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Manggagarit - Farmers Who Collect The Extracted Coconut Sap For

1. The production of lambanog in Liliw can be traced back to the colonial period, where both men and women participated in collecting coconut sap and fermenting/distilling it into alcohol by crossing bamboo bridges high in the coconut trees. 2. In Liliw, Laguna, the local slipper industry is celebrated annually, where the majority of slipper makers are women who parade their finest designs. To provide stable income, expert slipper makers also design newer styles. 3. In Batad, Ifugao, women take on the task of farming, a role shared by most farmers in the country who are majority women, outnumbering and outworking men in agriculture.

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32 views

Manggagarit - Farmers Who Collect The Extracted Coconut Sap For

1. The production of lambanog in Liliw can be traced back to the colonial period, where both men and women participated in collecting coconut sap and fermenting/distilling it into alcohol by crossing bamboo bridges high in the coconut trees. 2. In Liliw, Laguna, the local slipper industry is celebrated annually, where the majority of slipper makers are women who parade their finest designs. To provide stable income, expert slipper makers also design newer styles. 3. In Batad, Ifugao, women take on the task of farming, a role shared by most farmers in the country who are majority women, outnumbering and outworking men in agriculture.

Uploaded by

Lara Ac
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd
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The production of lambanog in Liliw can be traced to the colonial

period, perhaps even earlier. Men and women participate as


manggagarit— farmers who collect the extracted coconut sap for
fermentation and distillation of the alcohol— crossing perilously
high bamboo bridges, or karitan, that link the top sections of
coconut trees to each other. Microenterprises continue to grapple
with various market forces making expansion amongst the
existing groups a challenging operation.
In Liliw, Laguna, or the Tsinelas Capital of the South, the local
government celebrates the Gat Tayaw Tsinelas Festival. Majority
of slipper-makers are women and are called mag-e-entrada or
mananahi ng entrada. During the festival they parade some of
their finest collections of footwear. In order to provide a stable
income the mag-e-entrada, an expert with most standard
patterns, also lends a keen eye for more current designs.
Post-warfare welfare: Filipina soldiers, mostly Maranao and
Muslim, become "Hijab Troopers” in Marawi, Lanao del Sur.
Deployed by the Philippine army to work towards peace
education and the psychosocial welfare of internally displaced
communities in Marawi, the rehabilition roles taken on by the
women underscore the demands for care labour in the aftermath
of war.
In Batad, Ifugao women take the task of farming: a designation
they share with majority of the farmers in the country who are
women— statistically outnumbering and outworking men in
almost all levels of the agricultural process. Here the multiple,
cross-cutting places of the woman as nurturer and provider are
thrown into sharper relief, affirming their variable roles in the
household as well as unsettling still-popular notions of men as
sole toilers of the family outside the home.
Wrought from knowledges old and new, T’boli beadwork is
distinct for its elaborate patterns and singular—almost
immediately identifiable— coloration. Women are said to grasp
the primacy of textile and ornamentation as young girls and a
handful pursue the intricate enterprise of weaving and beadwork
onto mature age.
In Tawi-tawi, mat-making—- as in most parts of the globe— is an
activity which finds continuum among women. Often remarked
for their plain backing set against a more elaborate weave, the
mats take weeks of assiduous labor from chemical-processing of
the pandan leaves to the painstaking work of weaving. When not
sold to the market they are incorporated into various pursuits,
whether exceptional or everyday, making their presence acutely
felt in the people’s lives.
Variously tagged as “oarswomen”, “boatwomen”, and “women
rafters” this self-organised group was borne out of shortage:
deeming it necessary to augment the needs of the household
which, until then, were largely dependent on the income
generated by the farming and fishing of their husbands the
women set-up a tourist activity in Pandin Lake together with local
stakeholders. After several years the modest venture has now
proven its novelty within the San Pablo ecotourist circuit. The
women rafters remain the most critical of the lake’s stakeholders.
Men and women in Sibutu are said to participate in seaweed
tending on coequal terms, augmenting often inadequate
compensation in the aquaculture industry with farming and
livestock-raising. Their formidable response to various crises—
natural, economic and social— have heightened the
responsibilities of and demands to women in most households.
Sibutu’s pioneering seaweed industry was foremost in the global
market in the 1970’s and efforts from various external forces have
endeavoured to play a part in its development.
The high-fired burnay sustains as a prized vessel not just within
Ilocos, but in various domestic contexts across the country. It is
the fastidiousness of the potters and their families—most
especially the women— that allow for its continuance, coinciding
with Vigan’s heritagization. A mixture of techniques from Chinese
migrant potters, trade and integration of Southeast Asian
stoneware jars, and diverse local interventions have all informed
the making of current burnay pottery.
That women comprise an overwhelming majority of teachers in
the country is said to have been brought about by a shift during
the American colonial period when the colonial government
discovered that hiring women would be cheaper than hiring men.
Globally, teaching too is perceived as gendered work— one that
permits the subtle perpetuation of biases and hierarchies inside
and outside the classroom.
What do we mean when we say “heritage”?
Whose experiences are we foregrounding when we use the
word?
What frameworks are we using when we “sense” heritage?
Who made them? Who uses them?
How do we account for the transformations of meanings and
values in heritage?
What would a “woman’s heritage” be like?
What do we mean when we say “heritage”?
Where is our “heritage gaze” aimed at?
What happens to the spaces surrounding heritage?
If the work of giving care is part of the processes of heritage, how
can we expand heritage to encompass care-work?
What would a “woman’s heritage” be like?
At the heart of weaving in Aurora is the pandanus sabutan— a
variant said to be firmer and smoother than other pandan—the
leaves of which are primary material for the work of weavers.
Women, often training at a young age, are able to produce
several hats in a day or they can choose to combine hat-making
with other objects for the growing souvenir market in the
province.

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