Understanding Emotions in Social Work PDF
Understanding Emotions in Social Work PDF
IN SOCIAL WORK
Theory, Practice and Reflection
Richard Ingram
Understanding Emotions in
Social Work
Understanding Emotions
in Social Work
Theory, Practice and Reflection
Richard Ingram
Open University Press
McGraw-Hill Education
McGraw-Hill House
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ISBN-13: 978-0-335-26386-8
ISBN-10: 0-335-26386-0
eISBN: 978-0-335-26387-5
Fictitious names of companies, products, people, characters and/or data that may be
used herein (in case studies or in examples) are not intended to represent any real
individual, company, product or event.
Praise for this book
“What Understanding Emotions in Social Work does is cuts across all layers of
the social work curriculum and indeed the “resistance and lethargy’’ regarding
“the role of emotions within social work practice” that Ingram refers to. It
affords us with a medium through which to explore the substance of that which
causes us to react and provides us with a space in which to learn more about what
it means to respond; both to ourselves and to those we engage with.
It is a book for anyone involved in professional social work education and
practice; one that will become a well-thumbed addition to the discerning practi-
tioner’s library.”
Amanda M L Taylor, Senior Lecturer, School of Social Work,
University of Central L
ancashire, UK
Acknowledgements ix
Introduction1
Part 1: W
hat are emotions and why are they important in
social work? 7
Part 2: A
pplying and understanding emotions in social
work practice 59
References 137
Index 145
Acknowledgements
I would like to take the opportunity to thank and acknowledge the contributions of
people who have helped and supported me through the challenging process of turning
my ideas into this book. I would like to thank the following people for their ideas and
encouragement: Jane Fenton, Jennifer Harris, Alan Baird, Sharon Jackson, Timothy
Kelly, Gillian Ruch, Roger Hennessey, Divya Jindal-Snape, and Patricia Fronek. I would
also like to acknowledge the varied and illuminating contributions from colleagues, ser-
vice users, and students over the course of my career, which underpin my interest in the
emotional content of social work practice. The support from Katherine Hartle, Caroline
Prodger, and Karen Harris from Open University Press/McGraw-Hill Education has been
indispensable as I have progressed with the writing and structuring of the book.
Thanks must also go to Fiona Harrison for providing me with a bright and calm kitchen
to think and write. Finally, I would like to thank my family for all their patience, love,
encouragement, and humour from the start to finish of this endeavour.
Introduction
It is encouraging that the focus of this book is also present explicitly and implicitly in
a range of professional narratives and policies relating to the social work profession. For
example, the Professional Capabilities Framework (PCF; College of Social Work, 2012)
highlights that social workers need to engage in critical reflection, in which they examine
facets of practice such as relationships, ethics, and use of self. The PCF makes explicit
mention of the notion of emotional resilience and the need for social workers and social
work students to be able to consider their well-being in relation to their practice. This
clearly indicates the centrality of emotions in relation to the experience of being a social
worker (let alone a human being). The British Association of Social Workers’ Code of
Ethics for Social Work (BASW, 2012b) echoes the need for social workers to engage in
reflection and in so doing consider the relationships they form in practice and the ethical
dimension therein (Ingram et al., 2014). The Munro Report (Munro, 2011) is explicit in its
assertion that social workers need to be allowed greater autonomy and within that they
should be permitted and supported to explore the complex emotional aspects of their
practice. Indeed, Munro notes that the absence of the emotional experience of social
work practice from social work discourse is of great concern in terms of allowing social
workers to fully engage in the complexity of their practice. The Social Work Task Force
report (DCSF, 2009) takes these themes further and highlights the need for high-quality
supervision to facilitate the effective use of self and autonomy in relationships in prac-
tice. This is helpful because it recognizes the need for organizational and professional
support for social workers to achieve effective autonomy.
In many ways, this is where this book comes in. The book will cover a range of key
themes that will enable you to think about your own practice and the context in which it
takes place. Readers of this book will adopt different ways of using and interpreting the
material presented, which is a reflection of the uniqueness of each individual’s emotional
world. While there are many common cultural and professional cues to direct our emo-
tional responses, these are interwoven with our own individual experiences and associ-
ated emotional worlds. The book will take you through a range of theoretical and
practical topics and activities to support you as you engage in significant self-reflection
and, in turn, enhanced self-knowledge. More generally, the book is intended to serve as a
useful tool for students, practitioners, managers, and organizations to engage with the
concept of emotions and how they do or do not impact on social work practice.
As noted above, this book cannot meaningfully be read in a detached theoretical manner.
It should be read with one eye on your own experience (past and present) and you should
reflect upon how your enhanced understanding of the concept of emotions and their
place in social work practice affects your thinking about these experiences. The book is
written in an accessible style to encourage the connections between your own experi-
ences and the content of the book. To support you in this process, the book has been
designed with a range of recurrent learning tools and features:
• Learning objectives – you will be provided with clear intended learning outcomes at
the outset of each chapter. This will help you discern the relevance and focus of each
chapter and help you tune into the key themes.
• Case studies – each chapter has a case study that reflects an engaging and relevant
practice context to provide scaffolding and links between the chapter content and
social work. The case studies are drawn from a range of social work contexts and are
Introduction3
designed to illustrate the complexities of the emotional aspects of practice, while pro-
moting analysis and reflection. These are located early in chapters so that links and
learning points can be made throughout.
• Learning activities – these will encourage you to consider the discussion from your
own context and perspectives. This will make the book a useful resource for students
and practitioners alike and help locate dilemmas, challenges, and opportunities that
arise in practice within a clearer context. The activities can also be taken forward and
used separate from the book in other forums such as supervision.
• Voices of practitioners – each chapter includes vivid and powerful quotes from social
work practitioners across a range of practice settings. These are drawn from a
research study that sought the views of a cohort of UK-based social work practi-
tioners about the role of emotions within their practice (Ingram, 2013a). This feature
is intended to underline the practical relevance of emotions across the range of prac-
tice contexts and highlight their complex and contested nature.
• Key learning points – these are presented in bullet point format at the end of each
chapter to allow you to take stock of the content of each chapter and to identify future
learning needs.
• Further reading – this will signpost you to relevant literature with a short synopsis
indicating why it may be useful to your studies and/or practice.
The book is split into two parts. The first is foundational in nature and presents the key
conceptual underpinnings of emotions and locates these within the context of social
work, while the second takes this more explicitly into the arena of practice and focuses
on topics such as supervision, relationship-building, and organizational culture.
Part 1: What are emotions and why are they important in social work?
Chapter 1 provides a thorough exploration of the concept of emotions. It is evident that
emotions as a concept are familiar yet slippery to grasp and articulate. The chapter
draws from a range of sources, including neuroscience, cognitive psychology, psycho-
analysis, sociology, and evolutionary theory. The chapter concludes with a conceptual
framework based on a review of the literature. The framework recognizes that emotions
have a biological underpinning and involve physiological sensations, cognitive apprais-
als, and have an impact on behaviour and expression. These elements are common across
the literature and highlight the inescapable role that emotions have in the ways individu-
als make sense of their world, relate to others, and respond to events. This is placed
within an individual and societal context whereby cultures, norms, rules, and experi-
ences contribute to the ways emotions are appraised and expressed. This framework
provides you with an inclusive ‘definition’ of emotions that will inform you as your pro-
ceed through the book.
Chapter 2 takes the framework proposed in Chapter 1 and establishes links with social
work practice. In many ways, this chapter provides a rationale for the book by identify-
ing the areas in which you are most likely to find emotions salient and/or contested. Key
themes are introduced and contextualized, including relationship-based practice, care
ethics, professionalism, rational-technical approaches, decision-making, reflection, and
self-awareness. These themes are interwoven throughout the book and will give you a
sense of the terrain.
4 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
Chapter 3 underlines that reflection is a crucial and necessary process for social
workers to engage in if emotions are to be acknowledged, managed, and used in
social work practice. A range of approaches to reflection will be proposed with the intention
of providing you with a toolkit for engaging in the rest of the book but also taking the
learning forward into your practice. Reflection is broadened out to encompass a range of
pertinent factors such as the inter-personal, intra-personal, cultural, organizational, and
professional strands of practice. Links will also be made to emotional intelligence. This
provides us with a concept that involves the explicit identification, appraisal, management,
and use of emotions within ourselves and others.
with the technical-rational aspects of social work. The concepts of professionalism and
professional identity will also be examined to help you locate your own place within the
model and to support you to identify the strengths and weaknesses of your current
context.
Due to the interplay between the theoretical-practical content of the book and your
own unique and ever-changing practice experiences, it is hoped that this book will pro-
vide a useful introduction to the topic of emotions but also a resource to be returned to
repeatedly as you encounter new challenges and opportunities within your practice.
Part 1
What are emotions and why are
they important in social work?
Part 1 of this book provides readers with the conceptual, practical, and critical underpin-
nings of the subject matter and will allow them to engage fully with the contextualized
aspects of Part 2. The book begins with an overview of the concept of emotions, drawn
from a range of perspectives, including neuroscience, social psychology, and behavioural
psychology. These strands and perspectives are then pulled together to create a concep-
tual framework. This also allows readers to proceed with clarity and confidence about
the concept of emotions and its centrality to human behaviour and experience.
Light is then shed on the presence and use of emotions in social work practice. The key
themes of relationship-based practice, care ethics, professionalism, rational-technical
approaches, decision-making, reflection, and self-awareness are introduced, and readers
are encouraged to consider their own experiences and contexts. This is further rein-
forced by the focus on reflection in Chapter 3, which underlines that our understanding
and use of emotions require significant thought and analysis. A variety of reflective
approaches are considered to help support active engagement in critical reflection, and
in turn the role that emotions should have within this.
What are emotions?
1
Chapter objectives
This chapter will:
• Examine the concept of emotions from a range of research perspectives.
• Make links between these differing perspectives and develop a conceptual
framework that will provide the foundations for the rest of this book.
• Link the framework of emotions to the case study example and wider social
work issues.
• Encourage you to consider your own experiences and views on emotions in the
light of the framework proposed.
seeks to review the key tenets of the literature relating to emotions and in doing so estab-
lish a coherent and accommodating framework that will help us locate emotions more
clearly within the context of social work. Indeed, it will be seen that the boundaries
between perspectives have been lowered in recent years and that emotion is increasingly
being understood as a concept that requires a broad definition rather than one simply
tied to one school of thought. There is still no widely accepted concept of emotions, and
Barrett (2012) notes that despite the volume of research across disciplines, it is difficult
to unite the ‘hard’ streams of data (i.e. neurological imaging) with the ‘soft’ streams of
data (i.e. the subjective explanations of individuals) to create a cohesive whole.
This chapter will begin by looking at emotions from an evolutionary perspective
(Darwin, 1890) and notes the early inclusion of physiology, cognition, and purpose within
the construct of emotions. These facets will be explored further and a clearer sense of
definitions and the landscape of emotions research will be provided. The chapter will
then explore the contributions of neuroscience to our understanding of the role of brain
function and underline the importance of the appraisal of emotions. The appraisal of the
meaning that emotional responses have is crucial when considering their role in social
work, and this opens the door to considering how these meanings are individually and
culturally nuanced and generated. Emotions will be seen to be functional and purposeful,
which will helpfully link with relationship-building and motivations to engage with others.
The expression and presentation of emotions are a key element, and are further influenced
by context, culture, and experience. The chapter concludes with a conceptual framework
of emotions, which will serve as your working understanding of the concept as you move
around the remainder of the book.
Case study
Sofia is a newly qualified social work practitioner and is coming to the end of her first
month working within a hospital social work team. The team works across all service
user groups in a large general hospital, and offers support to patients while in the hos-
pital and takes a lead role in planning and securing packages of care upon discharge.
Sofia has found the challenge of settling into a new role while managing an expand-
ing workload very demanding. The team seems very welcoming and friendly, although
Sofia is struggling to remember the names and roles of individual team members and
has found it hard to find time to sit down and chat with colleagues over lunch.
Sofia began working with an 18-year-old woman called Rachel on her first day in
post. Rachel was being looked after in an oncology ward and had been diagnosed with
terminal cancer. Sofia’s key role was to provide therapeutic support to Rachel and to
plan for Rachel’s request to return home for the final stages of her illness. Sadly, Rachel
died in hospital 3 weeks after Sofia became involved. Sofia feels privileged to have
established a positive relationship with Rachel at such a difficult stage in her illness, but
also has found herself feeling tearful and guilty that she could not have facilitated the
desired move home. In the meantime, Sofia’s caseload continues to grow and her
supervisor (whom she has met three times) is very positive about her progress so far.
• What might Sofia be feeling as she enters her first qualified social work position?
Think about the plethora of variables involved: clarity of role, team culture, lack
of experience, ambitions and status, establishing relationships, understanding
processes and procedures, and so on.
What are emotions?11
• The death of Rachel is clearly of significance to Sofia – how might she react
emotionally? How do you feel Sofia should react as a social worker?
• Try to think of yourself in similar circumstances (you may have had experiences
that chime closely with the above example) and how you might feel. Why do you
think you will feel that way?
The world of neuroscience might seem a rather daunting place to look for clarity on
the processes of emotions, but it actually provides us with a relatively concrete
source of information about the importance of brain functioning and emotion. This is
helpful because prior to developments such as brain imaging, emotions research was
dominated by observations, interpretations, and individual subjective accounts (Howe,
2008). It is important to remember that while the brain has emerged as a core processor
of emotions, humans still require exposure to experiences and situations to feed infor-
mation into the neurological systems for emotional responses and judgements to be
made. This underlines the individuality and ever-evolving nature of emotions and emo-
tional appraisal. In the preface to their edited book on the cognitive neuroscience of
emotions, Lane and Nadel (2000) noted that developments in brain imaging, and the
consequent blossoming of the evidence base for understanding the workings of the
human brain, have raised the concept of emotions to an observable and in turn concrete
concept that ranks alongside other mental processes such as memory and attention in
terms of conceptual clarity.
Cortex
Frontal lobe
Amygdala
Figure 1.1 The location of the amygdala, frontal lobe, and cortex
Source: Adapted from Glassman and Hadad (2013)
Damasio (1994) and LeDoux (1993) undertook research examining the decision-making
of individuals with damage to their amygdala (see Figure 1.1), which provides a useful
indication of the pivotal role of this part of the brain in terms of emotions. LeDoux
(1993) proposed that the amygdala is the central emotional hub of the brain, based on
the observation that individuals who experience damage to this part of the brain display
significantly impaired emotional responses. Damasio (1994) suggested that damage to
the amygdala led individuals to lose prior emotional learning (i.e. impact of behaviour
on others) and thus to make decisions in their lives that led to negatives outcomes
(i.e. relationship breakdown). However, it was noted that there was no impact on IQ
scores as a result of this impairment. This contributes to the view that the amygdala has
a specific neural function relating to the processing of emotions and contributes to the
concrete evidence base that emotions have a clear neurological basis. This research
also noted the role of emotional learning, which allows for links to be made to social
14 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
context and the impact of prior experiences and cultural scripts. LeDoux (1997) consid-
ered these findings in the context of the familiar conditioning research of Pavlov.
LeDoux noted that when individuals are conditioned through repeated exposure to neg-
ative stimuli to avoid a particular object, the emotion of fear is eventually expunged,
leaving simple avoidance behaviour by association. However, as time goes by, the con-
ditioned response may diminish and brief re-exposure to the negative stimuli is required.
It is at this point that the amygdala draws upon previous emotional experience to guide
the response.
LeDoux (1997) identified the amygdala and neo-cortex as key. The amygdala is the
area of the brain that allows us to make quick emotional responses, whereas the neo-cortex
is the area that applies reason and evaluation to initial emotional responses. These pro-
cesses happen in conjunction with each other and from a neurological perspective pres-
ent an initial two-step process of physiological response followed by cognitive appraisal.
For example, on hearing a loud bang, your amygdala allows for an immediate response
in terms of your safety (move away quickly), while the neo-cortex helps you then consider
where the bang came from and in turn appraise the degree of risk involved. This is a
useful example to illustrate the interplay between the cognitive and neurological parts of
emotional processing. Pennebaker (1980) further underlined this physiological and cog-
nitive process in experiments involving the administration of chemicals to induce the
physiological symptoms of fear. He found that participants did not report feelings of fear
despite the physiological sensation of it. This underlines the role of appraisal and
judgement.
Damasio et al. (1991) undertook research into the impact of damage to the frontal lobe
on emotions. They found that there was a loss of somatic markers (previously developed
associations between physiological reactions and emotions) that help us to think about
complex situations. They drew links with the notion of ‘gut feeling’, which draws on pre-
vious knowledge and experiences to help us identify and trigger emotional responses
and reasoning. We will return to the notion of ‘gut feeling’ and its close relative ‘profes-
sional wisdom’ throughout this book. What is important at this stage is to note that previ-
ous experience will help shape our reactions to events (and will have contributed to
Sofia’s reactions in the case study) and allow opportunities for reflection rather than
suppression or denial.
Writing from a sociological viewpoint, Turner and Stets (2005) argue that neurological
processes trigger emotional responses that are then understood, expressed, and con-
strained by the social contexts within which they are experienced. Despite their sociolog-
ical emphasis, they concede that emotions cannot be viewed purely as a socially
constructed entity, as they acknowledge that the physiological aspect of emotions can in
some circumstances be so profound that they override social scripts and norms (i.e.
when the intensity of anger erupts publicly). In relation to the significant feelings of grief
experienced by Sofia in the case study, one can see the interaction between the physio-
logical reaction (tears) and the social context (the role of a social worker within a hospital
setting).
There may be times when we respond to emotional memories and may need to be
told externally about our behaviours (i.e. being defensive within an interaction). Turner
and Stets (2005) concede that unconscious emotions rather than conscious ones are prob-
lematic from a sociological standpoint, as they appear by definition to occur outside of
the culturally nuanced conscious sphere. For example, Sofia may subconsciously avoid
exploring her grief reaction due to unconscious memories. These remain an internal
process unless they are brought to light through reflection or the prompting of others
(Rosenberg, 1990). Turner and Stets (2005) note that the binary debate between
What are emotions?15
biological and cultural perspectives is unhelpful, as both aspects are key components of
emotions. Put simply, they argue that the initial physiological response is then under-
stood within the context of cultural scripts, goals, and meanings and that neither can
exist without the other. Barrett (2012) concurs with this view and criticizes the continu-
ing tendency to seek divisions within research.
Since the work of James (1890), the role of cognition has secured a place within the con-
ceptual framework of emotions. The role of thought, and the timing and ways in which it
is involved in emotional processing and expression, vary. What seems to be constant is
the role that thought and appraisal have in lending meaning to physiological and neuro-
logical arousal. LeDoux (1997) noted the intertwined relationship between the rapid
response of the amygdala and the secondary reasoning of the cortex areas of the brain.
He noted that these processes bring together the physiological and the cognitive. Turner
and Stets (2005) suggested that cognitive approaches to conceptualizing emotions are
concerned with the appraisal and judgements we apply to felt emotions. Rosenberg
(1990) noted that this potentially moves emotional processing into a reflexive arena,
whereby we add depth and detail to the physiological aspects of emotion by thinking
about the relationship between our emotions, sensations, and thoughts. It is through this
process that we develop a keener sense of our ‘self’ and in turn can begin to manage and
regulate our emotions accordingly. We will focus on the role of reflection later in the
book, but note here that having the opportunity to think about our responses is essential
if we are to make sense of our practice. In the context of the case study, Sofia would
benefit from being given an opportunity in supervision to take a step back from her prac-
tice and all the significant events that have occurred in her first few weeks in the job. This
would allow her to unpick the personal meanings that she has applied to those events and
the factors that underpin these meanings.
Lane et al. (2000) note that although cognitive appraisals are usually conscious, they
are not necessarily so. They recognize that conceptually this presents a challenge to the
cognitive neuroscience perspective, as the boundaries between the unconscious and con-
scious are not clear or easily definable. They argue that the definition of cognition should
embrace both aspects of consciousness and that these are linked to wider neural pro-
cesses such as memory and perception.
Lazarus and Lazarus (1994: 151) state that ‘an emotion is a personal life drama, which
has to do with the fate of our goals in a particular encounter and our beliefs about our-
selves and the world we live in. It is aroused by an appraisal of the personal significance
or meaning of what is happening in that encounter.’ This fundamental centrality to human
experience suggests that emotions are crucial in helping us consider courses of actions
(Davidson, 1994; Lazarus and Lazarus, 1994; Turner and Stets, 2005). Emotions are
aroused when a person perceives that something they desire comes to fruition or is com-
promised. Goleman (1995) echoes this goal-orientated view of emotions, and makes
explicit links between goal attainment and emotional awareness and regulation. Along-
side the emphasis on goals, it is important that we remember the emotional responses
contained within the process towards goals and also the interplay between competing
goals that we may hold. For example, Sofia’s response to the death of Rachel is in part
16 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
regret at not being able to fulfil her final wish to return home, but also is to do with the
relationship that developed between them. There are also other mediating variables at
play such as the unpredictability of Rachel’s illness and the constraints of resources and
processes that Sofia must abide by in her practice.
Jenkins et al. (1998) concur with this goal-orientated view of emotions and state that
if we are aware of an emotion, then by definition we are aware that it is related to some-
thing that is of importance to us, whether that be negative or positive. This process of
appraisal requires us to attach a label to our emotions and in turn this opens up a range
of options in terms of our subsequent actions. Fridja (1988) approaches emotions from a
cognitive psychology perspective and suggests that emotions must have a situational
meaning. This adds a layer of complexity to the notion of appraisal, since we cannot
simply identify an event/object and conclude that a particular emotion will be evoked;
rather, we need to explore the meaning that it has in relation to wider goals and events.
For example, in providing support to a relative of Rachel immediately after her death,
Sofia will need to try to understand the meaning that this event has for them. It may be
that Rachel played a significant part in this person’s life and that a number of secondary
losses (Currer, 2007) add to the depth of the emotional response of grief. Alternatively, it
may be that they had a very distant relationship and the impact on the relative is not so
great. Even this example makes some casual assumptions about context and likely emo-
tional impact, and as such underlines the need for a flexible and individualized approach
to considering emotions and appraisal of meaning. In terms of social work practice, this
sits comfortably with the ethos of seeking the views of service users and relationship-
based approaches to practice (Hennessey, 2011).
Searle (2010) notes that the meanings that we apply to events, and in turn our emo-
tional responses to them are subjectively constructed individually and culturally. Barrett
(2012) offers an interesting example of our reactions to weeds and flowers. She notes
that the low status we afford a weed changes its social meaning and in turn drives our
feelings and behaviour towards it. Figure 1.2 shows a picture of a rose and a dandelion.
Putting the social meaning of these to one side momentarily, it is possible to elicit a
Bottom-up appraisal –
linked to goals and
preferences
Top-down appraisal –
linked to previous
experiences and
‘model’ of emotions
Clore and Ortony (2000) note that appraisal may happen at a conscious or uncon-
scious level. A ‘bottom-up’ approach to appraisal is a conscious process whereby our
emotions reflect our goals, preferences, and experiences. Alternatively, a ‘top-down’
approach involves emotions being triggered by previous experience and indeed previ-
ous appraisal (Figure 1.3). For example, a key aspect of attachment theory is the
notion that prior learning can unconsciously shape our emotional reactions to events
later in life through the development of emotional models. This clearly links to the
need to seek opportunities to reflect upon and explore the sources of our reactions
and associated actions. Rosenberg (1990) talks of the importance of prior social learn-
ing when appraising events on an emotional level. He suggests that this gives individ-
uals an emotional logic, achieved through linking previous experiences to a presenting
event/object.
18 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
Turner and Stets (2005) state that a sociological perspective of emotions views them as
being socially constructed in the sense that they are responses to prevailing cultural
norms. They accept that this social construction operates in conjunction with the biolog-
ical aspects of emotions but that the meaning that emotions attain and their importance
within society are by definition a social entity. They place particular emphasis on the role
of culture (in the context of this book, organizational and professional culture emerge as
key themes) and how this impacts on the meanings we apply to events, and in turn the
manner in which we express the ensuing emotions. They sum up their view as follows:
Emotions are the driving force behind the commitments to culture. Indeed
emotions are what give cultural symbols the very meanings and power to regu-
late, direct, and channel human behaviour and to integrate patterns of social
organisation.
(Turner and Stets, 2005: 292)
The notion that cultural context is crucial may appear to challenge the sense that there is
a universality to emotions. Jankowiak and Fischer (1992) undertook a cross-cultural
study of folkloric materials to examine the universality of the emotion of love. Their
findings strongly pointed towards its universality, but noted that the opportunity to expe-
rience the emotion and the ways in which the emotion was expressed were impacted by
culture. This is useful when considering the social work context, as the emotions engen-
dered by practice such as happiness and fear may be common across all contexts, but
may be subject to variance in organizational cultures in terms of how these are expressed
and/or recorded. In relation to Sofia, it is likely that she will need to strike a balance
between the felt emotion of loss and the expectations of professional presentation, which
may compromise the appropriateness of crying. This begins to form links between profes-
sionalism and emotions, which will be discussed later. A further example of cross-cultural
research is that of Ekman and Friesen (1971), who explored the universality of facial
expressions and associated emotions between New Guinea and western cultures. They
found a strong sense that there were universal, emotionally driven facial expressions (i.e.
smiling and happiness), but the event/object that elicited such emotions varied across
cultures. In relation to social work, this again suggests that the professional context may
have an impact upon which emotions social workers feel and how they are expressed.
What are emotions?19
Barrett (2012) also usefully points out that there is no ‘one-size-fits-all’ relationship
between emotions and behaviours. So, for example, the emotion of fear may be linked to
defensiveness, flight or freezing. This further muddies the waters when making compar-
isons across cultures or indeed between individuals.
There are useful links to be made here with the work of Hochschild. In her seminal
book The Managed Heart (1983), Hochschild considered the ‘act’ of presenting yourself in
line with the requirements and culture of the context in which you are employed. She drew
vividly on the experiences of flight attendants and the strong organizational culture of
customer service and the associated emphasis on smiling. Hochschild noted that flight
attendants are required to smile regardless of their true feelings and emotional reactions
to their work or the people with whom they interact. She termed the underlying process of
emotional management and presentation emotional labour. This labour intensifies when
there is a tension between required behaviours and felt emotions. For example, if we con-
sider the balance between the technical/rational and relationship-based aspects of social
work as a feature of the cultural context in which social workers operate, then we can
begin to consider Hochschild’s concept of ‘acting’ in relation to the need to consider one’s
professional presentation. Mann (2004) suggests that emotional labour is either faking one’s
emotions, hiding one’s emotions or managing one’s emotions to fit with one’s context.
Hochschild (1983) noted two distinct types of acting within any given cultural context:
• Surface acting: when one tries to deceive another by making them think we are feel-
ing something we are not.
• Deep acting: when one tries to train oneself to act in a particular way that is under-
pinned by a set of rules or norms.
At the heart of Hochschild’s work is a focus on how professionals control the expression
of their emotions in their attempts to conform to cultural or emotion ideologies around
emotional responses. She argues that the acquisition of these emotion ideologies is
achieved through socialization processes. It is clear that for Sofia, at such an early stage
in her practice experience, these cultural expectations may be vague and uncertain.
Learning activity
• Can you identify the prevailing culture within an agency in which you have
practised?
• What impact does this have on the way you express emotions?
• What are the positives and negatives of adjusting emotional expression to fit
with organizational cultures?
Hochschild makes a bold assumption that your emotions can be readily interchanged
with the requirements of the organization in which you work. As you are reading this,
you may or may not recognize this as true to your practice. Bolton and Boyd (2003)
repeated Hochschild’s research of flight cabin crews to explore whether workers were
able and/or willing to trade their own individual emotional responses for those desired
by the organization for which they worked. They were driven by an interest in the appar-
ent marginalization of private/individual emotions (prior to Hochschild’s work the
most common paradigm of emotions) in the face of an overpowering social context.
20 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
They were interested in whether the smile of the flight attendants was their own smile or
the company’s smile. The researchers found that the flight attendants were emotionally
dexterous and were able to locate themselves within the organizational context rather
than fully give themselves over to it. Bolton and Boyd noted that participants talked of
secondary socialization into the norms and codes of the organization but also found
space for their long-held personal beliefs, experiences, and norms from their primary
socialization. This resonates with the idea of emotional displays suggested by Rosenberg
(1990), whereby the emotions we display can be distinctly purposeful and strategic. This
is potentially very interesting for social work, as it notes the place that cultural guidance
(e.g. codes of practice) may have in terms of impacting on emotional responses and the
impact of personal values and experiences. This mirrors the familiar debates in social
work about the balance between personal and professional values (Dominelli, 2009).
A further finding from Bolton and Boyd’s (2003) research that is pertinent to this discus-
sion is that participants stated their actions were often driven by internal emotional
responses that made them ‘go the extra mile’ regardless of organizational rules or norms.
Anecdotally, when I ask new students why they have chosen social work as a profession,
they often refer to ‘wanting to make a difference’ or ‘a commitment to helping people and
social justice’. While the realities of practice and organizational culture may constrain or
clash with this at times, perhaps there is an indication here that social workers may still
find space for their own personal and individual emotional worlds.
Zapf (2002) noted that the organizational cultural requirement of some professions is
that emotional expression should be genuine. This clearly has links to social work, since
genuineness is widely considered a desirable characteristic of social workers (Lishman,
2009). Bolton (2000) asked nurses to recount their experiences of emotional expression
within their role. Interestingly, respondents reported that where positive reassurance
was being offered to individuals whose prognosis was poor or who presented challenging
behaviour, they were able to override the apparent dissonance between emotion and
action by drawing on their own motivations to become nurses. Simply put, they were able
to locate a congruency between the expression of calmness and their professional role,
despite perhaps internally experiencing different emotions. This suggests that contextual
issues can be multi-layered, and that any dissonance can be ameliorated through draw-
ing on wider socio-professional constructs. This clearly has potential resonance within
the social work context.
Rosenberg (1990) suggests that there may be a further aspect to the influence of cul-
tural and contextual expectations upon our expression and our actions, namely social
consensus. Given the above discussion on the potential impact of organizational culture,
it suggests that we need to take cognizance of the influence of observation and role-
modelling within teams and organizations and the potential this has for encouraging indi-
viduals to express their emotions in line with those of others around them (consider the
aforementioned example of the rapid replacement of patients in hospital beds following
their death). Within a social work context, this can set the tone for how and where emo-
tions are expressed, but may also present an opportunity for organizational culture to
purposefully and powerfully create an environment that reduces the potential for the
professional dissonance considered within the work of Hochschild.
This chapter has noted that emotional arousal is often associated with identifiable stimuli
or objects. In these circumstances, it is possible for individuals to be able to articulate the
What are emotions?21
source of their response, the physiological impact this has, and the meaning they are able
to apply to it. Trevithick (2003) would argue that the ‘known’ elements of emotional expe-
rience are only part of the picture. Trevithick suggests psychoanalytic perspectives have
much to offer in relation to highlighting and unpicking the less visible and often uncon-
scious emotional worlds of individuals.
Psychoanalytic theories have their roots in the work of Freud (see, for example,
Freud, 1959) and in particular the emphasis on understanding and recognizing the impact
of previous experiences (often repressed or unconscious) on current responses and
behaviours. Ruch (2009) acknowledges a debt to the work of Freud in the context of
social work practice and reflection. The notion that individuals possess unconscious
emotional markers and experiences is congruent with the idea that emotions are inescap-
ably part of the private world of an individual (Barrett, 2012). Ruch (2009) notes that
unconscious emotional drivers are a crucial source of information for social workers,
which help them to understand the dynamics of relationships and their responses to
different events.
John and Trevithick (2012) suggest that in the context of social work, supervision
has a role to play in allowing social workers to explore and uncover the emotions at play
in their relationships with service users. The work of Bion (1962) is hugely influential in
this area. Bion highlighted the notion of ‘containment’ as being crucial in helping indi-
viduals gain emotional insight. Simply put, this refers to the conditions that allow for the
integration of thinking and feeling. For example, John and Trevithick (2012) suggest
that encouragement and reframing are two possible aspects of a containing relation-
ship. In a sense, Bion (1962) was expanding the dynamics of a psychotherapeutic rela-
tionship to other contexts. Bion was particularly interested in the anxieties felt by
individuals involved in group processes. He highlighted the role of group facilitator as
crucial in terms of identifying anxieties within a group but also, and most crucially,
explicitly naming them and highlighting them to the group members. Ruch (2009) argues
that putting the unconscious emotional sphere under the spotlight is essential to avoid
the negative effects of emotional suppression. For example, Hair (2012) found that
social workers who lacked opportunities to explore their feelings in supervision experi-
enced higher levels of stress. One can see the links with a containing supervisory rela-
tionship and the cognitive aspects of emotional appraisal and understanding discussed
earlier. Ruch (2009) notes that the ability to gain insight into the unconscious and less
rational aspects of behaviour is not only crucial to understanding one’s own emotional
responses, but also the ability to understand the emotional world of the people with
whom we work.
Another key feature of the psychoanalytic perspective is an emphasis on the interper-
sonal aspects of emotions. In the previous section, we noted that emotions can be purpose-
ful and can be influential and communicated within interactions. Agass (2002) highlights
the important concepts of transference and counter-transference within relationships.
Transference refers to the tendency of individuals to try to make current relationships
‘fit’ with the dynamics of previous relationship experiences. Being aware of this in a
social work context is useful for practitioners in considering their own responses and
most crucially unlocking knowledge about the experiences and behaviours of service
users. Counter-transference refers to the reciprocal nature of relationships. In the con-
text of the social worker–service user relationship, the social worker may respond emo-
tionally in ways that provoke anxiety or discomfort within them. If such emotional
behaviour is unpicked and examined, then the social worker has the opportunity to gain
insight into previously unconscious emotional drivers and in turn feed the knowledge of
this back into their interactions.
22 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
The impact of social context and associated cultures and norms (Turner and Stets,
2005) was noted earlier in the chapter. It is the apparent marginalization of these wider
influences that is a weakness when applying psychoanalytic perspectives. Bower (2005)
noted that issues of power, coercion, and organizational structures must be included
in any analysis of a social worker’s behaviour and role. John and Trevithick (2012) note
that current conceptions of relationship-based practice integrate the inter- and
intra-personal aspects within the wider context in which practice takes place. In terms of
the conceptual framework proposed in this chapter, unconscious emotional drivers are
an important part of a broader conceptualization of emotions.
John and Trevithick (2012) suggest that genuine relationships require the unconscious
emotional elements to be brought to the surface. This will addressed further in the next
section, which looks at emotional intelligence and the need to tune into the emotional
worlds of service users, while simultaneously acknowledging and managing one’s own
emotional responses. In terms of the conceptual framework of emotions, psychoanalytic
theory reminds us that the elusive unconscious aspects of emotions are no less pertinent
in our interactions and behaviours, and lay the foundations for the need for reflection
and supervision.
The construct of emotional intelligence has taken different forms since the early 1990s.
Emotional intelligence has caught the eye of academics, professionals, and the general
public and is often cited as a positive attribute of any skill set. It may be that the
wide-ranging benefits and outcomes that it is claimed are linked to the possession of
emotional intelligence underpin this popularity. This creates an inclusive and aspirational
concept that can be applied and targeted across a variety of contexts and socio-economic
groups. The global appeal of the concept clearly has its roots in the notion that emotions
are a universally experienced phenomenon (Darwin, 1890; Ekman and Friesen, 1971;
Lazarus, 1991; Turner and Stets, 2005). It could be argued that this is in part reflected in
the broad range of literature that has emerged, including that on leadership skills
(Lindebaum and Cartwright, 2011), educational attainment (Goleman, 1995), nursing
(Cadman and Brewer, 2001), and social work (Morrison, 2007). If we consider the afore-
mentioned neurological studies of Damasio (1994) and LeDoux (1993) regarding the impact
of neurological damage and its specific impact on emotional regulation and cognition,
while IQ remains constant, we can further stake a claim for emotional intelligence
representing a distinct construct.
Mayer et al. (1990) suggest that emotional intelligence consists of an individual’s abil-
ity to be aware of their own emotional reactions to various stimuli and their abilities to
manage their responses to such stimuli. They suggested that this balance of awareness
and control allows individuals to make decisions with increased clarity and confidence.
In addition to this self-regulation and awareness in relation to reaction and response to
stimuli, they suggested that an ability to identify emotional responses in others is a key
aspect of emotional intelligence. These abilities are further linked to an individual’s com-
munication skills and facility for empathic understanding. It is from these attributes, it is
argued, that positive relationships and outcomes flow (Lishman, 2009). Goleman (1995)
suggests that the attributes proposed by Salovey and Mayer (1989–90) help to explain
why individuals who do not score highly on measures of IQ may still achieve more from
a professional point of view than those with high IQ scores. This emphasizes the interper-
sonal aspects of what contributes to successful relationships that underpin wider
What are emotions?23
activities such as employment. Put simply, emotional intelligence provides greater depth
to how an individual may perform and in turn affects our understanding of what may
contribute to actions and outcomes.
Voices of practitioners: John, a social worker for adults with learning disabilities
‘I find emotions are of most use in empathizing with service users. Often people within
social services find themselves in situations that they cannot see a way out of and the
strain this places on them is evident. I feel that appropriate use of emotional intelli-
gence in recognizing this helps build a relationship with the service user. I do not allow
my feelings to dominate interactions (though they are not entirely absent) with service
users, as I view my role as a professional one. This distance is required, particularly
when difficult, and sometimes conflicting, decisions have to be made. It also serves to
ensure that the service user knows throughout any interaction where they stand.’
John provides a vivid example of the importance he places on the management and
control of emotions in his practice. He locates this within his professional role as a
social worker and also notes the impact this can have on the relationships he forms
with service users. It is important to note that John does not deny the presence of
emotions and raises the role of empathy, which we will pick up on in Chapter 2.
Morrison (2007) provides a very persuasive link between emotional intelligence
and social work practice. At the heart of his argument is the relationship between
the intra- and inter-personal aspects of social work. This re-emphasizes the links
between internally experienced emotions and the presentation of them externally.
What is crucial about Morrison’s thinking, and the concept of emotional intelligence
more broadly, is that individuals can manage their own emotions and tune into the
emotions of others to help develop positive relationships. Ingram (2013d) made
clear the useful synergies between emotional intelligence and the hallmarks of
relationship-building, and this will be returned to throughout this book, as it gives
emotions a purpose and use in practice.
In this chapter, I have reviewed key elements from the literature pertaining to emotions.
It is evident that the topic of emotions has engendered interest and debate across the
centuries and more recently from a range of research perspectives. Despite differing
emphases and angles of approach, current understandings of emotions are accepting of
certain key facets (Barrett, 2012).
From a sociological viewpoint, Turner and Stets (2005) include five key elements
within their conceptual framework: biological, social context, labelling, expression, and
appraisal. From a psychological perspective, Strongman (1987) finds space in his con-
ceptual framework for the following elements: physiology, cognition, subjectivity,
expression, consciousness, and unconsciousness. From a social psychology perspective,
Zapf (2002) noted that emotions are subjective, physiological, and expressive. From a
cognitive neuroscience perspective, LeDoux (1997) includes seven key elements: physiol-
ogy, neurology, cognition, appraisal, context, experience, and expression. Finally, con-
sidering emotions from an expressive perspective, Kennedy-Moore and Watson (1999)
24 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
noted the following elements: physiological arousal, subjective felt experience, and
expression.
In the context of social work and this book, there is much to draw upon from the afore-
mentioned conceptual frameworks (not least the synergies between them) and the liter-
ature reviewed in this chapter. The following areas noted in Figure 1.4 contribute to the
underpinning conceptual framework of emotions in this book:
Neurology
Social
Cognition
construction
Emotions
Psychoanalysis Culture
Evolution Expression
Figure 1.4 A conceptual framework for understanding emotions based on (Ingram, 2013a)
• The contribution from neuroscience discussed in this chapter highlights the important
role of the brain in providing immediate responses and secondary processes of rea-
soning and cognition. These processes involve the appraisal of both physiological
symptoms of arousal and an assessment of cues and context from experience.
• Emotions arise in response to significant events and stimuli. The meaning and signifi-
cance that we attach to these events are crucial in determining both felt and expressed
emotions. These judgements are in part an internal process based on conscious per-
sonal scripts and constructs, and unconscious memories and evolved responses.
These responses are also influenced, directed, and constrained by wider social norms,
cultures, and expectations that impact on the perceived significance of events. The
outcome of such judgements will determine subsequent actions and behaviours.
What are emotions?25
• Emotions also have an expressive aspect. They are inter- and intra-personal phenom-
ena that are expressed and displayed between people. Such expressions of emotion
also sit within a wider context of influences, which can, to a certain extent, determine
what is perceived to be appropriate, purposeful, and expected. Within this, there may
be divergence between internally experienced emotions and those that are expressed.
This socially constructed viewpoint is tempered by an acceptance that emotions, both
unconscious and conscious, are inherently individual phenomena and are character-
ized by subjectivities and meanings within the private world of the individual.
• In the context of this book, the preceding cornerstones of the conceptual framework
will also be considered in relation to the construct of emotional intelligence. This will
allow emotions to be linked with greater clarity to the awareness, management,
attunement, and empathic aspects of the social work role. It will act as a means of
locating emotions within a pro-active relationship-based paradigm, yet with recogni-
tion of the wider professional context in which social workers operate.
Further reading
Howe, D. (2008) The Emotionally Intelligent Social Worker. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
David Howe provides some very interesting theoretical links between emotions, professional practice, and
how emotional intelligence may have a positive role to play.
Turner, J. and Stets, J. (2005) The Sociology of Emotions. New York: Cambridge University Press.
This book is a very readable and thorough exploration of the psychological and sociological perspectives that
underpin current and historical research on emotions.
Locating emotions in the
2 context of social work
Chapter objectives
This chapter will:
• Establish links between the conceptual framework of emotions proposed in
Chapter 1 with social work practice.
• Encourage you to consider your awareness of emotions within yourself and
others.
• Highlight the debate about the emotions and rational decision-making and the
impact this has on the perceived validity of emotions in social work practice.
• Place emotions within the context of care ethics.
• Introduce key themes relating to emotions and social work (i.e. professional-
ism, relationship-based practice, and reflection).
If we consider the messages contained within Chapter 1 that show our emotions
to be an essential element of who we are as human beings, then it is clear that emo-
tions should play a pivotal role in social work practice. Given the impact that
emotions have on behaviour, attention, decisions, appraisal, and motivation, emo-
tions must be a central driver behind the actions of social workers across the
myriad of contexts and situations in which they operate. Furthermore, if we
accept that our emotional worlds give meaning to our experiences and relation-
ships with others, then we can begin to see that they form a significant part of the
toolkit of a social worker when establishing relationships with service users, col-
leagues, groups, and communities. Finally, our awareness of the rules, norms,
and cultures that impact on the way emotions are interpreted and expressed
requires social workers to engage in significant reflection and analysis of the
opportunities and challenges associated with the recognition and use of emotions
in social work practice.
It might be surprising to note that despite the overwhelmingly self-evident
importance of emotions in all aspects of our lives, their place within social work is
at times obscure, contested, and most certainly uncomfortable. It is this rather
murky relationship that gave rise to this book. Ingram (2013a) found that social
workers were divided in terms of the applicability and desirability of emotions
Locating emotions in the context of social work 27
within their practice. The ‘battle lines’ were drawn around issues such as professionalism,
rationality, relationships, empathy, decision-making, defensibility, risk, quality of super-
vision, and organizational culture. These will be introduced in this chapter and examined
in depth elsewhere in the book. In a nutshell, emotions have often been pushed to the
sidelines due to lack of knowledge or clarity about their role. Chapter 1 has established a
conceptual framework to address the rather nebulous nature of the emotions. This is not
to suggest for a moment that references to emotions are absent from social work litera-
ture, rather that they are often subsumed into broader topics such as reflection, skills,
stress management, and personal/professional perspectives. In recent years, there has
been an upturn in the literature focusing on relationship-based approaches to practice,
and in particular the need for the awareness of the emotional worlds of oneself and
others to engage in effective relationship in practice (Hennessey, 2011; Munro, 2011;
Ruch, 2012; Ingram et al., 2014). Recent writings on relationship-based practice often cite
the rise of bureaucratic and managerial approaches to practice as being the catalyst
behind it. In some sense, it is about reclaiming the importance of the people (social work-
ers and service users) within the processes and procedures that provide the framework
for practice.
The aim of this chapter is to help you think about your own emotional world and
how it impacts on your practice as a social worker. It will come as no surprise for me
to reveal a strongly held belief that emotions are at the heart of what is to be a social
worker and to practise as a social worker. This belief underpins this chapter and pro-
vides a guiding ethos for the remainder of the book. I will use a case example and a
series of learning activities to help you to engage with these ideas and begin to cast a
light on your own emotional world and how it is engaged or constrained by your expe-
riences in practice.
Case study
Lorna is in the first year of a three-year undergraduate social programme. She has
completed her first semester, which consisted of campus-based lectures and tuto-
rials. As she embarks on her second semester, she is excited by the prospect of
embarking on her first experience of practice learning. Lorna has very limited
experience of working with people, having come straight into the course from
school.
The first month of the semester focuses on ‘preparation for practice learning’.
This will entail a range of groupwork projects and role-play activities to help Lorna
begin to develop a sense of her current skills, values, and attitudes in conjunction
with a range of practice contexts and scenarios. This is a significant change from
her first semester, which had a strong academic focus in terms of studying and
essay writing.
Lorna feels rather vulnerable in appearing to be lacking in knowledge and experi-
ence. She is also wary of saying the ‘wrong thing’ in groups, which may make her
come across as judgemental or naïve. She is being asked to think about ‘who she is’
and to examine her value base. This is entirely new to her and she privately resents
having to talk about this sort of thing and would much rather go back to the lectures,
studying, and reading.
28 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
Learning activity
• Do you have experience of thinking and learning in the way that Lorna is being
required to do? Why do you think social work programmes include such elements?
• Why do you think that Lorna may be feeling uncertain about this new way of
learning and thinking? Does that resonate with your experiences?
• What support could/should Lorna receive from her peers and academic staff to
allay her concerns?
• What are the potential risks of Lorna entering a practice learning opportunity
without beginning to reflect on her emotions, experiences, and ‘self’?
In Chapter 3, we will look more closely at the role of reflection and its role in helping
social workers to unpick the complexities of the emotional content of their practice.
Reflective practice involves active thinking about what social workers bring to specific
situations in terms of knowledge, experience, values, and skills. This self-knowledge is
then examined in relation to the presenting features of any given practice context. This
allows social workers to begin: (1) to understand what they did and why they did it, what
informed what they did and understood about a situation, and what others might think
about the situation and their actions; (2) to evaluate how effective their practice was; and
(3) to consider how this would impact on any future practice (Ingram et al., 2014). This
very brief account of a reflective process is replicated in various forms across the vast
body of literature concerned with reflection. What unifies the plethora of models of
reflection that you will come across is the need to develop a sense of what motivates,
drives, informs, and underpins our decisions and actions in practice. Put simply, you need
to develop a sense of ‘self’.
Anecdotally, I am conscious that within every cohort of students there will be those
who find reflection a difficult, awkward, and at times embarrassing process. Part of this
is likely to be to do with the need to reveal thoughts and feelings, which ordinarily are
kept private and seldom examined. I have also heard students talk about reflective activ-
ities as a ‘hoop to jump through’. This perspective would appear to be underpinned by a
disconnection between the process of reflecting and the practical impact on subsequent
practice and decision-making. This book is about making the links between our emo-
tional worlds and the more visible and tangible world of practice. Trevithick (2005) notes
the importance of shining a light on intra-personal knowledge in order to inform and
support our inter-personal practice. Hennessey (2011) argues that the fusion of these two
spheres is the basis of what it is to operate in a relationship-based manner. Hennessey
(2011) uses a lifeline approach to encourage social workers to examine their previous
experiences and how these contribute to how we perceive the world and drive our decision-
making and approach to relationships.
In this chapter, I use a lifeline approach but with a particular focus on emotional
awareness and the potential impact on practice. This will then allow you to approach the
subsequent issues and debates in the chapter (and the rest of the book) with a developing
and ever-evolving sense of your own emotional self.
Before you engage in the following task, I would like to provide a few tips to help you
get started and also highlight potential pitfalls that may inhibit you (and in turn
Locating emotions in the context of social work 29
undermine how you engage with the content of the book). The good news is that what
you include in your ‘lifeline’ can be kept for your own private use. This is not to say that
discussing such issues with others is not of merit, but simply that it removes a very com-
mon block for social work students and practitioners. I would encourage you to be
unconstrained in terms of what you identify as being of relevance. Too often participants
are directed towards deaths, births, and life transitions. These may be pivotal for you, but
equally it could be something relatively fleeting such as the loss of a favourite possession
or the response to a new culture while travelling. The other important thing to note is that
you can edit, delete, and amend as you go, so nothing needs to be permanent. You may
find it interesting if you reflect on why you are changing or reprioritizing certain events.
The most important thing to know about lifelines is that they are continuously evolving
and there is no such thing as perfect self-knowledge. What you produce today will be the
start of a process. Analysis of your lifeline should continue throughout your career as a
social worker, and it will be constantly affected by new events and your own evolving
understandings, contexts, and perceptions.
Learning activity
• You will need a large piece of paper (preferably A3). Draw a line from one side
of the paper to the other. The starting point will be your birth and the end point
is today. It is useful to divide the line up into years. This will help you visualize
the time span and also stop you running out of room. Start at any point along
the line and begin to note significant events in your life (Figure 2.1).
• On a separate piece(s) of paper, you should then consider the following ques-
tions in connection with the ‘events’ identified:
What made this event significant for you?
What are the key features of the event: who was there, what happened?
What emotions did you experience at the time? Why do you think that was?
How do you now feel about it? If your emotions have changed, what contrib-
uted to this change (this often alerts you to other significant events)?
How might others involved have perceived the event?
How might this impact on your practice? Can you identify an emotional
response that may occur in practice due to this (i.e. fear, attraction, anger,
avoidance)?
If we consider Lorna’s situation above, it is likely that she will be somewhat over-
whelmed when confronted with a sheet of paper that is blank other than an apparently
meaningless line. If Lorna is encouraged to identify whatever comes to mind and then
examine it, this may help her to avoid feeling that there are no events in her life that have
been of significance. Hypothetically, Lorna may remember a time when she forgot her
lines in a school show. Her analysis could look like the following:
• What are the key features of the event: who was there, what happened?
All the parents of the class were in the audience as well as all the other pupils. When
it came to my lines, my mind went blank, I stuttered, and had to just say ‘sorry’ and
hope that someone else spoke to fill the silence.
• What emotions did you experience at the time? Why do you think that was? How do
you now feel about it? If your emotions have changed, what contributed to this change
(this often alerts you to other significant events)?
I remember feeling extremely scared and anxious with my heart beating fast and my
head feeling dizzy. I had not really prepared well and that coupled with the pressure
of everyone looking at me pushed me over the edge. I still feel a bit nervous when
I think about it. I don’t really feel too differently about it, as I have been very success-
ful at avoiding such circumstances since. I still feel very anxious and red if I ever
have to speak out in class.
• How might others involved have perceived the event?
I think people probably felt sorry for me and relieved it wasn’t them. I felt that they
thought I was stupid at the time.
• How might this impact on your practice? Can you identify an emotional response that
may occur in practice due to this (i.e. fear, attraction, anger, avoidance)?
I am dreading having to do presentations to my class group or contributing to meet-
ings when I go out on my practice learning opportunity. I don’t want to fail due to
falling apart in a meeting. I wonder if I really need to speak in large groups because
I am fine one-to-one and that is what social work is all about.
The example above shows how an event in our past can influence our emotions, deci-
sions, behaviours, and efficacy some time after they occurred. For Lorna, it is clear that
there is a potential for avoidance of speaking in large groups. This has the very real risk
of undermining her ability to represent service users in many forums and in turn
Locating emotions in the context of social work 31
compromise the outcomes for them. It would also appear to be tied up with a fear of fail-
ure and not meeting perceived expectations. Such self-awareness can begin the process
of deepening one’s understanding of how emotions impact upon us. Lorna may be able to
identify other events in which she has shown confidence (she already identifies a strength
in a one-to-one setting), which will help her to manage and contain her emotions more
easily. Furthermore, if she reflects on her feelings of anxiety and disempowerment in
large groups and meetings, she may be able to reflect upon how such forums are experi-
enced by services users. This in turn could lead to more insightful support and empathy
within her practice. This example thus underlines how self-knowledge can help us iden-
tify the sources of our actions and perceptions, and in turn allow us to manage our emo-
tions when they may be detrimental and draw directly upon them when they can help us
to practise effectively. It also illustrates why lifelines are a useful tool to use with service
users to support them to gain greater clarity about their own lives and experiences.
The title of this section purposefully uses the word ‘versus’ to underline the tendency for
these core debates to be seen in a binary fashion with little room for compromise or com-
patibility. As you proceed through the chapter and the rest of the book, it will become
clear that these debates are much less clear-cut and that both sides have much to offer.
Indeed, having considered the role of cognition and appraisal of emotions in Chapter 1, it
is clear that the judgements we make about events and the way we interpret, categorize,
and prioritize these judgements are rooted in neurological and experiential processes
(Ingram, 2013b). That is, emotions and thoughts are inextricably linked rather than being
in some way at odds with each other. The balance between the relationship-based aspects
of social work practice and rational-technical approaches mirrors much of this debate, as
it is concerned with the compatibility (or otherwise) of the apparently fluid and subjective
aspects of relationships and the more concrete and predictable aspects of the procedures,
knowledge, and processes that characterize the latter approach.
These are statements that we will all likely recognize from conversations and literature.
They all point to the potential contamination by emotions of clarity and thought, thus
creating a perception that emotions are potentially unruly and undesirable, and best mar-
ginalized, removed or controlled. If we accept these at face value, then it is easy to see
why social work has often looked to tightening procedures and emphasizing the use of
evidence to underpin decision-making and minimize the risk of poor practice (Rustin,
2005). Such messages provide the backdrop to the context in which you will approach
this book and how social workers try to explore the debates about emotions and decision-
making. Howe (2008) and Forgas (2001) note that such messages reverberate throughout
history and can be found in the works of Plato, Kant, and Descartes. Such views have
been challenged, however; for example, the Enlightenment philosopher David Hume
argued that emotions and reason are able to work in harmony (Howe, 2008). Indeed,
Barrett (2012) notes that the history of research into emotions is marked by a constant
(and unhelpful) quest to create barriers between those who believe emotions to be cogni-
tive, neurological, physiological or socio-cultural. Barrett argues (as I have in Chapter 1)
that these perspectives combine to constitute a broad and inclusive concept of
emotions.
If we return to the case study above, we see that Lorna may be struggling to manage
some of these culturally nuanced debates about the appropriateness and relevance of
Theory
Social
Work
Practice
Professional Emotions and
codes ‘self’
Values Skills
emotions in decision-making. Her first semester will have required her to write essays,
drawing upon theory, research, legislation, and policy. She may have become familiar
with terms such as ‘what works’, ‘defensible decision-making’, and ‘evidence-based prac-
tice’, which suggest that her practice can be determined by a clear body of knowledge.
The sense of disjuncture and discomfort that she feels as she enters the practice learning
part of her programme, is in part rooted in the need to acknowledge that the concrete
and rational elements are something she brings to help guide her practice alongside the
intrapersonal qualities and skills she will bring to bear within her practice. She may be
struggling with having to give up the security and certainty of theory and knowledge as
articulated in academic essays. This combination of factors helpfully illustrates the com-
patibility of emotions and reason rather than them being at odds (Figure 2.2).
Learning activity
• Based on your experience, how are the two sides of the aforementioned debate
balanced in your practice?
• Are you given space and time to develop relationships with service users?
• Do you have the opportunity to consider your emotional responses to your practice?
• What are the merits, in your view, of a rational-technical approach?
Ferguson (2005) noted that a succession of high-profile child death reviews had been
characterized by an increasingly rational-technical response. That is, tightening proce-
dures and reducing the autonomy and subjectivity of individual judgement would be the
best means of averting such tragic circumstances in the future. This of course echoes our
previous discussion about the notion that emotions may be an unwelcome variable when
making clear and defensible decisions. Ferguson challenged the wisdom of such shifts in
34 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
emphasis and powerfully brought the emotions and psychological facets of the Victoria
Climbié case back into view, and in turn noted the potential opportunities and benefits
for social workers (with support) to explore and use their emotional responses to inform
decision-making and professional judgement. Rustin (2005) stressed that to neglect such
exploration of emotions risks an indecisive and compromised approach to decision-
making. If we return to the conceptual framework in Chapter 1, what Rustin (2005) is
highlighting is that our emotional responses to situations and relationships form a cogent
and powerful stream of information to guide us.
It may appear from the preceding discussion that there is a gap between professional
guidelines, codes, and polices and the role of emotions and relationships in social work
practice. However, this is emphatically not the case and there are many examples of
autonomy, use of self, relationships, and values. For example, the Professional Capabil-
ities Framework (PCF; College of Social Work, 2012) highlights the need for social workers
to engage in critical reflection and analysis, and that practitioners must take cognizance
of factors such as relationships, ethics, and use of self. The PCF makes explicit mention
of the notion of emotional resilience and the need for social workers and social work
students to consider their well-being in relation to their practice. The British Association
of Social Workers’ Code of Ethics for Social Work (BASW, 2012b) also makes clear the
need for reflection and thinking ethically about relationship-building in practice (Ingram
et al., 2014). The Munro Report (Munro, 2011) is explicit in its assertion that social work-
ers need to be allowed greater autonomy, and that they should be permitted and sup-
ported to explore the complex emotional aspects of their practice. The Social Work Task
Force report (DCSF, 2009) echoed these themes and highlighted the role of high-quality
supervision to facilitate the effective use of self and autonomy in relationships in prac-
tice. This is extremely helpful, as it recognizes the need for organizational and profes-
sional support for social workers to achieve effective autonomy rather than it simply
being located within the individual him- or herself.
If we briefly return to the case study, it is clear that Lorna is right to be sensing the
tensions and debates involved, and the need to consider her use of self and how this
impacts on the relationships she makes and the associated decisions and actions that
arise from these. However, she will also be able to turn to the documents above (which is
not an exhaustive list) to see that the ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ elements of practice are present and
correct in the codes and guidance that underpin the profession. Grant et al. (2014) note
that social work education must also respond to the need to consider emotional resilience
and awareness if graduates are to be equipped to manage these aspects of their profes-
sional role and profile. They surveyed a significant number of social work programmes
in England, and the aspects of the curricula that met this need included topics such as
reflective writing, role-play, supervision, and practice learning. This highlights that
Lorna is at a point in the programme where she is being required to engage in the ‘emo-
tional curriculum’ envisaged by Grant et al. (2014).
of emotions in terms of directing our attention and judgements, this would appear
to be a rather worrying scenario (Ferguson, 2005; Ingram et al., 2014).
Holland (1999) examined the factors that social workers appear to base their deci-
sion-making on, and suggested that social workers often depicted themselves as neutral
observers who readily distance themselves from the process of decision-making. In a
sense, the social workers in Holland’s study reported a scientific approach where deci-
sions around risk were presented as clear calculations rather than infused with their own
interpretations and emotions. In a survey of social workers about the role of emotions in
their practice, Ingram (2013a) found that most respondents felt that emotions were a key
aspect of being a social worker, but that they felt that they could remove emotions from
decision-making. This is an interesting point, as it would seem to contradict what we
know about the dominant role of emotions in helping us understand and find meaning in
situations. What would seem to be at play here are the strong professional/cultural cues
about what constitutes valid decision-making. Ruch (2012) argues that while managerial-
ist approaches to social work would suggest that decision-making can be reduced to
something that is relatively simple and process-driven, the reality is actually much more
emotionally laden and complex.
In essence, the inclusion of emotions is social work discourse is ultimately about per-
missions, safety, and organizational culture (Ingram et al., 2014). The vast body of research
surveyed in Chapter 1 suggests that the central role of emotions in how we make sense of
the world and our relationships is inescapable (Barrett, 2012). If we consider the impact of
professional norms on how workers may present their emotions (Hochschild, 1983), we
can begin to recognize that there may be a gap between what social workers identify as
important in their decision-making and what actually guides their decision-making. The
opportunities for social workers to recognize, articulate, and use their emotional responses
will be dependent (in part) on the support and supervision they receive. We will examine
these themes of supervision and organizational cultures in Chapters 6 and 7.
36 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
When one thinks about emotions and social work, it is easy to dwell on the complex emo-
tional responses that arise when working with people experiencing difficulties, crisis,
and trauma. Ingram (2013a) found that the majority of the social workers he surveyed
viewed emotions through the lens of stress and coping rather than considering the full
range of emotions that includes happiness, satisfaction, and joy. Indeed, Pooler et al.
(2014) cite the shock at seeing the word ‘joy’ and ‘social work’ linked together as the
catalyst behind their interest in the area. This is extremely important for this book also,
as our conceptual framework of emotions encompasses the full spectrum of emotions
Locating emotions in the context of social work 37
rather than creating a hierarchy that prioritizes certain types of emotions. This of course
means that the lifeline proposed earlier in this chapter should (indeed, must) include
events that elicit positive emotions. It is through such self-awareness that confidence and
resilience can be sought and achieved (Pooler et al., 2014).
Writing generally about positive emotions, Fredrickson (1998) notes that one reason
why negative emotions gain greater attention is that they are often linked more explicitly
to associated actions. In the case study above, for example, Lorna’s feelings about pre-
senting in public (fear) are clearly linked to a related behaviour (avoidance). If Lorna
had been happy to speak in public, the associated behaviour (willingness) would be less
active and visible. Fredrickson suggests that a greater appreciation of the role of positive
emotions can have a powerful impact on behaviour and performance. This would seem
to be a useful signpost for social work, as it may reduce the reticence about articulating
emotions and/or citing them as drivers of behaviours. For example, the emotion of ‘inter-
est’ inspires investigation rather than fear, which can narrow our attention (Fredrickson,
1998). This could potentially have a powerful effect on practice if social workers were
supported to acknowledge such emotions. Isen et al. (1987) note the ameliorating effects
that positive emotions can have on negative ones and the potential for a positive cycle of
emotions to emerge. In Figure 2.3, we can begin to visualize such a process in a social
work context. What is powerful about the cycle depicted in Figure 2.3 is the recognition
that the highly charged emotional world of social work is not necessarily beset with neg-
ativity, but that the opportunity to name and explore emotions is the key to their manage-
ment and use.
Identification of
positive emotions
relating to practice
Establish a willingness
and ‘language’ to Consider impact on
explore all emotional motivation and focus
responses to practice
Explore challenging
aspects of practice in Identify strengths and
the light of such areas of resilience
reflections
Pooler et al. (2014) note that it is rather ironic that a profession that places significant
emphasis on strengths-based approaches with service users should struggle to incorpo-
rate them into thinking about their own practice experiences. Pooler et al. set out to
determine which aspects of the job gave rise to feelings of joy. The sources of joy and
satisfaction for social workers included:
This is a highly instructive list because it gets to the heart of why people become social
workers. I have asked first-year students at the start of their social work programmes
‘why they chose social work as a profession’. Without fail the answers include ‘helping
others’, ‘making a difference’, ‘being a people person’, and ‘I want to work with a particu-
lar service user group’. What is interesting is that they directly map onto the findings of
Pooler et al. (2014). This suggests that the core motivations to become a social worker
are directly linked to the positive emotions experienced in practice. This is a further argu-
ment for claiming congruence between the transformative relationship-based aspects of
practice and the professional identity of social workers.
Kinman and Grant (2011) note the importance of building emotional resilience and cite
reflection and support as a way of maintaining a positive perspective for social workers.
By broadening this out to positive emotions, exploration of emotions can help maintain a
sense of role and celebrate the positive aspects of the profession. Collins (2007) talks of
how optimism can be nurtured through the identification of strengths and positives in
supervision. If we consider the anxiety felt by Lorna in the case study, it may be that a
focus on her original motivation to become a social worker coupled with acknowledge-
ment of the strengths that guided her through the student selection process would unlock
her anxiety about reflection and thinking about herself. Perhaps she would also be able to
locate the triggers and drivers behind her motivation to become a social worker within her
lifeline. This again underlines the need to think of such reflective and analytical tools in a
positive light rather than to primarily focus on difficulties and negative emotions.
Learning activity
• What are/were the motivating factors for you to choose social work as a
profession?
• How are these motivating factors rewarded by engaging in practice?
• Do you find it easier to explore positive or negative emotions?
A key challenge for social workers is the need to do what is ethically ‘right’ in their prac-
tice. Webb (2001) suggests that social workers should have an ‘ethical will’ to achieve the
best possible outcomes for service users. Stanford (2010) rightly notes that there are
many competing factors that impact on this, and one that is associated with managerial-
ist working cultures is the fear associated with ‘getting it wrong’. This places social
Locating emotions in the context of social work 39
workers in a difficult position, and one in which they may wrestle with their own emo-
tional responses to a situation and the competing emotions about ‘what if they make the
wrong decision?’ It is in this complex arena where social workers can point to their pro-
fessional codes or practice codes of practice (SSSC, 2003; CCW, 2004; NISSC, 2004; BASW,
2012b), which set out an ethical framework and purpose for the profession. The central
tenets vary slightly by regulatory body but most often include:
• Protect the rights and promote the interests of service users and carers
• Strive to establish and maintain the trust and confidence of service users
and carers
• Promote the independence of service users while protecting them as far as
possible from danger or harm
• Respect the rights of service users while seeking to ensure that their
behaviour does not harm themselves or other people
• Uphold public trust and confidence in social services
• Be accountable for the quality of their work and take responsibility for
maintaining and improving their knowledge and skills.
(SSSC, 2003: 3)
Kant (1785) suggests that deontological approaches to actions rely on following moral
rules. The codes listed above are in essence the moral rules that underpin social work and
in turn impact on the way workers practise and feel about their practice. Critics of deon-
tology point to the lack of flexibility and the omission of the wider pressures and influ-
ences that may guide actions, and indeed the individual interpretation and commitment
to moral rules. Keinemans (2014) notes that traditionally emotions have been seen as an
impediment to moral judgement. However, Keinemans goes on to state that our knowledge
of the neurology of emotions suggests that the process of appraisal is effectively
instantaneous and it is alongside this that we subsequently apply moral and ethical rea-
soning. Pizzarro (2000) further stakes a claim for the role of emotions in ethical decision-
making by noting that emotional responses are rooted in reality and experience and as
such are a culturally and morally nuanced phenomenon (Turner and Stets, 2005). They
help us to decide what is the morally right thing to do by giving us signposts to previous
experiences and understandings of situations. Indeed, Keinemans (2014) notes that con-
cepts such as social justice are rather static (and have little meaning) without being
understood on an emotional level to help us to make judgements and identify situations
where we need to respond or prioritize.
Houston (2012) points to virtue ethics and care ethics as being congruent and helpful
when considering the blurred aspects of social work relationships, use of self and prac-
tice. Virtue ethics refers to one’s approach coming from one’s own character and being.
This relies on a social worker’s ethical approach being intrinsic to him or her. This
requires self-knowledge and ongoing reflection and supervision to foster and manage it.
This chimes well with the aforementioned need for social workers to reflect upon the
emotional drivers that underpin their motivation to become social workers, in order to
gain the confidence to trust and use these drivers when making judgements and deci-
sions in practice. The opportunities for social workers to benefit from such nurturing
supervision are variable (DCSF, 2009; Ingram, 2013a), which may compromise a virtue
ethics approach in certain circumstances. This may reduce the willingness and ‘safety’
for workers to develop the kind of autonomous practice purported by Munro (2011).
40 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
It is evident from this simple example how powerful a tool such an approach can be and
how, if given the opportunity to engage in such thinking about oneself and one’s practice,
the connections between the ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ features of practice (Ingram et al., 2014) can
be intertwined with a sense of self and a commitment to ethically sound practice.
Locating emotions in the context of social work 41
This brings our discussion back to the key theme of this chapter – that emotions are
congruent and intrinsic to the decisions and actions that social workers make in practice.
This mirrors the central role that emotions have in guiding and informing the decisions
made and actions taken by humans in all aspects of their lives. To suggest that social
workers are able or willing to avoid emotions seems fanciful and rather odd. It would be
much more useful if we accept and acknowledge their role so that we can gain greater
insight into our own behaviours and judgements and those of others.
Learning activity
Choose a piece of social work practice that you are or have been involved in. If you
are not yet at the stage of undertaking practice learning, you may wish to use a
hypothetical case scenario encountered during academic study.
List all the ideas you can generate under the headings ‘head’, ‘heart’, ‘hands’, and
‘feet’. Try to identify which elements are linked to your emotional responses; your
internal drivers; the service user’s views; theory, policy, and legislation.
• For social workers to effectively engage with the emotional aspects of their practice,
they need to work to achieve a clear sense of the sources and impact of their own
history. This is an ongoing process of reflection and analysis that is intended to lead
to an awareness and use of emotions in practice.
• The familiar and historical debates around the impact of emotions on rational
thought and reason were explored and compared in relation to similar debates about
relationship-based practice and rational-technical conceptions of social work. It
was argued that our knowledge of emotions research coupled with a clear sense of
the professional purpose of social work suggests that emotions and professional
decision-making are inextricably linked. It was argued that for decisions and actions
in social work to be fully informed and effective, these ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ features need
to be acknowledged.
• The place of emotions and use of self within a range of professional narratives and
codes was identified.
• Positive emotions are highlighted and it is argued that these have a powerful role in
directing practice and establishing a sense of efficacy and resilience.
Further reading
Ingram, R., Fenton, J., Hodson, A. and Jindal-Snape, D. (2014) Reflective Social Work Practice. London:
Palgrave Macmillan.
This book takes a very practical approach to looking at reflection. The ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ elements of practice
discussed in this chapter are introduced. Readers are encouraged to consider their emotional responses to
practice.
42 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
Ruch, G., Turney, D. and Ward, A. (eds.) (2010) Relationship-based Social Work: Getting to the heart of
practice. London: Jessica Kingsley.
This is a very readable collection of chapters that guide you through the central themes relating to
relationship-based practice. The book is also realistic and recognizes the other factors that contribute to the
decisions and actions of social workers in practice.
Reflection and the
3 exploration of emotions
Chapter objectives
This chapter will:
• Highlight the central role of reflection in social work in supporting and develop-
ing informed and self-aware practice. Reflecting upon one’s emotions is import-
ant in order to recognize, manage, and use them effectively.
• Introduce a range of approaches to reflection to support its use in practice.
• Present a dramaturgical approach to thinking about practice that is intended to
bring together the inter-personal, intra-personal, cultural organizational, and
professional strands of practice.
• Examine the concept of emotional intelligence in the context of reflective and
reflexive practice.
• Identify the benefits of engaging with emotions and reflective practice.
analysis into ongoing practice rather than it being a detached cerebral process. The word
critical is often used in conjunction with reflection. White et al. (2006) state that for
reflection to move into a critical sphere, it requires an acknowledgement and integration
of wider contextual influences, such as organizational constraints and political discourse,
into the analysis of one’s individual actions and beliefs. Figure 3.1 highlights the key
aspects of critical reflection proposed by White et al. (2006).
Examining
Tuning into Learning Challenging Personal and
assumptions
different through power Reflexivity organizational
and dominant
perspectives experience dynamics change
discourses
Ingram et al. (2014) highlight that by adopting a critically reflective approach that
includes consideration of the factors illustrated above, social workers can engage in a
learning process that will allow them to view their practice through the lens of others and
provide them with a platform to change aspects of their practice and challenge individual
and organizational dynamics that may be oppressive or obstruct positive outcomes for
service users. This brings us to the concept of reflexivity, which is commonly used along-
side and in place of the term reflection. Reflexivity can be defined as the ability to consider
how our values, emotions, beliefs, culture, and experiences combine to influence our
actions and judgements. This in many ways expands the concept of reflection to uncover
aspects that are not immediately apparent within a given situation (Fook and Gardner,
2007). Holmes (2010) suggests that reflexivity allows individuals to bring together the
psychological and sociological facets of our ‘self’. This echoes our conceptual framework
in the sense that our emotions can only be fully understood by examining their origins
not only in terms of our individual experiences but also in terms of the wider cultural
norms and context (D’Cruz et al., 2007; Barrett, 2012).
The importance of the role of reflection has been prompted by the inherent messiness
and complexity of social work practice (Yip, 2006). Yip uses the metaphor of the layers of
an onion to illustrate the process of uncovering the individual, organizational, political,
and societal factors at play in any given practice situation. Yip notes that such a process
requires social workers to explore their emotional responses to their practice and
Reflection and the exploration of emotions 45
Case study
Malcolm is a social worker in a community social work team for older people. He has
worked in this team since he qualified as a social worker 5 years ago. He chose this
context of practice because he is passionate about actively seeking the views of
older people and making their voices heard in the decisions that impact their lives.
His passion is in part based on witnessing what he viewed as rather dismissive and
de-humanizing practice in a residential care home for older people during a practice
learning opportunity while training to become a social worker.
His team have seen many changes in recent months, which has included him
changing supervisors three times in quick succession. This has been rather unsettling
for Malcolm, as he values the opportunity to reflect on the dynamics of his practice
and the balance between limited resources and trying to achieve positive outcomes
in partnership with service users. It has also been a very difficult time personally for
Malcolm because his mother died two months ago following a long illness. His mother’s
physical health and mobility deteriorated significantly in her final months and Malcolm
fought hard for her to remain in her own home until the end of her life. This was at
odds with his sister’s (Joyce) desire to move their mother into a residential nursing
home in order for her to receive as much care and support as possible. This difference
in opinion has led to an ongoing dispute between Malcolm and Joyce. Joyce holds the
view that her mother’s death would have been preventable had she received the care
package that she had proposed. Malcolm has not been able to resolve this issue with
Joyce and it is a source of stress and anxiety at a time when his workload is increas-
ing due to staff shortages.
One of the cases that Malcolm is currently involved in concerns a home care assess-
ment for Arthur. Arthur is an 82-year-old man who lives on his own in a first-floor flat.
He has suffered from arthritis for many years, but recently this has started to have a
significant impact on his mobility and ability to undertake household tasks such as
cooking, cleaning, and self-care. Malcolm feels a strong connection with Arthur and has
established an open and positive relationship with him. Malcolm’s recent personal expe-
riences are affecting his confidence in the judgements he is making in this case.
46 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
Learning activity
• Can you identify any issues that Malcolm would benefit from having the opportu-
nity to engage in further reflection on? Make a list of the factors you think might
contribute to a critical approach to such reflections (i.e. power, resources, etc.).
• If Malcolm does not have an opportunity to engage in reflection, what might be
the implications for his work with Arthur?
The literature relating to reflection has mushroomed since the early 1970s and there is a
dizzying array of models and approaches that one can select to guide and underpin one’s
engagement with reflection. In some ways this is positive, in that it underlines the importance
of reflection for practitioners and enhances the likelihood of finding an approach that
is a ‘good fit’ for you as an individual. However, it can also create uncertainty about the
efficacy of differing approaches, and can result in a closed approach to reflection where
tried-and-tested methods are held onto due to the seemingly unfathomable array of alterna-
tives. I cannot cover the vast range of reflective literature here, and instead try to make it
more approachable and make explicit links to the roles of reflection and emotions.
Learning activity
Malcolm will be prompted by such a model to acknowledge his assessment of
Arthur’s needs as a significant event. By using Gibbs’ (1988) model, Malcolm will
be asked to consider his feelings in relation to this event. This may lead him to
Reflection and the exploration of emotions 47
explore his feelings about his mother’s circumstances, but equally may lead him to
simply explore his feelings of uncertainty and frustration at a surface level without
unpicking its sources. Depending on the quality of this analysis, Malcolm will
develop a new understanding of his practice and he will then be able to translate
this into subsequent actions.
• What qualities would Malcolm’s supervision arrangements require to allow him
to engage in meaningful reflection?
• What does the above example suggest in terms of the limitations of such a
model of reflection?
The list-type models are built on a series of questions or steps that are intended to guide
participants’ thinking and focus. This prescriptive approach can be seen in the models
proposed by Johns (1994) and Ash and Clayton (2004). These models are attractive, as
they direct participants to ask specific questions and acknowledge the enormity of what
is potentially being asked within a reflective process. By this I simply mean that partici-
pants benefit from a clear direction and focus from the outset, rather than being con-
fronted with a cyclical model which demands a greater degree of autonomy and choice
of focus. Lay and McGuire (2010) build on the DEAL model (Describe, Examine, and
Articulate Learning) of Ash and Clayton (2004) and require participants to integrate the
personal and academic content of their thinking and to identify how these facets interact.
This is very helpful when thinking about emotions and social work, as it directly connects
emotions to the choices and preferences we have in terms of theoretical explanations and
requires us to unpick the sources of our actions and decisions. This has much in common
with the notion of Socratic questioning techniques (Goleman, 1995; Barsky, 2009). This
approach has its roots in the teaching of the early Greek philosopher Socrates, and
emphasizes the need for learners to articulate their thinking in a manner that explores
and highlights the foundations of assumptions and decisions. In its purest form, the
supervisor would take the stance of someone who knows ‘nothing’ and who requires the
social worker to provide all the information about a situation. An example of this might
include a series of questions such as:
• What do you mean when you say you made an assessment of risk?
• Can you give me another example to illustrate this?
• Why is assessing risk important?
• What are the assumptions about the importance of assessing risk?
• Is there another way of thinking about risk?
• Why did you come to your conclusion about the level of risk?
• How did you feel at the time of making the judgement?
• What caused you to feel that way?
• Is there an alternative explanation?
• What would others think about your judgement? Why do you think that is?
This type of approach to questioning may seem rather laborious at a glance, but is very
useful if a reflective process is to enhance our self-knowledge and our understanding of
how we arrive at the judgements that we make in practice. We can see here an explicit
move towards reflexivity in the sense that the basis of our judgements and emotional
responses is unpeeled layer by layer (Ingram et al., 2014).
48 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
Learning activity
If Malcolm’s supervision is characterized by a list-type approach, he will be given
a degree of scaffolding and direction to his thinking. This may allow him to consider
the interaction between his personal circumstances and his professional judge-
ments. He may also be able to shed light on the origins of his judgements and
allow him to connect elements of his value base such as a commitment to respect
and self-determination. This may help him understand the motivators behind reach-
ing certain judgements and indeed how he selects and edits the information that
feeds into them. The depth achieved here will be dependent on the quality of the
relationship with his supervisor and the nature and focus of the steps/questions
contained within the model adopted.
• How ‘safe’ would you feel in exploring the type of Socratic questions noted
above? What circumstances/environment would be conducive to such an
approach?
• Apply/adapt the Socratic questions to a practice context of your own.
Ingram et al. (2014) see phased approaches to reflection as being particularly useful
when seeking depth and unpicking the assumptions that may lie at the heart of our prac-
tice. This pushes reflection much more firmly into an arena of learning, and requires the
space, time, and safety to engage in an unfolding process. Taylor (2010) proposes the
REFLECT model of refection, which consists of the following:
• Readiness – this refers to the need for participants to have the time, space, and envi-
ronment to engage in meaningful reflection. This ties in with the aspiration of the
Social Work Reform Board to secure high-quality supervision for social workers.
• Exercising thought – the opportunity to take a step back from actions and decisions
in practice and consider what informs these.
• Following systematic processes – utilize processes, steps, and questions to direct and
focus one’s reflection and analysis.
• Leaving oneself open to answers – this emphasizes that a reflective process should
not have a premeditated conclusion or ‘right’ answer. Rather, one should be open and
secure enough to accept and welcome unexpected outcomes and self-knowledge.
• Enfolding insights – the need to be ‘held’ during the process. This echoes the need for
social work supervision to allow containment as new understandings emerge (Ruch,
2009).
• Changing awareness – this recognizes the aforementioned purposeful nature of reflec-
tion in that such depth of reflection must not be simply a therapeutic process (although
this is an important aspect) but one that feeds explicitly back into subsequent actions.
• Tenacity – a recognition that the process of reflection requires effort and persistence
to achieve results.
This type of model is useful in that it fuses a rigorous list-type approach with a clear
process. It is particularly useful when considering the role of emotions in social work
practice, as it pays cognizance to the experience of undertaking a critical approach to
reflection and the vulnerabilities and uncertainties that are inherent in exploring and
Reflection and the exploration of emotions 49
analysing the conscious and subconscious aspects of our lives. It also makes clear the
responsibilities of the supervisor and/or organization in terms of the conditions and
skills that they must offer such a process. These points will be picked up in more detail
in Chapters 6 and 7, as such depth of reflection is a significant undertaking (Yip, 2006;
Ruch, 2009).
Learning activity
If such an approach is adopted in supervision for Malcolm, then he will be able to
approach the task of reflection without having a preconceived outcome. Malcolm
may be able to consider the nature and significance of his personal circumstances
for his practice. This may highlight the usefulness of harnessing such emotional
responses to direct his interest and motivation to ask questions and seek informa-
tion. Once the drivers behind his judgements are identified, then an ongoing exam-
ination of the components of his decision-making can be undertaken so that his
practice is enhanced and informed. This emphasizes the cyclical and ongoing
nature of reflection and, if Malcolm is well supported, should lead to an increase in
self-knowledge and emotional resilience.
• What are the factors that would contribute to your ‘readiness’ to engage in such
levels of reflection?
• Reflective journals: As the title suggests, these are inspired by a traditional diary for-
mat, which provides physical and reflective space for an individual to record thoughts
about practice on a daily/weekly basis. These can be ‘shaped’ in different ways. Bassot
(2013) provides a useful framework that helps structure one’s entries (an echo of the
‘list’ approach) to encompass emotions, theory, role, and relationships. This form of
written reflection may be for private use or for sharing with others. Lomax et al.
(2010) note that a key benefit of this approach is that it creates a recorded history of
one’s thinking and development. However, it could be argued that the process of and
permanency of putting one’s thoughts down in writing inhibit openness and increase
potential vulnerability (Healy and Mulholland, 2012).
50 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
• Visual mapping: Moon (2004) and Lomax et al. (2010) note the usefulness of develop-
ing visual maps of one’s reflections. This may suit some learners more than others, but
visual mapping allows one to see clearly the connections between such factors as
emotions, theory, practice, and legislation. This helps direct further reflection and
may uncover previously unknown links and connections.
• Poems, photographs, and metaphors: This allows one to engage in thinking and analy-
sis in a way that may be less daunting and direct in some circumstances. Moon (2004)
suggests that such techniques can then serve as a stepping-stone to more explicit
applications to practice situations.
• Dialogue: As noted above, this is often seen within the context of supervision. Ingram
(2013c) found that social workers valued the opportunities to engage in reflection
informally with their peers. Interestingly, this was seen to benefit from not being
recorded, hence allowing experimentation and exploration within a ‘safe’ environ-
ment. It was also noted that such informal dialogue was often available ‘on the spot’
and lent itself to the busy and fluid nature of social work practice.
• Video and audio: This can involve the recording of a reflective dialogue (i.e. supervi-
sion) to enable better analysis of one’s responses and presentation, or can involve
(where appropriate) the analysis of actual practice. Such approaches can be very
powerful but can also feel over-powering and invasive. There is a need to consider
individual learning styles as well as issues of confidentiality.
• Self-reflection: This in many ways can involve some of the methods listed above, but
emphasizes that it can take place within a private sphere. This benefits from the reduc-
tion of external pressures to present in a particular manner (although one should not
under-estimate the potential for avoidance and deception within ourselves) due to
others and can be the key opportunity to reflect following an event and/or within it
(Schön, 1983).
This list illustrates some of the ways that the preceding models may be conducted and
recorded. The appeal of these methods will vary according to the individual and the con-
text in which they find themselves. What is important is that one is constantly seeking
ways to engage in reflection and drawing from this broad pool of approaches. This
should help avoid the potential for reflection to become routinized and stagnant.
In Chapter 2, we explored the importance of developing a keen sense of ‘self’ and in turn
being able to understand, manage, and use our emotional responses to situations that
arise in social work practice. The models and approaches to reflection presented above
sit very comfortably with the concept of emotional intelligence. Mayer and Salovey
(1997: 5) propose that emotional intelligence is ‘the ability to perceive emotions, to access
and generate emotions . . . and emotional knowledge, and to reflectively regulate emo-
tions so as to promote emotional and intellectual growth’. Goleman (1995) states that
emotional intelligence is not a destination or a static quality that individuals may pos-
sess, but the product of an ongoing process that is constantly developing and evolving.
This mirrors the ongoing nature of reflection, in that social workers are by definition
thinking and reflecting about ever-changing fluid circumstances and relationships.
Mayer and Cobb (2000) make links between emotional intelligence and leadership skills,
stress management, resilience, and job performance. These potential benefits map well
onto the aspirations of the PCF (College of Social Work, 2012) in terms of establishing a
Reflection and the exploration of emotions 51
confident, informed, and reflective workforce. It is useful for us to establish the links
between reflection and the five domains of emotional intelligence proposed by Salovey
and Mayer (1989–90) (see Box 3.1).
Saarni (2000) identified the concept of emotional competence to be a key benefit that
emerges from reflecting on one’s emotional responses. Emotional competence is defined
as the ability to use one’s emotional awareness in relationship-building and social inter-
actions. In essence, it is the confidence that flourishes through the development of
self-knowledge. This may be manifested in empathy, emotional reciprocity, and congru-
ence between actions and self. The need for reflection in social work is often prompted by
the uncertainty that arises from the complex and difficult circumstances one encounters
in practice (Hennessey, 2011). Ferguson (2005) suggests that where such opportunities for
reflection are absent, then a sustained sense of uncertainty and anxiety can arise from
relationships. This could be viewed as emotional incompetence in the sense that our emo-
tional responses remain unknown or unexamined and in turn can push workers to seek
comfort from rational-technical conceptions of practice in which there is a ‘proper’ way to
52 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
act (Saarni, 2000; Ingram et al., 2014). Beddoe (2010) and Hafford-Letchfield (2009) note
that this tendency to move towards a procedurally flavoured version of reflection from
one which is critical and focused on learning and development is evident in social work
contexts where the assessment and management of risk are a key feature. Ruch (2012)
emphasizes that regardless of the opportunities for reflection available to social workers,
the reality of practice remains and with it the complex emotional content therein.
John and Trevithick (2012) locate the benefits of reflection within a psychodynamic
arena and note that the previously unconscious processes that influence our relationships
can be identified and in turn fed into the way we practise in an informed and purposeful
manner. Cornish (2011) states that this depth of reflection requires time and social work-
ers need to be ‘held’ in the process rather than the emphasis being on a speedy identifica-
tion of emotional drivers. This notion of being held (metaphorically) chimes with the
seminal work of Bion (1962), who spoke of containment being the process whereby indi-
viduals (social workers in our case) are supported through a process of anxiety and
uncertainty and given time to explore and reframe their understanding. Cornish (2011)
and Ferguson (2005) note how patchy and vulnerable such opportunities for reflection are
in social work, and also highlight how the absence of such opportunities can lead to the
suppression of emotions and dangerous practice. These themes, which will be picked up
again when we look at the role of supervision, support the call for reflection on emotions
and the ‘soft’ features of practice to be safeguarded (Ingram, 2013b; Ingram et al., 2014).
The idea that social workers ‘present’ themselves and their practice in ways that respond
to and interact with the context in which they operate is a recurring theme throughout
this book, and is a key aspect of the conceptual framework of emotions presented in
Chapter 1. The importance of shining a light on all aspects of one’s practice when engag-
ing in reflection is crucial if an holistic and all-encompassing understanding of the com-
plexities of social work is to emerge. This chapter has identified a range of ‘topics’ that
might feed into whatever reflective process is adopted. The notion of the ‘hard’ and ‘soft’
features of practice proposed by Ingram et al. (2014) helpfully underline the interplay
between intra-personal processes and concrete streams of knowledge such as theory.
Holmes (2010) adds a further reflexive dimension in terms of the need to consider how
important it is to consider other people involved in any situation and how the prevailing
context and culture of the environment affect all parties involved.
It is likely that you have begun to visualize this list of topics and the temptation is to
ensure that one works one’s way through the list when attempting to engage in critical
reflection. This unfortunately may have the effect of turning what are otherwise expan-
sive and flexible models of reflection into an increasingly linear and checklist-type pro-
cess. In a sense, the development of a ‘list’ offers a rather prescriptive process to follow
from beginning to end. Turner and Stets (2005) build on the work of Hochschild (1983) by
proposing a dramaturgical approach to thinking about context, behaviour, and emotions.
The term ‘dramaturgical’ clearly has its basis within the sphere of drama. It allows one to
consider the way people behave and feel within a metaphorical arena that takes the idea
of ‘acting’ into the familiar context of theatre and stage. In a way, this allows one to pro-
vide a clear framework to take a step back and view the social construction of any given
context of practice. It links conceptually to the notion that emotions are experienced,
appraised, and expressed. Expression is the aspect that is particularly influenced by pre-
vailing norms and cultures, yet the private and internal spheres of emotional experience
Reflection and the exploration of emotions 53
are also at play. If we take this thinking as a starting point, we can begin to develop a fluid
model that casts a light on the way social workers present themselves in different con-
texts. The emphasis is on developing a reflective and analytical narrative about one’s
practice. As one engages in deeper reflection, so the clarity and complexity of dramatic
devices such as ‘plot’, ‘characters’, ‘motives’, and ‘setting’ emerge. Figure 3.2 highlights the
key aspects of this dramaturgical way of looking at social work practice and emotions.
Venue
Characters/
Audience
Actors
Editing
Roles
process
Dramaturgical
Language The script
Approach
Box 3.2 provides an illustration of this dramaturgical approach. If we link back to the
case study and put ourselves in Malcolm’s shoes, we can begin to see how he might be
able to stand back from the perceived messiness of his practice and explore and reflect
upon a range of pertinent features. Given the hypothetical nature of the case study and
limited information contained therein, I will use my ‘dramatic licence’ to add more depth
and detail to the case. The focus is on Malcolm as a social work practitioner and how he
can reflect upon his emotional responses to practice within the context of wider influ-
ences and other perspectives.
Plot: Malcolm has recently experienced the loss of his mother and has
an ongoing dispute with his sister (Joyce) about the level of support
his mother received in the final months of her life. Joyce argued for
their mother to be moved into residential care, whilst Malcolm felt
strongly that his mother’s wishes to remain in her home should be hon-
oured. This unresolved personal issue provides the backdrop to his
assessment of Arthur and is coupled with a lack of available supervision
to support Malcolm to examine his judgements. Arthur has stated (with
the support of his daughter) that he would like to remain in his home if
at all possible.
The venue(s) 1. The contact between Malcolm and Arthur takes place within Arthur’s
home. Malcolm is able to adopt an empathetic approach to his practice
and is keen to encourage Arthur to be confident in expressing his views.
Malcolm also seeks to identify areas of strength and resilience in
Arthur.
2. Malcolm is required to feed back to a weekly resource allocation
meeting, which looks at assessments across a range of cases and
makes recommendations about which services are available for alloca-
tion. Malcolm must adjust his presentation in this forum, as he has to
argue for allocation of scarce resources.
3. Malcolm also discusses this case in supervision. Due to the changes
in his team, supervision has taken on a rushed and case-orientated
tone. This means that Malcolm struggles to engage in reflection and is
less certain about exploring the emotional content of his practice.
The actors Leading roles: Malcolm, Arthur, Arthur’s daughter, Malcolm’s sister Joyce,
Malcolm’s supervisor, and members of the allocation panel.
Supporting cast: Malcolm’s team and agency, Malcolm’s caseload,
Arthur’s social network, and the local authority.
The language Malcolm has to adopt a range of approaches to language according to
context. For example, he is keen to avoid jargon and tries to speak in a
warm and friendly manner to Arthur to help establish their relationship.
He needs to articulate the reasons for his actions and recommenda-
tions to his supervisor. He also will need to present his assessment in
a manner that is evidence-based and persuasive to the resource alloca-
tion meeting. He also has a supportive colleague at the next table with
whom he often discusses how he feels about different cases.
The roles Malcolm is a social worker for a community-based team for older peo-
ple. He works with Arthur who has voluntarily sought assessment and
support due to difficulties he is experiencing at home.
Malcolm receives supervision from his line manager who has a
responsibility to oversee his caseload and support him as a member of
staff. This has been inconsistent recently.
Malcolm also brings his ‘self’ into his practice, which is shaped by a
range of factors including his own personal experiences and relationships.
Most pertinent to this case is the difficult relationship he has with his
sister Joyce.
Reflection and the exploration of emotions 55
The audience For Malcolm, all the parties noted above form a part of the
audience. Unlike the theatre, he ‘performs’ to these audiences
separately and together at different times.
The editing process Malcolm will adjust and edit his communication and recording
in different ways. He will report to his supervisor what he feels
to be the relevant points about the case. He will write a report
that explains his view of the case and his recommendations to
the resource allocation panel. He will also feed back to Arthur
and his family his views of the situation at a range of points.
Box 3.2 presents the key elements of this particular case in a manner which Malcolm
would readily be able to produce if given the permission and space to do so. This then
serves as the starting point and map to proceed with reflecting on all aspects of the case
and in particular the emotional and cultural drivers at play. The purpose of this approach
is to locate the practice and the role of emotions within a clearer context. In isolation, it
is difficult to ascertain why and where Malcolm’s practice is influenced by different fac-
tors, or how he may choose to present his practice to others. Using this model, however,
it is possible to see that his positive attunement to Arthur is a useful aid when engaging
with him and establishing a relationship. The presence of influential frameworks such as
the PCF (College of Social Work, 2012) provides an encouraging message about estab-
lishing open and positive relationships with service users to seek their views and is con-
gruent with Malcolm’s relationship with Arthur. This has direct links to the inter-personal
aspects of emotions within the conceptual framework in Chapter 1, and the purposeful
edge that emotions can have on our behaviour and the impact we wish to have on others.
It is useful to consider, however, that the motivation to engage with Arthur (possibly
rooted in his values and personal experiences) may have a direct impact (possibly at the
expense of other people in his caseload) on his motivation to achieve positive results.
The relationship he is developing with Arthur may also be causing Malcolm a degree
of anxiety, as he may be conscious that it mirrors that of his relationship with his mother.
By laying out his practice in this dramaturgical manner, he can begin to see the intercon-
nectedness of his personal and professional spheres. This may prompt Malcolm to con-
sider the extent to which he is responding to the emotions generated by his relationship
with his sister (hurt and frustration) within his practice. Is his motivation to achieve
positive outcomes for Arthur or to achieve a sense of justification for his actions with
regard to his mother? By unpeeling these layers, he may then begin to evaluate the extent
to which he is genuinely ‘hearing’ Arthur’s views. If emotions go unchecked, there is the
potential for Malcolm to filter the information he receives to fit preconceived judgements
and persuasions. This may then lead to a clearer sense of the sources of his actions in
practice but also allow for links to his strongly held values around respect and
advocacy.
A key strength of this dramaturgical approach is the emphasis on thinking about the
different contexts and roles we inhabit within practice. This is crucial, as it reminds us
that the emotional content of our practice is understood and presented in different ways
depending on the context. Hypothetically, Malcolm may have met with Arthur on a twice-
weekly basis and identified him as someone who would benefit greatly from home-based
support and care. Malcolm would be required to articulate how he practised and how
56 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
such recommendations and judgements were reached. He will have drawn on a range of
what Ingram et al. (2014) would term ‘hard’ sources of knowledge within his practice that
may have included theories of loss, social exclusion, and human development. As noted
above, opportunities to reflect both formally and informally would allow Malcolm to
examine his previous personal experiences and consider their impact on his appraisal
and actions within the case. However, the presentation of his emotional reactions to
Arthur’s case may be very different within supervision, where it would need to be located in
relation to his wider caseload and he may feel that the cultural cues in supervision require
him to present an emotionally detached account of his practice. It is at this stage that
Malcolm may need to seek a technical-rational interpretation of his practice at the
expense of the emotional content and quality of his relationship. This would be even
more the case when writing about Arthur in a report. This would require what Hochschild
(1983) would term ‘deep acting’ in response to messages about what constitutes robust
professional decision-making, but also ‘surface acting’ in that the omission of emotions
from the report could be construed as an attempt to make people think you feel one thing
when you actually feel another.
The focus of his supervision and the content of his reports might be linked to the
aforementioned managerialist approaches to practice, which seek clear recordable and
concrete processes and outcomes. This context pushes the drama and the ‘plot’ into
places where it wouldn’t otherwise have gone had Malcolm been given more consistent
opportunities to explore and record the emotional impact of this case. It might be that the
lack of consistent formal support will lead to a suppression of the emotional responses
he is experiencing within his practice. To push this metaphorical model further, it is clear
that the highly valued informal contact with his colleague constitutes a ‘sub-plot’, which
helps to manage the disjuncture experienced by Malcolm when juggling competing pres-
sures on the way he should act. This may be due to a less rational-technical culture to
such discussions with peers. There is a dramaturgical edge to Goffman’s (1983) ‘model of
interaction’, and he helpfully suggests that the ‘venues’ that I propose are crucial in terms
of categorization. Goffman suggests that we place environments into categories such as
formal, informal, private, and fun in order to direct the way we present ourselves. Cru-
cially, he emphasizes that such a view of interaction is cyclical, fluid, and bi-directional.
In this sense, everyone involved in the case above (or indeed any social work case) are
all actors responding to the rules, norms, and cultures of their own environment. This
would suggest that Goffman’s model is multi-directional in this case. In my view, this
leads us back to an emphasis on the blurred human elements of social work practice and
the implausibility of being able to reduce it to a technical-rational activity. This again is
rooted in the conceptual framework proposed in Chapter 1, in that emotions are a core
aspect of the ways in which we understand and act in response to events and stimuli. The
danger of not recognizing this is that Malcolm may be forced to provide the equivalent of
the fixed smile of a flight attendant (see Hochschild, 1983) rather than engaging in mean-
ingful critical reflection to examine and explore the sources of and drivers behind his
professional judgements. Put simply, adopting such a dramaturgical approach allows
cognizance of the different ways in which we not only experience emotions but present
and articulate them in relation to other people and environments. It is important to note
that regardless of the environment in which Malcolm operates, the emotional labour
involved in social work practice (and all aspects of his life) will continue: it is the presen-
tation and articulation of these emotions that change.
The use of such a dramaturgical approach is in my view applicable to all the contexts
of social work practice. Of course there will be differences in the cast members and asso-
ciated plots, but the central focus on the social construction of emotions and how they
Reflection and the exploration of emotions 57
are used and communicated will remain. Rosenberg (1990) notes the importance of
reflexivity in terms of one’s emotional responses to aid the development of self-knowledge
and consequently inform one’s actions. I would suggest that the dramaturgical approach
illustrated above is useful as a tool to examine practice situations and encourage reflec-
tion in addition to its use as a way of unpicking the phenomenon of professional
presentation.
In this chapter, I have made a case for the importance of reflection within social prac-
tice. Links have been established between emotions and reflection, although given the
centrality of emotions to human experience, this is not a difficult connection to make.
I have touched on the myriad of approaches and models and despite the differences
between them, they ultimately act as a prompt and a framework to engage in thinking
and analysis. The quality of the fruits of this reflective labour will be dependent on the
individuals involved and the environment and culture within which they are located.
These themes are threaded throughout the book.
• Reflective practice is the process in which social workers are given the opportunity to
examine and consider the origins, meaning, and impact of their practice, which in turn
informs subsequent actions.
• There is a plethora of models and methods to guide and support reflection. There are
many synergies and overlaps between these; however, reflection requires purpose,
direction, depth, and support to achieve meaningful outcomes.
• Reflection and reflexivity require time, space, and permission to explore the complex
and uncertain aspects of practice. This requires an individual, organizational, and pro-
fessional willingness to engage in the learning process without imposing any ‘right’
answers.
• Emotional intelligence and reflection have many overlaps conceptually and these
links allow social workers to identify benefits for their practice, such as resilience,
empathy, stress management, professional confidence, and self-efficacy.
• A dramaturgical approach to thinking about practice provides a framework to iden-
tify the key constituents of any given practice situation, and allows for a reflective
analysis of how these factors interact and the role of emotions within this.
Further reading
Bassot, B. (2013) The Reflective Journal. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
This very accessible book provides the reader with a plethora of tips and examples for engaging with
reflective activities.
Yip, K. (2006) Self-reflection in reflective practice: a note of caution, British Journal of Social Work, 36 (5):
777–88.
This article identifies the strengths of reflective practice while placing it within a realistic context. Signposts
to positive individual and organizational practice are provided.
Part 2
Applying and understanding
emotions in social work practice
Part 2 of the book focuses on the practical application and examination of emotions in
social work practice. The inter- and intra-personal aspects of developing effective rela-
tionships with services users are identified and the role that emotions and emotional
intelligence can have within this process is highlighted. The role that emotions play
within relationships is clear; however, the presence of emotions within the written articu-
lation of practice is more contested and opaque. This is examined thoroughly and readers
are encouraged to consider the ways in which the emotional content of their practice
may be edited or ignored in writing, which in turn can compromise subsequent
decision-making.
It is recognized that social workers require and seek support in a myriad of ways. The
emotional content of practice should have a place within reflective and discursive forums
such as supervision if the full depth and richness of practice are to be explored. Readers
are encouraged to consider their own experiences, and the use of case studies throughout
the book offers some examples and scaffolding to help facilitate this. The discussion is
broadened out to consider wider factors such as organizational culture, managerialism,
and professional narratives and how these impact on the place of emotions in social
work. The final chapter pulls the key themes of the book together and proposes a model
of a twenty-first-century social work professional that incorporates the explicit and
essential contribution of emotions.
Engaging and communicating
4 with service users and carers
Chapter objectives
This chapter will:
• Explore the concept of relationship-based practice and consider the importance
of emotions within it.
• Establish links between the messages from service user-informed literature and
the qualities and skills required of social workers.
• Highlight that empathy is a key facet of the social work ‘toolkit’ and assert the
centrality of emotional intelligence and awareness.
• Identify the role that emotions can play in forming and guiding the use of skills
when establishing relationships in social work practice.
The first part of this book established a conceptual framework for emotions before high-
lighting how emotions can inform, guide, and contribute to social work practice across a
range of contexts. It was also noted that once we explicitly incorporate emotions within
our practice, we benefit greatly from the opportunity to reflect upon the sources and
meanings of our emotions. This is in part about increasing self-knowledge and benefiting
from the therapeutic aspects of gaining an insight into our experiences, but also taking
this a step further and allowing the fruits of reflection to inform and direct our actions
and decisions. Through such a process, the links between our emotional worlds and our
relationships with others become purposeful and manageable.
In Chapter 2, relationship-based practice was shown to be key in highlighting the impor-
tance of emotions, and in many ways this chapter is the one where the place and
importance of emotions can most intuitively be located. If we think for a moment about
any of the significant relationships in our lives, it is likely that we will characterize and
describe them in a way that links to our emotional responses. For example, if I think of
close family members, a simple game of word association will produce a list that includes
love, happiness, pride, fear, safety, and belonging. These emotional responses to close
family are then linked to a series of behaviours that may include: motivation to be in
regular contact; an urge to protect them from harm; a willingness to forgive; and a ten-
dency to prioritize their needs over those of others. This rather simple example is useful
62 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
in that it makes clear the links between emotions and the impact this has on the content,
intensity, and quality of the associated relationships. This is not unique to friendship and
kinship but also permeates relationships in all aspects of our lives (Barrett, 2012). Thus
we can see the foundations of this chapter and the foundations of relationship-based
practice emerging. It is this essential human connection between people that is informed,
inspired, and appraised through our emotional responses. As noted in Chapter 1, these
responses are rooted in previous experiences (both conscious and unconscious) and the
prevailing culture/context, and the significance and meaning we attach to these will be
inextricably connected to our emotional responses.
It is very common for people who aspire to become social workers to highlight their
desire to ‘help people’ and ‘to make a difference in people’s lives’. These are so familiar
that they may appear a little routine and trite, but that is to ignore the underlying emo-
tional drivers that are at play. These altruistic statements are underpinned by our
emotional responses and appraisal of the lives and experiences of others. These emotional
responses are then filtered through a process that draws on cultural norms, personal
values, and prior experiences to inspire and motivate actions. This leads social workers
to commit to establishing meaningful and purposeful relationships with individuals in
order to work in partnership to support them to manage and address difficulties and
challenges.
This chapter emphasizes the role that emotions have in providing us with signals and
signposts as we develop relationships in practice, however brief or sustained they may
be. It is important to note that as soon as we move our discussion into an inter-personal
sphere, a two-way process is involved where both (or indeed more) parties will be
involved in appraising, using, and communicating emotions in order to build the blocks
(or not) of a positive relationship (Ingram, 2013d).
Case study
Molly is a social work student on her final practice learning opportunity. She has been
placed in a residential home for older people. The residents have a range of care
needs and a key aspect of Molly’s role is to establish relationships with residents and
to seek their views to inform their care plans.
Molly was initially disappointed with this practice learning opportunity, as she
felt that it was not ‘real’ social work and it wouldn’t be challenging enough. How-
ever, within a few days of starting, Molly has become aware of the complexities of
establishing relationships with older people with such varying needs, and has also
become motivated by the challenge that it is presenting to her. Her practice educator
gives her very positive feedback for her first reflective diary entry, which noted her
complex emotional response (sadness, respect, confusion, empathy) to establishing
a relationship with a resident called Helen who has very limited mobility and a deteri-
orating visual impairment. What has affected Molly most is the powerful and mov-
ing images of Helen and her family contained in the photographs around her room,
and Molly’s initial feeling of the distance between these images and Helen’s present
state.
Molly is encouraged to reflect upon the sources of her emotions and also the
potential use these may have in supporting the development of her relationship with
Helen.
Engaging and communicating with service users and carers 63
Learning activity
• Think about a significant relationship that you have developed within a practice
context. On a piece of A4 paper draw a line, with one end representing just prior
to your first meeting and the other end being today (if the relationship is ongo-
ing) or at the point you deem the relationship concluded. At different points
along the line, list the emotions that you associated with the person and your
relationship with them at that stage. It is important that you are honest at this
point in the task and don’t over-think it or tailor responses to what you think you
should have been feeling. For example, you might have felt a degree of fear and
anxiety prior to your first meeting due to information contained in previous case
records. The task at this stage is simply to list the evolving emotions as your
relationship progresses.
• On a separate piece of A4, replicate the timeline but this time note how you feel
these emotions impacted on your ability and approach to establishing/maintain-
ing the relationship. For example, it may be that you chose to meet the service
user with a co-worker in the first instance and went armed with a set list of
questions in order to maintain a sense of control and confidence.
• The key purpose of this exercise is to encourage you to establish links between
your emotions and your actions. This will help you to identify the positive and
negative impact that these emotions may have had on your relationship-building,
as well as highlight just how central they are to the focus and quality of your
practice.
qualities of a social work relationship mirror the key features of emotional intelligence
discussed in Chapter 1 and underpin the links made by Ingram (2013d) to locate emo-
tional intelligence within the skills and qualities required of positive relationship-building
in social work. What is most important from the work of Biesteck is a resounding sense
that relationships are important but also require specific and highly developed skills to
underpin them (England, 1986). This links with the professional purpose of relationships
rather than simply viewing them as indistinct from other types of relationships we may
embark upon. Lishman (2009) highlights a range of qualities that underpin positive
relationship-building in social work practice (Figure 4.1).
Encouragement
and approval
Acceptance Empathy
Warmth Responsiveness
Social Work
Genuineness Sensitivity
Relationships
These qualities map usefully with our conceptual framework of emotions. For exam-
ple, the notion of ‘warmth’ requires a social worker to be able to manage their emotional
expression in order to convey a sense of respect and engagement in their verbal and
non-verbal communication. This requires emotional regulation and awareness to achieve
this in the fluid and unpredictable arena of relationships (Howe, 2008). The importance
of being responsive and sensitive is not simply about hearing what a service user tells
us, but about really tuning into their emotional worlds and gaining a deep understanding
of how they perceive and experience their lives. Only by thinking about emotions and
their impact on our lives can we truly communicate sensitively.
It may be useful at this stage to make a link to the case study and consider how Molly
may manage her emotions during the initial stages of forming a relationship with Helen.
As noted in the case study, Molly felt a sense of disconnection between Helen as she is
presenting within the residential home and the images of a younger person in the photo-
graphs in the room. If Molly recognizes this reaction, it may help her to consider the
multiple losses experienced by many older people (Currer, 2007) and tune into a more
holistic understanding of who Helen is in terms of identity and history. If Molly then
Engaging and communicating with service users and carers 65
deepens her reflection on these feelings, she may be able to see Helen also for who she is
today with all her strengths, aspirations, and opportunities, rather than simply being
‘stuck’ with the emotional reaction of disconnection. Having engaged in this emotional
thinking, Molly will be able to gain the confidence and motivation required to seek the
views of Helen and begin to establish genuine understanding and empathy (rather than
the sympathy that was evident in the initial emotional response). From this brief exam-
ple, we can begin to see how emotions may open up our thinking about the relationships
we form in practice and identify bodies of knowledge (loss theory and human develop-
ment spring to mind here) to add meaning to our responses. In turn, this self-knowledge
and emotional attunement will help us to engage meaningfully in relationship-building
with service users (Hennessey, 2011; Ingram, 2013d).
• Use of self: understanding where one’s own emotional responses arise from and what
circumstances trigger them is a crucial first step towards emotionally intelligent prac-
tice. Ward (2010) suggests ‘self’ refers to our beliefs, values, and emotions and how
they interact with our environment.
• Attunement to service users: being able and motivated to tune into the emotional
worlds of service users. This is not a passive act, but one that requires communicat-
ing empathy within the relationship.
• Sustaining oneself and mindfulness: effective relationship-based practice needs a
significant degree of motivation and focus. This requires social workers to be able to
manage their own emotions effectively and to be offered opportunities for reflection
(i.e. supervision).
This list is useful, as it locates the conceptual framework proposed in Chapter 1 at the
heart of relationship practice. For example, it emphasizes that emotional management
and attunement are not simply ‘natural’ skills possessed by all social workers. It is not
uncommon for social work students and social workers to view themselves as ‘good with
people’; this might be the ease with which one forms relationships and gains trust. What
66 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
possibly underpins such qualities is an ability to manage one’s emotions in order to facil-
itate focus and attunement to others. Given the components suggested by Hennessey
(2011), it could be argued that in the context of social work, these skills need to be height-
ened in order to develop relationships in complex contexts while maintaining a profes-
sional role and purpose.
This slightly cautionary tone is intended to serve as a reminder of the complex issues
that are often at play when a social worker and service user meet. By definition, there is
(or should be) a clear issue or difficulty that requires the involvement of a social worker.
This can lead to a myriad of potential relationship dynamics such as anger, distrust, fear,
collusion, reliance, resistance, and compulsion. This reminds us that relationships and
their associated emotional content operate within particular contexts and cultures. As
discussed in Chapter 1, these differing contexts will affect the way we perceive and
express our emotions (Turner and Stets, 2005). If we consider Molly’s work with Helen, it
is important to consider that Helen might potentially feel vulnerable within the environ-
ment that is the residential home. Perhaps Helen is unable to leave her bed without sup-
port and is reliant on significant levels of personal care. This may lead to a sense of loss
of choice and control, which may feed into how she responds to Molly (regardless of
Molly’s intentions). This will require what Zirkel (2000) calls social intelligence to unpick
how one’s environment impacts on how one feels and relates to others.
Ingram et al. (2014) suggest that this contextual awareness is very helpful when estab-
lishing meaningful relationships in social work practice. Murphy et al. (2013) highlight
these wider contextual issues as not just challenging but a fundamental block to achiev-
ing ‘real’ relationship-based practice. They argue that the Rogerian person-centred foun-
dations of relationship-based practice are increasingly incongruent with the realities of
statutory powers and bureaucratic priorities in social work. Murphy et al. suggest that if
relationship-based practice is characterized by empathy, positive self-regard, and genu-
ineness, there is a resulting tension with the presence of anticipated and desired goals
associated with professional intervention. That is, the ability to be ‘genuine’ in one’s rela-
tionships is compromised by having a specific professional purpose that drives the
relationship. In a sense, the professional purpose is the reason for establishing the rela-
tionship rather than a genuine and unconditional desire to engage with another person.
Murphy et al. (2013) go on to suggest that the ability to tune into and identify previously
unknown feelings and perspectives within the service user may reflect a professional
sleight of hand in that the trusting relationship is established with that purpose in mind.
If we consider Molly, it could be argued through this lens that she is establishing a rela-
tionship with Helen with the purpose of assessment solely in mind. To an extent this is
true, and it is a given of any positive social work relationship that there is a clarity of role
and purpose from the outset (Trevithick, 2003). Additionally, Ingram et al. (2014) would
argue that the keen awareness of the pressures and balances between relationships and
statutory/professional requirements are present, but once identified can be managed and
incorporated positively into one’s practice. Indeed, Beckett and Maynard (2013) suggest
that this professional role is (and must be) about going beyond simply being ourselves
and is underpinned by professional values, theories, and codes.
A significant element of this book is concerned with developing arguments and justifica-
tions for the emotional content of practice to be included in social work discourse and
practice. Chapter 8 presents a model that pulls together the key themes that underpin the
Engaging and communicating with service users and carers 67
importance of emotions in social work, and also provides a basis for the practical
enhancement of this topic moving forward. The preceding section of this chapter concluded
with a theoretical and conceptual debate about the efficacy and validity of relationship-
based practice. Perhaps the most persuasive and cogent perspective to elicit is that of the
individuals who use, access, and experience the services that the social work profession
provides. Indeed, the term service user is not without its complexities. Any collective
label (however well meaning) can run the risk of reducing the identity of an individual to
one who simply uses/consumes/commissions services at the expense of taking a holistic
view of them. McLaughlin’s (2009) thorough examination of the historical evolution of
the terms used to describe people who are in receipt of social work services is highly
recommended. For the purposes of the present discussion, however, the crucial message
is that these debates are inspired by the importance we place on the relationship between
worker and service user, and the key themes of respect, genuineness, and partnership
that should permeate them.
Writing from the perspective of a service user contributing to social work qualifying
programmes, Dow (2008) emphasizes the importance of his experiences and those of
other service users within the content, delivery, and methods of social work education.
Dow (2008) and Gee and McPhail (2008) both propose the following conditions as being
crucial for the meaningful inclusion of service users’ views in social work programmes:
no tokenism; genuine shared power; consider the experiences of service users to be at
the heart of practice; include service users’ voices in decision-making; and clarity of
language and communication.
Such service-user involvement in education is increasingly widespread, though
requires constant nurturing and enhancement to avoid the routinized and tokenistic
tendencies that Dow warns of. The conditions noted above map coherently onto the
conditions required of effective relationships in practice. A key aspect of the literature
relating to service-user perspectives contains a clear message that people want to be
heard and understood (Harding and Beresford, 1995; McNeil et al., 2005). This leads us
to the quality of the relationships that we develop in social work practice. Put simply,
it is through the acknowledgement and exploration of the emotional content of an indi-
vidual’s perspectives that service users can be confident that their uniqueness will be
recognized. The alternative approach would be to approach social work relationships
in a bureaucratic fashion with the metaphorical checklist and clipboard in hand. If
social workers reduce relationships to a functional and procedural process of informa-
tion-gathering, then, as a consequence, any skills utilized to establish the relationship
are simply instrumental.
What is perhaps most striking in the literature reflecting the views of service users
over time is that the themes are largely consistent across decades regardless of shifts in
paradigms and practices. The following list is drawn from a range of sources (Mayer and
Timms, 1970; Harding and Beresford, 1995; McNeil et al., 2005; Ingram, 2013d) and pro-
vides an overview of the key and recurrent themes relating to what service users want
from social workers who establish a relationship with them:
One can see the overlaps with the conditions of a positive relationship proposed by
Lishman, highlighted earlier in the chapter (see Figure 4.1). What is crucial is that service
users recognize and want social workers to recognize the complexity of their lives and
that the route to doing so is via a genuine attempt to build trust and communicate empa-
thy in their relationship.
Howe (2008: 1) suggests that ‘emotions define the social work relationship’. The role
of emotions is a two-way process in that social workers need to engage with the emo-
tional context of the service user while also recognizing the impact this may have on
themselves and in turn their practice. This links with the notion of sentimental work
proposed by Zapf (2002), which notes the two-way nature of emotional expression and
how this can create a dynamic that promotes engagement.
This has recently been echoed and highlighted in the Munro Review of Child Protec-
tion. Munro (2011) noted that the relationship between worker and service user is an
essential element of ‘how’ information is gathered, and that to do this effectively the
social worker must be able to identify their own emotional responses to the situation and
be able to focus the service user’s attention on the emotional aspects of their situation.
The suggestion is that these elements of practice exist and should be acknowledged and
harnessed in conjunction with the focus on procedures and evidence-based practice. This
directly builds on the work of Morrison (2007), who highlighted the apparent marginal-
ization of the social work relationship in the face of proceduralist developments and the
role that emotional intelligence potentially could have in reclaiming the core skills and
processes within the service user–social worker relationship. If we view the importance
of the Munro Review (2011) in terms of its significant contribution to national narratives
about the direction of social work practice, then it can also be seen in the context of the
work on emotional expression by Hochschild (1983) introduced in Chapter 1. It could be
argued that social workers are being provided with professional messages about the
place of emotions within their practice, and in turn this may contribute to the ways in
which emotions are expressed and presented within the practice of social workers. That
is, emotions, relationships, and service-users’ perspectives are inextricably linked and
this is increasingly apparent within key narratives about the social work profession.
Learning activity
• Think of a time when you, as a service user, had a negative interaction with a
professional. This could have been with a social worker, teacher, doctor, lawyer,
police officer, and so on.
• What was it about the encounter that made it a negative experience?
• Consider the verbal and non-verbal elements of the interaction and how these
contributed to your view.
• What were the qualities that were missing in this interaction, and how dependent
were you on the approach adopted by the professional?
Empathy is a familiar term within social work parlance and is referred to many times
throughout this book. It is a term that is readily associated with positive helping relation-
ships; Ingram (2013a) found that almost all the social workers in his study reported
Engaging and communicating with service users and carers 69
empathy to be a key aspect of their practice. It is a key part of a social worker’s toolkit
and is a desired quality within social work relationships (Lishman, 2009; Hennessey,
2011). The preceding sentence touches on an important aspect of empathy, in that it is
both a skill and a quality that are brought to bear upon and contained within a relation-
ship. Hennessey (2011) notes that the concept is difficult to define, as it can be seen both
as a state of mind and individually perceived and experienced. Put simply, it is hard to
put into words.
Rogers (1980) suggested that empathy involves an individual tuning into the emo-
tional world of another and being able to communicate this to them. This requires a rela-
tionship that moves beyond something that is driven by process but allows space for the
conscious and unconscious aspects of an individual’s worlds to emerge. Howe (2013)
draws parallels with counselling relationships, and the associated need to form trusting
and safe relationships to foster the conditions required for empathy. If we consider the
messages from service users proposed in the previous section, we can see that it is this
type of relationship that is desired by service users with the social workers involved in
their lives. Goleman (1985) draws useful parallels between empathy and what we know
about positive relationships from attachment theory. Goleman notes that the active iden-
tification and response to the feelings of others are the building blocks of secure relation-
ships and in turn can be linked to the foundations of helping relationships.
Hennessey (2011) provides a very helpful set of distinctions between apathy, sympa-
thy, and empathy to shed more light on what we mean by empathy. The starting point is
to recognize that the word ‘pathy’ means ‘feeling’. The following points highlight the key
distinctions proposed by Hennessey and relate them to the case study:
• Apathy: this refers to an absence of feeling. If Molly were to approaches her relation-
ship with Helen in this manner, she would simply disregard and ignore the presence
and relevance of Helen’s feelings. Indeed, it would be unlikely that an apathetic
approach to practice would inspire thinking about emotions associated with the
images contained within the photographs in the room. Our knowledge of relationship-
building would indicate that this would form a narrow and negative relationship
between Molly and Helen.
• Sympathy: the addition of the prefix ‘sym’ introduces the notion that feelings are
shared within a relationship and one where there is a relatively unfiltered absorption
of the emotions of others. In the case of Molly and Helen, this may manifest itself in
Molly feeling very sad about Helen’s current circumstances and internalizing the feel-
ings of loss felt by Helen. This does reflect a degree of connection, but it does not
allow for exploration of these emotions or a professional distance.
• Empathy: this shares the identification of feelings with sympathy, but involves the
social worker maintaining a significant degree of self-awareness, so that that deep
connection with the service user’s feelings is coupled with a clear sense of profes-
sional purpose. In our case study, Molly would be able to explore and acknowledge
the complex issues of loss experienced by Helen while also placing these issues within
the wider context of Helen’s life in the residential home. The key strength here is that
this emotional connection has a purpose and can lead to a greater sense of under-
standing/acceptance for Helen and in turn potential ways forward can emerge.
The above suggests that empathy is only really achieved when it feeds back into the
relationship. There is little merit in identifying the emotional worlds of others and keep-
ing it to oneself. It only becomes useful if an empathetic approach is adopted where the
social worker makes an effort to communicate and share this level of understanding
70 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
(Egan, 2010). This involves key social work communication skills such as summarizing,
reflecting, and paraphrasing in order for emotions to be named, articulated, and explored.
Only through such dialogue can a shared understanding emerge (rather than the intuition
of the social worker). This resonates with what Howe (1993: 13) describes as the ‘thera-
peutic sequence’ within a psychotherapeutic counselling relationship. This views the
wants of service users in relationship with professionals as a process of: ‘accept me,
understand me, and talk with me’. A central tenet of this approach is the need for the
social worker to tune into the narrative of the service user and for this to be underpinned
by skills of engagement and the ability to articulate and communicate an understanding
and acceptance of the service user’s situation.
This is by no means an easy task for social workers, and the pursuit of pure empathy
is perhaps an aspiration to strive towards rather than a destination to be reached. As we
noted in Chapter 1 and 2, all relationships and associated emotions exist within wider
contexts that impact on the way we perceive, articulate, and communicate emotions. If
we think about Molly and Helen again, it is likely that Molly’s wider caseload will impact
upon the time she can allocate to her interactions with Helen. The environment of the
residential home may create barriers to relationship-building due to lack of privacy or
the power imbalance felt by Helen in terms of the choice she has to engage or not with
Molly. Additionally, the degree of empathy within the relationship will be influenced by
the quality of the skills deployed by Molly (and indeed Helen) and how this facilitates or
impedes a sense of trust and openness. Figure 4.2 illustrates some of the key influences
on empathic relationships.
Immediate
environment
Ability to
Resources of
articulate and
the worker
communicate
(i.e. time)
feelings
Empathy
Issues of Quality of
power skills
Impact of role
and purpose
Figure 4.2 Influences on the quality of empathy within social work relationships
Engaging and communicating with service users and carers 71
The links between empathy and emotional intelligence are self-evident. Salovey and
Mayer (1989–90) identify empathy as a key part of their construct of emotional intelli-
gence and link these explicitly to self-awareness and quality of relationships. These links
can be made in many areas of social work. For example, the principles of motivational
interviewing as an approach to empower service users to address negative behaviours
place great emphasis on the need to establish a non-judgemental empathy with service
users. This is helpful because it moves relationships away from a disapproving or directive
style where the worker and service user occupy polarized positions. Having established
a degree of empathy, the service user is encouraged to consider how their behaviour
may be impacting on their lives. A key aspect of the approach is that the worker can
then encourage the service user to gain an understanding of what would happen if no
change were forthcoming. This in turn leads to a sense of self-knowledge and autonomy
for the service user when considering the desirability of change.
The discussion of emotions and social work can sometimes be seen to be a step removed
from direct practice. Indeed, this book stresses the need for reflection to unpick the role
of emotions. However, the conceptual framework proposed in Chapter 1 underlines how
emotions provide us with an almost instantaneous set of signals and signposts to make
sense of circumstances and situations that arise in our lives and practice. This highlights
the need to remember that emotions have a use and impact in ‘real time’, and any discus-
sion of the skills that one might utilize in practice must be placed alongside the emotions
that will influence and direct them (Ingram, 2013d). For example, given the preceding
exploration of empathy, it is clear that the communication of empathy will be rooted and
expressed through verbal and non-verbal communication. Howe (2013: 124) puts this well
when he states: ‘Empathy therefore represents a way of being with a client. Every nuance
of the other’s body language, tone of voice and spoken word is observed and therefore
felt. The experience is visceral.’ This visceral quality is key here, as it underlines the
inter-personal aspects of emotions and their communication rather than falling back on
the narrow view of emotions being simply internally experienced.
There is a body of useful literature focusing on the skills required for effective
social work practice (see Thompson, 2002; Koprowska, 2005; Lishman, 2009; Egan, 2010;
Woodcock-Ross, 2011). I do not have the space here to address the vast toolkit of skills
that social workers draw upon, but it would be useful to pull out what I see as recurrent
key themes across the literature and consider their interaction with emotions. I will take
these key themes in turn and suggest associated learning tasks to help you contextualize
the learning. I will then make links to the case study to further bring the topic to life and
consider its application to practice.
Verbal communication
This is the process whereby we communicate through speech. Trevithick (2005) high-
lights that this is a more complex activity than one might at first believe and notes that
one must be conscious of the tone, pitch, speed, and volume of speech. This is relevant
when considering the role of emotions and the impact on these elements. For example, it
is not uncommon for anxiety to impact on the speed of our vocal delivery. This may
have the effect of making us more difficult to understand, and may also communicate the
underlying anxiety to whom we are interacting with. This suggests that despite the
72 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
content and language used within any given scenario, there are also emotional nuances
that can impact on the meaning that is conveyed. Another example would be the empha-
sis on controlling volume and tone within de-escalation techniques for the control of
anger (Taylor, 2011). This requires emotional intelligence to acknowledge feelings as
they arise, but also underlines the direct links between emotions, skills, and actions.
Learning activity
What feedback have you received from friends, family, service users or colleagues
that may have helped you identify the links between your emotions and your verbal
communication? If you can’t readily think of an example, perhaps you should seek
such feedback (i.e. how do people know if you are nervous or under pressure?).
Non-verbal communication
This refers to the ways in which we communicate that do not involve speech. These are
often located alongside our verbal communication and interact with it. This interaction
may be congruent or contradictory and the role that emotion has within this is central.
Examples of non-verbal communication include facial expressions, eye contact, posture,
orientation, proximity, and touch (Lishman, 2009). For example, eye contact is a useful
way to communicate that one is listening and attending within an interaction. If managed
appropriately, it can underline the messages that are being conveyed verbally. However,
there is a link between loss of eye contact and nervousness (and even lying). Loss of
eye contact is thus likely to transmit these emotions within the interaction and may
undermine what one believes to be the explicit verbal message. Another example is the
importance of facial expressions and how these interact with the content of our verbal
communication. We have already noted the importance placed on warmth by service
users, and this may involve smiling to convey this. If social workers don’t consider how
their emotions can affect their facial expressions, this could have a negative effect on
their communication. It is not uncommon for others to enquire if ‘something is wrong’
when we have not been aware that our emotions are writ large across our face despite
our certainty that we have not verbalized them. This underlines the importance of recog-
nizing and developing observational skills to help us to identify the emotional undercur-
rents within our communication with others.
Learning activity
Take the opportunity to reflect upon your experiences of communicating when
highly anxious (i.e. public presentations, important meetings, etc.). Are you aware
of any non-verbal habits, tics or tendencies that arise in such circumstances? If
possible, it is useful to view video recordings of your performances. This does not
need to be in any formal setting and can easily be achieved with any number of
mobile devices. Many people dread such analysis and it can indeed be an uncom-
fortable experience. I suspect this is because it is such a revealing and powerful
process, and all the unexpected nuances you observe are simply what everyone
else is tuning into when they communicate with you.
Engaging and communicating with service users and carers 73
Symbolic communication
The previous two aspects of communication are directly associated with our interper-
sonal skills. Lishman (2009) and Trevithick (2011) highlight that there are less obvious
aspects of our approaches and environments that communicate messages about our
emotions and thoughts. Regardless of how well we manage the verbal and non-verbal
aspects, these may include punctuality, dress, resources, purpose, and the quality of the
physical environment. Ferguson (2010) highlights the impacts on our senses arising from
the daily environments in which we as social workers practise. The impact of harsh and
impoverished environments can have an accumulative effect on the thresholds that
social workers hold in terms of their sense of risk and their morale (Ferguson, 2010). This
then has a direct impact on the skills and actions we utilize in practice. If we consider the
issue of lateness and poor punctuality, it is clear that it can convey a message of disinter-
est, disorganization, disrespect, and incompetence, all before a social worker has even
engaged in the verbal/non-verbal elements of practice. This may be passive and not
directly linked to our emotional worlds, or it can be a symptom of the emotions that
underpin the rather negative list of messages mentioned above.
Learning activity
Consider the physical environment in which you work (or have worked). Jot down
your thoughts about the key features of this environment and consider what mes-
sages this may communicate to service users and staff. Do you have any control
of this environment? An example might be the quality of the décor of meeting
rooms and public spaces.
The ideas explored above provide a platform for identifying a connection between our
emotions and the way we engage with service users and others in practice. It lets us see
why our self-knowledge is not just about ‘why’ or ‘what’ our emotional reactions are but
that these will also permeate our communication and how we are perceived, received,
and understood within relationships. To ignore the centrality of emotions here would be
to detach ourselves from our own practice: something undesirable and unachievable. If
we return to the case study, we can place ourselves in the role of a neutral ‘fly on the wall’
observer and think about how Molly’s emotions may interact with her communication. As
noted in the case study, Molly has been managing a range of complex emotions, includ-
ing sadness, identification, and respect. Molly would be keen to focus on her fine commu-
nication skills owing to Helen’s deteriorating health. For example, Molly might wish to
pay particular attention to the qualities (e.g. tone and speed) of her verbal communica-
tion to ensure clarity and understanding, but she should also consider how her significant
emotional reaction to Helen may affect this. Helen will not simply be tuning into ‘what’
Molly has to say but how she says it. If Molly’s verbal delivery betrays a sense of pity or
sadness, this may undermine her ability to engage in a positive and strengths-based man-
ner with Helen. Additionally, Molly might wish to consider her choices in terms of
non-verbal communication due to issues relating to Helen’s visual impairment. Proximity
could be beneficial to enhance Helen’s ability to tune into Molly’s facial expressions but
there is a possibility that Molly’s discomfort in the environment of the residential home
may move her to subconsciously seek barriers such as tables or beds to manage her
74 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
feelings. The environment of residential settings is a source of much debate, and issues
relating to smell, décor, and quality resources (i.e. food, activities, etc.) will all communi-
cate a sense of the degree of respect and value placed on residents. This will provide a
further stream of information within any interaction between Molly and Helen.
Further reading
Howe, D. (2013) Empathy: What it is and why it matters. London: Palgrave Macmillan.
This is a wide-ranging look at the concept of empathy. It draws from many sources, including psychology,
neuroscience, moral philosophy, and counselling skills.
Woodcock-Ross, J. (2011) Specialist Communication Skills for Social Workers. London: Palgrave Macmillan.
This accessible and thorough book covers the key aspects of communication in an applied and
practical way.
Emotions and written
5 recordings in social work
Chapter objectives
This chapter will:
• Highlight the importance and permanence of writing and the role, status, and
purpose of writing in social work.
• Review a broad range of types of writing in social work practice and education
and consider the place that emotions may have in the content and process of
writing.
• Consider the place of emotions in social work writing in terms of professional-
ism, transparency, and efficacy.
• Examine the issues and challenges that arise from the proliferation of elec-
tronic modes of communication and social media.
Writing is a key part of the social work role and task but is often viewed as being onerous
and removed from the core business of practice. It would be safe to say that writing
reports and case notes is rarely seen as an inspiration to become a social worker: far
more likely it is the inter-personal and social justice aspects of the role. This runs the risk,
however, of demoting the written articulation of practice to a routinized and procedural
task that is simply the recording of what happens in direct practice. This chapter aims to
highlight the importance of writing in social work across a range of spheres, including its
influence on decision-making, interventions, communication, sharing of information,
and accountability. It will also note that the process of writing requires the individual
social worker to reflect, edit, prioritize, and present an account of their practice and that
this process is subject to differing roles, remits, audiences, proformas, purposes, and
functions. The chapter will shed light on the contested place of emotions within writing
in social work and will consider the balance between the potential pressure to produce
evidence-based accounts (which are characterized by an emphasis on concrete facts and
knowledge) and the permissions and ability for social workers to use and record the
emotional content of their practice as a stream of information in their written accounts
(Ingram, 2013a).
If the task of recording real-life events in writing were simply a facsimile of what hap-
pened, then this chapter would have little relevance. Even if we use a filmed recording of
76 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
Reflection,
appraisal,
Social work Written articulation
prioritization, and
practice of practice
presentation of
information
Taylor (2008) highlights the significant influence that writing can have on decision-
making forums and the structuring and articulation of practice. Healy and Mulholland
(2012) suggest a key aspect of this is the permanent nature of writing. This is clearly much
different from speech in the sense that mistakes, indiscretions, and inaccuracies may be
corrected, overlooked or simply forgotten within verbal interactions. However, once
information is recorded in writing, it attains a status of perceived accuracy (Thompson,
2003) and remains fixed in time. Verbal interactions also occur momentarily and in a
specific context. However, written accounts of these interactions can be used and
approached by individuals for a range of reasons that are beyond the control of the orig-
inal author. In the context of social work, this underlines the need for accuracy and a
clear sense of purpose in written accounts of practice. O’Rourke (2010) suggests that this
can lead to a narrowing of what is perceived to be appropriate content in social work
writing, and arguably less tangible elements such as emotions and instincts lose out to
the concrete facts. Although accurate and robust information is an essential part of the
written articulation of social work, Rustin (2005) notes that crucial information about the
realities and experience of some cases may metaphorically be left on the cutting room
floor, leading to a lack of depth to the information that can be communicated and shared
within and across the professionals involved.
These issues form the basis of this chapter and will be examined in greater detail in
conjunction with the following case study. The case study will be presented in two parts
to allow for better links to the discussion.
Emotions and written recordings in social work 77
Case study
Derek is a social worker based within an off-campus education project for young
people aged 14–16 years who have been excluded from mainstream education. The
work of the project is underpinned by a groupwork approach that seeks to equip the
young people with social and academic skills and knowledge to support positive tran-
sition into work/college. Derek has been working as part of the multi-disciplinary
team at the project for the 5 years since he qualified as a social worker.
Derek has been working individually with a young person called Darren to look at
his drug use as well as part of a wider group for sports, health, and well-being. Darren
is regularly verbally confrontational towards Derek and repeatedly states that he ‘is
the worst social worker’ he has had and that ‘he knows nothing about drugs’. Derek
does not look forward to his interactions with Darren, and feels undermined and intim-
idated by Darren’s comments. After much reflection, Derek thinks that Darren may
have a point in that his knowledge of drug use is limited to policy guidance and liter-
ature and he has no clear understanding or proof of the reality of Darren’s activities.
Derek has also not been receiving supervision due to staff absences, and feels that
the quality and efficacy of his practice may be questionable.
Learning activity
• The feelings of intimidation and uncertainty caused by Darren’s comments to
Derek may require a significant degree of reflection. Why do you think reflection
may be important?
• Does the impact of Darren’s behaviour towards Derek hold a wider significance
in terms of understanding how Darren manages relationships and affects
others? How might Derek capture this in a useful way in his case notes and/or
reports? What might the challenges and barriers be to this?
When one talks about writing in social work, it is a rather wide-ranging and disparate
umbrella term. This is important, as what is written will be dependent on what we could
collectively term the ‘four Ws’ of writing: What, When, Who, and Why.
• What – the content of a piece of writing will vary depending on its purpose. It may
have an emphasis on functional information such as dates and names or may require
greater depth, drawing upon and analysing information from a range of perspectives
to reach defendable recommendations.
• When – the timing of committing pen to paper (or whatever method is being used) is
crucial in terms of proximity to the event itself, and the potential impact on the lives
of service users.
• Who – this refers to the audience that the piece of writing is aimed at. This can include
courts, professional networks, case conferences, staff teams, agency referral processes,
and case file information. The most consistent and pertinent audience for writing in
78 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
social work is the subject of the writing itself: the service users and carers. This
underlines the importance of clarity, accuracy, and partnership when recording.
• Why – whatever writing is undertaken within the role of social worker, it is by definition
underpinned by professional roles, codes, and ethics. The reasons behind the requirement
to put something into writing are extremely varied, but should always be governed by a
clear sense of proportionality, accuracy, and accessibility (Data Protection Act, 1998).
In this section, we will cover three key types of writing in social work, and the ‘four Ws’
will provide a consistent backdrop to these regardless of the apparent differences. We will
look at note-taking, case note records, and report writing. This is certainly not an exhaustive
list of the types of writing relating to social work practice, but I have chosen these as they
form a familiar chain of writing that links together to produce both a case history and a
pivotal information source for interventions and outcomes (see Figure 5.2). While it may
appear at first glance a linear process, it will be shown below that writing in social work
is a cyclical process where actions and judgements feed into subsequent practice and
outcomes. The place that emotions occupy within these types of writing will vary. The
role that emotions have within the written articulation of social work is subject to
conceptions of professionalism, defensibility, transparency, and culture (Ingram, 2013a).
Social work
practice
Taking notes
The act of note-taking is often overlooked as a core aspect of writing in social work.
More formal written outputs such as reports are usually held up as the most clearly
Emotions and written recordings in social work 79
articulated accounts of practice. What is crucial to remember is that much of what finds
its way into more formal pieces of writing often starts life as a scribbled note, doodle or
diagram, hastily jotted down either during or soon after an interaction or meeting. The
manner in which these notes are taken is often framed within the context of the impact
of note-taking on the quality of inter-personal communication (Lishman, 2009). For
example, the act of writing may have an impact on a social worker’s ability to maintain
consistent eye contact within an interaction. The act of writing may also inhibit responses,
as service users may become wary about what is being recorded and why. However,
a clear benefit of on-the-spot recording is the ability to share and clarify key points of
understanding with the service user there and then before any inaccuracies or assumptions
may emerge. The overwhelming sense about note-taking is that it is a hugely varied and
individual activity, yet provides the very foundations of subsequent written recordings.
Huuskonen and Vakkari (2013) note that at the time of jotting down key points during
or following a meeting, the process of editing and prioritizing has begun. Chapter 1 out-
lined the neurological processes that so swiftly enable us to perceive a stimulus or event
and assess its relevance to us. It is this core appraisal and labelling process that results
in our attention being drawn to certain pieces of information (whether these be verbal,
environmental, personal). In relation to the case study, it is clear that Derek is aware of
the negative remarks made to him by Darren. Given his negative emotional response to
these comments, it is likely that they will be of significance to him. It may be the case that
his emotional response will lead to withdrawal behaviour (Rosenberg, 1990), and even at
this early stage Darren’s comments may be edited out of the recordings. Alternatively,
the emotional response may drive him forwards and encourage him to highlight this ver-
bal aggression as a key issue relating to Darren’s situation and relationship skills. Either
way, a judgement about relevancy has to be made and this will draw on previous experi-
ences and professional roles and responsibilities.
A final point about note-taking that is of relevance to this discussion is that of timing.
In many ways, this is down to personal preference and you will likely have a view about
how well you remember events shortly after. From personal experience, I tended to do
the bulk of my note-taking sitting in my car following a meeting. This short delay of a few
minutes meant that I had to review my memories of what happened and I would naturally
be drawn to information that seemed most interesting to me or was most memorable.
This draws us back to the chapter on reflection and the need for social workers to con-
sider not just what seems important to them, but why. As soon as we begin to enter a
reflective process (even a rather crude one like thinking back to a meeting that one has
just left), we begin to draw on emotions, values, and experiences. As noted in Chapter 1,
these are what help us make sense of the world around us. But, as we move onto more
formalized writing, we may find that our presence as the narrator/author becomes less
clear.
associated professional groups, and the courts. This potentially wide-ranging readership
means that you will need to tailor your writing so that is useful and accessible. The Data
Protection Act (1998) makes clear the need for case notes to be accurate, relevant, pro-
portional, and up to date.
Healy and Mulholland (2012) state that case notes should be factual and based on
concrete evidence. This sort of information may involve names, addresses, dates, times,
and verifiable events. It is clear from this interpretation of case notes that the emotional
elements of practice (both in terms of the social worker’s emotions and those of the ser-
vice user) may have a rather vulnerable status. Healy and Mulholland go on to note that
where ‘opinion’ is offered (i.e. something less concrete and tangible), it must be explicitly
labelled as such so the reader can assess its efficacy and relevancy. While it is hard to
argue with the principles noted above, it is important that we consider the messages
that this sends to social workers about the type of information that is permissible in
their writing of practice and the impact this has on the representation of emotions in
case-note writing.
A great deal of artistry is required to capture the less concrete aspects of social work
practice (England, 1986). Indeed, it is essential that we are able to articulate and co-produce
accounts of the thoughts and perspectives of service users. These may not be ‘certain’
but, if left unrecorded, are simply not available to influence subsequent use of the case
records. Munro (2011) highlights the importance of social workers’ emotional reactions
and their important role as a stream of information when making assessments. If we
consider the editing that takes place at the initial note-taking stage, we can begin to see
how a further layer of selectivity takes place when turning these notes into formal case
note recordings.
Taylor (2008) proposes a further dimension for social workers to consider when they
approach the task of presenting their practice in writing – the role of language. Taylor
took an ethno-methodological approach to social work reports, focusing on how infor-
mation is presented and in turn the impact this has on the message that is transmitted.
Roose et al. (2009) highlight that it is often in the words we choose that emotions and
motivations begin to surface. For example, Derek might write: ‘as expected, the house
was full of friends and associates and Darren’s mother refused to let them leave’. The
most basic reading of this would be that the house was busy and Darren’s mother wanted
everyone to remain in the house for the meeting. However, if we highlight the phrase ‘as
Emotions and written recordings in social work 81
expected’, we begin to sense some pre-judgement and a sense of irritation creeping into
the narrative (my use of the word ‘creeping’ here is equally evocative of my views). The
use of the word ‘associates’ underlines a sense of lack of clarity about the status of the
people in the house, and the choice of the word ‘refused’ is very powerful and suggests
that Derek appraised her motives as being confrontational and inflexible. Thus, the key
message is that even what appears to be a detached reporting of events, can have an
emotional content seen within the words used.
In relation to the case study, Derek may feel comfortable noting down the concrete
aspects of the case such as Darren’s attendance record, the groups in which he partici-
pates, and the visible outcomes of the project’s work such as test results and achieve-
ments. These parts of the narrative can be evidenced and will likely be part of a shared
view with Darren. The less clear aspects of the case, such as suspicions of Darren’s drug,
use will be less easy to put into writing, especially as Derek is experiencing a degree of
anxiety relating to Darren’s treatment of him. This is where the need for clarity of infor-
mation comes into play. If we accept that case notes should contain all the salient aspects
of a case, then it could be argued that it is crucial this information is recorded at this point
in the process. Healy and Mulholland (2012) note that the contents of case notes can be
co-produced with service users, and that reflection on the impact of behaviours can pro-
vide a powerful source of information for both parties. Taylor (2008) stresses that what-
ever the content of written recordings in social work, it is at best a selective account. This
should provide you with some confidence to include and own the less certain or troubling
aspects of a case. It would be very useful potentially for Derek (and Darren) to record the
concerns about the way Darren speaks about drug use. Indeed, the process of writing
may provide Derek with a springboard to explore these issues with Darren, which other-
wise may have been marginalized. The crucial step that social workers must take when
writing case notes is to reveal themselves as narrator and curator of the recorded infor-
mation (Taylor, 2008). By doing so, any concerns about the transparency or validity of
case notes can be navigated.
If we are to write reports that are transparent and make clear why certain issues are
highlighted, there is a need to record decisions and include certain types of information
at earlier stages.
The second part of the case study will help us explore some of these issues relating to
report writing more fully.
Case study
Derek has become increasingly concerned about Darren’s physical appearance at the
project: he is regularly pale, unclean, and ‘spaced out’. This prompted Derek to under-
take a home visit to explore what might be happening to Darren outside of the project.
Derek was immediately struck by the significant number of visitors to the house and
was unhappy about being asked to wait outside the living room for a few minutes
while several people could be heard moving items around the room and laughing. The
explanation given was that they were ‘tidying up’. Derek was unsettled by the dark-
ness in the room and could clearly smell marijuana smoke. Due to the number of
people in the room and the insistence of Darren’s mother that they remain, Derek felt
it inappropriate to discuss Darren’s situation and said he would make arrangements
to come back at a more convenient time.
Later that day, Derek is asked to write an update report for a case review hearing.
He is conscious that Darren hopes to be relieved of his supervision order and the
issue of his drug use is central to this decision. Derek is also aware that Darren’s
family social worker intends to report that Darren no longer uses drugs of any kind
and is making great progress. The timescale for this report is short, so Derek will
need to base it on the information available to him.
Learning activity
• To what extent do you record observations and associated emotional reactions
in your written recordings? Would they form part of your case notes?
• What might be the risks of omitting these uncertain aspects of a case from
written recordings?
This additional development in the case of Darren poses many challenges for Derek. It
highlights the role that pressures of time can have on the process of writing in social
work practice. The home visit has raised more concerns for Derek regarding potential
drug use within Darren’s home environment, and the difficulty of communicating with
Darren’s mother to explore any concerns he may have. Derek will need to consider the
impact of his emotional reaction to Darren when deciding whether to prioritize this new
information, as he may need to consider whether he is interpreting the events in the home
through the lens of his ‘gut feeling’ about Darren’s situation. Given the previous points
made about the desirability for verifiable facts in reports, Derek may find it uncomfort-
able to include the as yet unclear aspects of the case. There will also be pressure from
Darren to provide a positive report of his progress (in line with others involved) to enable
Emotions and written recordings in social work 83
him to have his supervision order lifted. To counterbalance this, Derek is required to
provide an up-to-date, honest, and holistic account of his work with Darren.
One way of untangling the tensions about what constitutes appropriate information in
reports, and how the emotional content of practice is recorded or edited out, is to access
key messages within professional codes of practice (NISSC, 2004; SSSC, 2009; BASW,
2012b). Healy and Mulholland (2012) state that case notes are focused and factual
accounts of the process and ongoing assessment of practice, which can be used as an
historical record by the individual social worker, colleagues and, potentially, service
users (hence the new developments in the case of Darren may have a place here). The
same authors note that formal reports have a direct impact on decision-making forums
and processes, and as such need to be accurate, fair, and clear. What unites these two
types of writing and any other written recordings in social work is that they are under-
pinned by the codes of practice in terms of their content and focus. For example, they
should seek to acknowledge and value the views and perspectives of service users. Tak-
ing this link to professional codes and values a step further, Ingram (2013a) found that
social workers viewed a perceived emphasis on ‘facts’ as an obstacle and deterrent in
terms of writing about emotions and uncertainties in reports. It seemed that accuracy
and validity were linked to process outcomes and tangible certainties. If we consider the
discussion earlier in this chapter about the importance and inescapability of unknowns
and uncertainty in practice, then to remove and edit the emotional aspects of practice
from written recording would result in a less than ‘accurate’ or ‘factual’ account. This
could turn the view of emotions and writing on its head, in the sense that we could argue
that to write an account of practice that is authentic and seeks to present the process and
content of practice in an open and genuine fashion must involve discussion of emotions
and the relationship between worker and service user (Munro, 2011). Given the concep-
tual framework of emotions that underpins this book, it is clear that emotions are an
important part of the way social workers perceive, think, and act within their practice. If
we accept that it is important for social workers to engage in reflection about the sources
of their emotions, then it is questionable whether it is authentic for these thoughts and
actions to be edited out of their accounts of practice.
Taylor (2008) provides the vivid metaphor of ‘show and tell’ to help guide the thinking
of social workers writing reports. The familiar school activity of asking young children
84 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
to stand up in front of their class and discuss an object with their classmates, providing
both a visual ‘prop’ and an explanatory narrative alongside it, fits well with the balance
between concrete facts and broader discussion within reports.
Show:
description
of events
A holistic and
analytical
account of
practice
Tell:
meaning,
perspectives
and
emotions.
Figure 5.3 highlights that the simple presentation of explicitly known and provable
facts in the tradition of scientific writing is akin to standing in front of your class holding
your object up for scrutiny with little description of ‘what’ it means to you or ‘why’ it is
important. The ‘telling’ part adds the depth. It allows you to note why something is import-
ant to you. It opens the door to different perspectives and feelings, and encourages
the audience to consider what is important and relevant to them. This maps well on to
the role of report writing, and chimes with the need for social workers to have confi-
dence in presenting and using their judgements and emotional responses (Munro, 2011).
If we link this back to Derek’s dilemma, we can see that there is an opportunity for him
to write a report that draws on known and established facts alongside the more fluid and
blurry perspectives of the many voices involved as well as emerging themes and issues
that have yet to be fully examined or understood. This process is by definition an emotional
one, which requires the appraisal of events, the application of meaning to them, and a
presentation of them within the prevailing culture and context. Clearly, there is a role for
supervision here and the rehearsal and exploration of complexities of practice could
usefully be addressed in that forum. But Derek is not receiving regular supervision, and
as Ferguson (2005) suggests, this can lead to a suppression of the difficult and uncom-
fortable aspects of practice.
The preceding discussion about the challenges of locating the emotional content of prac-
tice in formal recording and report writing emphasizes the need to consider who the
audience for the writing is and what purpose it is to serve. This understandably raises the
bar in terms of a need for clarity, accuracy, and communicability. Social workers may
Emotions and written recordings in social work 85
also be able to examine their practice in greater detail in a forum one step removed from
the formal recordings contained within case files – namely, reflective writing. In Chapter 3,
we examined the place of emotions within the context of reflective practice and the cen-
tral role that this plays in allowing social workers to understand their use of self and
explore the conscious and unconscious factors at play in their inter- and intra-personal
worlds. Given what we now know about the selectivity involved in the process of priori-
tizing information when writing, it is even more relevant to consider how we can shine a
light on what contributes to those decisions.
Ward (2010) highlights the potential role that reflective writing can have in enhancing
an understanding of one’s practice and of one’s self in relation to it. The Social Work Task
Force (DCSF, 2009) suggests that the inter- and intra-personal qualities of social workers
are important, and that opportunities for reflection and space to develop these qualities
are crucial. The use of reflective writing would seem to be a useful forum for such activ-
ities. Ingram (2013a), however, found that qualified social workers reported that they
had little or no opportunity or expectation to write reflectively. The pressures of time and
lack of an audience for such writing were cited as factors. Ward (2010) and Moon (2004)
suggest that an audience is not required for reflective writing to be useful. It is the pro-
cess of ordering, editing, and thinking associated with reflective writing that is key. This
is in line with the suggestion of Hafford-Letchfield (2009) that learning cultures within
social work organizations can be informal and self-led as well as more formally
structured.
From the perspective of a lecturer on an undergraduate social work programme, I am
struck by the disconnection between the content and messages within our programme
(and programmes across the country) in terms of the importance of reflective writing
and the apparent lack or inconsistency of it in practice. On our undergraduate pro-
gramme, students are required to write reflective accounts during and at the end of all
practice learning opportunities and prepare for supervision sessions by maintaining a
reflective journal. The reason that students are required to do this is the belief that it is
important for students to think about their practice in a critical and analytical way and
record this accordingly. We encourage them to consider their emotional reactions along-
side identifying other sources that impact what they do and why they do it. Through this
process, students are able to demonstrate a deeper understanding of their practice and
their development as a social worker. This links well to the conceptual framework pro-
posed in Chapter 1, as it mirrors the reflexive element of emotional appraisal (Schachter
and Singer, 1962; Rosenberg, 1990) and the meanings we are then able to attach to our
emotional responses. Ward (2010) notes how important it is for education and practice to
have strong links and synergies, and this seems to be a clear example of where the pres-
sures of resources and time, when coupled with an outcomes-focused conception of
supervision and practice, drive a wedge between the two.
It would be hard to argue against the usefulness of reflection and its written form, yet
it appears to be marginalized due to competing pressures and approaches. Hennessey
(2011) and Howe (2008) both note the importance of being able to step away from one’s
practice and have space to express and explore the complex and confusing elements of
that practice. Whether this is undertaken in writing or within other forums such as super-
vision, it is clear that a cultural ethos needs to be developed that encourages and values it.
If such a cultural shift is made, then a context of trust and safety may be developed to
support it. Beddoe (2010) emphasizes that trust is essential if the uncertainties and com-
plexities of the practice can be revealed and explored. Howe (2008) notes that such a
culture mirrors that of the desirable conditions of a relationship between worker and
service user.
86 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
The scope of this chapter does not allow for a full coverage of reflective writing tech-
niques but see Moon (1999) listed in the further reading at the end of this chapter. A very
pertinent approach to reflective writing, however, is that of critical incident analysis
(Tripp, 1993; Davies and Kinloch, 2000). It fits really well with the conceptual framework
of emotions that underpins this book, as it is premised on the individual social worker
identifying an event that they appraise to be of significance. A critical incident does not
have to be a dramatic event, but one that becomes more complex once unpicked and
examined (Tripp, 1993). Davies and Kinloch (2000) suggest that often it is the emergence
of a question from oneself or another that prompts the need for deeper reflection. In the
case of Derek, it may be a colleague asking him if he is worried about Darren. This may
prompt Derek to identify his home visit to Darren’s house as a critical incident and one
worth unpacking.
An excellent resource relating to the use of critical incident analysis is Crisp et al.
(2005), listed in the further reading at the end of this chapter. The suggestions below
draw on this work and that of Parker et al. (1995) and Davies and Kinloch (2000).
Learning activity
Identify a practice situation or event that was significant to you.
• Write a brief account of the event in order to set the scene – who, where, and why.
• What was your role as you understand it and what knowledge underpinned this
role?
• Record your emotional responses at the time of the event and why you think you
experienced these.
• How do you think the other people involved may have felt at that time? Did they
tell you? Did you share how you felt?
• Thinking back to the event now, what are your emotional responses to it? How
have these impacted your thinking and decision-making? What have you learnt
about yourself and how can this be used to achieve positive outcomes?
• How might this experience provide a foundation for future practice and your
responses within in it?
• What are the key learning needs that arise out of this?
This process has been adapted to place greater emphasis on use of self and emotions. It
could easily be adjusted to shine a light on other aspects of practice such as organiza-
tional culture or the role of theory. The use of critical incident analysis is well established
in social work education but is less evident within qualified practice. There are likely to
be issues of time and resources at play (Crisp et al., 2005), as well as the feeling that this
learning is less important once qualified. The latter scenario would be rather concerning
given the dangers inherent in routinized practice, which sidesteps consideration of the
emotional and inter-personal aspects of social work (Ferguson, 2005; Ward, 2010).
In the case of Derek, we can hypothesize about the potential benefits of engaging in
written reflection of this kind. The initial scene-setting aspect of the process is useful
because it will help Derek clarify the purpose of the visit and also consider the impact of
the environment and those present. Addressing his emotional responses may well pro-
vide unexpected results, in that Derek may note feelings of fear relating to the adults
Emotions and written recordings in social work 87
present coupled with a surprising sense of satisfaction that the possible drug use in the
house confirms his suspicions. Going deeper, Derek must then consider why he felt this
way. It may be that his fears about the dark crowded room are linked to previous experi-
ences of being physically threatened in the past. He may also begin to realize that he is
selectively seeking information that confirms his suspicions (Collins and Daley, 2011).
The prompt to consider the feelings and actions of others is potentially very important.
Darren’s mother may wish for her friends to stay to provide support and/or out of fear of
the professional role and remit of the social work department. That is, her behaviour
might have been an attempt to re-balance perceived power differentials. This may allow
Derek to reframe his view of the situation, or at the least provide him with alternative
perspectives to consider and in so doing lay some foundations for discussions with
Darren’s mother in the future. It will also prompt him to think about why he chose to end
the home visit when he did. The initial justification was linked to confidentiality, but per-
haps deeper reflection would reveal a desire to extricate himself from the situation and
avoid asking difficult questions about Darren’s possible drug use. These reflections (among
others) will then provide Derek with a deeper sense of his emotional responses and the
origins of them. Perhaps most importantly, however, this self-knowledge will then con-
tribute to his understanding of the significance of his relationship with Darren and his
family and the need to consider issues of power (from all perspectives).
There will of course be an effect on the more formal writing arenas, with Derek better
equipped to articulate the sources of his judgements and the reasons that underpin his
subsequent decision-making. Roose et al. (2009) highlight a participative approach to
report writing that reduces the potential power imbalances by encouraging that genuine
value be placed on the perspectives (congruent or otherwise) of service users and social
workers within reports. In this case, Derek’s reflection provides him with a potential
in-road to explore the views of Darren’s mother.
It is important to note that reflective writing is as much at the mercy of subjectivities,
bias, selectivity, and avoidance as any other form of writing (Taylor, 2003). Indeed, it is
because of those messy aspects of practice that uncomfortable dilemmas and conflicts
emerge. As noted above, there needs to be a sense of safety and space for unresolved
uncertainties and weaknesses to be addressed. Where that sense of safety is absent, there
is a possibility that you may simply massage your reflections by selecting issues that do
not reveal aspects of yourself that could prove challenging or complex. One solution of
course is to engage in self-reflection to circumvent this issue; otherwise, organizational
culture and supervision could address such aspects of reflection and practice. These
issues will be picked up later in this book.
Much of what we have discussed in this chapter refers to written tasks and activities,
which, at least metaphorically, involve putting pen to paper. The permanence and power
of the written word have been examined and we have noted the need for accuracy, clarity,
and brevity when recording information about social work practice. The rapid rise of
digital media and social networking provides social work with many new opportunities
and challenges (BASW, 2012a), thus adding another layer of complexity to writing related
to social work. It is likely that the majority of readers of this book will be regularly
engaged with writing in digital formats, whether it be on a personal basis (emails, social
media, etc.) or a professional basis (electronic recording systems, emails, web-based
resources, etc.). Reamer (2006) notes that this creates a rather permeable boundary
88 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
between the personal and professional spheres and requires social workers to have the
skill, knowledge, and ethical guidance to navigate such terrain.
Watling and Rogers (2012) provide a thorough examination of the knowledge and
skills required of social workers in a digital society. In terms of the place that emotions
inhabit within this sphere, several important issues need to be considered. The interface
between the personal and professional spheres has been at the heart of our discussion of
emotions in terms of emotional intelligence and the need for social workers to consider
their emotional expression within their professional roles. The most striking aspect of
social media and social work is that writing that is intended to be read within a personal
or private arena can be readily accessed and/or shared within a much more public arena.
This is important if one considers the stages of reflection and self-knowledge acquisition
required of social workers to help them manage and understand their emotional
responses. The immediacy of online opportunities for writing can circumvent such
opportunities and can lead to unguarded written comments about practice and the emo-
tions associated with it.
This personal/professional boundary is made all the more relevant when we consider
the need for social workers to adhere to professional codes of practice across all public
spheres of their lives (BASW, 2012b), and issues of privacy, respect, confidentiality, and
consent all potentially come into play when social workers write on digital platforms. This
has not been lost on regulatory bodies, and policy and guidance have been forthcoming to
help social workers address these issues (SSSC, 2011; BASW, 2012b). While such guidance
points to potential opportunities for good practice, the key unifying element is a caution-
ary tone emphasizing that social workers will be traceable and accountable as the ‘authors’
of any online written activity. This links directly with the issue of professional boundaries
and suggests that social workers must adopt a sense of e-professionalism, whereby all
online activities take cognizance of professional responsibilities (Megele, 2012). In the
case of Derek, he may wish to share a generalized and anonymized (I am taking this part
for granted) sense of his frustrations at work with a close friend via social media. While
on one level this may appear to be a private act, it runs the risk of becoming a publicly
visible presentation of emotion and practice that could have a significant negative impact
on his professional credibility and relationships. It is useful at this point to link back to the
importance of social context and emotions as discussed in Chapter 1 (Turner and Stets,
2005). The digital sphere provides social workers with a moving target when trying to
tune into the prevailing culture in terms of emotional expression. What seems like an
informal and private culture of unguarded openness and emotional exploration can
quickly cross over into a public professional representation of a situation.
Learning activity
• List the various forms of social media and digital communication that you use,
read, and access on a regular basis.
• Are you aware of the availability/privacy of such communications? Can you
identify potential challenges for you in terms of maintaining personal/profes-
sional boundaries?
The use of electronic means of communication is of course not only experienced at this
difficult personal/professional boundary. Perron et al. (2010) note that relationships
Emotions and written recordings in social work 89
increasingly have both an online and offline aspect to them. This can be illustrated by the
proliferation of online support groups and networks that social workers can contribute
to and/or link service users to. Indeed, the knowledge of web-based resources is increas-
ingly part of the social worker’s toolkit (Watling and Rogers, 2012). Reamer (2006) notes
that an emphasis on the role of online communication in terms of relationships means
that emails and texts messages are a cogent method of communication within a profes-
sional relationship. However, he warns that due to the aforementioned blurring of per-
sonal/professional boundaries, the professional purpose of such communications must
be clear to both parties. Thus, electronic communication can help build relationships and
lead to positive outcomes for service users, but the underpinning professional codes and
ethics of social work must be followed at all times.
• The process of writing in social work is subject to the priorities, emotions, experi-
ences, and context of the social worker.
• Perceptions of professional role and purpose will impact on the place that fluid vari-
ables such as emotional reactions have within the written articulation of practice.
• The inclusion of emotions and the uncertainties of practice produce a richer and more
authentic account of practice and in turn may further support subsequent decisions
and actions.
Further reading
Crisp, B.R., Green Lister, P. and Dutton, K. (2005) Integrated Assessment: New assessment methods. Evaluation
of an innovative method of assessment: critical incident analysis. Working Paper. Glasgow: Scottish
Institute for Excellence in Social Work Education [http://www.iriss.org.uk/sites/default/files/sieswe-nam-
evaluation-critical-incident-analysis-2005-02.pdf].
This paper provides many tools and examples to help social workers to begin to unpick the complexities of
their practice and develop ways of recording them in writing.
Moon, J. (1999) Reflection in Learning and Professional Development. London: RoutledgeFalmer.
A very readable book that has many practical tips for writing and reflective practice.
Watling, S. and Rogers, J. (2012) Social Work in a Digital Society. London: Learning Matters.
This book covers the impact of ‘the digital society’ on social work and provides advice, guidance, and practical
tools to help social workers make sense of this constantly evolving landscape.
Emotions, supervision, and
6 support
Chapter objectives
This chapter will:
• Consider the opportunities for social work supervision to provide a forum for
exploring the emotional content of practice.
• Examine a range of conceptualizations of the supervisory relationship within
social work practice and education, and highlight the challenges associated
with these in terms of exploring and reflecting upon emotions.
• Highlight other sources of support and guidance, including group supervision,
peer supervision, informal peer support, and out-sourced supervision.
• Locate the discussion within the context of current social work policy and nar-
ratives, and provide suggestions for the conditions and approaches that may
facilitate and safeguard the place of emotions within supervision.
context to consider and at times the balance of the aforementioned functions will
fluctuate.
This chapter will allow you to consider the opportunities and challenges involved in
formal supervision and the importance of relationships and partnership working within it.
Alternative sources of support and guidance will be examined to help you consider the
breadth and depth of opportunities that you may seek in differing practice contexts. The
following case study will be referred to throughout the chapter to help you make links
between the discussion and your own experiences – past, present or future.
Case study
Simon has recently been promoted to a senior social work role within a busy children
and families team. As part of his new duties, he is to provide supervision to several
colleagues. This is a new experience for Simon and he has undertaken a half-day
training course that introduced him to the paperwork involved and the expectations
regarding frequency of sessions. Simon has had many supervisors over the years and
has had some positive experiences in which he felt well supported and understood,
and others where he felt rather vulnerable and undervalued. Simon has not worked in
this team previously and does not yet have a sense of the way supervision is delivered
by others. In addition to this new role, Simon is an active practice educator, and is
currently providing supervision to a social work student from the local university who
is currently undertaking a practice learning opportunity within the team.
One of Simon’s new supervisees is Ela. She has been working in the team for
4 years and has been very quiet and guarded in supervision. She has hinted at strug-
gling with the size and intensity of her caseload but when Simon tries to explore her
work with her, she appears defensive and provides only a functional description of her
activities. The student Simon practice educates is called Elizabeth. She is in her final
year and comes across as enthusiastic and competent. Due to the stage she is at on
her social work programme, she is carrying a significant caseload and is expected to
operate with a degree of autonomy while using supervision as a forum to reflect and
receive guidance. Elizabeth will qualify and graduate if she passes the practice learning
opportunity. The university course provides information and direction about what is
expected in terms of the depth of reflection and analysis required within supervision.
Learning activity
• From your experience, consider how the paperwork associated with supervision
structures the focus and content. Does this facilitate discussions about the
emotional content of practice?
• What might the inhibitors and facilitators be for exploring the emotions for Ela and
Elizabeth? Do these differ for a qualified practitioner and a student? If so, why?
• List the skills and qualities that Simon should possess to create a safe and
engaging environment for supervision. Create a list of the opposite of these
qualities and skills. Reflect upon your experiences and compare these two lists
against your supervisory experiences.
92 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
emotional content of her practice as a core aspect of it, rather than something she feels
needs to be edited or suppressed. Although (as we shall see later in this chapter) it would
be very helpful for Ela to be included in co-producing the focus and content of supervi-
sion, it is likely that Simon will need to identify how to introduce and safeguard the edu-
cational function of supervision from the outset of the supervisory relationship. Both
Simon and Ela will be able to point to national guidance that reinforces and supports the
need for an educative function in supervision, and guidance such as the Continuous
Learning Framework (SSSC, 2008) and the PCF (College of Social Work, 2012).
willingness or ability to engage in a supportive manner, but that this process is by defini-
tion two-way in nature and requires trust and a lowering of (possibly natural) defences
on the part of the supervisees. Simon’s task is to communicate that there is space and
safety to explore the challenges and complexities of practice. Although the two supervi-
sory contexts differ, what unites them is the potential perception that the management/
assessment aspects threaten and undermine the freedom to explore difficulties and
uncertainties. This is hardly surprising given the attractiveness of appearing knowledge-
able, certain, and professional within both contexts. The answer to this conundrum will
emerge throughout this chapter, but at this juncture it is worth noting that Simon will be
required to utilize the skills of relationship-building and emotional intelligence to estab-
lish relationships that tune into the emotional worlds of his supervisees but must do so in
a way that also communicates to them that they are heard and valued (Ingram, 2013d).
Learning activity
Consider your own supervision experiences and list the features that best fit under
each of the three core functions (managerial, supportive and educational). Are
there any features that do not fit well under these headings? If so, create a further
heading to reflect the model of supervision as you see it.
It would be very useful for you to try this in conjunction with your supervisor to
see where any similarities and differences lie. If you feel uncomfortable doing this
task with your supervisor, then it may also be instructive to do it with a colleague
to compare thoughts and share ideas.
Ingram (2013c) asked social workers about their experiences of supervision and the
extent to which they were able to explore the emotional content of their practice. What
emerged was a highly variable picture but one that showed that the quality of the rela-
tionship with the supervisor was crucial. An overarching theme was that when supervi-
sion was deemed not to be conducive to exploring emotions, the issues of ‘safety’
and ‘permissions’ were often cited as key factors. The word ‘safety’ is a powerful one, in
that by association it brings into play the idea of danger. This seems rather at odds with
our preceding discussion about the qualities required of a positive reflective supervi-
sory relationship. Figures 6.1 and 6.2 illustrate the differing interpretations that an emo-
tionally inclusive supervisory relationship versus one that raises concerns about safety
can have on what a social worker shares in supervision.
Discussion of emotional
aspects of practice
Discussion of
emotional aspects of
practice
These two figures illustrate the powerful impact that differing interpretations of super-
vision can have on the experience of social workers. In relation to Simon, he will have a
significant role in setting the tone and culture for his relationship with Ela. It is evident that
Ela may feel vulnerable in terms of expressing and exploring the challenges of her case-
load. If we consider the socially constructed aspects of emotions discussed in Chapter 1
(Turner and Stets, 2005), then it is essential that Simon draws on the qualities suggested
by O’Donoghue and Tsui (2011) to let Ela know that he is willing and able to tune into her
emotional world and value the blurred aspects of her practice. Given the potential for such
complexities to be funnelled towards the health and well-being arena, it is important that
Simon also makes explicit the permission for exploring such issues without risk of nega-
tive appraisal (Hair, 2012). The issues in relation to Elizabeth’s practice learning supervi-
sion are slightly different. On the one hand, the educational function of this supervisory
relationship should allow for learning, uncertainty, and development. However, Simon
will need to consider the implications of his role as assessor (in many ways not unlike the
complications inherent in the duality of the supervisor/line manager roles) of Elizabeth’s
practice. This may force Elizabeth to feel that sharing any doubts and uncertainties will be
perceived as ‘not knowing’. This is a subtle but powerful distinction and unless explicitly
addressed and agreed between Simon and Elizabeth, may lead to suppression and editing
of the emotional content of practice. This potential tension underpins the common prac-
tice of establishing a contract between supervisor and supervisee in the context of
practice learning (Doel, 2009). This takes the student out of the role of passive recipient of
whatever supervisory style the supervisor prefers, and into one that is at least explicit and
preferably negotiated. Hafford-Letchfield (2009) notes that this co-production of supervi-
sory focus can be extrapolated to qualified supervision also.
Learning activity
• Do you have experience of using contracts to underpin supervision? Why did
you adopt this approach? What was contained within them?
• What might the challenges be when developing an agreement in partnership
with a supervisor? What would you wish a contract to include that highlights the
role of emotions in practice?
98 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
It is hard to argue with the notion that the supervisory relationship involves a degree of
co-production and agreement (albeit within the context of agency function, remit, and
goals). What is more difficult still is genuinely achieving such an outcome. The reason for
this is unavoidably linked to issues of power, but is also subject to the variables noted at
the outset of this chapter, such as limited resources and outcome/target focused
approaches. Jindal-Snape and Ingram (2013) proposed a model of co-produced supervi-
sion (within the context of doctoral supervision) that required supervisors and supervis-
ees to plot their desired content of supervision on a horizontal and vertical axis. Ingram
(2013c) developed this in the context of emotions and supervision. In Figure 6.3, this
model is adapted and developed further to identify the key areas of discussion and debate
that must underpin such an agreement. It can be seen that the plotting of the proposed
focus of supervision allows both parties to see where there is common ground and also
where there is any divergence of expectations. Any meaningful discussion about the con-
tent and balance of supervision needs to take into account the contextual factors listed
in Figure 6.3. For example, the organizational expectations of supervision need to be
explicit (possibly even plotted on the same axis). This will flag up associated variables
such as agency targets, impact of resources, and role and remit of workers. If any of
these elements is overlooked at this stage, then the foundations are incomplete at best
and doomed to failure at worst.
This sets in motion a process of discussion, negotiation, and agreement that is fluid
and requires ongoing evaluation and review (see Figure 6.4). The quality and importance
of the relationship between supervisor and supervisee are key to this process, as the
quality of the process is dependent upon that relationship.
supervisee’s expectation
A B
Mismatch in expected
No focus on process and practical Focus on process and practical supervisor–supervisee
issues relating to casework issues relating to casework relationship
supervisor’s expectation
D C
Discussion
Supervisory
Review Negotiation
Relationship
Agreement
Figure 6.4 The place of the supervisory relationship in the development of an agreed approach to supervision
This underlines the need for both participants to be proactive both at the inception of
the supervisory relationship and moving forward (as the aforementioned pressures and
variables will inevitably challenge the agreement at times). This has been rather process-
driven so far, and runs the risk of overlooking the inter- and intra-personal aspects of such
discussion, particularly given the focus on emotions. I suspect that many readers will be
finding it hard to envisage easily engaging in such co-produced activities. O’Donoghue
and Tsui (2011) note that within the context of supervision in New Zealand, there is
increasing awareness that supervisors must ‘get to know’ their supervisees in terms of
their backgrounds and experiences to help support genuine engagement within supervi-
sion. This brings us back to the need for the supervisory relationship to mirror and utilize
the skills and qualities required within practice relationships. O’Donoghue and Tsui
(2011) describe this knowledge about ‘how’ to do supervision in addition to the more
familiar knowledge about ‘what’ supervision is. Hennessey (2011) helpfully reminds us
that gender, age, sexual orientation, and ethnicity are all factors that can impact on the
supervisory relationship, and as such should be identified and discussed from the outset
to achieve as transparent and empowering a forum as possible.
The preceding discussion has highlighted a range of opportunities and challenges within
the context of social work supervision. The many alternative conceptions of supervision
are beyond the remit of this book, but it is helpful to identify some key examples that may
enhance the ability for supervision to usefully incorporate the emotional content of practice.
100 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
Noble and Irwin (2009) suggest that the increasing emphasis on the managerial func-
tions of supervision has acted as a catalyst for seeking and developing opportunities for
the therapeutic and reflective elements to be safeguarded in other arenas. They note that
to achieve this, social workers benefit from working within a learning culture that allows
such activities to be developed (Gould and Baldwin, 2004). Put simply, the willingness
and permissions of an organization to establish a range of forums for support and guid-
ance outside the familiar formal supervisory relationship are key.
Clinical supervision
Bogo and McKnight (2006) highlight the potential role for clinical supervision of social
workers. Clinical supervision has as its prime focus the inter- and intra-personal dynam-
ics of practice and associated relationships. For such an environment to be created, it is
often explicitly separated from the line management functions of an organization (these
can be contained within a parallel system of support). Beddoe (2010) highlights an
emerging approach in New Zealand that involves supervision being provided externally
to the agency, which enhances the sense of ‘safety’ to engage in reflective discussion
without the perception of managerially driven judgements and priorities. Hair (2012)
notes a similar trend in Swedish social work, in which workers receive reflective super-
vision external to the agency and administrative supervision within. Gibelman and
Schervish (1997) note that clinical supervision may also be protected from the resource
pressures of case priorities and limited time that can beset formal supervision. This
seems very attractive on many levels given our preceding discussion of the potential
power issues inherent in the supervisory relationship. Beddoe, however, issues a note of
caution in that out-sourcing supervision in this manner may create a divide between the
agency and worker and confusing and competing messages may emerge. Even more
fundamentally for the purposes of this book, it may further marginalize emotions in rela-
tion to the core business of social work agencies, and in a sense ‘keep them out there’ as
something extracurricular.
Ingram (2013a) found pockets of clinical supervision within the UK context, which was
linked to the nature and complexity of particular social work tasks (i.e. child sexual abuse).
Social workers found such supervision immensely supportive and beneficial but also rec-
ognized that in a sense it was divorced from procedural discussions with supervisors, and
was very closely aligned with their health and well-being rather than locating their reflec-
tions and emotions within the discussions of the practice. Thomas and Spreadbury (2008)
use the term ‘professional supervision’ interchangeably with clinical supervision. This is
helpful for this discussion, as it underlines that to engage in reflection about one’s emo-
tions, values, and actions is to be professionally accountable in terms of one’s practice and
professional registration (GSCC, 2004; SSCC, 2004). This not only highlights the importance
of professional development and accountability, but also powerfully locates this in
wider professional terms than simply within agencies and organizations. This will provide
a backbone to any discussion between Simon and Ela about the content of supervision
between them, while also perhaps highlighting that a division between formal and clinical
supervision could ameliorate the potential difficulties that Ela may have in terms of feeling
able to talk about the complexities of how she feels about her practice.
The use of mentoring may provide a means for support to be offered that is separated
(at least in part) from line management responsibilities (Donnellan and Jack, 2010). The
mentoring relationship is characterized by an emphasis on support and guidance. It is
located most commonly in the context of learning and development, and the seniority of
the mentor to the mentee is about depth of experience rather than management
Emotions, supervision, and suppor t101
responsibilities. This fits well with the concept of the learning practitioner (SSSC, 2008).
For these arrangements to genuinely make the leap from formal supervision to a safe
and different environment, the purpose, function, and feedback loops to the organization
need to be explicit and agreed. Where this is fudged or overlooked, the potential for it to
quickly mimic formal supervision in terms of overlaps with management and agency
function is heightened.
Group supervision
So far, much of our discussion has centred on supervisory relationships that involve two
key participants: a supervisor and supervisee. Bogo and McKnight (2006) identify the rich-
ness that can found in supervision that is conducted within a wider group of colleagues and
peers. They make explicit and highly relevant links to the wider literature on group theory
and group work practice (see Doel, 2006; Doel and Kelly, 2013). This echoes the useful links
between one-to-one supervision and literature relating to relationship-based practice. A list
of the benefits of receiving (at least some) group supervision include:
Lomax et al. (2010) note that in keeping with effective group work practice, it is import-
ant that such supervisory arrangements are underpinned by ground rules that help man-
age the potential challenges of generating diverse views and perspectives. In addition, the
ground rules must make explicit the balance of the managerial, supportive, and educa-
tional aspects. These cannot be taken as a given. It is evident that sharing the emotional
content of one’s practice with colleagues may be therapeutic and helpful, but as we will
see in the next section of this chapter, this may be taken up in less formal forums.
Thomas and Spreadbury (2008) note a middle ground in which group support can
have a semi-formal status. They identify groups that can be formed to meet particular
needs or focus (e.g. a group to provide peer support for workers from minority groups).
They identify the strength and power of developing a collective voice to impact on organ-
izational change. They note that such a collective voice emerges from reflective and safe
discussions rooted in ‘communities of practice’ where shared experiences are examined.
In the context of emotions, it is clear that the confidence and insight gained through
group discussion may help to shape the organizational culture that has already been
highlighted as being so crucial to the quality and nature of formal supervision.
Learning activity
• Have you been a member of formal or informal groups of practitioners/students
formed to address specific issues/topics?
• Were these effective in meeting your needs? If so, why? If not, what were the
limitations?
• Can you identify other groups within your organization (or perhaps more widely)
that offer support and guidance to colleagues?
102 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
This chapter has focused largely on formal arrangements and opportunities for support
and supervision. You may of course have an enormously rich and helpful support network
available simply through your relationships with colleagues. Ingram (2013c) asked social
workers to identify the most useful and commonly used forum for support and guidance,
and that which came out on top was ‘informal support from colleagues’. Donnellan and
Jack (2010) asked a similar question to newly qualified social workers and found that
support from colleagues was ranked equally with formal supervisory arrangements.
Noble and Irwin (2009) note that seeking support from colleagues may be a response
to the emphasis on management approaches detracting from the therapeutic aspects of
supervision in which emotions may be explored. This is one explanation, but Ingram
(2013c), Donnellan and Jack (2010), and Thomas and Spreadbury (2008) indicate a range
of other factors that can be developed further in relation to the exploration of the emo-
tional content of practice (see Box 6.1).
Box 6.1 provides a strong argument for highlighting the role of support from col-
leagues. It is of course vulnerable and variable depending on the nature and size of the
organization in which you find yourself. It is also worth noting that the features of
Emotions, supervision, and suppor t103
availability and safety noted above will be dependent on environmental factors, such as
office configuration and associated opportunities for contact and/or privacy. It is cer-
tainly worth reflecting upon the way office space and team arrangements within the
context that you operate may facilitate or impinge on your ability to access informal peer
support. The mechanics of establishing a learning culture will be covered in Chapter 7
when we look more closely at organizations, but Hafford-Letchfield (2009) notes that the
informal peer-led aspects of this are as much part of the picture as the formal constructed
aspects. If we consider the importance of prevailing cultures on how emotions are
labelled and expressed (Turner and Stets, 2005), we can see why social workers may
value stepping outside of the formal arenas of support and supervision to allow for a
potentially less articulate and unguarded exploration of the emotional content of prac-
tice. It is of course worth noting that the quality of the support and advice of colleagues
may be rather variable, and the potential dangers of unaccountable and unrecorded sup-
port leading to mixed messages for social workers have been noted (Beddoe, 2010). This
underlines how such informal systems of support work best when allied to more formal
arrangements as part of a wider positive reflective learning culture.
Learning activity
• What opportunities for informal support from colleagues have you experienced
in your practice?
• Has this been useful? If so, what was it that was useful?
• How would you rank formal supervision in relation to support from colleagues?
104 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
• The role of supervision is not fixed and can be multi-functional. This can facilitate
and/or impede the discussion of the emotional content of practice.
• The content of supervision is strongly influenced by the relationship between supervi-
sor and supervisee. An open and transparent dialogue about what the focus of super-
vision should be is required to clarify permissions and expectations.
• Social workers value opportunities to reflect and explore the less certain aspects of
their practice.
• Informal support from peers is enhanced by a sense of shared experience.
Further reading
Agass, D. (2002) Countertransference, supervision and the reflection process, Journal of Social Work Practice,
16 (2): 125–33.
This paper focuses on the inter- and intra-personal dynamics present in a supervisory relationship.
Kadushin, A. and Harkness, D. (2002) Supervision in Social Work (4th edn.). New York: Columbia University
Press.
This is a comprehensive account of the many approaches and conceptions of social work supervision.
Organizational culture and
7 emotions
Chapter objectives
This chapter will:
• Examine the terms ‘managerialism’ and bureaucracy to establish a clear sense
of their place within organizations and how they may impact on emotions and
individual experiences.
• Consider models of organizations and how these may impact on how individu-
als experience organizations and can contribute to them.
• Identify the links between the concept of ‘learning organizations’ and the
development of organizational cultures that encourage individual reflection
and development.
• Develop a clear understanding of how wider narratives about the social work
profession can help to embed the centrality of emotions within organizations.
people contained within in them. They suggest that the people within organizations
abide by and contribute to the development of certain rules, hierarchies, and processes.
Without such tacit agreement (whether passive or active), organizations simply fail to
function. Indeed, Senior and Loades (2008) suggest that perhaps organizations can best
be understood by viewing them as individually experienced phenomena. That is,
organizations are part of our external environment and are understood through the lens
of our own experiences and perspectives. This suggests that as social workers we must
think about our organizations as part of who we are as practitioners and, in the context
of this book, how and if the emotional elements of our practice are experienced and used.
In this chapter, we will explore a range of perspectives about how organizations are
constructed and function, and in turn what this means for the role of emotions in social
work. In their seminal book In Search of Excellence, Peters and Waterman (1982) provide
us with a strong message that whatever the structure of an organization, those that func-
tion best are those that value, engage, and motivate their workforces. We will look at how
this may be achieved within the social work context and how you can make an impact on
what may at first appear to be something unwieldy and beyond your immediate sphere
of influence. Senior and Loades (2008) note that with the emergence of professional reg-
istration, there is an opportunity and need for social workers to think about how their
organizations facilitate or compromise their ability to fulfil the requirements of registra-
tion (GSCC, 2004; SSSC, 2004). Indeed, even the most cursory glance at the Professional
Capabilities Framework (PCF; College of Social Work, 2012) will reveal the repeated ref-
erence to the importance of understanding and engaging with the organizational context
in which one works. The need for congruence between the values and ethics of the social
work profession within organizations is a key theme. This chapter will help you navigate
the potential challenges inherent in managerially focused organizations, and look at the
wider professional narratives about autonomy and professional judgement.
The following case study will help you to make links between our discussion about
organizational culture and emotions and your own practice contexts, past or present.
Case study
Fiona is a postgraduate social work student on the final practice learning opportunity
of her qualifying Master’s programme. She has been placed within a voluntary sector
homeless unit. One of the modules she must complete involves identifying a learning
need within the organization, and in turn delivering a training event to contribute to
the development of her colleagues and peers. She is required to identify the learning
need through a process of consultation and negotiation with her colleagues. This
process is then followed by a period of individual research into the topic and a plan-
ning phase in which she will consider the organizational culture, resources, and
arrangements that will impact on how/when/where she delivers the training event.
Fiona initially found her colleagues to be resistant to the idea of identifying a
potential training need. They cited how busy the unit was and that they were also
struggling to identify a learning need that required addressing. This was echoed by
management, who suggested that Fiona think of something herself, and time would
be found at a staff meeting for her presentation. Fiona felt rather deflated, as many
of her peers received a great deal of cooperation in their practice learning contexts.
She persevered and sent an online questionnaire to her colleagues, acknowledging
that people were busy and the questionnaire could be completed at a time that suited
Organizational culture and emotions107
them. The response rate was good and the topic of emotional intelligence and rela-
tionships with residents was identified as a learning need.
Fiona embarked on a substantial amount of research and was able to negotiate
with management to set aside time devoted to the ‘event’. The training event was well
attended and evaluated by the staff of the organization. Many attendees noted that it
was refreshing to discuss such issues and that they felt that it was highly relevant to
their on-going practice.
Learning activity
• What might the response be to such a process in the organization that you cur-
rently practise within (or a previous practice context)? What does this tell you
about the organizational culture in terms of learning and development?
• How might Fiona feel as she struggles to gain support for the idea of a training
event? Should she try to address any organizational barriers? If so, why and how?
collaboration, and learning, and provides a vivid example of the potential for manage-
ment to help facilitate emotional awareness and self-knowledge.
Ruch (2012) highlights the difficult balance that needs to be struck between the rigid-
ity and apparent simplicity of seeing social work as a procedural activity than the com-
plex and emotionally charged reality of social work practice. Given the discussion in the
preceding paragraph, it is possible to see this as a balanced rather than an either/or type
of debate. If we return to the work of Hochschild (1983) and the suggestion that organi-
zations can provide such persuasive cultures and rules for workers that they learn to
express and (in some cases) feel emotions in line with organizational expectations, then
there would be a significant cause for concern (see Chapter 1). However, follow-up
research by Bolton and Boyd (2003) found that workers were able to find space for their
own emotional self despite strong organizational messages about the right way to feel
and behave. That is, workers draw on more than the immediate environment and look to
other sources such as previous experiences, professional values, personal values, and
motivations. This feeds into the argument that social workers can/should find opportuni-
ties to locate their own emotional worlds within organizations. As we will see later in the
chapter, there are organizational constructs that help make this easier; however, the
emotional labour of practice will exist regardless of whether it is captured in concrete
bureaucratic policies and procedures or not (Mann, 2004; Ruch, 2012).
Bureaucracy most often refers to the structures, rules, and procedures that provide a
framework for organizational behaviour and activities. Ferguson (2005) notes that
bureaucratic solutions are often sought in response to high-profile tragedies in social work
at the expense of considering the emotional worlds of the practitioners who operate
within organizations. This chimes with Weberian conceptions of bureaucracies, which
seek to reduce operations to procedures and processes and overlook (or indeed actively
eliminate) the role of the humans involved. The gold standard here is one of efficiency
and predictability. This approach to bureaucracy has a less neat fit with social work
owing to the fundamental fluidity and potential ‘messiness’ of human relationships and
behaviour (Aldridge, 1996; Senior and Loades, 2008). Beddoe (2010) echoes this notion
within the context of risk, and emphasizes that strict procedures can severely limit the
opportunity for the self-determination of service users (i.e. taking manageable risks) and
professional judgement of social workers. If we return briefly to our conceptual frame-
work proposed in Chapter 1, and the central role that emotional responses play in the
way we react and interpret meaningful events, we can begin to make a claim for emo-
tions and ‘self’ having an influence on choices and decisions within the context of proce-
dures. Furthermore, it could also be argued that rules and procedures provide a necessary
framework and structure to ensure consistency, accountability, and safety on the part of
social workers and those who use social work services (Hafford-Letchfield, 2009).
Figure 7.1 presents a typical hierarchical organizational structure that shows the power
and control in the hands of a few individuals at the top, with the majority of workers
further down the hierarchy. This model is important, as it reminds us of how stark hier-
archical power structures can be and more importantly how rigid and static they can
appear. Coulshed and Orme (2006) note that such a pyramid-type structure tells us noth-
ing about where an organization is going strategically, or the complex human relation-
ships and emotions contained within. However, it is important that we begin to think of
organizations more broadly than the rigid pyramid in Figure 7.1. This will help us to
reduce our natural antipathy towards perceived power issues associated with such hier-
archies. For those familiar with such pyramid structures, it is not uncommon for there to
be reference to service delivery in the space below the pyramid. I have consciously omit-
ted this in order to draw attention to the potential insularity of such structures. Given
Organizational culture and emotions109
Senior
management
Team
leaders/supervisors/senior
practitioners
such a structure, one can imagine how difficult it is for users of services to have an
impact on the focus and direction of organizations.
The module task that Fiona has been asked to complete while on her practice learning
opportunity is in line with the requirement embedded in the benchmarks for social work
qualifications to engage with the learning needs of yourself, your colleagues, and the
organization in which you operate (GSCC, 2004; SSSC, 2004). These are then picked up and
echoed in post-qualifying frameworks such as the PCF (College of Social Work, 2012). For
example, under the domain of ‘Professional Leadership’, it is stressed that social workers
must actively seek and engage in learning and research alongside colleagues and wider
networks. This provides Fiona with a framework if she finds her organization resistant to
the idea of training and learning events. Similarly, Senior and Loades (2008) highlight that
professional registration also provides social workers with leverage to engage with their
organizations to ensure that they are able to meet the requirements of registration (i.e.
continued professional development and working in partnership with service users). Where
an organization does not facilitate such facets of practice, the social worker has a clear
framework to draw upon to push for change (though this is not to underestimate such a
task). This is very helpful when thinking about the place of emotions in organizations, as it
reminds us that the place of emotions, self, relationships, and reflection is embedded in a
range of frameworks and narratives about the profession of social work (Scottish Govern-
ment, 2006; DCSF, 2009; Munro, 2011; College of Social Work, 2012), and thus provides a
strong message and backdrop to organizational culture. This will add greater weight to the
validity of the topic selected by Fiona and more broadly the notion that the organization
and management need to facilitate the individual development and growth of workers.
110 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
Voices of practitioners
Simone, a children and families social worker
‘It would be the revolution of social work to have emotions recognized organization-
ally. It is that far away . . . which is hilarious because we work with people every day.’
Simone provides a very stark and unpromising view of the organizational culture in
which she works. The idea that a ‘revolution’ would be required highlights not only
the distance between the existing organizational culture and one that recognizes
the emotional elements of practice, but also that profound action would be required
(a revolution may suggest a ‘bottom-up’ approach) to impact on the organizational
structures that provide the backdrop to her experiences.
Pete is more upbeat in his response and recognizes that his organization makes
a link between emotions, stress, and valuing staff. This is of course a rather limited
conception of emotions (health and well-being), revealing it as something that is
negative and simply individually experienced. The link to national level narratives is
insightful, and may provide part of the answer to his concern about what can be
done to move from rhetoric to something that is embedded within the organization.
In a study of the views of frontline social workers in England, Jones (2001) found that
there was a strong sense that social workers felt unsupported, emotionally overwhelmed,
and demoralized. Jones linked this despondent profile in part to the messages that social
workers received from the organizations in which they worked, in terms of how they
were trusted and valued. The findings of Ingram (2013a) do not mirror entirely the appar-
ently beleaguered profile of Jones’ study, but the impact of the teams and organizations
in which social workers work on their experience of practice was clearly evident.
Ayre (2001) points to the external pressures that impact on the way social work
organizations conceptualize and support practice. For example, he highlights that stories
of child abuse within the media are reported as failings of the social work profession
rather than as crime stories, as is typical in other European countries. This he contends
leads to a proceduralist approach to child protection in which the relationship-based
aspects of social work are marginalized and procedures are seen as the clearest and safest
way of working. Munro (2011) challenges such organizational and policy responses by
embracing the centrality of relationships with service users and the emotional elements
of social work. This potentially provides a strong footing for social work to address the
move towards managerialist approaches. As noted previously, we can draw conceptually
on the work of Hochschild (1983) to understand that despite professional expectations
Organizational culture and emotions111
driving emotional presentation, the emotional labour required to manage the dissonance
with the felt emotion is ongoing. Ingram (2013a) notes that for some social workers, the
messages they receive from their organization echo the proceduralist paradigm, whether
explicitly or implicitly. For example, discussing the difficult emotional elements of
practice can be interpreted as a health/well-being issue organizationally, and in turn
counselling services may be established to explore these in a separate sphere from
practice-focused support such as supervision. This reflects an organizational approach
to the role of emotions in practice and is linked to the messages that social workers
receive in terms of the validity and ‘safety’ of articulating their emotions.
McGregor (2006) proposed two constructs of organizations that are extremely useful
when trying to tune into organizational culture and the place that the emotional content
of practice may have:
• Theory X – this construct of organizations views workers as not being able to exercise
autonomy or having the underpinning knowledge and expertise to contribute mean-
ingfully to the development of the organization. In its simplest sense, it is rooted in the
belief that workers are inherently lazy, and that, as a result, a strict direction, proce-
dures, and policies are required to guide the activities and decisions of workers. The
echoes of this theory can be seen in the tightening of regulations and processes to
regulate and routinize social work practice.
• Theory Y – this construct of organizations views workers as positive, engaged, and
forward-looking. This type of organization seeks to establish structures that allow
space for innovation, creativity, and autonomy. This requires workers to be valued for
their unique contributions and being given genuine opportunities to participate in the
development of the organization. This theory resonates with the notion of professional
autonomy and the role of emotions and values that underpin such practice. The help-
ful link to participation and learning chimes with the notion of the learning organiza-
tion (Crossan et al., 1999).
Learning activity
• Can you compare Theory X and Theory Y with the organization you practise (or
have practised) in?
• Identify which rules, procedures, and arrangements facilitated or compromised
your involvement. Did these affect the way you felt valued?
• How is the place of emotions affected by this analysis? What factors might help
to shift your organization to one that considers your individual experiences,
values, and emotions?
Hafford-Letchfield (2009) suggests that organizations develop rules, roles, and proce-
dures that are intended to achieve agreed goals. She identifies that a scientific approach
to management has been evident in social work and uses the metaphor of a machine to
illustrate how procedures can be developed to achieve goals and outcomes, at the
expense of the human elements within an organization. Walton (2005) suggests that there
is a tension in such a bureaucratic model of an organization, as the focus on the individ-
ual social worker and their experiences is lost and an environment of inspection and
regulation prevails. Although this metaphor may overstate the lack of connection
112 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
Social
work
practice
Support
and
supervision
Organizational
culture
between social work organizations and social workers, Figure 7.2 highlights the inter-
locking cogs that shape organizations.
In Figure 7.2, I have developed and adapted the metaphor of the organizational
machine. It indicates the relationship between organizational culture, supervision, and
practice. If we consider the issue of ‘safety’ and the articulation of emotions in supervi-
sion (Ingram, 2013a), it is clear that those respondents who felt it unsafe to explore emo-
tions adapted their approach within supervision and the wider organization to present
themselves in a detached and procedural manner. This in part is a presentational issue,
but the complex picture that emerged about the role of emotions within the social worker/
service user relationship suggests that cultural messages cascade down to direct prac-
tice and lead to uncertainties in terms of the role and validity of emotions. The positive
aspect of this model is the interconnectedness of the cogs. This allows consideration of
the impact that emotional discourse in supervision could have on practice and in turn on
organizational culture. Similarly, if you apply the messages from this book about the
centrality of emotions in the context of your own direct practice, this will have an impact
on how you articulate your practice in supervision and to colleagues, which in turn will
impact upon the prevailing culture and norms of the organization. Finally, if the organization
accepts the messages about emotions and use of self within the above professional nar-
ratives, we can see how powerfully this may impact supervision and practice. Senior and
Loades (2008) emphasize that any machine-type metaphor for organizations must take
cognizance of the many emotions inherent in any grouping of people, and vividly describe
organizations as being ‘a hotbed of emotional life’ (p. 278). In effect, one must visualize
the individual and collective emotional responses and experiences of the workforce
constantly influencing the organizational identity, culture, and direction through
each interlocking cog. This moves away from top-down/bottom-up visual representations
Organizational culture and emotions113
Learning activity
Look at the three cogs in Figure 7.2. Can you identify whether and how messages
about the role of emotions are channelled through these areas in your organization
or one you have experience of working within? If that proves too difficult, feel free
to think about other issues that may evolve in one of the three areas and then have
an impact elsewhere.
Much of our discussion so far has focused on organizational structures and how they
impact the place that emotions and the individual experiences of social workers have
within organizations. We have begun to develop a sense that within any given structure
there will emerge a distinct culture that is, by definition, a product (at least in part) of the
individuals within the organization and that this culture will communicate and facilitate
a range of norms, rules, opportunities, and permissions. If we link back to the conceptual
framework proposed in Chapter 1, we can see how important cultural and contextual
expectations are for how we experience, label, and express our emotions (Rosenberg,
1990). Rosenberg notes the importance of role-modelling and social consensus, and how
this reinforces powerful cultural cues. Senge (1990) believes that this brings the individ-
ual and the organization together in a shared vision and an active engagement in new
learning. This is of course mirrored strongly in the PCF (College of Social Work, 2012).
114 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
In recent years, the notion of learning cultures has evolved and provides us with a
useful framework to locate the place of emotions and self within social work organizations.
SCIE (2004) proposed a range of features that underpin a learning organizational cul-
ture. The features of a learning organization detailed in Figure 7.3 appear especially
cogent when linked to the discussion on supervision in Chapter 6, as they shed light on
where the apparent inconsistencies in the experiences of social workers may lie. The idea
that shared beliefs are important is in line with the view of organizations being under-
pinned by a shared vision (Rosenberg, 1990). Ruch (2012) notes that the competing influ-
ences of outcomes-focused public management approaches and the less measurable
emotional elements of practice present social work managers with a difficult balancing
act. This does not need to be a binary debate if there is a cultural shift, whereby the emo-
tional and relationship-based elements of practice are explicitly agreed and shared as
important at all levels. This would be further enhanced by the ‘safe’ exploration of prac-
tice, which would encourage consideration of alternative perspectives, and allow for mis-
takes and uncertainties to be contained (Cornish, 2011). The notion of leadership at all
levels chimes with the aspiration for increased professional autonomy and trust that per-
meates national narratives about the profession (Scottish Government, 2006; Munro,
2011). Bamford (1982) provides a cautionary view of the aspiration for greater profes-
sional autonomy, by emphasizing that organizational factors such as resources and pol-
icy are ever present and provide both opportunities for and obstacles to autonomy.
Teamwork
Leadership Shared
at all levels beliefs
Learning
Organizations
Innovation
Supervision and
mistakes
Clear
policies
• Intuition – ideas arise initially from individuals and may well develop from subcon-
scious and pre-verbal stages into a verbal articulation. Such ideas will be framed by
the individual’s emotions, experiences, and values.
• Interpretation – this is the stage where ideas are expressed and then interpreted by
others in the context of wider experiences and perspectives.
116 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
The process described above sits comfortably with the notion of a learning organization
in that the first three stages are fluid and involve ideas and critically reflecting upon
uncertainties and complexities. This fluidity does not always result in organizational
change and can simply represent an openness to learning and exploration. This is in line
with the importance of organizations allowing the emotional content of practice to be
considered and expressed individually and across organizations, and perhaps most cru-
cially that there is space and acceptance for complexity and nuance.
This model also provides us with a framework to consider the current place of emo-
tions within social work organizations. We have established the irrefutable centrality of
emotions in the experiences and actions within practice. We have also noted the links
between emotions and emotional intelligence in relation to service users and colleagues.
Chapter 6 provides a clear depiction of the ways in which the interpretation and integra-
tion phases are commonplace in social work organizations. Current narratives about the
profession of social work note the importance of emotions, reflection, and the importance
of relationships. This in some ways fits with the fourth and final stage of organizational
learning but requires the processes and structures to then follow suit and firmly embed
emotions within social work organizations.
If we return to the case study, it is possible to understand the process Fiona undertook
within this model. The intuition phase is already partly underway due to the formal struc-
ture and requirements of the academic module. However, it was through the use of a sur-
vey that Fiona was able to encourage and elicit ideas from a range of individuals within
the team. The initial reticence of the team may underline how fluid and unplanned the
intuitive phase can be and that it does not always result in tangible outcomes that can be
taken forward. The integration phase was in some sense taken forward initially by Fiona
who was charged (by module requirements) to research the topic and develop the content
of the training event. It is also likely that the topic of emotional intelligence would have
been interpreted and considered individually and collectively within the event itself as
participants began to appraise the relevance of it to their practice experiences. The posi-
tive evaluations from participants suggest that, by the end of the event, there was a shared
understanding and that participants could see the links to their work and the aims of the
organization. I have already made links between Fiona’s training event and the potential
for organizational influence and change. If we accept that the messages about the use of
emotions become part of the culture of the organization, it is possible that potentially new
processes will emerge to reflect them (institutionalization).
Learning activity
• Reflect on your experiences (or those of others) of developing an idea that was
then shared with colleagues. How does your experience fit with the 4 I’s model?
What are the cultural barriers to and/or facilitators of this process?
• How explicit are the messages contained within national narratives about the
importance of emotions and use of self being cascaded down to organizational
and individual levels?
• What can you do as an individual to enhance these messages?
Organizational culture and emotions117
Our discussion about organizational culture and structure has largely focused on social
work organizations in isolation. It would be easy to think of organizations and agencies
as entities with impermeable walls that exist and develop in isolation from external fac-
tors and forces. This is of course not the reality of social work organizations or practice.
It is difficult to imagine a practice context that does not require a certain degree of inter-
disciplinary collaboration. In some contexts, of course, this may be fully integrated into
the structure of an organization (for example, unified Children Services departments). In
other contexts, it will be about taking a holistic view of how separate organizations and
professions contribute individually and collectively to the overall picture of service deliv-
ery. Either way, collaborative practice is a key aspect of the legislative, policy, and prac-
tice context of social work (Quinney, 2006).
Bronstein (2003) notes that interdisciplinary collaboration is ultimately an interper-
sonal process and phenomenon. Bronstein argues that it pushes professionals to con-
sider their own values and perspectives in relation to the new and/or different
professional orientations that one comes across when working with other professional
groups. This ties in with the emphasis on the important role that individuals have in
terms of organizational development (Crossan et al., 1999). That is, interdisciplinary
collaboration creates an environment that necessitates new learning and gives rise to
the need for self-reflection and clarity of one’s own role. Bronstein (2003) highlights the
need to create space for reflection when engaging in interdisciplinary collaboration, as
one’s sense of role and purpose is challenged and this has a significant emotional impact
on workers.
The interdisciplinary nature of service provision creates an environment in which
individual workers and the organizations in which they operate must develop personal
and professional identities that are clearly distinct from other professions but flexible
and fluid enough to meet the challenges of collaboration (Slay and Smith, 2011). This
forces social workers to individually and collectively consider what the role and function
of social work is. They are likely to draw on a range of sources, including research, liter-
ature, legislation, policy, codes of practice, and individual values. This process will
involve the complex interplay of conscious and unconscious emotions as professional
and personal identity evolves (Seden, 2011). This reflective process requires you to con-
sider organizational culture (Rosenberg, 1990) and how this shapes how one appraises
new professional challenges and orientations. The centrality of relationships and use of
self are a core part of the social work identity (Ruch, 2012; Ingram, 2013d), and it is often
this aspect that marks the profession out from others involved in collaborative service
delivery. This presents an opportunity for social work to stake a claim for the importance
of the emotional content of practice and underlines its place within professional identity
and organizational culture.
Learning activity
Consider the other professional groupings that you currently or have previously
worked with in practice settings. List the characteristics of these professions. This
will involve identifying roles, remits, and approaches to practice. What are the simi-
larities and differences in relation to social work? In your experience, what value do
these professions place on use of self, relationships, and emotions?
118 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
• It was highlighted that social workers must think about and contribute to the organ-
izations in which they practise. Organizations have rules, norms, and processes that
impact upon all aspects of practice and in particular the emotional content of practice.
• Managerialism and bureaucracy were examined and space was identified for main-
taining and valuing a sense of self within procedures and processes.
• Learning cultures were considered and the opportunities these present for managing
and containing the complexities and uncertainties of practice were identified. The
emergence of continuing professional development provides a helpful vehicle for
learning and reflection to become part of organizational culture and activity.
• Theories of organizations were discussed to provide readers with a framework to tune
into the organizational structures they work within.
• The increasingly interdisciplinary environment in which the social work profession
functions was highlighted as an opportunity to further embed the role of emotions
within the professional identity of social work.
Further reading
Gould, N. (2000) Becoming a learning organisation: a social work example, Social Work Education, 19 (6):
585–96.
This paper provides useful guidance and tips for actively creating an organizational environment that
facilitates reflection and learning.
Hafford-Letchfield, T. (2009) Management and Organisations in Social Work. Exeter: Learning Matters.
This accessible book covers the key aspects of organizations and social work. It provides a useful resource
for students and practitioners to start thinking about organizations.
Emotions and the social work
8 professional
Chapter objectives
This chapter will:
• Explore what is meant by the term professional and how this impacts on the
image, perception, and reality of social work practice. Readers will be encour-
aged to consider how definitions of professionalism impact on their view of the
compatibility of emotions and social work.
• Consider the notion of professional identity and how it is constructed and influ-
enced by internal and external factors. The place that emotions have within the
professional identity of social workers will be highlighted.
• The key themes for the book will be pulled together to contribute to the devel-
opment of a model that locates emotions at the heart of what it is to be a social
work professional. The proposed model will forge explicit links between profes-
sional frameworks, practice, organizational culture, and practitioner supports
to create a vision of the profession that facilitates and accommodates the emo-
tional aspects of practice within it. A key aspect of this model will be the
removal of perceived barriers between these elements, which previously cre-
ated a climate in which the emotional aspects of practice were seen as being in
competition or incongruous with the technical-rational aspects of social work.
The applicability and credibility of this model are enhanced through being
underpinned by existing codes, policies, and narratives about the profession.
Readers of this book may be registered with a professional regulatory body. This is a
statutory requirement of social workers in many counties globally, and in the UK is a
requirement from beginning a social work qualifying programme through to the point of
retirement. This sets social work students apart from many of their peers in higher edu-
cation, as their academic degree programme is regulated and associated with a profes-
sional code of practice. This sets in motion a series of expectations and responsibilities
associated with the qualification of social work. We will examine in more detail what this
professional identity is and how emotions and use of self are a key component of this pro-
fessional identity, both within the profession and in relation to other associated profes-
sional groupings.
The chapter will conclude with a model that establishes the place of emotions
within a professional construct. This model will challenge the notion that there may be
some incongruity with being professional and experiencing and using emotions. It will
draw on a range of features of the profession to argue that emotions are in fact a valid
and essential part of what it is to be a social work professional, and that perhaps it is this
element that is the key aspect of the unique role that social work plays in a multidisci-
plinary practice context.
The following case study reintroduces us to Lorna from Chapter 2. She has now qual-
ified as a social worker and is about to start her first job since graduating as a social
worker. I have purposefully chosen to return to Lorna as she was initially uncomfortable
with the interplay between academic study and the reflective/practice-based aspects of
her social work programme. Having successfully completed her programme of study and
achieved her professional qualification as a social worker, she will need to assess what is
required and expected of her as a social worker and will likely survey the broad range of
knowledge and experience she has garnered to help her make sense of what being a
social work professional means.
Case study
Lorna has recently gained an undergraduate degree in social work. This degree qual-
ifies her to work with the professional status of a social worker. She has recently
changed her professional registration status from student to social worker. Lorna has
thoroughly enjoyed her programme of study and feels ready to start her first job in a
children and families team in a local authority.
Despite these feelings of confidence, she is also a little wary of the idea that she
is now a qualified professional who will be making important judgements and deci-
sions in partnership and on behalf of children and their families. Over the course of
her programme, she has been able to engage with a broad range of theory and
practice that will help her to undertake this role effectively. However, the media have
recently reported a very high-profile and tragic child death, in which the poor judge-
ment of a social worker has been deemed to be a pivotal contributory factor. This
coupled with anecdotes from her colleagues makes her uncertain about how she will
cope with the realities of her caseload and in turn how this may impact on her pro-
fessional judgement. She is keen not to become a social worker that simply follows
strict procedures and is still very committed to engaging with service users to work
in partnership.
Emotions and the social work professional121
I suspect we all know what we mean by the words ‘profession’ and ‘professional’. This
sense of certainty about the terms gives us confidence to make judgements about what
is professional and unprofessional. It allows us to calibrate whether a job had been done
to a professional standard, or has dropped below such thresholds. The notion of profes-
sional judgement invokes a degree of importance and accuracy that lends it greater
validity and weight. Phrases such as ‘in my professional opinion’ set such opinions apart
for other less informed ones, and hint at a well of knowledge and expertise. Being told
that ‘you are rather unprofessional’ may be perceived as a serious rebuke for a practi-
tioner, and suggests that there are sets of acceptable pre-determined behaviours associ-
ated with the concept. In this section, we will explore some of these facets of the term,
and highlight the impact this has on how we perceive social work and how this in turn
strengthens or marginalizes the role of emotions.
Beckett and Maynard (2013) note that an important aspect of being a professional is
that it moves beyond simply being ourselves. They identify a range of theory, legislation,
policy and professional codes that shape and direct the content of what it is to be a social
work professional. These influential codes of practice and ethics provide a visible and
tangible set of standards and rules that mark out the territory of what is then judged to
be within professional boundaries (GSCC, 2004; NASW, 2008; BASW, 2012b). Ingram et al.
(2014) broaden this view of the social work professional further by highlighting that
despite these frameworks and influences, we do bring our individual ‘self’ to bear on the
professional we become. This suggests that the concept of the professional is about the
interplay between universally shared frameworks and knowledge, with the skills, val-
ues, and emotions that we individually possess.
The term professional also carries with it notions of expertise and ‘a job well done’. In
the context of social work, this is linked to the aforementioned body of knowledge that
underpins the profession, but also is about how this is actually used within practice. In
many ways, it is the familiar ‘theory to practice’ axis that all social work students and
practitioners have to engage with. The standards that are required of qualified social
workers confer professional status. The Professional Capabilities Framework (College of
Social Work, 2012) lays out a series of qualities that combine to create a vision of a social
work professional. The following are a few selected ones that might helpfully identify
the key themes involved:
This brief sample from the PCF is useful, as it picks up on the notion that being a pro-
fessional is about attaining a level of confidence and competence that is manifested in
the actions one takes in practice. The focus is on the outcomes of professional practice
and this is simply a mirror of the familiar notion of ‘doing a good job’. This brings us to
the measurability of effectiveness and reminds us that social work is at least partly char-
acterized by a managerial outcomes-based focus and the ability of a social worker to be
seen as ‘professional’ is tied up in such measures. It is also important to note that external
evaluations of one’s professionalism are most crucially made by service users in terms of
the trustworthiness, genuineness, consistency, and effectiveness of the relationships
they form with social workers. This creates a clear focus on the individual, their behaviour
122 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
and ability to form relationships, and brings us back to the balance between the ‘hard’
and ‘soft’ aspects of the social work professional role (Ingram et al., 2014). The link
between the complexity of practice and the need for reflection is helpful, as it builds the
need for self-knowledge and critical reflection into what it is to be a social worker. In
terms of this book and the conceptual framework proposed in Chapter 1, this is heartening,
as it notes the importance of the intra-personal aspects of practice and in turn the need
to consider one’s emotional responses to achieve the required level of professionalism.
Beckett and Maynard (2013) note that professionalism is not a static concept. They sug-
gest it is a standard that social workers must constantly aspire to and one that can be
compromised and challenged by competing forces. Fenton (2012) identifies the concept
of ‘ethical stress’, which occurs when the organizational demands of an agency are at
odds with one’s professional value base. For example, an agency may demand that social
workers limit the frequency and duration of visits to service users owing to high work-
loads and a quest for greater efficiencies. This will be at odds with a commitment to
communicating respect and establishing effective relationships by taking time to establish
them. This reflects a tussle to achieve professional standards when facets of the pro-
fession (organizational and individual) are competing with one another. This complex
picture shows the need for ongoing professional development to constantly re-calibrate
and enhance the standards that social workers must meet in the ever-changing world of
practice (Wiles, 2013).
The following learning task is intended to get you thinking about what you perceive to
be important elements of the concept of professionalism. It will encourage you to con-
sider the nature and boundaries of ethical thresholds.
Emotions and the social work professional123
Learning activity
Consider the following examples from practice. First, note down whether you think
each statement reflects a breach of what you feel to be professional. Once you
have done that (you should be able to make a very quick judgement), list the rea-
son for this and what it tells you about the component parts of being professional.
• A social worker forms a very positive relationship with a service user. The social
worker prioritizes meetings with this service user over others that are part of
their caseload.
• A social worker keeps in contact via social media with an ex-service user once
they move to a new job.
• A social worker agrees to ‘keep a secret’ during discussions with a 15-year-old
female service user.
• A social worker blames their organization for not providing adequate resources
when offering a service to a service user.
• Accepting gifts from service users.
• Failing to challenge dangerous practice observed in the work of other social
workers.
• Basing a decision on ‘gut feeling’.
This task will have raised a plethora of issues for you. These may have included the
notions of professional boundaries and relationships; regulation of emotions; upholding
standards; and the place of knowledge and evidence. What is crucial is that with very
little prompting, we have created views about what constitutes ‘being professional’.
These reactions are drawn from our sense of what the social work profession means to
us, and in turn our sense of professional identity. It is this concept to which we now turn.
codes, and knowledge that contribute to professional identity, but simply that these are
then combined with our individual qualities and experiences.
Arthur (2008) notes that the fluid nature of professional identity means that it is
responsive to changing contexts and circumstances. Slay and Smith (2011) echo this by
suggesting that professional identity evolves throughout one’s career. This is in part high-
lighted in the PCF (College of Social Work, 2012) in the sense that it is recognized that
professional capabilities develop with experience and are underpinned by continued
learning and reflection. Slay and Smith (2011) suggest that professional identity can be
scaffolded and enhanced by role-modelling. This brings us back to the importance of
high-quality supervision and organizational commitment to learning (DCSF, 2009). It also
underlines the power that prevailing cultures have on professional identity and the pro-
fessional presentation that this then demands of workers (Hochschild, 1983). If we consider
the case study, Lorna will be conscious that her professional identity is at an emerging
stage as she makes the transition from student to qualified worker. She will sense that
aspects of professional identity such as autonomy and accountability will increase
during this transition. However, how this develops for her will be dependent also on the
organizational context and culture in which she finds herself. What is important here is
that Lorna’s professional identity and experience of developing a sense of it will be unique
to her, and will vary from that of her fellow graduates as they take their individual
perspectives into differing social work environments.
It is clear from the preceding discussion that professional identity involves an interac-
tion between the individual social worker and wider frameworks and knowledge bases
that underpin the profession. However, we should not overlook the influence of the mul-
tidisciplinary context of social work practice and the associated impact that working
with other professional groupings has on clarifying professional boundaries and purpose
(Wiles, 2013). Frost et al. (2005) noted that significant learning occurs when working
(practically and academically) alongside other professionals. Hannah et al. (2014) found
that when social work students and educational psychology students worked together on
a hypothetical case study, there was a blurring of professional identities as the overlaps
and differences between the professions were highlighted and explored. It is usual for
social work qualifying programmes to take account of the multidisciplinary world of
practice, as to teach social work as if its role was isolated would be to fall short of the
reality of practice. This wider context in which professional identity evolves is import-
ant, as it highlights that social work is a profession that is (unashamedly) responsive to
other professions, service users, and bureaucracies (van Pelt et al., 2015). This respon-
siveness should not be viewed as a lack of focus or simply ‘blowing with the wind’. It
requires professional assertiveness and confidence to maintain a sense of professional
identify in such a fluid context (Wilson et al., 2011).
This brings us to a key challenge for social work and its professional identity: is the
profession and its wide-ranging remit and knowledge base too diffuse to achieve a coher-
ent identity? Due to the generic aspects of the profession, the sources of knowledge and
legislation can change dramatically from one practice context to another. A worker in a
child protection setting may draw from a significantly different knowledge base than
someone working in a criminal justice context. Of course, there will be many overlaps,
but to an outsider they may appear entirely different careers. Part of the answer lies
within the codes of practice, professional registration and education of social workers.
However, it is similarly evident that a key aspect of the profession is the ability to draw
from bodies of knowledge and information that are pertinent to each situation encoun-
tered in practice (Donnellan and Jack, 2010). This is rooted in the strongly held belief
about recognizing the uniqueness and diversity of service users’ lives and the meanings
Emotions and the social work professional125
they apply to them. Rather than the apparent diffuse nature of social work being seen as
a barrier to achieving a professional identity, perhaps we should argue that it is one of
the core features of the professional identity of social workers. The ability to establish
relationships, work in partnership with individuals across the life course, evaluate and
manage risk, engage in critical reflection, and be accountable for one’s decisions will
vary from case to case and context to context. Van Pelt et al. (2013) suggest it is this fluid
and reflective application of knowledge and professional role that constitutes a key part
of the social work identity.
Learning activity
It is common to find oneself in the company of friends who have little or no knowledge
of the social work profession. It is similarly common to find oneself trying hard to
articulate a clear answer to the question, ‘what is social work?’
Given the preceding discussion, list the features that best describe the identity
of a social worker, such as ‘a commitment to social justice’. Then try to identify how
these features are manifested in practice situations with which you are familiar.
Finally, try to identify the aspects of these practice contexts that are unique or at
least central to the social work role.
The outcome of this task should equip you with a clearer sense of the values,
knowledge, and skills associated with the professional and how these are then
applied in practice – hence developing a professional identity.
To navigate one’s way through this ever-changing professional identity, it is essential that
social workers are engaged with and open to their emotional responses to the circum-
stances in which they find themselves. One’s emotional responses will often be the cue to
consider what is unique about a situation, and will link us to our previous knowledge and
experience. This, in turn, will guide the application of knowledge to practice. Put simply,
the fluidity of a social worker’s professional identity requires self-knowledge and a con-
stant engagement with reflection and learning.
In the next section, I will propose a model that locates emotions within the profession of
social work. It may be useful at this stage to lay the foundations for this model. Ingram
(2013a) asked social workers from across a diverse range of statutory social work con-
texts about their views of emotions and social work. A key finding from the study was
the difficulty that many social workers had in terms of seeing the emotional content of
their practice as congruent with ‘being professional’. It wasn’t that many respondents
thought no emotions were at play within their practice but simply that they needed to be
removed or marginalized to fit with professionalism. It was interesting that, despite this,
the respondents found it very difficult to articulate ‘how’ such emotions could be removed
and given what we know about the central role of emotions in human life, that is hardly
surprising. Pizarro (2000) notes that although emotions are subjective in nature, they are
equally rooted in experience and reality. Thus, they represent an important stream of
information to guide professional decision-making (Munro, 2011).
126 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
Ruch (2012) is explicit in her quest to place emotions within the professional construct
of social work. Her argument is that the ‘simple’ aspects of social work such as forming
relationships with people in crisis are of course far from simple and require emotional
intelligence and attunement. Indeed, Ruch suggests that this requirement to form rela-
tionships in complex circumstances is part of the uniqueness of the profession and as
such a key facet of it. Cornish (2011) reinforces this view by noting that a key aspect of
the profession of social work is the uncertainty of many of the circumstances social
workers encounter. This is the antithesis of the rational and predictable aspects of some
commonly held visions of what professionalism is. Cornish argues that in many ways the
ability to work through a period of ‘not knowing’ is a key aspect of the profession and
that the profession cannot be simply measured by ‘the right answers’ or the ‘correct
response’. Ferguson (2010) highlights that this complex aspect to the profession is often
played out alone in environments that are threatening, menacing or intimidating. This
further underlines the need for reflection and support to engage with the emotional
responses and meanings that we experience in these contexts (College of Social Work,
2012; Gant et al., 2014). To think of the profession as being detached from emotions in
light of this seems somewhat absurd.
If we think back to the case study, it is clear that Lorna will be full of anticipation for
the challenges that lie ahead. By definition, she will be experiencing new and challenging
circumstances on a daily basis as a newly qualified worker. Howe (2008) suggests that
social workers are filled with emotional responses emanating both from within and from
others on a daily basis. Lorna will be no different, yet she will also likely want to show
that she ‘knows what she is doing’ as a newly qualified professional social worker. This
takes us back to the ideas at the beginning this chapter about professionalism being asso-
ciated with expertise and high standards. It will take time and support before Lorna feels
she ‘knows’ how to respond to situations (Cornish, 2011) and reaches the point where any
uncertainty (and the associated emotions) are seen a crucial source of information and
motivation. Given the coverage in the media about apparent poor judgement on the part
of a fellow practitioner in her field, it is likely that the temptation to avoid blurriness and
uncertainty is increased. Ferguson (2005) notes that such avoidance can lead to dysfunc-
tional decision-making rather than safer decision-making.
Voices of practitioners
Janet, a children and families social worker
‘I think you have to be able to display empathy within practice but your own emotions
should not be apparent within practice, as this could compromise your professionalism.’
It would seem that there is something odd about empathy being coupled with the
removal of emotions, but in Janet’s terms, this is not a tension but a professional
necessity. The idea that one’s professionalism can be compromised by the role of
emotions seems to suggest that there is a construct of the profession that is tech-
nically rational in nature.
not want to feel detached from the service users I am working with, and believe that
empathy and a caring attitude can go a long way in this job.’
Fiona stakes a claim for emotions and feelings having a central role in establishing
the social worker/service user relationship, and uses the familiar but significant
phrase ‘caring professional’. By adding the suffix ‘al’ to the word profession, the
debate about the role of emotions becomes more manageable and less incongruous.
This chapter has explored the role of emotions within the context of the social work pro-
fession. The focus on the word ‘professional’ emerged from the findings of Ingram
(2013a), as it was common for social workers to use the word professional to explain the
inappropriateness of using emotions within practice or at least identify it as being an
area of tension and complexity. The notion of being a professional is often underpinned
by technical-rational constructs where certainty and tangible outcomes are highly val-
ued (Brodie et al., 2008). When professionalism is viewed through this lens, it is natural
and understandable that workers find it difficult to express how or if emotions impact on
their practice. This is further underpinned by confusing and contradictory messages
from policy and literature about what the profession of social work entails.
The model presented here is intended to provide readers with a framework to encour-
age and support them to acknowledge the place of emotions within their practice, and to
recognize that this is echoed throughout current narratives about the profession. It pulls
together the key themes of this book into what it is hoped is a usable model that will not
only clarify the thinking presented here but also provide momentum for promoting the
place of emotions more generally within social practice.
The discussion in this chapter has brought together a range of themes that contribute
to an image of a profession where emotions should, and do, have a significant role. So
often this type of discussion can edge towards an unhelpful separation of potential mod-
els, such as highlighting a technical-rational model or a relationship-based model. The
themes and topics explored throughout this book suggest that the separation is neither
helpful nor realistic. It has already been argued that emotions and rational thought are
usefully and inextricably connected. Indeed, regardless of the processes and knowledge
brought to bear on social work practice, it is the ability to form positive relationships and
partnerships with service users that is at the core of the activity. Hennessey (2011: 17)
underlines this when he states: ‘we should see social work as a distinctive profession
where separating oneself from one’s emotions is tantamount to separating oneself from
the client’. This statement was made in the context of a relationship-based view of prac-
tice and resonates strongly with current visions and aspirations of the profession (Munro,
2011).
It is evident that there are often real or perceived boundaries between the practice of
the individual social worker, the organizational messages about the profession, and
national policy and guidance. The key strands that contribute to the realization of a con-
struct of the profession of social work are shown in Figure 8.1. Clearly, there is a great deal
of detail and further factors involved, but the aim of this diagram is to suggest that these
strands often sit beside rather than are connected to each other. This leads to the con-
tested nature of the profession and the uncertainty and disjuncture that this gives rise to,
128 Understanding Emotions in Social Work
as discussed in the preceding chapters. The separation reinforces the sense that these
strands can appear at odds with each other, or at the very least are open to a range of
emphases and interpretations. It is clear that these differences in interpretation and expe-
rience can arise within team and supervisory relationships. It is heartening to see that the
messages from the Social Work Task Force (DCSF, 2009) regarding the enhancement of
the reflective aspects of social work, and the messages from the Munro Report (Munro,
2011) regarding greater autonomy and recognition of the emotional aspects of practice,
appear to overlap and chime with each other. It is the operationalization and cascading
down of these messages that are the crucial aspect of this if the three circles in Figure 8.1
are to merge meaningfully.
A: Relationship
between social B: Organizational C: National policy
worker and service culture (i.e. supervision) and professional
user guidance
B C
The intersection between the three circles in Figure 8.2 is crucial to considering the
role of emotions in social work practice. It is the area where the congruent messages
about the role of emotions from across the profession come together. By this I mean the
place where the aforementioned polarized strands can cohabit within a single construct
of the profession. This book has highlighted the ethical, sociological, political, and psy-
chological elements that contribute to the intertwining of emotions and social work prac-
tice. I will use that intersection as the foundation of a construct of the profession that
integrates the emotional elements of practice within it, rather than from outside it.
The model below is intended to locate the social work professional within a complex
system of influences with the explicit intention of illustrating the valuable contribution
of these influences rather than perpetuating the unhelpful divisions noted above. The
focus of this book and the model below is on locating the role of emotions within the
Emotions and the social work professional129
social work profession and practice. The conceptual framework of emotions proposed in
Chapter 1 underlines the inescapable role that emotions play in the reality of practice and
indeed human experience. What was heartening and intuitive when constructing this
model was that the overlaps between the quadrants were identifiable, realistic, and
appropriate. The model is based on four key areas of influence. These are:
• Organizational culture
• Social work practice
• Supervision, support, and reflection
• Professional frameworks, policy, and legislation.
The individual social work professional is placed at the centre of the model with each
quadrant explicitly linked to the others in an interdependent process (see Figure 8.3).
• Relationships
• Ethics of care
• Codes of practice
• Practice skills and wisdom
• Reflective practice
• Formal and informal supports
• Policy and legislation
• Education and learning
ORGANIZATIONAL
CULTURE
• Relationships
• Relationships • Ethics of care
• Ethics of care • Codes of practice
• Codes of practice • Practice skills and
PROFESSIONAL
• Practice skills and wisdom Social Work SUPERVISION, wisdom
FRAMEWORKS,
SUPPORT AND
• Reflective practice POLICY AND Practitioner REFLECTION • Reflective practice
LEGISLATION
• Formal and informal supports • Formal and informal
• Policy and legislation supports
• Education and learning • Policy and legislation
• Education and learning
SOCIAL WORK
PRACTICE
• Relationships
• Ethics of care
• Codes of practice
• Practice skills and wisdom
• Reflective practice
• Formal and informal supports
• Policy and legislation
• Education and learning
This is a crucial aspect of the model, in that the quadrants are developed to enhance clar-
ity rather than to perpetuate the boundaries between them. I have then built the model
outwards to identify what I believe to be the key components of each quadrant. As noted
above, the key components have a resonance across all four quadrants, which have
emerged throughout the chapters of this book and which I believe to be a valuable con-
tribution to developing a model that locates emotions within it rather than on the periph-
ery. I will provide a commentary to accompany the model and reflect on the process of
its construction.
Let us begin by taking each quadrant in turn and discuss the elements within each.
I will then discuss the relationships between the quadrants and how this interdependent
relationship creates a dynamic and flexible construct for the profession.
1. Organizational culture
It was clear from the discussion in Chapter 7 that organizational culture has a direct
impact on the perceived appropriateness of articulating, recording, and using emotions
in social work practice. The notion of a ‘learning culture’ is intended to create a space for
the value placed on reflection, autonomy, and enhancement of practice. Within that con-
struct there should be room for social workers to explore the emotional elements of their
practice. By allowing a culture of ‘safety’ for this to take place, workers will feel able to
exercise their emotional intelligence by identifying, managing, and using their emotions
in practice. This is directly related to adapting the norms and rules that have influenced
and encouraged the marginalization of emotions.
This culture of openness and safety in a sense reflects key social work values and
qualities required within a relationship between social worker and service user. The con-
gruence between organizational culture and direct practice is a crucial aspect of this. As
identified earlier in this chapter, there are policy documents, professional frameworks,
and legislation that underpin an ethos that values the social work relationship, transpar-
ency, and increasing autonomy. This should contribute to an organizational sense of the
appropriateness of such an approach, while also helpfully locating such messages along-
side other key aspects of policy that emphasize, for example, the importance of proce-
dures and evidence bases. Once organizations develop the ability to see the congruence
between existing professional frameworks and the role of emotions and relationships
within practice, it is possible to envisage there being an explicit and implicit impact on
the nature of how social work practice is written and recorded in informal and formal
settings.
I have identified the presentational aspects of practice/emotions and noted the impact
of the rules and norms of organizations. The increased congruence between organiza-
tional culture and practice reality will still provide a socially constructed backdrop for
how workers feel they should present themselves, but the nature of this presentation will
shift towards greater openness and reflection. This brings us back to the notion of a
healthy learning organization, which, when underpinned by the ethics of care, can man-
age the uncertain and ‘risky’ elements of practice by acknowledging and claiming the
social work relationship as a central driver within the culture.
as such the links between ‘being professional’ and these relationships is cogent. It is
important to note that the wider frameworks and policy that underpin the organizational
culture are directly linked to the individual worker also. The requirement for professional
registration has underlined the explicit relationship between individual social workers
and the professional codes and frameworks that they agree to adhere to. Taking this
regulatory influence as a starting point, social workers can acknowledge the messages
about the centrality of relationships with service users as well as expectations about
autonomy and reflection. This fits well with the inter-personal aspects of emotions con-
tained within the conceptual framework. When there is greater congruency of organiza-
tional messages, then the dramaturgical elements of professional presentation can more
easily accommodate this emphasis. If we then link this to our discussion about the ethics
of care in Chapter 6, we can create an ethical space for social workers to locate the
importance of their relationships with service users.
The model underlines the importance for social workers to develop their ability to
manage the emotional elements of these relationships and use them to establish open and
empathic communication. This we know to be highly valued by service users and
reflected in the codes of practice, and as such the rules and norms in which social work-
ers operate should facilitate this. It is clear that the relationships between social workers
and service users are subject to professional boundaries and roles that may contribute to
a sense of uncertainty about how emotions fit comfortably with ‘being professional’.
By harnessing the messages noted above about the profession and encouraging the
role of emotions within practice, social workers can make comfortable links between
professional frameworks and their practice. By this I mean that the explicit use and
acknowledgement of the emotional awareness, management, and attunement elements
of emotional intelligence can provide a bridge between the frameworks and the reality of
practice by countering the previously intangible aspects of emotions.
A key to establishing a view of practice that values the emotions and the centrality of
the social work relationship is the congruence between organizational and national mes-
sages about individual autonomy, responsibility, and expertise. It is envisaged that this
vision of a social work professional will be cultivated through the aforementioned learn-
ing culture and also be underpinned by the regulatory requirement for continued profes-
sional development. This is crucial in terms of giving all parties involved the confidence
that greater autonomy and relationship-based approaches are underpinned by a vigor-
ous and explicit requirement for reflection and learning. This provides a rigour to the
place of emotions and relationships, and in so doing, the more technicist areas of prac-
tice, such as risk assessment, may be integrated more comfortably.
understandings. If this flows from a core cultural ethos, then it would be incongruous for
supervision to sideline these aspects in favour of managerialist and outcome-focused
approaches. This clearly links back to the discussion of the socially constructed elements
of emotions in practice. There is a strong case to be made for supervisors being able to
provide a role-modelling approach involving openness, genuineness, and emotional
intelligence. This may provide a useful link between management and practice experi-
ence/wisdom and move away from a line management-orientated approach.
Chapter 6 noted the important role of informal support from colleagues and peers. In
its purest form, this would likely continue to exist within any cultural ethos. However,
given a culture where the emotional aspects of practice are valued, used, and explored,
the need for such support may diminish. It would, however, be a mistake to be compla-
cent about informal types of support. The benefits of shared expertise, the immediacy of
support, and the opportunity for reflection would remain attractive and relevant aspects
of informal support. Indeed, given a shift in culture, this may be encouraged through the
confidence of social workers to access the support and advice that meet their needs.
The establishment of physical spaces and semi-structured opportunities for peer support
would further develop this important theme. Linked to this discussion is the idea of peer
mentoring schemes, which represent a quasi-informal approach to linking peers together.
Again, this would not need to be subject to the issue of ‘feeling safe’ if the culture of the
organization at all levels explicitly valued the emotional and complex aspects of the rela-
tionships with service users. I noted in the previous two quadrants the congruent mes-
sages enshrined in professional codes and polices – this should provide a reassuring
context for supervision and other supportive systems to embrace these elements rather
than be used to marginalize them.
During the development of this model, many prototypes were rejected. One of the
themes that recur throughout this book is the ‘balance’ between apparently competing
factors. For example, the balance between the relationship-based aspects of practice and
technical–rational aspects. I tried to develop a model that used the metaphor of balance
in the form of scales. The strength of this approach was that it accommodated and recog-
nized that apparently opposing elements could be used in combination. The key weak-
ness of this approach was that to only weigh up different factors fell short of removing
the boundaries between them. Instead, it perpetuates the sense that they co-exist but in
an uncomfortable manner. This would in turn fall short of the cultural shift required and
potentially leave these strands as contested and open to defensive or narrow
interpretation.
This chapter has in many ways brought us back to the beginning in the sense that it
has emphasized that the role of emotions has an important role in the role, function, and
actions of social workers. What this chapter seeks to add to our discussion is a model that
places emotions at the heart of what is to be a social work professional rather than at the
periphery. And this model is based on existing knowledge, professional narratives, and
social workers’ views. In a sense, it simply sheds light on what is already present but
which struggles to be seen due to competing and often irreconcilable perspectives.
Further reading
Chapter 8 pulled together the key themes that emerged from my exploration of the
concept of emotions and the powerful role that it has within social work practice.
The conceptual framework introduced in Chapter 1 underlines the fact that emotions are
unquestionably a key mechanism through which human beings make sense of the world
and determine their responses and behaviours. It was noted that emotions have roots in
our previous experiences (conscious and unconscious) and are framed and moulded by
prevailing cultural cues and norms. The proliferation of data emerging from neurosci-
ence research confirms the central role of brain function and emotional processes, and
provides a robust and tangible evidence base to what can often seem a rather slippery
and diffuse concept. The key conclusion that one draws from any given contextual analy-
sis of emotions is that they exist and they are immensely powerful and important in our
lives and relationships. This is the key foundation stone of this book, as it provided the
core driver behind my interest in this topic: if emotions are so significant to the lives of
humans, then by association emotions will have a pivotal role in the work of social
workers. It may appear a rather simple foundation, but it is one (as we have seen in this
book) that is both contested and complex.
It has been shown that emotions in social work operate on many levels. We examined
a range of practice scenarios to highlight the significant emotional responses that social
workers may have to their practice. This is in part due to the often complex and fluid
nature of the lives of the service users with whom they form professional relationships,
but also their own emotional experiences and thresholds, which lead them to appraise
situations in a unique way. Critical reflection was seen to be an essential activity for
social workers to engage in if their emotional responses to practice are to be acknowledged,
understood, and used effectively. Without the development of such reflective skills and
abilities (emotional intelligence is a useful concept here), the influence of our emotions
may remain unknown and unmanaged. By ignoring and marginalizing emotions in
thought and discourse, we do not reduce their presence or influence, rather we miss
crucial opportunities to shed light on the emotional worlds of ourselves and others and in
turn make sense of the blurred and complex situations we find ourselves in. Without an
awareness and knowledge of our emotions, we simply are not able to meaningfully
engage in empathetic and attuned relationships with service users.
This book is aimed at students, social work practitioners (at all levels), and organiza-
tions, as there is interplay between the individual and their professional role and context.
It is hoped the activities and messages in this book will act as a catalyst at an individual,
organizational, and professional level to develop the processes, language, permissions,
and culture required to raise the profile of emotion in social work practice. I have high-
lighted a range of sources where one can seek reassurances about the place of emotions
Concluding thoughts135
in the social work profession, such as the Professional Capabilities Framework (College
of Social Work, 2012). However, there remains a gap between the implicit messages of
such professional narratives and the reality of the experiences of social workers who
may find themselves in professional cultures where an increasing rational-technical con-
ception of practice prevails. This book has argued that there is a balance to be struck
here rather than a case of ‘either/or’. The next step for the social work profession is to
continue to debate and reflect upon this tension. It is hoped this book will help to achieve
this balance with clarity and certainty, since emotions have a huge role to play in our
lives both as social workers and human beings.
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Index
academic study, interplay between reflective social work practice, emotions and 28
practice and 120, 124, 126 supervision agreements, thinking about 97
activities 3 supervision and support, emotions and 91
care ethics approach, head, heart, hands and symbolic communication and emotions,
feet in utilization of 41 feedback on 73
confrontational behaviour, reflective thought Theory X and Theory Y, comparison of
and 77 organizational constructs 107
core functions of supervision, personal verbal communication and emotions, feedback
experiences and 95 on 72
culture and emotion 19 written reports, emotional reactions in 82
decision-making, identification of components Agass, D. 21, 93
of 49 Aldridge, M. 108
emotions and actions, establishment of links amygdala 13–14, 15
between 63 apathy 69
four I’s (Intuition, Interpretation, Integration, appraisal
Institutionalization) framework for bottom-up versus top-down appraisal 17
learning organizations 116 cognition and 15–18
group supervision, thinking about 101 emotional appraisal, cognitive aspects of 21
informal support from colleagues, emotional appraisal, reflexive element of 85
opportunities for 103 ongoing process of 17
knowledge bases, professionalism and 125 physiological and neurological arousal,
learning needs, organizational cultures and thought and appraisal in 15
107 social construction of emotions and 17
models of reflection two-factor theory and notion of 12
Gibbs’ cyclical approach 46–7 appropriate information in reports, emotions
list-type approach 48 and 83
motivational factors in choice of social work Arthur, M.B. 124
38 Ash, S. and Clayton, P. 47
non-verbal communication and emotions, audio 50
feedback on 72 avoidance 37
offline communications 88–9 Ayre, P. 110
online communications 88–9
organizational machine, emotions and cogs Bamford, T. 94, 114
of 113 Barrett, L. 10, 12, 15, 16, 19, 21, 23, 31, 32, 35, 44, 62
professional service groupings, Barsky, A. 47
interdisciplinary work with 117 Bassot, B. 49
professionalism, thinking about elements of Beckett, C. and Maynard, A. 66, 121, 122
123 Beddoe, L. 34, 52, 85, 92, 100, 103, 108
reflective practice, emotions and 46 belonging and colleague support 102
relationship-based practice versus rational- Biesteck, F. 63–4
technical approaches 33 biological sources of emotions 11
service users, relationship between social Bion, W. 21, 52
workers and 68 Bogo, M. and McKnight, K. 94, 100, 101
significant events, emotional awareness and Bolton, S. 20
29 Bolton, S. and Boyd, C. 19–20, 108
social media and digital communication, bottom-up versus top-down appraisal 17
privacy issues in 88 Bower, M. 22
146 Index
brain function and emotional processes 13–15, 134 Collins, E. and Daley, E. 87
British Association of Social Workers (BASW) Collins, S. 38, 93
83, 87, 88 confidence and competence, professionalism and
Code of Ethics for Social Work 2, 34, 39 121–2
Brodie, I., Nottingham, C. and Plunkett, S. 1, 127 confrontational behaviour, reflective thought
Bronstein, L. 117 and 77, 81
bureaucracy conscious feeling 12
emotions and 107–10 consensus and emotions 17
organizational behaviour and 108 containment, notion of 21
contextual awareness, importance of 66
Cadman, C. and Brewer, J. 22, 51 Cornish, S. 52, 93, 114, 126
Care Council for Wales (CCW) 39 cortex 13, 15
care ethics 39–40 Coulshed, V. and Orme, J. 105, 108
head, heart, hands and feet in utilization of counselling 63
approach to 40–41 counter-transference 21
case notes, accounting for social work 79–81 crisis intervention 63
case studies 2–3 Crisp, B.R., Green Lister, P. and Dutton, K. 86
academic study, interplay between reflective critical incident analysis 86–7
practice and 120, 124, 126 critical reflection 44, 134
confrontational behaviour, reflective thought elements of 44
and 77, 81 engagement with 52–3
learning needs, organizational cultures and cross-cultural research 18–19
106–7, 109, 113, 116 Crossan, M., Lane, H. and White, R. 111, 115–16,
reflective practice, emotions and 45, 46, 47, 49, 117
53–5, 56 cultural context of emotions 18–20
significant events, emotional reactions to Currer, C. 16, 64
10–11, 12, 14, 15–16, 17, 18, 19 cyclical reflective models 46
social work practice, emotions and 27, 29–30,
31, 32, 34, 37, 38, 40 Damasio, A. 11, 12, 13, 22
sources of and communication of emotions 62, Damasio, A., Tranel, D. and Damasio, H. 14
64–5, 73–4 Darwin, Charles 10, 11, 22
supervision and support, emotions and 91, Data Protection Act (1998) 80
92–3, 94, 97, 100 Davidson, R. 12, 15
written reports, emotional reactions in 82–3, Davies, H. and Kinloch, H. 86
86–7 D’Cruz, H., Gillingham, P. and Melendez, S. 44
categorization 56 DEAL model (Describe, Examine, and Articulate
child deaths, reviews of 33–4 Learning) 47
children and families, social work with 18, 35, 65, decision-making
80, 83, 91, 110, 120, 126 emotions and 1, 13–14
clinical supervision 100–101 identification of components of 49
professional supervision and 100 influence of writing on 76, 87
Clore, G. and Ortony, A. 17 social work, location of emotions in context
cognition of 34–6, 39
appraisal and 15–18 social work professionals, emotions and 126
cognitive and neurological parts of emotional deep acting 19
processing, interplay between 14 deontological approaches to actions 39
evolution towards 11–12 Department for Children Schools and Families
cognitive behavioural theory 63 (DCSF) 2, 34, 39, 85, 109, 124, 128
collaborative practice, organizations, emotions Descartes, René 32
and 117 developmental theory 40
colleague support dialogue; reflection and 50
benefits of 103 digital age, writing and social work in 87–9
as preparation for formal supervision 102 Doel, M. 97, 101
College of Social Work 2, 34, 43, 50–51, 55, 92, 93, Doel, M. and Kelly, T. 101
95, 106, 107, 109, 113, 121, 124, 126, 135 Dominelli, L. 20
Index147
four I’s (Intuition, Interpretation, Integration, written recordings in social work, emotions
Institutionalization) framework for and 80, 83, 84
115–16 Murphy, D., Duggan, M. and Joseph, S. 66, 115
organizational culture, emotions and
114–15 negative capability 93
LeDoux, J. 13–14, 15, 22, 23 neo-cortex 14
legislation, embedding emotions in 132–3 neurological perspective on emotions 13–15
Lindebaum, D. and Cartwright, S. 22 neurological processes, emotional responses and
Lishman, J. 20, 22, 40, 79 14–15
service users and carers, engagement and neuroscience research and emotions 24, 134
communication with 64, 68, 69, 71, 72, 73 Noble, C. and Irwin, J. 92, 94, 95, 100, 102
list-type reflective models 46, 47 non-verbal communication 72
Lomax, R., Jones, K., Leigh, S. and Gay, C. 49, 50, Northern Ireland Social Care Council (NISSC)
92, 101 39, 83
note taking 78–9
McGregor, D. 111
McLaughlin, H. 67 O’Donoghue, K. and Tsui, M. 95, 99
McNeil, F., Batchelor, S., Burnett, R. offline communications 88–9
and Knox, J. 67 online communications 88–9
The Managed Heart (Hochschild, A.R.) 19 organizational constructs 111
management of emotions 51 organizational culture, emotions and 105–18
managerial and quality assurance functions of bureaucracy, emotions and 107–10
supervision 90, 94–5 bureaucracy, organizational behaviour and 108
managerialism, emotions and 107–10 collaborative practice, organizations, emotions
Mann, S. 19, 108 and 117
marginalization of emotions 19, 45, 68, 94, 130, embedding emotions in organizational culture
134 130
Marsick, V.J. and Watkins, K.E. 115 emotional life, organizations and 112–13
Maslach, C. 12 emotional presentation 111
Mayer, J. and Cobb, C. 50 emotions and organizational culture 105–7
Mayer, J. and Timms, N. 67 external pressures, impacts of 110–11
Mayer, J.D. and Salovey, P. 50 further reading 118
Mayer, J.D., DiPaolo, M.T. and Salovey, P. 22 individual development, management and
meaning facilitation of 109
development of 76 individual practice, tendency to focus on 105–6
emotional response and 16–17 interconnectedness, organizational machine
situational meaning, emotions and 16 and 112
Megele, C. 88 interdisciplinary collaboration 117
mentoring 100–101 key learning points 118
metaphors 50 learning cultures and organizations, emotions
mindfulness 65 and role of 113–16
Moon, J. 43, 50, 85, 86 learning objectives 105
Morrison, T. 22, 23, 51, 68, 115 learning organizational cultures 114–15
motivation 51 characteristics of 114
motivational factors in choice of social work four I’s (Intuition, Interpretation, Integration,
38 Institutionalization) framework for 115–16
multi-disciplinarity 124 managerialism, emotions and 107–10
The Munro Review of Child Protection: Final organizational constructs 111
Report (2011) 2, 51, 68 organizations, construction and functioning
organizational culture, emotions and 110, of 106
114 professional leadership 109
social work, location of emotions in context of professional registration 106
27, 33, 39 pyramid hierarchical structure of
social work professional, emotions and 125, organizations 108–9
127, 128 reflective organization, notion of 115
Index151
Practical and engaging, this book encourages you to consider the role of emotions in
the light of your own experiences and practice contexts.
Key topics include:
> Understanding what emotions are and how they apply to social work practice.
> Recognizing and reflecting upon the emotional content of practice.
> Incorporating emotions in reflective journals, reports, case notes, critical incident
analysis and academic writing.
> Enhancing understanding of self and the importance of resilience.
> Understanding the role of emotions in supervision, support and reflection.
In addition, each chapter includes case studies to make the link between theory and
practice and reflective exercise to encourage the reader to consider the discussion from
their own contexts and perspectives. Key learning points at the end of each chapter
summarize the main ideas presented.
This is an invaluable book for all social work students and early career practitioners aiming
to boost their self-awareness and personal wellbeing, and ultimately improve their practice.
Richard Ingram is a senior lecturer in Social Work and Associate Dean for Taught
Postgraduate Studies at the University of Dundee, UK.