IravatiKarve (1953) undertakes a comparative analysis of four cultural zones with a view to trace

out something like a regional pattern of social behaviour. A region may show various local
patterns. There are variations between castes because of hierarchy and caste-based isolation and
separation. Karve analyses the process of acculturation and accommodation in the context of
kinship.

Karve’s comparative study takes the following points into consideration:

1. Lists of kinship terms in Indian languages,

2. Their linguistic contexts and corresponding behaviour and attitudes,

3. Rules of descent and inheritance,

4. Patterns of marriage and family, and

5. Difference between the Sanskritic north and the Dravidian south.

Karve spells out the configuration of the linguistic regions, the institution of caste and family
organisation as the most vital bases for understanding of the patterns of kinship in India. She
divides the whole country into northern, central, southern and eastern zones keeping in view the
linguistic, caste and family organisation.

The kinship organisation follows roughly the linguistic pattern, but in some respects language
and kinship do not go hand in hand. For example, Maharashtra has Dravidian impact, and the
impact of northern neighbours speaking Sanskritic languages could be seen on the Dravidian
kinship system.

Despite variations based on these factors, there are two common points:

(1) Marriage is always within a caste or tribe, and

(2) Marriage between parents and children and between siblings is forbidden.

Kinship in North India:

In north India, there are (1) terms for blood relations, and (2) terms for affinal relations. There
are primary terms for three generations of immediate relations and the terms for one generation
are not exchangeable for those of another generation. All the other terms are derived from the
primary terms.

The northern zone consists the areas of the Sindhi, Punjabi, Hindi (and Pahari), Bihari, Bengali,
Asami and Nepali. In these areas, caste endogamy, clan exogamy and incest taboos regarding
sexual relations between primary kins are strictly observed.

there are at least four basic features of kinship in north India:

(1) Territoriality,

(2) Genealogy,

(3) Incest taboos, and

(4) Local exogamy.

Considerations of caste status tend to restrict the area of endogamy. Marriage prohibitions tend
to bar marriage over a wide area in terms of kinship as well as space. Cognatic prohibitions and
local exogamy are strictly adhered to in marriage alliances.

Four-gotra (sasan) rule, that is, avoidance of the gotras of father, mother, grandmother and
maternal grandmother is generally practised among Brahmanas and other upper castes in north
India. However, some intermediate and most of the lower castes avoid two gotras, namely, that
of father and mother.

Kinship in Central India:

The central zone comprises the linguistic regions of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh (now
Chhattisgarh also), Gujarat and Kathiawad, Maharashtra and Orissa with their respective
languages, namely, Rajasthani, Hindi, Gujarati and Kathiawadi, Marathi and Oriya. All these
languages are of Sanskritic origin, and therefore, they have affinity to the northern zone. But
there are pockets of Dravidian languages in this zone. There is also some impact of the eastern
zone. Tribal people have their unique and somewhat different situation compared to other people
in the region.

In regard to the central zone the following points may be noted:

1. Cross-cousin marriages are prevalent which are not witnessed in the north zone. Cross-cousins
are children of siblings of opposite sex, parallel cousins are children of the siblings of the same
sex.

2. Many castes are divided into exogamous clans like the north zone.

3. In some castes exogamous clans are arranged in a hypergamous hierarchy.

However, none of these features are found all over the zone. In Rajasthan, for example, Jats
follow two-gotra exogamy along with village exogamy; Banias practise four-gotra rule; and
Rajputs have hypergamous clans, and feudal status is an important consideration in marriage
alliances.

Rajputs are not a homogeneous caste. They put a lot of emphasis on purity and nobility of
descent. The fact of being a hero and a ruler has been a major consideration.

In Kathiawad and Gujarat one finds a mix of peculiar local customs and northern practices. Some
castes allow cross-cousin marriages, others allowed marriages once a year, and some others
permitted once every four, five, nine or twelve years.

Cross-cousin marriage among the Kathi, Ahir, Ghadava, Charan and Garasia castes is quite
common. Kolis and Dheds and Bhils (tribe), allow both types of cross-cousin marriages. Thus,
Rajasthan and Gujarat largely follow northern pattern.

Karve observes that Maharashtra is an area where Sanskritic northern traits and the Dravidian
southern traits almost hold a balance with perhaps a slight dominance of the former.

Kinship in South India:

Here, patrilineal and patrilocal systems dominate. However, some sections have matrilineal and
matrilocal systems, and they possess features of both types of kinship organisation. Some castes
allow polygamy, whereas some have both polygyny and polyandry. In Karnataka, Andhra
Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, and among some castes of Malabar, patrilineal and patrilocal joint family
dominates as in the northern zone.

The Nayars, the Tiyans, some Moplas in Malabar region and the Bants in Kanara district have
matrihneal and matrilocal family, and it is called tharawad. It consists of a woman, her brothers
and sisters, her own and her sister’s sons and daughters. There is no husband-wife, father-
children relationship in a tharawad.
In the southern zone there is the system of caste endogamy and clan exogamy similar to the
northern system.

In northern zone village exogamy is a widely accepted norm. But, in southern zone, there are
inter-marrying clans in the same village. Gonds do not observe village exogamy. The only
principle is that of exogamy or illom or veli. A given caste is divided like northern castes into
exogamous clans. Inter-clan marriages do not cover all clans. Within an endogamous caste, there
are smaller circles of endogamous units made up of a few families giving and receiving
daughters in marriage.

The southern zone has its peculiar features which are quite different from that of the northern
part of India. Preferential marriages with elder sister’s daughter, father’s sister’s daughter, and
with mother’s brother’s daughter are particularly prevalent in the southern zone. The main thrust
of such a system of preferential marriages lies in maintaining unity and solidarity of the ‘clan’
and upholding of the principle of return (exchange) of daughters in the same generation.

However, there are taboos on marrying of younger sister’s daughter, levirate, and mother’s
sister’s daughter. Maternal uncle and niece marriages and cross-cousin marriages result in double
relationships. A cousin is also a wife, and after marriage a cousin is more of a wife than a cousin.

Comparing the southern kinship system with the northern one we can mention that there is no
distinction between the family of birth and the family of marriage in the south whereas such a
distinction is clear in the northern India. In the north, terms for blood relatives and affinal ones
are clear, whereas in the south many terms do not indicate this distinction clearly.

For example, Phupha-Phuphi for father’s sister’s husband and father’s sister and Mama-Mami
for mother’s brother and his wife are used in the north, whereas in the south Attai is used for
both Phuphi and Mami. Mama is used for both Phupha and Mama.

Thus, southern and northern kinship systems differ in the context of relations by marriage and
relations by birth and more particularly in regard to the arrangement of kin in different genera-
tions. There does not seem to be any clear-cut classification of kin on the principle of generation
at all in the southern terminology. In south zone all the relatives are arranged according to
whether they are older or younger than ego (self) without any reference to generation.

There are no words for brothers and sisters in the Dravidian languages. However, there are words
for ‘younger’ and ‘older’ brothers and sisters. A number of terms are used in common for (1)
father and elder brother (Anna, Ayya), (2) mother and elder sister, (3) younger brother and son
(Pirkal), and (4) younger sister and daughter (Pinnawal). These terms denote respectability to the
elders and not to the actual blood relationships.

Age, and not generation, is the main consideration in the southern kinship system. Marriage is
outside the exogamous kin group called Balli or Begadu or Kilai. Exchange of daughters is
favoured and marriage among the close kin is also preferred. The rules of marriage are: one must
marry a member of one’s own clan, and a girl must marry a person who belongs to the group
older than self, and also to the younger than the parents.

Older cross-cousins and also younger brother of girl’s mother are preferred. A person can marry
any of his younger female cross-cousins and also a daughter of any of his elder sisters.

Kinship in Eastern India:

The main communities are Korku, Annamese, Saka, Semang and Khasi. The other languages are
Mon, Khmer and Chain. The area consists of a number of Austro-Asiatic tribes.

Money is given for procuring a bride. Service by the would-be-husband in girl’s father’s house is
also considered as bride price. After marriage one establishes his separate household, but may
keep his younger brother and widowed mother, etc., along with him in his newly established
house. The Mundari people thus differ from the rest of India in not having joint family. People
maintain patrician relations by common worship of ancestors and residence. They extend help to
each other but live independent life.

The Khasi of Assam speaks Monkhmer language, and they are a matrilineal people like Nayars,
but are quite different from them. The Nayars have a matrilineal joint family and husbands are
only occasional visitors. The Khasis have joint family with common worship and common
graveyard, but the husband and wife live together in a small house of their own. After death the
property goes to mother or youngest daughter.

If there are no female relatives, widow gets half of the property if she opts not to remarry. A
man’s position is like that of a Hindu bride in the patri-family. But there is difference because the
Hindu bride is incorporated as a member of her husband’s family whereas a Khasi husband is
considered as a stranger. A woman enjoys a great amount of freedom. After divorce children are
handed over to her. The Khasis have clan exogamy. Marriages of parallel cousins are not
allowed. Cross-cousin marriage is also quite rare.
However, kinship continues to be a basic principle of social organisation and mobilisation on the
one hand and division and dissension on the other. It is a complex phenomenon.