The State of Ethnohistory

Author(s): Shepard Krech III

Source: Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 20 (1991), pp. 345-375
Published by: Annual Reviews
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Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 1991. 20:345-75
Copyright ? 1991 by Annual Reviews Inc. All rights reserved

THE STATE OF ETHNOHISTORY

Shepard Krech III
Departmentof Anthropology, Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island 02912

KEY WORDS: ethnohistory, historical anthropology,cultural history

The boundariesseparatinganthropologyfrom history, and ethnohistoryfrom

history, were once more clearly drawn than they are at present. At different
moments, A. R. Radcliffe-Brown,RobertLowie, and Hugh Trevor-Roperall
became symbolic of a wide chasm between anthropology and history. In
1929, after ruminatingfor more than a decade about the conversion of his
mentorW. H. R. Rivers to diffusionismand speculativehistoricalreconstruc-
tions (174:267-82), Radcliffe-Brown(244:598) assertedthat history, for the
most part, "does not really explain anything at all," a remarkthat came to
representthe anti-diffusionistand anti-evolutionistahistoricalbent of British
structural-functionalism, both his brandand BronislawMalinowski's. By that
time, Lowie (183:40) had alreadyproclaimedthat one cannot "attachto oral
traditions any value whatsoever under any circumstances whatsoever" be-
cause "we cannotknow them to be true,"which has come to standnot simply
for a disbelief in the historicityof indigenousaccountsof past events but also
for an alleged lack of intereston the partof an entire generationof American
cultural anthropologistsin history. And decades later Trevor-Roper(304:9)
arguedthat only history of Europeansin Africa was worthwhile-"the rest is
largely darkness, like the history of pre-European,pre-ColumbianAmerica.
And darkness is not a subject for history." We should not, Trevor-Roper
continued, "amuse ourselves with the unrewardinggyrations of barbarous
tribes in picturesquebut irrelevantcornersof the globe"-a fairly remarkable
statement that became more than fleetingly symbolic of the ethno- and
Eurocentrismof which many have accused traditionalhistoriography.
345
0084-6570/91/ 1015-0345$02.00
346 KRECH

These excerpts state positions starkly, unequivocally. They are quoted

often but without much context, which is unfortunatenot because they are
"wrong"-in fact, for many the gulf between history and anthropologywas
wide-but because each individual'sposition, throughtime, was more com-
plex than each phraseimplies. Furthermore,some extend these excerpts from
their authorsto embraceand symbolize the predilectionsof entire generations
of historians and anthropologists, when in fact there were always notable
exceptions (see 86-88, 172, 179, 264). In fact, the antipathiesto history, to
oral history, and to the non-EuropeanOther manifest in the three positions
have been overgeneralizedto the point of caricature,and by some have been
unfairly extended in time through today.
But after 1950 the old days were on the wane in both anthropologyand
history. In anthropology,the ahistoricityand the opposition to "conjectural
history" of British structural-functionalistsocial anthropology and much
Americanculturalanthropologywere eroding on a broadfront as an increas-
ing numberof analyses incorporatinghistoryappeared.And in history, "new"
histories underminedthe prevalenceof the historicistpolitical and biographi-
cal narrativethat had come to dominatehistoriographyduringthe first half of
the 20th century. Of course, significant exceptions to prevailing theoretical
assumptions and/or the use of history appearedbefore mid-century-in the
writingsof Americanculturalhistoriansinterestedin acculturationand history
(cf 42, 185, 307); in the works of British social anthropologistsinterestedin
history [Evans-Pritchard(88) is the best-known]and social change;and in the
oeuvres of Bloch, Febvre, and other French historians of the emergent
Annales school who maintainedcomparativeinterests. In both anthropology
and history, then, the groundwas preparedfor the disciplinaryconversations
and convergence of the recent period, when sea changes in historiography
have occurred, especially since 1980; indicators of which are numerous
essays and reviews on anthropologyand history or ethnohistory (e.g. 39,
55-57, 65, 70, 112, 160, 200, 207, 254, 275, 299) and edited volumes
incorporatingpapersfrom both disciplines (30, 41, 49, 59, 81, 110, 137, 144,
150, 169, 170, 176, 188, 194, 201, 214, 216, 243, 276, 284, 303). The main
question to pose is, Have these trendsaffected ethnohistory?Wilcomb Wash-
burnonce commentedthat "As long as ethnohistory,as a discipline [sic] with
journal, organization,and adherents,continuesto exist, I do not think it needs
to be justified. If it ceases to exist, I am sure it will have justified itself by
having its point of view adoptedby historiansand ethnologists"(325:45). For
many, ethnohistory has not ceased to exist (and if considered to possess
anything distinctive, it is as method, not discipline). For some, in contrast,
ethnohistorydoes not exist, and what others consider to be or exclude from
ethnohistoryvaries widely. But shouldethnohistorycease to exist? And might
changes in historiographyhave renderedsuspect the very legitimacy of the
 ETHNOHISTORY 347

category ethnohistory?These questionsframethe inquiryin this essay, which

explores the currentstate of ethnohistoryand of necessity embraces"the state
of play" (55) between anthropologyand history.

A HISTORY OF ETHNOHISTORY
To answer these questions, a brief discussion of ethnohistory'spoint of view
is required.ClarkWissler, who may have been the first to use the term, spoke
in 1909 of reconstructingprehistoricculture by combining "availableethno
historicaland archaeologicaldata"(see 9:49). For Wissler, "ethnohistorical"
was evidently a synonymfor documentary;thatthe documentswere produced
by non-natives was implied.
Wissler's ethnohistory,perhapsenhancedby Lowie's negative assessments
of truthin oral traditions,became the ethnohistoryof the Ohio Valley Historic
Indian Conference and the American Indian Ethno-historic Conference,
which from 1954 to 1966 were the precursorsof the American Society for
Ethnohistory(294). In 1955, the journalEthnohistoryproclaimedits devotion
to research on "the documentaryhistory of the culture and movements of
primitive peoples, with special emphasis on the American Indian." "Primi-
tive," of course, narrowed the focus to the culturally distant Other; and
"documents"proclaimedwhat was privileged as evidence. In the early years
of Ethnohistory,the methodologyof ethnohistorymeant, for anthropologists
and historiansalike, the use of documentarysources to talk about the past of
the Miami, the Shawnee, the Paiute, and other societies located mainly in
North America. Lowie's well-known skepticismaboutoral history echoed 40
years later, in the mid-1950s, in the assertionof Erminie Wheeler-Voegelin
(one of the founders of the American Society for Ethnohistoryand editor of
the journalEthnohistoryfor its first decade) that memoryethnographieswere
not useful for a period before the childhood of informantsfrom whom they
were elicited. For Wheeler-Voegelin (327, 328), "relevant"ethnohistorical
material was mainly documentary. Not coincidentally, ethnohistorical re-
search in these years was often conducted"in connection with," as Wheeler-
Voegelin put it, "aboriginaloccupancy cases before the IndianClaims Com-
mission"(328:116), a legal context thatsurely led to privileging, for historical
testimony, documents produced by the literate non-native ratherthan oral,
indigenous sources (14, 152, 184, 285; see also 5:1, 292:9-10).
From 1960 through the early 1980s, the stream of ethnohistoricalstock-
taking was in spate (e.g. 5, 35, 42, 54, 73, 89, 98, 142, 185, 196, 292, 307,
325, 341; for more recent assessments, see 100, 101, 273, 308-310). Most
definitions stressedthe catholic use of data obtainedin the field, archive, and
museum in order to write "a thorough, delicately balanced tribal history"
(89:268) or "history in the round"(325:45); or to detail a group's accultur-
348 KRECH

ationalexperiences;or to "gainknowledge of the natureand causes of change

in a culture"(5:2). From history came "cautiousaccuracy,"from anthropolo-
gy "imaginativetheorization"(325:45) as well as culture "definedby ethno-
logical concepts and categories"(5:2), ideally to fuse in the ethnohistorian.
For Lurie it was importantthat the ethnohistoriantake proper precautions
against the antiquarianvirus and seek "valid cultural and social generaliza-
tions, 'laws' if you will" (185:90). In what may have been the most influential
and lasting of statements on ethnohistoryin the 1960s, W. C. Sturtevant
(292:6-7) defined ethnohistoryas "(the study of) the history of the peoples
normally studied by anthropologists."For Sturtevantand many others, con-
ventional anthropologyfocused on exotic people and presumedthat explana-
tion requiredtheory, typology, and generalization;conventional history on
the other hand dealt primarily with non-exotic Western people and with
unique or particular events, and favored narrative over explicit
generalization-matters I take up below.
There has been little disagreement over identification of the principal
products or types of ethnohistory, even though different labels have been
used: historical ethnography, or synchronic reconstructionof a culture or
society at some past moment; folk history, or historiographyin non-literate
societies; specific history, or diachronicethnohistoricalstudy (including the
archaeologist'sdirecthistoricalapproach)explicatedby working(and project-
ing) "upstream"from the presentto the past or "downstream"from the earliest
to the most recent period (42, 142, 292).
Problems of several different types have arisen. One type stems from
Sturtevant'sdefinition: what may have been defined as conventional in both
disciplines 35 years ago is no longer conventional today. For one thing,
anthropologistsare as likely today to study urban Westerners as they are
exotic and remote peoples, who in any event daily become less exotic and
inhabitless remotecornersof the non-Westernworld. Furthermore,numerous
works in history demonstratean interest in what BernardCohn (55) once
called "proctologicalhistory"and othershistoryfrom the bottomup or history
from below, or the history of peoples whose culturesand societies had once
been the exclusive focus of anthropologists.
Anotherproblem stems from the confusion over what to label method and
product. History? Social history? Culturalhistory? Ethnohistory?This prob-
lem is less apparentwithin a specific geographicalregion because there seem
to be arealconventions aboutwhat to call the methodand productof historical
research.Between regions, however, the problemis acute. There are frequent
contradictions. What one person calls ethnohistory another labels history,
social history, ethno-ethnohistory,or something else.
There are sharpdisagreementsover what constitutesethnohistory. Schief-
felin & Gewertz (266:3) succinctly expressed reservationsthat others share:
 ETHNOHISTORY 349

"For historians [and many anthropologists]'ethnohistory' has traditionally

meant the reconstructionof the history of a people who previously had no
written history.. . .[We] find this notion of ethnohistoryinsufficient, if not
faulty. For [us] ethnohistory . . .must fundamentallytake into account the
people's own sense of how events are constituted,and theirways of culturally
constructingthe past."
For these reasons, a crisis exists over what ethnohistorycomprises. To
suggest solutions, the relationship,today, between anthropologyand history
as well as the connections between theory and historiographyin both dis-
ciplines must be considered more closely.

HISTORY AND ANTHROPOLOGY:THEORETICAL

PERSPECTIVES
In recent years, the relationshipbetween history and anthropologyhas been
markedby interpenetration.Much recent historiographyreflects the sway of
the social sciences and much recent anthropologyshows the influence of a
historicaldimension for comprehensionof culture. Historiansof the first half
of the 20th century were as a rule historicists, inheritors of the idealists'
position in the great 19th-centurydebate between idealists and positivists.
Emphasis was placed on understandingan age in its own terms, and the
practical priority given to politics and great men produced ideographic,
unique-event-based, particularistic, atheoretical, intuitive, "factual," and
"truthful"narrativehistories (15).
Reactions to historicism arrivedon several fronts but nowhere built up a
head of steam until after World War II. Indubitablythe earliest and most
importantreaction, however, came from FrenchhistoriansHenri Berr, Marc
Bloch, Lucien Febvre, and Femand Braudel. For these scholars history was
scientific not intuitive, comparativenot particularistic;it was about society
writ large not politics, about all people not just great men; history involved
long-term geographic and climatological structures and shorter-termeco-
nomic and demographicchanges as well as blink-of-an-eyepolitical regimes
or wars; it was analytical not narrative,and theoreticalnot theory-less (15,
143, 290).
The historical groundthat had been preparedin Francebecame amazingly
fertile for the social sciences in generaland anthropologyin particular,and in
recent years various brandsof symbolic anthropologyhave flourished in the
historical writings of Robert Damton, Natalie Davis, and many others. In
what is known as cultural history in France and elsewhere, "the an-
thropological model reigns supreme" (143:11), and by anthropological is
meant a symbolic or interpretiveapproachwhose goal is to deciphermeaning
(e.g. 67-69; cf 48, 70, 112, 153). Skeptics have argued that one cannot
350 KRECH

successfully combine method and theory in the two disciplines. One major
problem, as Stone (290:19) has remarked,is that "every social science is a
rapidly moving frontier." And Thompson (300:46), an advocate of in-
terdisciplinary conversations, cautioned that for some historians "'the
systematic indoctrination'of historians'in the social sciences' conjures up a
scene of insemination, in which Clio lies inert and passionless (perhapswith
rolling eyes) while anthropology or sociology thrust their seed into her
womb."
Despite misgivings on both sides, anthropologyand history have greatly
influencedeach other in recentyears. The argumentthatall history is atheore-
tical, particularistic,ideographic,and moralisticand that all anthropologyis
theoretical, generalizing, nomothetic, and value free is no longer tenable.
Because disciplinaryboundariesare osmotic-genres are "blurred"(108)-in
order to discuss the nature of interdisciplinaryinfluence it makes sense to
concentratenot on categories of historicalor anthropologicalproductionlike
folk history, specific history, or ethnographic reconstruction-as others
have-but insteadon the ways anthropologistsand historiansexplain cultural
and social realities (see also 101, 273).
For Carmack (42:234), ethnohistory's aims "are those of cultural an-
thropologyin general, and have to do with theoriesof culture."However, it is
disciplinarychauvinismto insist, especially today, thatethnohistoricaltheory
is drawn from anthropologysimply because anthropologistshave been more
explicit statingtheir assumptionsthanhistorians.Historyhas at least an equal
claim on social theorists like Marx, Durkheim, and Weber and their de-
scendants. In fact, theorytoday is as likely to derive neither,strictlyspeaking,
from anthropologynor history but from semiotics, structuralism,Marxism,
critical theory, linguistics, sociology, culturalstudies, literarycriticism, poli-
tical economy, or world-system theory-or from some postmodern blend.
Neither anthropologynor history has been defined exclusively by a dominant
set of theoreticalassumptions,despite periods of intense influence by one or
another paradigm;and both disciplines have been open to influence from
outside (cf 208). As Leonard Krieger stated with respect to the debate
between various "old" and "new"histories-the "two historical sects" as he
put it-the question to ask is: "In any period,. . .what constitutesthe grounds
of credibility for the community of historians?"(171:x). The answer to this
question is complex, in partbecause of its doubtfulassumptionthatthere is at
any single time one undifferentiatedcommunity whose members equally
share common, culturallydefined, normsof credibilityabouthistory. Never-
theless, two preliminaryobservations may be made: First, until recently,
interpretiveeffort in history proceeded from either a positivist or an idealist
position-variously called positivism or historicism (146), rationalist or
historisticviews of history ( 171), statesof objectivityor subjectivity(218), or
 ETHNOHISTORY 351

objectivism or relativism (218), marked by covering-law explanation or

rationale-explanation(208). In parallel(but not exact) fashion, interpretation
in anthropology presumed either an adaptationistperspective or one of a
numberof incompatibleideationistpositions (158). Second, in recent years,
much effort has been spent either reconciling or transcendingdifferences-
lessening the distance-between these dualities, especially their extreme
manifestations.Of course, dichotomies oversimplify and obscure diversity-
especially when argumentsare over nuances, not entireparadigms.In history,
as Novick (218:1) has said, historical objectivity "is not a single idea, but
rathera sprawlingcollection of assumptions,attitudes,aspirations,and anti-
pathies." Just one concretion, for example, is remarkablydiverse: the "New
History"that has markedthe latest transformationof the Annales in France
("New" and "Annales"are equally ambiguous)and that is markedby "episte-
mological effervescence" and "diverse currents"ranging from Marxist to
literarywith "no single body of doctrine"between the poles, linked only in
"the renunciationof all claims to objectivity (in the positivist meaning of the
term)"(113:179-80). At least one disaffectedobserversees only confusion in
varieties of new history: histories that have so supersedednew histories that
one must speak of "new new histories";one school "revisingthe revisionists":
deconstructionthreatening"to deconstructmuch of the new togetherwith the
old"-all while older history"coexists, moreor less uneasily, with the newer"
(136: 661-62). And in anthropology,what Keesing (158) lumped and called
ideational approachesto culture 25 years ago now cover a wide epistemolo-
gical range, incorporatingculture as cognitive, structural,or symbolic sys-
tems. In her review of theory in anthropology10 years afterKeesing's, Ortner
(227) alludes to sharp fragmentationsand specializations that render in-
tradisciplinary conversation difficult. Added to the different varieties of
symbolic anthropology, to cultural ecology, and to continental and British
structuralismare structuralMarxism,political economy, and a nested concern
for agency, praxis, performance,and self-i.e. concern for human action.
Theoretical interests in each major arena transcendanthropologyto link it,
through its use of world-system theory, dependency theory, literarytheory,
and so on, to a number of different disciplines.

ETHNOHISTORICALGENRES
The range and varietyof positivist and relativistapproachesto historiography
are vast in analyses in which anthropologicaland historicalmethodand theory
undergo permutation-in works that collectively representwhat I here call
ethnohistory. It is only partlyaccurateto say that on one hand are those who
seek "truth"in the past, who wish to establish the historicity of separate,
possibly competing versions of history, or to tell, in an authoritative,nar-
352 KRECH

rative, chronologized form "whathappened";and that on the other are those

who problematizeor emphasize the perspectivalnatureof history, historical
narrative, historiography,time, and historical objectivity. The situation is
more complicated, in part because the two hands are almost but not always
mutuallyexclusive (and there ought to be more than two); moreover, seekers
of "truth"and narrativehistory can be found in both groups, and ideas from
both mix with profit in a shifting middle ground. The many different per-
spectives might be more accuratelyrepresentedas overlappingsets of varying
theoretical concerns ranging from a world-systemic to a perspectivist pole;
from, in other words, an extreme positivism to an extreme relativism. That
the sets overlapbelies the tiredold creed thatanalysis must be eitherpositivist
or idealist, objective or subjective, materialist or symbolic (etc)-beyond
which many anthropologistsand historians have both wished to move and
succeeded in moving.
Despite the difficulties of clearly orderingin a brief essay the varieties of
ethnohistory-because of the great interdisciplinaryplay as well as the in-
ternalcomplexity and artificialboundednessof categories-I take only tenta-
tive steps here to develop a heuristicscheme. One caveat: in the sections that
follow, a fairly radical selection of ethnohistoricalworks has been made.
Ortner's (227:158) thought that history, not practice, might have been the
"key symbol"of post-1970 anthropologicaltheory is an understatement;since
1980, literally hundredsof works have appeared.For the purposeof discus-
sion here, the field has been limited mainly to a selection from English-
languageworks publishedsince 1980 and writtenprincipallyby historiansand
social/cultural anthropologists;however, even though archaeological (for
which, see 138, 139, 307), art historical, geographical, and other contribu-
tions go largely unassessed, their inclusion would not alter this essay's
conclusions.
North America
A brief examination of recent scholarship on Native North America and
northwesternMexico, an area that has stimulatedmore ethnohistoricalwork
than any other (and the one with which I am most familiar) illustrates the
possibilities of developing a heuristic scheme. The most common genre in
ethnohistorical work is without question the historical narrative, which
chronicles (part of) the past of a tribe or nation. At times it is narrowly
focused temporallyor by culturaldomain; it may unfold throughbiography.
Interethnic, particularlyIndian-Whiterelations are often detailed, and an
abiding, if implicit, sense of a frontieris characteristic.These histories, often
considered contributions to American Indian (ethno)history or American
Indian studies, are driven by data, not explicit theory; are based far more on
archives than on oral testimony; assume that an author can authoritatively
 ETHNOHISTORY 353

release" a descriptive chronological narrativefrom the archives; and are

writtenboth by anthropologistsand by historians.They often display sensitiv-
ity to native culture and society but seldom to native perspective. Recent
examples are numerousand varied(e.g. 2, 36, 40, 58, 83, 97, 116, 131, 141,
149, 164, 199, 256, 278, 286, 293, 301, 336, 339). The best work in this
category is based on comprehensiveanthropologicaland historicalresearch;it
is marked, as well, by strong narrativestyle; it results not from the simple
presentationof "facts" but from judicious reflection upon them-i.e. from
their careful weighing and interpretation.Merrell's (202) sensitive explora-
tion of the convergence of Catawbaand White cultureand society is a good
example of this genre, as are Axtell's (6-8) elegant essays and sustained
inquiry into what he has recently called contests of cultures. What should be
emphasized, however, is that no pretentious engagement with theory or
shared theoretical scheme powers the inquiry in these works, which instead
proceed from a range of implicit assumptions positioned at various points
along the continuum referred to above between the rationalist/objective/
positivist and historistic/subjective/idealistpoles.
In contraststandfewer works foundedon more strongly articulatedtheore-
tical interestsand assumptions.These sort into (at least) two other categories:
One is staunchlypositivist and includes works markedby variableregardfor
ecology, economy, and political economy; the other is idealist and is noted for
its interest in the symbolic constructionof reality. In both, analysis takes
precedence over narrative.
In the positivist analyticgenre one finds such concepts as mercantilism,the
marketeconomy, the fur trade, the world-system, economy, control of pro-
ductive resources, underdevelopment, internal colonialism, dependency,
ecology, demography,modes and relationsof production,and commoditiza-
tion. Whereasthese concepts tend to appearcollectively in work in this genre,
they are often unevenly analyzed: Where the focus of study has been nar-
rowed to depopulationand demographicchange, for example, or to archaeol-
ogy, they are treatedinconsistently;while in works on other topics they may
be more prominent. Two works in which they are prominent are White's
(330) comparative analysis of the impact on traditional native American
economies of market economies linked to Europe, and the subsequent de-
velopment of dependency among the Navajo, Choctaw, and Pawnee; and
Hall's (119) historical sociology of the American Southwest, which is a
sweeping analysis of economic transformations,of variationsin incorporation
and types of periphery, and of the ways global, regional, and local changes
might be regarded as mutually determinative. Other important examples
include Cronon's (66) dissection of a sprawling interdisciplinaryliterature,
which treatsof fundamentalecological transformationsin colonial New Eng-
land and their larger (European) economic and political context; Moore's
354 KRECH

(210) analysis of the ethnogenesis and adaptationsof the Cheyenne nation;

Boxberger's (27) of the development of dependency among the Pacific
northwestLummi throughtheir incorporationby commercial salmon fisher-
ies; and-more suggestive-Albers & James's (1) of the importance of
political economy in understandinghorse trading,ownership, grazing, ecolo-
gy, and warfare on the Plains in the 19th century. Anthropologists and
historianshave contributedequally to these and relatedworks (e.g. 33, 145,
170, 261, 306, 309).
The idealist analytic approachis notable for its strong interestin symbolic
or other ideationalaspects of culture. Fogelson, who has championedtaking
seriously the historically and culturallyconstructedworlds of Cherokees and
other native Americans,has played a significantrole in this analytictradition.
The privileging of culturalmeanings in interpretationshows both in his own
work (e.g. 98-101) and in that of his students:in Harkin's(123) analysis of
Heiltsuk historiography, and in Kan's (155) cultural analysis of the 19th-
century Tlingit potlatch;and in Brightman's(32) accounting for windigo in
Algonquian theories of dreaming and predestination.An equal interest in
culturally constituted meaning is shown in Fowler's (102, 103) rich and
sensitive explorations of the political culture and culturally manipulative
worlds of the Arapahoeand the Gros Ventre, and in DeMallie's (72) study of
the Ghost Dance.
Also idealist are works that derive more directly from history than from
anthropology, and offer revisionist interpretationof fur trade motivations
(191, 205), take metaphysicalexcursions into Indian history (192-193), or
argue for an "ethnointellectual"analysis of Indian-White history on the
Columbia Plateau (204:3). Collectively, studies in this category pose impor-
tant questions about cultural interpretations;controversial, they have been
debatedon both methodologicaland theoreticalgrounds(e.g. 168, 169, 236).
Yet they and others (e.g. 213) make importantattemptsto incorporatenative
perspectives (cf 168).
Still other idealist analyses draw on native testimony to present an un-
problematizednativeversion of events (263) or, throughthe analysis of power
and hegemony and by extensive work with native consultants, construct an
"ethnosociological"account of historical events and processes, as Whiteley
(332) has done. Yet a different type of work is Simmons's (272) analysis of
continuities and innovations in Indian folklore, which bridges the different
genres yet maintainsan abiding interest in how continuities and changes in
native symbolic systems are relatedto specific historicalconditions. Overall,
in contrast to the positivist analytic genre, more anthropologiststhan histo-
rians shape discourse in this category, in large measure because in North
America they, not historians, base historical inquiry on texts provided by
native consultants in the field. This disproportionatecontributioncontrasts
significantly with work on other parts of the world, in particularAfrica.
 ETHNOHISTORY 355

A Heuristic Scheme
I have attemptedabove to distinguish the genres of work on native North
America not according to the product they exemplify (ethnographicrecon-
struction, specific history, etc) but on the basis of theoreticalperspective. In
expanding at this point to other partsof the world it would be ideal to adopt
the same heuristic strategy, or at least to keep constantly in one's mind
particulartheoretical approachesused in the ethnohistoricalliterature.Even
though oversimplification, boundaryproblems, and an inherent externality
trouble all heuristic devices, the approachmay nevertheless help to refine
analysis of specific cases and to enhance comparative work. Stated more
strongly, it might help reverse the parochialismencounteredin some ethno-
historicalinquiry-in the historicalnarrative,for example, which often repels
explicit engagementwith theoryor comparativematters.And it might combat
the marked insularitythat plagues researchon specific regions.
Among the many approachesto ethnohistoryworldwide, then, one polar
focus may be said to be-to borrowEricWolf's (337) metaphor-the fields of
force linking societies to one anotherin an interconnectedpolitical economy.
Positioned at the other extreme is the investigationof the differentculturalor
structuralinteriors of bounded, autonomous, systemic sociocultural units.
One pole is discussed in a section on political economy, the other in a section
called culture. In a middle ground are diverse, overlapping perspectives.
Some of these present, in a straight-forwardchronological narrative un-
complicatedby theoreticalmusings (butunderlainby theoreticalassumptions)
the historical"facts";others attempt,sometimes usefully, to inject into one of
the more extreme polar positions a theoretical insight that may be lacking.
These are discussed in sections on society and ecology, and on practice.
Thus in the remarks that follow, I discuss the state of inquiry in four
sprawling, partly overlapping sections or arenas labeled political economy,
society and ecology, practice, and culture. The labels are imperfect con-
veniences. Nevertheless, it will become apparentthateach arenais character-
ized by a specific range of positivist or idealist approaches,and it is these I
attemptnot to lose sight of. I intendless to critiquespecific works closely than
to indicatethe currentinterplaybetween anthropologyand history. In the final
section of this essay I take up again the conundrumpresented by the label
ethnohistory and argue that resolution of certain conceptual and logical
problems is imperative.
Political Economy
One cluster of works seeks to elucidate the processes that link societies to
each other-processes that are ultimately world-historicalor world-systemic
in scope. Such studies treatwhat Wolf calls "a manifoldof social and cultural
processes at work," or the "fields of force" and "chains of causation and
consequence," that affect societies (337:5, 18, 385). Political economy,
356 KRECH

modes of productionand relations, hegemony, social formation, domination

of capital, dependency and underdevelopment, articulation with global
capitalism, incorporation,dialectical and colonial relations-many though
not all are of analytical interest in a numberof works that emphasize econ-
omy, politics, demographyand ecology; that are materialist, positivist, and
implicitly or explicitly comparative;whose ultimate intellectual heritage is
Marx; and that owe much to critical theoretical engagement with Wolf,
Wallerstein, and Frank among others-a variety of schools, strands and
strains of Marxiananalysis. The explicitness of engagement with theory, or
its embeddednessin the text, here and elsewhere, is still a matterof discipli-
nary preference:Exceptions increase yearly, but anthropologistsstill tend to
remain self-consciously comparativeand explicit in their analytical interests,
while historianstend to privilege narrativeand embed theiranalysis in the text
and notes to prevent interferencewith the telling of the story. The extent to
which local culture mediates or structuresoutside forces, or to which human
agency overridessystemic power, varies in partwith how much each of these
is read into the Marxian agenda and its interpolations.This is because the
importancethese interpolationsascribe to culture and the individual, as well
as Marxianconcepts aboutthe articulationof idealism with materialism,have
changed through time.
Among works exhibiting analytical interest in many of these linked ideas
are those that trace the multiple and highly variabledeterminativeeffects of
penetrant capital and the state-creating dependency (234, 235), debt-
peonage (22), and new ethnic and economic relations (320). Others treat
proletarianizationand class-formationprocesses (250, 253, 323); ethnic dis-
tinctiveness and stratification(326); and gender relations (106, 118). Still
others concern the promotionof village alliances and the alterationof social
arrangements(124); the transformationof political organization(19); and the
institution of various economic, political, social, and cultural changes (12,
16, 81, 127, 163). Some of these works are richly informedethnographically
as well as historically-e.g. Salomon's (262) political economy of trans-
formations in Andean polities; others are dense narratives in which the
analysis remains for the most part buried (13).
In other analyses, the structuresof relationsin precolonialsocieties and the
various articulationsin subsequent colonial and/or nation states are jointly
stressed in orderto explain new (or persistent)genderrelations, social forma-
tions, or modes of production.As this dual emphasismakes plain, indigenous
peoples possess historiesthatpredatethe coming of literateobservers, and the
culturalstructureof the indigenoussociety affects laterformations(106, 249).
Most works of this kind are anti-narrativehistory;they are self-consciously
theoreticaland revisionist (e.g. 22, 253). Few ignore local cultureor agency
completely, althoughall are far less concernedwith the analysis of either than
 ETHNOHISTORY 357

are the works mentionedin the section below on practice. Nevertheless, some
authors seek consciously to analyze both (a) the impact of the world-system
on a society or region [see Roseberry (253) on the people of Bocono in
Venezuela] and (b) agency and counterhegemonicprocesses; no assumptions
are made about the absence of diversity and heterogeneityas incorporation
into capitalistsystems unfolds. Such analyses provide a link to the section on
practice, below. The same is true of works like Wilmsen's (334) deeply
revisionist and reflexive portraitof the San of southwesternAfrica; while
attending to their internalsocial relations, Wilmsen shows how the San are
consistently reproduced and structuredby relations to external political-
economic processes.

Society and Ecology

The second arena, with links to all others, is heterogeneous, embracing
mainly positivist analyses of society, demography, and ecology.
Some works (including many so-called social histories) are clearly related
to the political-economicor world-systemapproachof the preceding section.
But many are not specifically interestedin analyzingeither political economy
or world-system; others deeply bury analysis in a privileged narrativeor
largely ignore both, despite a stated interest in "material"aspects of life.
Nevertheless, these works are underlain, for the most part, by positivist
assumptions and depend principally on documentary evidence. They are
markedby an interest in matterslike demographicand social transformation
(or persistence), ethnicity, mobility, land tenure, social structure,ethnogene-
sis, exchange, transportation,labor arrangements,hegemony, conflict, com-
munity, and gender.
Some of the studies in this literaturerelate fairly systematically various
social structuralfeatures and their transformations-e.g. labor arrangements
(10), land tenure (245), economy and polity (157, 197, 268, 283), coresi-
dence patterns (162), family and household organization (173), matriliny
(233), marriage(190), class and/orpeasantry(189, 230), legal systems (211),
warfare (128), religious forms and beliefs (95, 298), or other variables like
ethnicity (80)-to internal or exogenous (colonial/state) political-economic
factors (see also 10, 46, 84, 109, 114, 277, 280). These works exhibit varying
degrees of concern for political economy, hegemony, and/or agency-
subjects probedsystematicallyby the studies cited in the sections on political
economy and practice. In rare but importantinstances, work of this kind
attempts to elucidate a set of symbolic associations in terms of political
economy (209, 267). Other works, which favor structural-functionalover
political-economic argumentation,are tightly focused: on depopulationand
other (mainly demographic)changes (64, 133, 281), kinship, marriageand
family (11, 115, 166-167, 186, 237), stratification(220), conflict and feuds
358 KRECH

(76, 335), land tenure (126), migration(82), persistencesin social organiza-

tion (135), and the use of wills in reconstructionof societal features (51).
The intent of other works included in this section is to trace and analyze a
society's history-especially the history of contact and interactions with
outsiders (usually Europeans)-often afterhaving reconstructedtraditionalor
"pre-[European]contact" society (e.g. 226, 279, 331). Some treat short
periods; essentially synchronic, they attemptto reconstructa narrowslice of
time. Yet others provide a broad sweep: the origin and development of
political institutionsover a vast region (319), for example, or the implications
of demographic, economic, social, and political changes for survival (181,
182, 217, 225, 324)-in neitherinstancewith strongtheoreticalengagement.
Related to these works are many narrativehistories, which for the most part
unfold chronologically (e.g. 129, 132, 195) and which may emphasize the
culturaldistinctivenessof a historicaltradition(340) or, drawingon oral and
documentaryevidence, offer a detailed account of a people's history but not
historiography(121).
Another subset is concerned principally with ecology, materialism, eco-
nomic exchange, and culturaladaptation.Among the most forceful ecological
interpretationsare Netting's (215) analysis of demographicprocesses in an
alpine community self-sufficient and ecologically in equilibriumuntil certain
nutritionalchanges both altereddemographyand effected links to the outside;
Kottak's (165) materialist perspective on Betsileo sociocultural variations:
and Harms's (125) study of changing adaptiverelationsbetween the Nunu of
equatorialAfrica and their environment(see also 79, 321).
There is no consensus in the works discussed in this section on the
usefulness of informantor consultant testimony. In rare instances, neither
ethnographicwork nor oral data are consideredsalient, an aversionprompted
in some instances by reflections on the contaminatingpresentismsthat infect
some oral testimony (cf 130, 147, 206).

Practice
As mentioned above in the section on political economy, not all regard
emergent relations between center and periphery as unidirectional. Some
argue insteadthatcapitalexpansionwas affected in turnby events and culture
of local origin, including resistance. The "force-fields"so exhaustively ex-
plored by Wolf (and others) revealingly explicate techno-economic change,
political economy, and political and economic differentiationsas a functionof
capitalist development (254, 338). But as others have pointed out, this
scheme suffers not only from a single-minded monocausal theory linking
social labor to kinship (4) but also from paying insufficient attention to
agency, to oppositions to colonial relationships,and to how institutionsand
cultures are "created,sustained, and displaced"(338:174; see also 254). It is
importantto incorporatethe largerregion in local analysis and to understand
 ETHNOHISTORY 359

political economy; but histories merely of the impact of West on non-West,

center on periphery,or metropolison satellite leave one dissatisfied. History
does not simply "arrivelike a ship" (227:143). To write not histories of the
West's impact on the non-West but histories of the non-West, historiansand
anthropologists,taking cues from Bourdieu, Foucault, Giddens, Thompson,
Williams, and others, have put indigenous people as active agents into the
histories they help make. Thus, the expansion of a capitalist market's de-
terminativeinfluences are mediatedand affected by indigenouspeople acting
creatively and often resistively in the unfolding dialectic between world-
systemic processes and local culture.
Examples of this basic approachhave appearedin the last decade, some of
which moderate a world-system or dependency approach by emphasizing
simply that culture also is continually constructedand that individuals also
make history (90, 104, 255, 274, 287, 31 1), thatlocal and regional as well as
world-systemic forces must be considered (224, 274), or that peasants have
resistedcoercion and hegemony whose origin can be tracedto externalcapital
relations (276, 288, 289). For some scholars these emphases are minor, and
the world-systemcontinuesto be the principalfocus. But others (in studies of
indentured laborers in Sumatra, coffee planters in Brazil, or villagers in
Newfoundland or early modern Germany, for instance) give importanceto
cultural values together with external relations, to discourses of power and
relationsof power with capitalistdevelopment,and to actions and motivations
of resistersor revolutionarieswithin structuresof colonialism (257, 258, 270,
287-289). Yet other works richly contextualize the structuralconnections
between marketeconomic forces and class formation,differentiallymediated
by resistance;emphasizethe internaldifferentiationsof peasantry;explore the
systems of relationswithin which peasantintellectualsand othersoperateand
engage in political discourses;or focus on specific transformationsin gender
ideologies in the varyingarticulationsbetween local culturaland global forces
(96, 156, 175, 180, 248, 271; cf 106).
Some of the most nuanced work related to these issues comes from J.
Comaroff and J. L. Comaroff, both of whom discover, in the language of
work and labor, the poetics of oppressive history and the subtleties of
collective consciousness culturallyencoded (62). In her most comprehensive
work, J. Comaroff insists upon viewing the Tshidi of South Africa as "de-
terminedyet determiningin their own history:as humanbeings who, in their
everyday productionof goods and meanings, acquiesce yet protest, reproduce
yet seek to transformtheir predicament"(60:1; cf 61).

Culture
The works in the precedingsection exhibit a stronganalyticinterestin agency
as well as-inevitably--cultural constructions. But in many others center
360 KRECH

stage is held by culture, ideationally conceptualized (158): culture as com-

prised of symbolic systems, as text, as in some manner structured.
An increasingnumberof ethnohistoricalwritings demonstratea sensitivity
to the nuances of indigenous culture. Some propose a cultural or structural
ratherthan ecological or demographicinterpretationof behavior (63, 161,
222, 297). Othersemphasize the discovery of native perspectivesand values
(culture) in texts or fieldwork, or treat oral traditions and histories (and
linguistic data) critically. Such work thus informs historiographyto enhance
studies of the persistence of traditionalforms of village organization(17),
migration(29), descent and politics (94), genderrelationsand marriage(176),
ethnogenesis (219, 247), adaptationsto colonial rule (45), entrepreneurship
(20), messianic resistance movements (157), missionary organization and
ideology (18), and cosmology and chiefship (228).
Some narrativehistoriesthat soar to interpretiveheights as sensitive cultur-
al and motivationalinterpretiveworks might also be mentionedhere. Among
the best examples are Peires's (232) imaginative account of the mid-19th-
centuryXhosa cattle uprising, which eschews theory, consideringit intrusive
to narrative;and three works on Maya (and Spanish) culture: Farriss's (92)
exploration of social bonding, social order, and colonial rule; Clendinnen's
(50) elegant "story"of the dual perspectivein Maya and Spanish 16th-century
culture;and Jones's (151) integrationof indigenousand colonial perspectives
on time and history. Even where an "interior"account is not designed, in
sensitive hands and following extensive work with informants, narrative
history configured chronologically can reveal processual subtleties (52).
These last-mentionedworks, along with others primarilyinterestedin the
extent to which people constructtheirlives [perhapsas brokersand resistersin
the context of externally induced inequalityand oppression (277)], bear both
upon the other studies discussed in this section, in which cultural con-
structions and idealist assumptionsfigure prominently,and upon the section
above on practice.
Firmly placed in this section on culture are a number of works that
explicitly concern symbolism or semiotics; for their authors the historical
interpretationof cultures becomes a matterof: reading metaphor,metonym,
and other tropes in texts-the "logics"of texts (23, 24, 37, 38, 43, 221, 269,
315; cf 187); exploring the semiotic (theatrical)ratherthan powerful aspects
of precolonial state organization (107); fathoming meaning in actions and
expressions on the beaches where culturesmet and clashed (74), or in settings
where religious and political transformationsoccurred(148); discerningcon-
nections between majortransformationsin meaningor symbolic structureand
social-historicalchanges, some of which may be hegemonic (3, 21, 105, 198,
223); divining the psychology of symbolic forms of resistance and
accommodation(117); or comprehendingthe changing imageryand symbolic
logic of proletarianization(295, 296).
 ETHNOHISTORY 361

Otherscholarsstatetheir interestin structuralistinterpretationsof myth and

various levels of engagement with and/or departuresfrom Levi-Strauss's
structuralism. Geographically, these studies range far from Africa to the
Andes, lowland South America, Mesoamerica, and the Pacific. One of the
most challenging debates in this arena resulted from de Heusch's (71)
structural analysis of central African myth, which in exploring myth-
structuredhistory fundamentallyquestioned the historicity of myth. This
analysis galvanized many who held literalist interpretationsof myth, who
placed myth in social and economic contexts, or who agreed with de Heusch
to engage in critical discourse (e.g. 130, 206, 317, 318, 333). A parallel
debate over Incaic myth exists, with Zuidema (342) holding, against others,
that the historicity of certain events is highly suspect and that structural
analysis reveals Incaic perceptions of their genealogical social order and
history. A structuralor mythohistoricalperspective also informs Urton's
(314) exploration of different constructions of Inca history-a provincial
ratherthan imperialmythohistory;a similarapproachis evident in Gillespie's
(111) study of Aztec narrativesand in otheranalyses from the Andes, lowland
South America, and Mesoamerica-many of which take Levi-Strauss(178) to
task for his distinction between hot societies with history and cold ones
without (e.g. 31, 134).
All these works proclaiman interestin exploringpast culturalworlds. They
explicitly (and at times reflexively) attemptto fathomthe structureof history
and/orthe historiographicalconventions of indigenous historians.These per-
spectival emphasesevoke the tension alreadyalludedto between ethnohistory
as indigenous historiographyand ethnohistoryas more or less conventionally
(that is, in a positivistic sense) conceived history of an ethnos.
Over 25 years ago, Sturtevant(291:100) spoke of ethnohistory as "the
conceptions of the past shared by the bearersof a particularculture, rather
than (the more usual sense) the history (in our terms) of 'ethnic groups"' [cf
"folk history"(142)]. Ethnohistoryis here regardedas cognate with ethnosci-
ence, ethnobotany, ethnozoology, etc. Perhaps because nobody paid much
attention, Fogelson "in exasperation"(101:134) coined "ethno-ethnohistory"
ten years later(98). Today, an increasingnumberof scholarsinterestedin the
history of (and history in) small-scale societies agree with Sturtevantand
Fogelson aboutthe importanceof ethnohistoryas ethno-ethnohistory-about,
in essence, problematizinghistoria res gestarum (e.g. 110, 229, 313).
Outside North America, where Fogelson's influence has already been
noted, the works of three scholars have been seminal in the shift to ethno-
ethnohistory.That of Sahlins (259, 260) might well have been mentioned in
the section above on practice, for in the dramas he described that involved
Hawaiiansand outsiders, actorsconsistentlypursueddifferentinterestswhose
meaning changed through time (see 227:155-56). Yet Sahlins's greatest
influence derived from his emphasis on the conflicting interests, inter-
362 KRECH

pretations, and schemes broughtto particularstructuresof conjunctures(for

example, to the death of CaptainCook); his forceful analysis of the cultural
structureof Polynesian societies; his idea that culturalstructureis either open
or closed to history;and his assertionthat culturalstructureand history order
each other.
Also influentialhas been Rosaldo's analysisof Ilongot historicalconscious-
ness, especially of the embeddednessof Ilongot conceptions of the past in
ethnogeographicalknowledge (251, 252). The third seminal study is Price's
(241) analysis of First-Time knowledge of the Saramaka-analysis, in es-
sence, of their historical thought. Remarkablysensitive from a number of
standpoints,not least of which is the ethical, this is a perceptiveaccountof the
presentist, fragmented,perspectival,guarded,dangerousnatureof Saramaka
versions of their past. The Saramakapreserve and encapsulatetheir past in
different rhetoricalgenres, which Price uses in conjunctionwith other forms
of evidence to construct images of the various Saramakapasts. These two
works by Price and Rosaldo, as well as a more recent work of Price's (242),
which like First-Time (241) experimentswith differenttypefaces to preserve
different voices, are deeply reflexive.
In addition to the examples cited above, the historical thought or
historiographyof an increasing number of people who live in traditional
ethnohistorical"territory"has been investigatedrecently (25, 26, 44, 53, 85,
93, 122, 134, 140, 159, 177, 212, 229, 231, 238, 246, 265, 312, 322).
Among the issues raised and analyzed in this literature are indigenous
historiography(and conceptions of time), inventions of culture, ideological
hegemony, and relationsbetween historyand self-consciousness. The cultural
specificity of ways of "knowing"or "makinghistory"(25:2) and the cultural
and historicalconstructionsof presentisthistorieshave been stressed. Related
issues concern how to capturean "authentic"native voice in texts that reflect
ambivalent colonial discourse (120), how to understandthe production of
hegemonic discourses of freedom and caste in colonial India as well as the
separation of colonial from indigenous voices (78, 239), and how to dis-
entangle the hegemony of ideology from culturallyembedded and powerful
discourses (295, 296). Debates occur over authenticityand what constitutes
history. The perspective-dependent nature of cultural interpretations is
stressed in a number of works, including a self-consciously experimental
work on Luo history constructedjointly by an American and a Luo scholar
(53). There is an obvious connection between investigating, on one hand,
historiography in these societies and, on the other, nationalist and other
post-Orientalist historiography of India, including subalternity (240); or
historiography in 19th-century European intellectual circles, which, in
Hayden White's (329) view, can be conceived in terms of four alternative
emplotments that derive from a like numberof linguistic tropes. Whatever
 ETHNOHISTORY 363

one calls historiographicalassumptionsand conventions in the end-idealist,

positivist, historicist, etc-they are as much genres of ethnohistory as the
historiographicalor narrativeconventions embedded in any other cultural
scheme-if ethnohistory (as ethno-ethnohistory)be allowed to incorporate
philosophy of history.
Many of the last-mentionedworks are deeply reflexive. To decipher his-
tory, one must appreciatethe different ways people "imaginethe past" (28);
one must be attentiveto narrativeswhich, for example, in Bruner's(34) view,
have dominated whole eras to structure,meaningfully and powerfully, the
telling of AmericanIndianhistory;one must understandhow history "is both
a metaphorof the past and a metonymy of the present"(75:2); and one must
be aware of the perspective-dependentand contested natureof histories (159,
241) or of the variety of invented traditions-for example, Maori (122),
Highland (305), and others (137). Today scholars are more concerned than
ever before about "how knowledge is arrivedat" (302:76-77) and about how
the past is perceived.

HISTORIESHYPHENATEDAND QUALIFIED

I have called the works discussed in this chapterethnohistorical.Many would

not considerthe label problematic.After all, the works are historicaland they
concernpeople "normallystudiedby anthropologists"(292:6-7). Upon closer
examination, however, it is not obvious that they should all be branded
ethnohistory. Indeed, in some circles there is considerableresistance to the
label. Students of history in Africa rarely call their histories ethnohistories
(282), a practice that we may trace to Jan Vansina's statement30 years ago
that"historyin illiteratesocieties is not differentfromthe pursuitof the past in
literateones.. . .And there is thereforeno need to coin a special term, such as
ethnohistoryjust for this reason"(316:53). Whereone sees records, materials,
data, processes, and so forth called "ethnohistorical"one is tempted to ask,
apropos not of Africa alone, why "historical"would not have sufficed.
Perhaps an alternativeto the more specialized term is needed.
Ethnohistoryis just one type of "hyphenated"history. Other qualifiers of
the basic term include demographic,economic, labor, social, family, politi-
cal, diplomatic, urban, cultural, intellectual, psycho-, quantitative,oral; we
are confrontedas well by "historiesof'-of ideas, of science, of women, of
mentalites. Most qualifiers refer to the cultural or social abstractionupon
which focus is directed-e.g. demography, polity, society, family, labor,
culture. Some, like quantitativeand oral, indicate method. In theory, the
categories do not exclude certainkinds of societies-one can do quantitative,
oral, family, or cultural history anywhere; in practice, many societies (or
364 KRECH

people) formerly fell outside the orbit of historians' concerns. In theory,

ethnohistoryapplies to the historyof any ethnos. In practiceit is exclusionary;
in a way, it has not shaken its "tribal"(today, one would add "minority")
referent, still connoting the Other; the classical Greeks associated "ethnic"
features with the "barbarian"(47). Disquieting suggestions that ethnohistory
may be a poor term for what ethnohistoriansdo have been raised, albeit
faintly, for the last 25 years. Lurie hinted at the problem30 years ago when
she stated that an ethnohistoryof Paris was as possible as an ethnohistoryof
"primitive"people to whom one of her PhD examinersrestrictedthe term. In
the mid and late 1960s, a potentially scathing critiquecame separatelyfrom
Henri Brunschwig and Hubert Deschamps. Brunschwig (35) approved of
Vansina's assertionthatthe historiesof literateand non-literatesocieties were
not differentenough to requireseparatelabels, and went on to liken ethnohis-
tory to a "weed." He stated flatly that there were no "people withouthistory"
and posed the unsettlingquestion, "Is it then 'people without writtenhistory'
that is meant by 'people without history,' and will Blacks, wounded by this
title, be relieved to be named people with ethnohistory?"(35:291, 300; my
translation). Deschamps's answer, in effect, was this: Reserving the term
ethnohistory for people considered "primitive"would be "resented as an
unjustdiscriminationby Africans"(77:1434; my translation).In recentyears,
others have also registered uncertainty, wondering if ethnohistorywere not
"patronizing"(308:22) or "pernicious"(203:115).
Three problemsaffect the futureuse of the term ethnohistory.First, much
recentwork in politicaleconomyfocuses not so muchon a particularethnosas it
does on political and economic processes linking people and regions of the
world-indeed, in Wolf's hands,societies/cultures areof muchless concernthan
explicationof the processes.Second, if ethnohistorycontinuesto be used for the
historyof ethnoithathave been andcurrentlyareof anthropological focus, it will
never be consistently or logically applied: Anthropologistshave extensively
poached on the Western, sometimes urban, history-possessingground that
formerly belonged almost exclusively to the sociologist and historian. (That
historianshave increasinglynot only put on boots but muddiedthem in an-
tiropologicalterrainmay be relevantin othercontextsbutis besidethe pointwith
respect to this issue.) Third, if one restrictsapplicationof "ethnohistory"to
particulargroups-in North America, some ethnohistorianswould confine it to
AmericanIndians-or extends it to certainethnic groups (minorities?)but not
others(majorities?),thenone may be chargedwith applyinga specialnameto the
history of the culturallydistant Other-i.e. with using the term to ghettoize
people. The politics of ethnohistorycannotbe denied;scholarswho continueto
think of themselvesas ethnohistorianswith a concernfor moralcriticismmust
embracea reflexive historiography.
 ETHNOHISTORY 365

The dilemmas will doubtless be ignoredby many who will continue to call
both method and productethnohistory.Some will adoptone of the definitions
cited at the beginningof this essay. Some will decide, with Farriss(91:2), that
ethnohistoryis "anthropologywith a time dimension or history informed by
anthropologicalconcepts"-forgetting that archaeology also is anthropology
with a time dimension and that a great deal of history is anthropologically
"informed"but does not consider itself to be ethnohistory.Moreover, much
self-described ethnohistory-identification with which only rarely occasions
debate-is old-fashioned chronological narrativehistory, and the only thing
ethno- about it is that it concerns the Cherokee or some other ethnos, or
focuses on a region in which anthropologistshave traditionallyvested their
interests.
Otherswill deny that all the genres discussed above are ethnohistoricaland
will reserve the term as a cognate of such other ethno- terms as ethnobotany
and ethnoscience: ethnohistoryas indigenous conceptions of history, or in-
digenous historiography.
Finally, some may prefer to do away with "ethnohistory"altogether and
call the permutationsof anthropologicaland historical method and theory
somethingelse: "anthrohistory," perhaps;or, for those who dislike compound
neologisms, simply anthropologicalhistoryor historicalanthropology.Which
discipline is nominal and which dependentmay be a matterof taste. But if
ethnos disappears from the criterion of meaningfulness, then it should be
a fairly straightforwardmatter to decide that an anthropologicalanalysis is
also historical or a historical one also anthropological.For these reasons,
and because the concepts of ethnos, ethnicity, and ethnic are so "mur-
ky intellectual[ly]"(47:11), it may be ill-advised to continue to use "ethno-
history" as we have used it in the past. Both anthropologicalhistory and
historical anthropology substitute well for ethnohistory without stigma or
illogic, and one's training in anthropology should not prevent one from
writing an anthropological history (or plain history for that matter),
just as training in history should not preclude production of a historical
anthropology.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This is an expanded version of "Ethnohistory,AnthropologicalHistory and

History:What Are the Differences?,"presentedat the November 1990 meet-
ing of the AmericanSociety for Ethnohistory.I thankJames Axtell, FrankL.
Salomon, IreneSilverblatt,Thomas Skidmore,and William C. Sturtevantfor
their comments on a draft of this essay. I alone am responsible for mis-
interpretations,errors, or infelicities.
366 KRECH

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