mainly
accounted
for
by
the
much
greater
frequency
of
self-‐mentions
in
video
and
audio,
however.
Text
comments
actually
had
more
engagement
markers,
including
‘you’,
more
hedges,
and
more
attitude
markers.
Thus
text
does
not
appear
to
be
impersonal.
If
anything,
these
results
make
text
appear
more
other-‐aware,
in
contrast
to
audio
and
video,
which
seem
to
make
commenters
more
self-‐conscious.
The
second
part
of
Hypothesis
1
was
also
partially
supported.
The
greater
frequency
of
attitude
metadiscourse
in
text
is
consistent
with
the
results
of
the
attitude
content
analysis,
which
found
more
expressions
of
judgment
in
text.
As
hypothesized,
text
comments
were
also
significantly
more
negative
than
audio
and
video
comments
overall,
19
although
male
commenters
alone
were
responsible
for
this
result.
This
gender
difference
is
consistent
with
previous
findings
that
flaming
and
hostility
are
more
frequent
in
text
comments
by
males
than
by
females
in
discussion
forums,
newsgroups,
and
chat
rooms
(e.g.,
Herring,
1994,
1995,
2003).
Our
second
research
question
asked
whether
there
were
gender
differences,
independent
of
mode
choice.
We
hypothesized
that
females
would
be
more
social
and
less
contentious
than
males.
The
results
showed
that
females
were
significantly
less
negative
than
males
in
all
modes,
in
support
of
the
second
part
of
this
hypothesis.
However,
few
gender
differences
were
found
for
sociability,
as
measured
by
the
use
of
metadiscourse
terms.
If
anything,
males
used
slightly
more
metadiscourse
terms
overall,
relative
to
the
number
of
words
in
their
comments.
Moreover,
females’
greater
use
of
boosters
and
males’
greater
use
of
hedges
is
the
opposite
of
what
has
been
observed
in
spoken
discourse
(cf.
Coates,
1993)
and
Internet
discussion
forums
(cf.
Herring,
1995;
Herring,
Johnson,
&
DiBenedetto,
1998).
Thus
the
first
part
of
the
hypothesis
was
not
supported.
A
possible
explanation
for
the
lack
of
predicted
gender
differences
in
sociability
is
that
the
task/topic
was
the
same
for
both
genders
within
each
thread,
and
almost
all
comments
were
on-‐task.
Herring
and
Paolillo
(2006)
found
that
gender
differences
in
word
frequencies
disappeared
in
blog
posts
when
the
general
topic
of
the
blog
(personal
reflections
vs.
commentary
on
events
external
to
the
writer)
was
held
constant.
Similarly,
topic
may
exercise
a
greater
influence
than
gender
in
determining
metadiscourse
term
frequency.
Finally,
the
third
research
question
asked
whether
there
were
gender
differences
in
mode
choice
and
amount
of
participation,
hypothesizing
that
males
would
participate
more
and
comment
more
often
in
video
and
audio
than
females
would.
Males
posted
more
and
longer
messages
in
each
thread,
consistent
with
the
first
part
of
this
hypothesis.
Males
also
chose
to
comment
using
video
much
more
often
than
females
did,
although
there
was
no
gender
difference
in
choice
of
audio.
The
hypotheses
and
results
of
the
study
are
summarized
in
table
8.
Hypothesis
Supported?
Video
and
audio
more
social
YES
overall
and
for
self-‐mentions;
NO
for
engagement,
hedges,
attitude
markers
Text
more
judgmental,
negative
YES
Females
more
social
NO
Females
less
contentious
YES
Males
participate
more
YES
Males
use
audio
and
video
more
YES
for
video;
NO
for
audio
Table
8.
Summary
of
results
those
media.
The
notion
of
technological
determinism
has
been
much
criticized
in
subsequent
literature,
especially
given
the
evidence
that
naturally
occurring
text
communication
on
the
Internet,
in
email,
discussion
forums,
chatrooms,
instant
messaging,
blogs,
etc.,
can
be
highly
social,
even
“hyperpersonal”
(Walther,
1996).
How
can
we
reconcile
the
findings
of
the
present
study,
which
are
also
based
on
naturally
occurring
communication
on
the
Internet,
with
these
findings
of
sociable
text-‐only
CMC?
Walther
and
Bazarova
(2008)
invoke
electronic
propinquity
theory
(Korzenny,
1978)
to
explain
why,
under
experimental
conditions,
subjects
express
greater
satisfaction
and
experience
more
“propinquity”
(perceived
closeness)
with
their
interlocutor(s)
in
a
given
mode
of
communication
when
no
other
modes
are
present
in
the
environment
to
compare
it
with.
The
tenet
that
“the
fewer
one's
choices
of
media,
the
more
closeness
one
may
experience
even
through
the
lowest
of
bandwidths”
(Walther,
in
press)
is
not
directly
relevant
to
the
present
study,
since
more
than
one
mode
was
available
to
VoiceThread
users,
and
perceptions
of
closeness
were
not
addressed
in
this
study.
Nonetheless,
electronic
propinquity
theory
helps
explain
the
apparent
inconsistency
between
our
results
and
those
of
other
studies
of
natural
computer-‐mediated
discourse,
if
one
considers
that
Internet
users
for
the
most
part
previously
had
only
textual
CMC
available.
With
only
text
to
work
with,
users
adapted
their
practices
to
enable
rich
communication.
VoiceThread,
in
contrast,
offers
a
choice
of
multiple
modes,
and
in
that
context
of
choice,
differentiation
of
behavior
occurs
across
modes,
consistent,
for
the
most
part,
with
technologically
deterministic
theories
and
the
findings
of
multi-‐mode
experimental
studies.
Thus
the
VoiceThread
results
provide
hitherto
unavailable
evidence
that
the
technological
properties
of
a
mode
shape
the
nature
of
the
communication
when
multiple
modes
are
available
to
choose
from
in
a
natural
(i.e.,
non-‐experimental)
context.
The
alternative
explanation—that
the
VoiceThread
participants
selected
a
given
mode
because
they
wished
to
communicate
in
a
certain
way;
that
purpose
shaped
their
choice,
rather
than
the
choice
shaping
their
communication—seems
less
likely,
for
several
reasons.
First,
topic
was
a
constant
within
each
VoiceThread;
thus
we
may
assume
that
the
purpose
for
communicating
was
similar
for
each
participant.
The
on-‐topicness
of
all
but
a
few
random
comments
supports
this
assumption.
Second,
almost
all
the
video
comments
included
some
reflection
on
the
fact
that
the
commenter
was
‘trying
out’
the
video
mode
for
the
sake
of
experimentation,
because
it
was
novel.
That
almost
all
video
commenters
were
male
is
consistent
with
the
findings
of
Gefen
and
Straub
(1997)
and
Venkatesh
and
Morris
(2000)
that
males
tend
to
adopt
new
technology
earlier
than
females
do.
Finally,
the
majority
of
commenters
used
text,
but
not
because
they
wanted
to
express
negative
judgment;
many
text
comments
were
positive.
Participants
chose
text
presumably
because
text
commenting
was
most
familiar
to
them;
it
was
the
default
choice.
Video
commenting
was
selected
least
often,
most
likely
because
it
was
unfamiliar
and
perhaps
intimidating
to
users
of
the
platform.
This
finding
violates
Korzenny’s
(1978)
tenet
that
users
will
adopt
the
widest
bandwidth
communication
medium
available
to
them.
Thus
the
VoiceThread
data
partially
support
several
previous
theories,
but
they
do
not
fully
support
any
one
of
them.
They
do
not
support
the
prediction
of
the
social
presence,
media
richness,
and
electronic
propinquity
theories
that
richer
media
will
be
preferred
for
social
communication.
Although
the
comments
in
video
and
audio
contained
more
linguistic
expressions
of
sociability—interactional
metadiscourse—than
the
text
comments,
considerations
of
novelty
and
familiarity
appear
to
have
influenced
mode
21
choice
to
a
greater
extent
than
the
affordances
of
the
modes
themselves.
The
VoiceThread
results
do
provide
compelling
evidence,
however,
that
once
a
mode
is
selected,
its
technical
properties
influence
the
communicative
behavior
that
takes
place
in
that
mode.
In
particular,
as
Kiesler
et
al.
(1984)
reported
long
ago
based
on
experimental
results,
text
communication
tends
to
be
more
contentious.
This
has
also
often
been
observed
in
discussion
forums
and
chatrooms:
At
the
same
time
that
textual
communicators
are
more
socially
“hyperpersonal,”
they
tend
to
be
anti-‐socially
disinhibited
(Walther,
1996).
However,
we
do
not
assume
that
this
is
because
text
is
depersonalized
or
that
the
message
sender
lacks
awareness
of
the
addressee;
in
our
data,
text
messages
contained
more
other-‐awareness
markers
than
audio
or
video.
Rather,
we
subscribe
to
the
view
that
asynchronous
textual
CMC
provides
a
buffer
of
temporal
and
spatial
distance
between
the
sender
and
the
receiver
that
allows
senders
to
express
themselves
freely
without
having
to
deal
with
the
receiver’s
immediate
responses.
In
this
respect,
textual
CMC
can
be
superior
to
richer
media,
including
FTF
communication,
for
certain
sensitive
tasks,
such
as
firing
an
employee
or
professing
one’s
love
(e.g.,
Sproull
&
Kiesler,
1992;
Walther,
1996).
At
the
same
time
as
it
retains
these
medium
benefits,
we
propose
that
text
commenting
has
become
“enriched”
through
decades
of
use
as
the
primary
mode
of
CMC,
such
that
it
is
now
an
unmarked
mode
capable
of
fulfilling
a
wide
range
of
functions.
This
proposition
is
supported
by
Sindoni
(in
press),
who
recently
surveyed
users
about
when
and
why
they
choose
to
use
written
text
during
synchronous
videochats.
The
respondents
indicated
that
they
used
text
for
precision,
secrecy,
and,
most
tellingly,
intimacy
or
to
express
face-‐
threatening
feelings—a
varied
set
of
uses,
including
those
considered
by
the
media
richness
theory
to
occupy
both
ends
of
the
“richness”
continuum.
Thus
rather
than
positing
FTF
communication
as
the
“universal
medium”
(Kim
et
al.,
2007),
this
account
casts
text
as
the
default
mode
in
CMC
contexts.
It
is
in
the
marked
modes,
asynchronous
audio
and
video
commenting,
that
the
technical
properties
of
the
modes
appear
to
exercise
greater
influence,
presumably
because
their
novelty
leads
users
to
notice
them
more.
On
VoiceThread.com,
the
immediate
reflection
audio
and
video
provide
of
the
speakers
as
they
record
their
messages
appears
to
increase
the
speakers’
self-‐consciousness.
Similarly,
Sindoni
(2011)
observes
that
the
videochat
users
in
her
study
displayed
self-‐consciousness,
including
arranging
their
hair
as
if
their
video
image
were
a
mirror,
when
communicating
via
video.
As
Sindoni
(in
press)
writes:
Observing
oneself
during
a
conversation
produces
a
series
of
psychological
effects
influencing
the
verbal
and
non
verbal
characteristics
of
the
online
exchange.
[…
C]asting
a
sidelong
glance
at
oneself
during
a
conversation
may
change,
if
not
determine,
the
way
one
speaks,
gesticulates,
smiles
and
so
on.
(p.
10)
While
this
is
especially
true
of
video,
audio
commenting
also
has
a
defamiliarizing
effect
in
that
it
requires
the
commenter
to
speak
out
loud
to
a
computer,
which
can
feel
strange,
as
anyone
who
has
tried
to
rehearse
a
presentation
without
an
immediate
audience
can
attest.
The
resulting
self-‐consciousness
can
affect
behavior
and
language
use.
Conclusions
This
study
asked
how
different
commenting
modes
are
used
on
a
multimodal
commenting
platform,
VoiceThread.com.
The
results
suggest
that
text
commenting
is
the
default
on
the
22
platform,
as
it
is
for
CMC
on
the
Internet
in
general.
However,
independent
of
the
reasons
for
which
users
choose
to
comment
in
one
mode
or
another,
the
selection
of
a
mode
predisposes
them
to
communicate
in
certain
ways.
In
particular,
multiple
modes
being
available
and
all
other
factors
being
equal,
the
technical
properties
of
textual
CMC
appear
to
encourage
openness,
brevity,
and
precision,
whereas
video
and
audio
increase
users’
self-‐consciousness
and
self-‐focus.6
Other
factors
are
not
always
equal,
of
course.
Previous
experience
and
degree
of
comfort
with
a
technology
may
affect
mode
choice.
Social
factors
such
as
gender
may
also
condition
choice;
for
example,
peer
influence
appears
to
influence
women
more
than
men,
and
men
tend
to
be
early
adopters
of
new
technology.
Moreover,
the
greater
social
presence
of
audio
and
video
may
be
disadvantageous
for
users
in
contexts
where
they
do
not
wish
their
gender
to
be
revealed.
Situational
factors
may
condition
mode
effects,
as
well.
The
lack
of
availability
of
other
modes
to
choose
from
can
lead
an
otherwise
lean
channel
of
information
to
become
enriched,
as
proposed
by
the
electronic
propinquity
theory.
Over
time,
users’
adaptations
of
the
mode
to
serve
a
range
of
purposes
can
effectively
widen
the
scope
of
the
mode
itself,
as
we
suggest
has
taken
place
for
textual
CMC.
Conversely,
some
of
the
self-‐consciousness
observed
in
the
present
study
in
video
and
audio
comments
may
be
attributable
to
the
novelty
of
the
voice-‐based
asynchronous
commenting
modes,
which
renders
their
technological
properties
salient
to
users.
The
results
of
this
study
have
theoretical
and
methodological
implications
for
research
on
other
interactive
multimodal
platforms
that
offer
users
a
choice
of
communication
modes,
such
as
YouTube
and
World
of
Warcraft,
as
well
as
sites
that
combine
text
and
audio/video
more
generally.
Some
theoretical
implications
have
been
explored
in
this
study
as
regards
media
richness.
Multimodal
platforms,
especially
those
that
combine
entertainment
content
with
CMC,
also
raise
methodological
challenges:
the
need
to
devise
parallel
transcription
and
visualization
displays
for
textual
and
non-‐textual
communication;
the
need
to
devise
new
analytical
methods
drawn
from
disciplines
outside
communication
and
linguistics
(e.g.,
visual
semiotics);
and,
finally,
the
need
to
conceptualize
approaches
that
capture
the
interaction
among
multiple
semiotic
systems.
This
study
has
demonstrated
one
bottom-‐up
approach
to
addressing
this
last
challenge,
by
treating
modes
of
communication
as
building
blocks
of
a
larger
whole
and
seeking
to
identify
the
effects
each
contributes.
Notes
1
The
term
‘mode’
is
used
here
to
refer
to
a
CMC
option
within
a
single
platform,
as
distinct
from
the
term
‘medium,’
which
refers
to,
e.g.,
CMC
in
contrast
to
face-‐to-‐face
communication
or
mediated
communication
hosted
on
a
non-‐Internet
platform
(see
also
Murray,
1988).
2
Retrieved
August
18,
2011
from
http://www.appappeal.com/app/voicethread/
3
The
contents
of
the
three
comments
are
as
follows.
Audio:
“Hey
ya’
guys,
welcome
to
..
VoiceThread.
I
want
you
to
watch
this
video
clip,
and
give
your
feedback,
either
through
a
video
recording,
or
a
voice
recording.
It’s
a
short
clip
on
speeding,
and
I’m
interested
to
hear
your
thoughts.”
Video:
“Hey
hey!
It’s
not
actually
Steve
Perry,
it’s
just
me
…
checking
this
thing
out.
Uh,
this
video
clip
…
is
pretty
neat,
I
think
…
I
especially
enjoy
his
Australian
accent,
and
I
know
it’s
Australian
bec-‐
for
a
few
reasons,
uh
..
the
biggest
one
of
them
obviously
being
that
the
car’s
steering
wheel
…
is
on
the
right
hand
side
of
the
car!
So.
Another
cool
thing
that
I
…
liked
about
this
video,
other
than
the
information
in
it,
was
the
special
effects
they
used,
he-‐
he’s
sorta
walked
out
in
front
of
the
car,
uh
which
..
I
wouldn’t
think
anybody
would
normally
do,
but
he
did
it!
And,
uh,
Steve
Perry
–
come
back
for
us
all,
please!”
Text:
“People
may
think
that
they
have
a
quick
reaction
time
but
in
fact
it
doesn't
matter
whether
you
can
break
fast
or
you
have
good
breaks
on
the
car
its
what
speed
you
are
going
before
you
notice
something
that
either
has
run
out
on
the
road
or
that
you
are
about
to
hit
something...be
aware
on
the
suroundings
[sic]
and
do
the
speed
limit
or
this
could
be
you!!!”
4
The
full
corpus
contains
363
comments,
of
which
43
were
invalid
because
they
were
empty
or
contained
nothing
but
noise.
Invalid
comments
appeared
to
be
the
result
of
problems
using
the
commenting
technology.
The
breakdown
by
mode
of
invalid
comments
is:
video
(29%),
audio
(17%),
text
(7%).
The
thread
with
the
youngest
participants,
SciFi,
had
the
greatest
proportion
of
invalid
comments
(20%),
compared
with
the
teen
Speeding
thread
(8.4%)
and
the
adult
Network
thread
(1.8%).
5
Contributing
to
this
result
is
the
fact
that
11
out
of
29
of
the
female
audio
comments
to
the
Network
thread,
which
contained
the
most
and
longest
audio
comments,
appeared
to
24
be
scripted
in
advance,
resulting
in
speech
that
sounded
more
written-‐like
than
spoken-‐
like.
Engagement
markers
are
common
in
unplanned
speech.
6
Differences
can
also
be
observed
across
modes
that
are
due
to
differences
between
speaking
and
writing.
For
example,
audio
and
(especially)
video
comments,
because
they
typically
are
not
planned
in
advance,
contain
more
false
starts,
pause
fillers
(um,
hm,
etc.),
and
phatic
communication
(such
as
greetings
and
closings)
than
does
text,
and
voice
comments
tend
to
be
more
rambling
and
less
concise,
as
can
be
observed
in
the
examples
in
note
3.
(But
cf.
note
5.)
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