India's Role at SAARC:

Limited Options
 Chpater IV

INDIA’S ROLE AT SAARC

None can deny that the 20th century integrated the world
as never before. Despite numerous cleavages, there is more
cooperation among nations today than at anytime in the past! As a
major and significant nation of South and South-east Asia, India’s
efforts towards regional integration are particularly of immense
significance.

Indians have been making efforts for the integration of

Asian Countries since long. It was during the Indian struggle for
freedom that closer cooperation with fellow Asians became one of
the basic objectives of Indians. It was as early as 1920 that
Gandhijee wrote of the growing solidarity of the Asian countries. In
1922, C.R.Das, President of the Indian National Congress urged
Indian participation in an Asian Federation which he regarded as
inevitable.2 The need for the Asian Federation was again stressed in
the Congress session of 1926.

From the very beginning, India’s foreign policy has been

one of keeping alert from the big blocks of nations- rival blocks and
being friendly to all countries and not becoming entangled in any
alliances, military or other which might drag India into any possible
conflict. In one of his speeches Nehru said "We are prepared to
 Chap-IV: India's Role at SAARC 151

associate ourselves with other countries in a friendly way we are

associated today in the United Nation’s with a great number of
countries in the world. Anything else that we might do will naturally
have to be something that does not go against our association with
United Nations. Alliances usually involve military and other
commitments and they are more binding. Other forms of association
which do not bind in this manner and which help in bringing
together nations for the purpose of consolidation and where
necessary, of cooperation are therefore far more desirable.3

Nehru again said in 1945 in Kashmir : "Small states of the

world tomorrow have no future in store and they are sure to be
reduced to the status of satellite states - I stand for a South Asian
Federation of India, Iran Iraq, Afghanistan and Burma.4

Nehru jee again in his first broadcast as head of the interim

government in 1946 said: We are of Asia and the peoples of Asia
are nearer and closer to use than others. India is so situated that
she is the pivot of western, southern and south-east Asia. In the
past, her culture flowed to all these countries and they came to her
many ways. Those contacts are being renewed and the future is
bound to see a closer union between India and South-East Asia, on
the one side, and Afghanistan, Iran and the Arab world on the
other. To the furtherance of that close association of free countries
we must devote ourselves.5

In the light of these speeches delivered by Nehru jee it is

clear that he strongly favoured friendly cooperation among fellow
Asians. Several steps were taken by the Indians to ensure closer ties
among the countries of South Asia.
 Chap-IV: India's Role at SAARC 152

The first significant step towards Asian integration was

taken by India when the first Asian Relation’s Conference was
convened in New Delhi. Nehru was the guiding spirit behind it. He
set the tone of the Conference and the most important elements of
his speech were : (1) The proclamation of Asia’s arrival on the
world scene; (2) The stress on the need for greater Asian unity, and
(3) The need for greater regional cooperation.6 Nehru also referred
to the "widespread urge and an awareness that the time has come
for us, peoples for Asia to meet together, to hold together and to
advance together”7 Among the most specific suggestions by Nehru
was "out of this Conference some permanent Asian institute for the
study of common problems and to bring close relations will emerge
also perhaps a school of Asian studies.8 It was indeed an initial
effort pitched at social, cultural and economic problems.

It needs to add here that the same approach prompted him

to convene the eighteen nation Conference on Indonesia in Delhi in
January, 1949. The Conference registered a strong protest against
the Netherlands second police action in Indonesia. An open appeal
was made by Nehru for regional integration. He said ’The free
countries of Asia should begin to think of some more permanent
arrangement than the conference for effective mutual consultations
and concerted effort in the pursuit of common aims - and in a spirit
of selfishness or hostility to any other nation or group of nations,
but in order to strengthen and bring nearer fulfillment of the aims
and ideas of the charter of United Nations. In this world of hatred,
conflict and violence let us endeavour to work jointly and in
cooperation with others of goodwill to further the cause of peace
and tolerance and freedom.”9
 Chap-IV: India’s Role at SAARC 153

It was during this period, that Afro-Asian group came into

existence. India’s altitude to the question of integration took a
distinct shape after 1951 where the President of Philippines
announced his intention of convening an international conference to
consider organizing an anti-communist association of South-East
Asia along the lines of North Atlanta Treaty. This was the beginning
of differences in approach and perceptions of regional cooperation
by India. Nehru opposed this more and wanted Asian countries to be
kept out of the global ideological conflict. 10 The problem with
Philippines initiative was that any regional effort would be anti­
communist in nature. India stated that such alliances would retard
the chance of reducing world tensions and that an anti-communist
block by itself was no answer to Asia’s problems.11

/ India’s approach to regional cooperation took a different

turn. It desperately tried to prevent the South and South East Asia
from cold war politics. But things took a dangerous turn when
America agreed to give military aid to Pakistan, thus upsetting the
entire balance of power in the region and brought the superpowers
into the doorsteps of South Asia.

Nehru vehemently criticized it and states : "It is clear that

the approach of military pacts, like the Baghdad pact and seato is a
wrong approach, a dangerous approach and a harmful approach. It
sets in motion all the wrong tendency and prevents the right
tendencies from developing.12

However, Nehru did not easily give up his "Asian Vision”.

He continued to work for peace. It needs to be mentioned here that
 Chap-IV: India’s Role at SAARC 154

differences between Nehru and other Asian leaders centred on

general tone of the Conference.

Nehru during the course of the Conference failed to

prevent ideological cleavages simmering at the plenary sessions and
also to prevent discussion on specific bilateral issues. As a
consequence, the Indian approach to regional cooperation took
altogether a different shape and expressed its inability of holding
another conference of this sort. This was rooted in the Indian logic
that other nations of the region have had no propensity for a
consensus or either foreign or domestic policies. Thus the kind of
Asian regional cooperation that Nehru had envisioned got a further
set back in the wake of Sino-lndian war of 1962. The Chinese blow
awakened India into the realization that real security came through
inner strength both economic and military. Nehru said 'The basic
factor in defence is the industrial growth of the country and all the
armies in the world without an industrial background cannot
function” 13

During 1950s and 1960s India laid more emphasis on its

technical and industrial growth due to hard realities and political
compulsions. To develop itself economically it turned to the USSR
and other countries for economic assistance. In his welcome speech
to the guests at Moscow, Nehru said : "We are convinced that it is
not by military pacts and alliances and by the piling of armaments
that world peace and security can be attained. We are in no camp
and military alliance. The only camp we would like to be in is the
camp of peace and good will which should increase as many
countries as possible and which should be opposed to none. The
 Chap-IV: India '.v Role at SAARC 155

only alliance. We seek is an alliance based on good will and

cooperation. If peace is to be sought it has to be by the methods of
peace and the language of peace and good will.14

India followed a bilateral approach in its relations with the

countries of South and South East Asia. It was prepared to promote
regionalism in mutually agreed areas but was against forging
defence and security arrangements. It was during 1970s that India
acquired self-sufficiency to a great extent both in matters of
economic development and defence preparedness. By 1977, our
country had world’s third largest standing army fifth largest air
force, eighth largest Navy.15

In the wake of the breakdown of the Bretton woods system

all the developing countries felt the need of strengthening their
economic base by forging cooperation among themselves. These
factors motivated India to take initiative for promoting regional
cooperation in South and South East Asia.

Our country gave top priority to economic sphere for

forging real cooperation among the South Asian countries and it is
due to its leading role that resulted in the birth of Asian
Development bank in 1965. It also played significant role for
instituting the Asian Council of Minister’s for economic cooperation
within the ESCAP/ECAPE that held its first meeting in 1967. India
also extended its wholehearted support in regard to ongoing efforts
that held its first meeting in 1967. India also joined the ongoing
efforts which led to the Bangkok Agreement of 1975 aimed at
liberalizing intra-regional trade. Thus it is clear that India had
 Chap-lV: India's Rote at SAARC 156

played a leading role in the quest for building up economic

cooperation among the developing countries.16

In the light of the aforesaid facts, it is clear that India’s

perception of regionalism in Asia has undergone change with the
changing political and economic scenario. However, the basic
approach to regional cooperation has remained static. India
vehemently opposes the idea of forging regional security
arrangements because it will invite extra-regional powers. Our
country has laid emphasis upon economic cooperation to realize the
objectives of South Asian cooperation. It took each step very
cautiously and moved step by step without displaying any over
enthusiasm to the whole concept of regionalism in South Asia
fearing that SAARC might not take the form of political Union in the
future. Hence, the bilateral and contentious issues were
deliberately ignored and collaboration was made the lynchpin of the
regional organization.

When the idea of regional cooperation was first coined,

India showed its unwillingness due to its past experiences of
regional pacts in Asia. India feared that sooner or later SAARC might
also meet the some fate, Besides, India itself had the doubts of
ganging up by the neighbours against it. On the other hand India
recognized the economic gains of cooperation. It also felt that basic
economic activities in the region, some kind of mutual cooperation
was a must. Viewed in the above perspective, the contents of
Bangladesh proposal, as circulated, were quite close to India’s
conception of regional cooperation. The proposal was confined to
economic, scientific technical and cultural fields. So India accepted
 Chap-IV: India’s Role at SAARC 157

the proposal with the hope that economic cooperation will help to
remove political distrust;

India’s approach to regional cooperation, right from the

beginning has been to promote collective self-reliance alleviate
poverty and backwardness through self-help. The institutional
framework agreed upon when SAARC was launched in August 1983
could be regarded as the first pragmatic step in the right direction.
17 On the very question of institutional arrangements, India had
favoured going slow on the whole issue. It never tried to get the
secretariat stationed into its territory, though it had comparatively
better infrastructural facilities nor was there any desire to have an
Indian appointed as the first SAARC secretary General. 18 It has
always been her perception that without the inclusion of core areas
of economic activity no substantial progress could be made by
SAARC and that cannot attain meaningful concept in its absence.

In the inaugural address to SAARC standing Committee in

New Delhi in February 1984, P.V.Narsimha Rao, the then Indian
Foreign Minister observed.

Among the most important areas which offer possibilities of

fruitful cooperation are trade and industrial development, there is
considerable scope for the expansion of trade among the countries
of the region. There are obvious advantages in increasing our
purchases from neighbouring countries and to that extent reducing
our dependence on countries outside the region for our essential
requirements. There is considerable enthusiasm in the private
sector for the promotion of industrial cooperation in South Asia.19
 Chap-lV: India’s Role at SAARC 158

. Again in the Foreign Ministers’ meet at Dhaka in December,

1985, the then external affairs Minister, B.R.Bhagat observed :

The possibilities of cooperation in such sectors as trade,

industry, energy and environment should be explored through
technical study. The objective of such study should be to find out a
way of tapping the vast potential of the region derived from
geographical continuity in the economics of the countries of the
region.20

But the idea was not accepted by other member countries

and particularly Pakistan on the ground that industrially strong
economy of India would overwhelm their less developed economy.

Keeping in view the sensitivities of member nations, India

tried to demonstrate its accommodative attitude that was reflected
in Rajiv Gandhi’s speech at the Kathmandu Summit when he
observed :

Now we are in position to examine the extension of our

cooperation to core economic sectors. It is true that diversification
of the economy is more pronounced in some member countries than
in others. There are also directions and nuances in sovereign
economic policies which must of course be respected. Some of
these differences reflect not only incompatibilities but
complementaries in our economies. None of these differences are
fundamental. Regional approaches can be devised in the light of the
specific sensitivities and on the principle of unanimity.21
 Chap-IV: India’s Role at SAARC 159

After considerable assurance by India, the matter was

given some consideration in the Kathmandu Summit, and finally in
the Islamabad Summit it was agreed to call a meeting of planners of
countries of the region to study the possibilities of cooperation in
trade manufacture and services.

Whereas on one hand, the initiatives had finally been taken

to include hard core economic areas into the SAARC activities, on
the other, the question of foreign funds appeared to be
controversial one. Should the SAARC seek foreign capital for
development projects or depend on regional resources was a big
question on which seven nation group appeared to be sharply
divided. In 1986, for the first time Bangladesh brought up the
proposal. At the foreign Ministers’ meeting in November 1987, while
Bhutan and Bangladesh were at the forefront in pointing out the
need for external assistance, other member countries except India
supported the idea. The South Asian Region being a poor region and
the mere contention that the foreign assistance will help establish
economic balance vis-a-vis India were some of the factors which
helped for a ready approval by other countries.

As regards India, it has been opposing the idea of linking

regional development to availability of foreign funds. India had
expressed doubts whether SAARC could raise capital from the
commercial market, whether the SAARC could raise capital from the
commercial market, when international financial institutions
themselves were suffering from paucity of resources. 22 Besides,
India considered the proposal as incompatible with the objective of
self-reliance and self-dependency. Besides, India warned the
 Chap-IV: India's Role at SAARC 160

member countries against the dangers of neo-colonialism and

external pressure etc. 23 In his plea for retaining economic
independence of SAARC, Natwar Singh emphasized that at any cost
SAARC cannot be allowed to become adjunct to other means of
mobilizing foreign resources.24

During the preparatory phase of foreign Ministers meet of

the Banglore Summit, terrorism was a major issue. Though their
was a general agreement among all member countries that
concerted action must be taken against all forms of terrorism, India
and Sri Lanka differed on the definition of terrorism. Sri Lanka was
for ignoring the political and human rights aspects while making
acts of terrorism extraditable. It wanted national focal points to be
identified in the regional plan of fighting terrorism. It even
submitted a list of offences for being regarded as terrorist and not
political for the purpose of extradition.25

India took a long term view and drew the attention of

member-nations of the SAARC, to several international conventions
related to terrorism that India had signed like the Montreal, Tokyo
and Hague conventions. However, in order to accommodate
political sensitivities of neighbouring regions, India declared that it
was prepared to join other countries in taking a follow-up action on
recommendation of the expert groups which had suggested greater
cooperation among law enforcement authorities. 26 Finally it was
only under India's SAARC Chairmanship that the draft on regional
convention for suppression on terrorism was finalized which was
later on signed in the Kathmandu Summit.
 Chap-IV: India’s Role at SAARC 161

India had all along favoured cooperation not only within

the respective governments but among the people as well.
However, the impediments at political and psychological levels had
so far overlooked all the commonalities and severely hampered
smooths communication between the people. 27 It was with this
view in mind that P.V.Narsimha Rao, the then Minister of External
Affairs of India, in his speech at the foreign ministers meet at Male,
in July, 1984, observed.

For the process of Regional Cooperation to have maximum

impact, it is necessary to ensure the participation in not only of the
governments but of the people themselves including intellectuals,
research scholars and representatives of private trade and
industry.28

Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in his speech at the second

Summit at Banglore in November 1986, stressed this point again as
the first step towards sound cooperation between the member
countries. He said : "Regional cooperation cannot merely emerge
from the fiats of leaders.....it is also through building a network of
contacts at all levels among professionals among many disciplines,
that we can start giving real content to regional cooperation.29

The environmental dimension is also implicit in the

objectives and programmes of SAARC, which envisages that its
seven member countries would pool their resources of knowledge
and expertise to benefit the region as a whole. South Asia as a
whole may be viewed as one of most calamity ridden regions in the
world, given the relentless on slought of floods, droughts and
landslides that occur almost on a regular basis. Nineteen eighty
 Chap-IV: India 's Role at SAARC 162

seven of course had been particularly bad year. While India

witnessed the worst ever drought in living memory, Bangladesh and
Nepal reeled under devastating floods and Maldives suffered heavy
losses from tidal waves.30

Recognising that these natural disasters are often

symptomatic of the general environmental degradation taking place
in the South Asia region, the Kathmandu summit had entrusted the
secretary general to commission a study for analyzing the causes
and consequences of natural disasters and identifying ways and
areas of protecting and preserving the environment. Rajiv Gandhi in
his speech in the Kathmandu Summit observed the same when he
stated:

"the environment is an area where cooperation is

indicated. Development and environment are interlinked........ .the
problem of degradation, spills across, natural frontiers, equally the
benefits of conservation spread across political boundaries. The
development of each four economics is likely to be more sustained
through regional cooperation which preserves and improves the
environment.31

Bilateral versus 'regional’ is a politically sensitive and long

standing question of debate in South Asian relations. It is also a fact
that almost every bilateral controversy includes India as a party
because it is only India which has common geographical, socio-
cutlural and economic bounds with each of the South Asian
countries. But it is unrealistic to attempts regional solution to
specific bilateral problem such as the Kashmir issue between India
and Pakistan, sharing of river waters between India and Bangladesh,
 Chap-IV: India's Role at SAARC 163

Tamil issue between India and Sri Lanka the problem of trade and
transit between India and Nepal etc. The smaller nations are busy
making their best efforts to discuss their bilateral problems within
SAARC forum to join a better bargaining deal vis-a-vis India, without
realizing the fact that it is against the spirit of the SAARC Charter.
India's size, military, industrial scientific and nuclear capabilities
have caused consternation nation among smaller nations of the
region. India, on the contrary, perceives its strength both as a
physical and psychological necessity to deter extra-regional threats
to the security and stability of the region. In fact, ruling sections in
New Delhi have been alarming that India does not harbour any
sinister designs against any other country of the sub-continent.
They plead that India has never been a predatory state in the past
nor has been an expansionist power to dominate others.

Then what should India do ? How a climate of trust can be

generated ? Crucial test of India’s leadership lies in restoring
confidence in the South Asian Nations and shaping the regional
framework. There is no gainsaying that the rule of intra-regional
cooperation lies in India’s equation with other South Asian states.
Indeed without India’s active participation, SAARC would be robbed
of its very meaning. On the other hand, one of the most important
assumption behind SAARC is the desire of India’s neighbours for
greater political and economic equity in a regional structure which
remains heavily weighted in favour of India. The fact that the
combined resources and power potential of all the rest put together
cannot equal that of India confers a certain centrality on India is a
regional grouping of clearly unequal numbers. In the event, charges
 Chap-IV: India‘s Role at SAARC 164

of India’s high handedness find a ready chord of response in the

neighbourhood.

Today, when SAARC deliberations are stuck in the mire of

unseemly procedural wrangles uncertainty regarding the timing and
venue of the next summit has brought into focus the fragile
foundation on which SAARC rests. This has raised a big question
mark on its future at a time when it was inching its way towards
evolving a distinct regional identity. It needs pointing out that
SAARC Summits have acquired a political significance that goes
beyond the SAARC framework. The question that must exercise all
the countries of South Asia is whether any country big or small, can
be allowed to risk the collective interests of the region for their
individual compulsions and priorities. On balance, the answer to
that question would hold the key to the future of SAARC.

The main problem before our country is how we should

behave with other Asian members ? If India goes faster the smaller
nation’s may read some ulterior motives in the pace; if India sits
back, it would deprive India of its historic role. If India stays in the
sidelines, the SAARC may not attain its full statue. Crucial question
therefore remains: Can India strike a dynamic balance between
enterprise and inaction, or for that matter between desirability and
practicability with regard to regional cooperation in South Asia ?

Despite the dilemma, one should hope that SAARC becomes

a successful forum for bringing about cooperation among the
member countries of the region. India’s aspirations in this regard
had been aptly expressed by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in his
address at the inaugural plenary of the SAARC Summit:
 Chap-lV: India’s Role at SAARC 165

"Certainly we have problems and difficulties and these do

impose constraints on us. Enduring cooperation is cooperation
adapted to the realities of our condition. The model we have
evolved for ourselves is a model which is in accord with our
realities, our compulsions and our genius. We have not sought to
melt our bilateral relations into a common regional identity but
rather to fit south Asian cooperation into our respective foreign
policies as an additional dimension. We have evolved modalities,
which do not allow bilateral strains to impinge on regional
cooperation. Our cooperation tempers enthusiasm with pragmatism
and initiative with consensus. At the same time, in the light of our
experience, of the recent past we have every reason to hope that
the practice of regional cooperation will have beneficial impact on
bilateral relationships.”
 Chap-IV: India's Role at SAARC 166

References

1. Bhabani Sen Gupta, South Asian Perspective Seven

nations in conflict and cooperation, B.R.Publishing
Corporation, Delhi, 1988, p.7.

2. Sisir Gupta, India and Regional Integration in Asia, Asia

Publishing House, Bombay, 1964, p. 31.

3. Jawahar Lai Nehru, India’s Foreign Policy, The

publication Division, Ministry of Information and
Broadcasting, New Delhi, 1964, p. 38.

4. Jawahar Lai Nehru, Discovery of India, Signet Press Ltd.

Calcutta, 1964, p. 540.

5. Jawahar Lai Nehru, India’s Foreign Policy, Selected

speeches September 1946-Apn'l 1961, govt of India,
The Publication Division, 1964, 8.

6. Sisir Gupta, Op. Cit, p.34.

7. Jawahar Lai Nehru, Op. Cit. p. 249.

8. Ibid, p. 252.

9. Jawahar Lai Nehru, Op. Cit, p. 410-11.

10. K.P.Saxena Corporation in Development Problems and

Prospects for India of ASEAN, Sage Publications, New
Delhi, 1986, p. 48.

11. Sisir Gupta, Op. Cit, p. 46.

 Chap-IV: India's Role at SAARC 167

12. Jawahar Lai Nehru, India’s foreign Policy, The

Publication Division, Ministry of Information and
Broadcasting, Govt of India, p. 94.

13. Jawahar Lai Nehru, India’s Foreign Policy, The

Publication Division Ministry of Information and
Broadcasting, Govt of India, 1964, p. 371.

14. Jawahar Lai Nehru, Ibid, p. 577.

15. Strategic Studies, Vol. VIII. Aulumn, 1984, No. 1, p. 40.

16. K.P.Saxena, Op.Cit, p. 48.

17. Nepal Council of World Affairs, Souvenir Issue,

December, 1987, p. 37.

18. Ibid, p.30.

19. SAARC Documentation, India Quarterly Vol. XL, No.1,

January March, 1984, p. 324.

20. Hindustan Times, 6 December, 1985.

21. Times of India (New Delhi) 5, November, 1987.

22. The Statesman (New Delhi) 2, Nov. 1987.

23. Times of India (New Delhi), 21 Nov. 1987.

24. Ibid.

25. Times of India (New Delhi) 21 Nov. 1986.

26. Ibid, 14 Nov. 1986.

 Chap-IV: India's Role at SAARC 168

27. SAARC Perspective Vol III, No.5, June 1989, p. 27.

28. Report on Meeting of Foreign Ministers, Male, 10-11

July, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Maldives, p.10.

29. Times of India (Jaipur) 17 Nov. 1986.

30. SAARC Perspective, No.3, May 1988, p.8.

31. Hindustan Times, 27 June 1989.

32. Indian Express (New Delhi) 27 June, 1989.

33. IDSA Journal, Vol. XV, No. 3, January-March, 1983 p.

418.

34. B.M.Jain, South Asia, India and USA, RBSP Publishers,

Jaipur, 1987, pp. 16-18.

35. Mohammad Khumayun Kabir, India, SAARC and South

Asia. Regional Studies, Vol. I, No. 3, Summer, 1986, p.
72.

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