Political Law Review Cases
Political Law Review Cases
Nicolas Cuenca
GR No L-26400 – February 29, 1972
Facts:
Issue:
Held:
8. US v Ang Tang Ho
GR No 17122 – February 27, 1922
Facts:
Issue:
Held:
14. Philippine Coconut Producers Federation Inc., (Cocofed) vs. Republic of the Philippines
GR Nos. 177857-58 – September 17, 2009
(not finished)
Facts:
COCOFED sought the Court’s approval of the conversion of the 753,848,312 common shares of
San Miguel Corporation (SMC) registered in the names of Coconut Industry Investment Fund
and the so-called "14 Holding Companies." Respondent Republic questioned COCOFED’s
personality to seek the Court’s approval of the desired conversion. Respondent Republic also
disputes COCOFED’s right to impose and prescribe terms and conditions on the proposed
conversion, maintaining that the CIIF SMC common shares are sequestered assets and are in
custodia legis under Presidential Commission on Good Government’s (PCGG’s) administration.
It postulates that, owing to the sequestrated status of the said common shares, only PCGG has
the authority to approve the proposed conversion and seek the necessary Court approval. In
this connection, respondent Republic holds that the coconut levy funds were declared as prima
facie public funds, reinforcing its position that only PCGG, a government agency, can ask for
approval of the conversion.
Eventually, the coconut levy funds that were used to acquire the sequestered CIIF SMC
common shares in question were peremptorily determined to be prima facie public funds.
Issue:
Whether or not to proceed with the conversion or defer action thereon until final adjudication of
the issue of ownership over the sequestered shares properly pertains to the executive branch,
represented by the PCGG.
Held:
The cardinal postulate explains that the three branches must discharge their respective
functions within the limits of authority conferred by the Constitution. Under the principle of
separation of powers, neither Congress, the President, nor the Judiciary may encroach on fields
allocated to the other branches of government. The legislature is generally limited to the
enactment of laws, the executive to the enforcement of laws, and the judiciary to their
interpretation and application to cases and controversies. Jurisprudence is well-established that
the courts cannot intervene or interfere with executive or legislative discretion exercised within
constitutional limits. A Court is without power to directly decide matters over which full
discretionary authority has been delegated to the legislative or executive branch of the
government. It is not empowered to substitute its judgment for that of Congress or of the
President. It may, however, look into the question of whether such exercise has been made in
grave abuse of discretion. Considering the co-equal status of the three branches of government,
courts may not tread into matters requiring the exercise of discretion of a functionary or office in
the executive and legislative branches, unless it is clearly shown that the government official or
office concerned abused his or its discretion.
Corollary to the principle of separation of powers is the doctrine of primary jurisdiction that the
courts will DEFER to the decisions of the administrative offices and agencies by reason of their
expertise and experience in the matters assigned to them. Administrative decisions on matters
within the jurisdiction of administrative bodies are to be respected and can only be set aside on
proof of grave abuse of discretion, fraud, or error of law. The only instance when the Courts
ought to interfere is when a department or an agency has acted with grave abuse of discretion
or violated a law. A circumspect review of the pleadings and evidence extant on record shows
that the PCGG approved the conversion only after it conducted an in-depth inquiry, thorough
study, and judicious evaluation of the pros and cons of the proposed conversion.
As long as the PCGG approval is obtained, the exercise of the redemption feature of the SMC in
accordance with the Amended Articles of Incorporation would not constitute a "sale" of the
sequestered asset that is prohibited. The approval by the PCGG, for respondent Republic, of
the conversion is a policy decision which cannot be interfered with in the absence of a showing
or proof, as here, that PCGG committed grave abuse of discretion.
18. Metropolitan Bank & Trust Co. (Metrobank) vs. Antonino Tobias III
GR No. 177780 – January 25, 2012
Facts:
Tobias opened a savings/current account for and in the name of Adam Merchandising, his
frozen meat business with Metrobank. Six months later, Tobias applied for a loan from
Metrobank, which in due course conducted trade and credit verification of Tobias that resulted in
negative findings. Metrobank next proceeded to appraise the property Tobias offered as
collateral by asking him for a photocopy of the title and other related documents.
Thereafter, Tobias initially availed himself of ₱20,000,000, but took out the balance within six
months. He paid the interest on the loan for about a year before defaulting. His loan was
restructured to 5-years upon his request. Yet, after two months, he again defaulted. Thus, the
mortgage was foreclosed, and the property was sold to Metrobank as the lone bidder.
Consequently, the certificate of sale was issued in favor of Metrobank.
When the certificate of sale was presented for registration to the Registry of Deeds, no
corresponding original copy of the Title was found in the registry vault. Given such findings,
METROBANK requested the Presidential Anti-Organized Crime Task Force (PAOCTF) to
investigate. In its report, PAOCTF concluded that the Title and the tax declarations submitted by
Tobias were fictitious. PAOCTF recommended the filing against Tobias of a criminal complaint
for estafa. The Office of the City Prosecutor ultimately charged Tobias with estafa through
falsification of public documents.
Subsequently, Tobias appealed to the Department of Justice (DOJ) which, through the Acting
Secretary of Justice, issued a resolution directing the withdrawal of the information filed against
Tobias. Metrobank moved to reconsider, arguing that Tobias had employed deceit or false
pretense in offering the property as collateral by using a fake title; and that the presumption that
the possessor of the document was the author of the falsification applied because no other
person could have falsified the TCT and would have benefitted therefrom except Tobias himself.
Subsequently, the Secretary of Justice denied Metrobank’s motion for reconsideration.
Issue:
Whether or not the Courts may review the determination of the Secretary of Justice as to the
innocence or guilt of the Accused.
Held:
Under the doctrine of separation of powers, the courts have no right to directly decide matters
over which full discretionary authority has been delegated to the Executive Branch of the
Government, or to substitute their own judgments for that of the Executive Branch, represented
in this case by the Department of Justice. The settled policy is that the courts will not interfere
with the executive determination of probable cause for the purpose of filing an information, in
the absence of grave abuse of discretion. That abuse of discretion must be so patent and gross
as to amount to an evasion of a positive duty or a virtual refusal to perform a duty enjoined by
law or to act at all in contemplation of law, such as where the power is exercised in an arbitrary
and despotic manner by reason of passion or hostility. For instance, in Balanganan v. Court of
Appeals, Special Nineteenth Division, Cebu City, the Court ruled that the Secretary of Justice
exceeded his jurisdiction when he required "hard facts and solid evidence" in order to hold the
defendant liable for criminal prosecution when such requirement should have been left to the
court after the conduct of a trial.
19. Greco Antonious Beda Belgica vs Hon. Executive Secretary Paquito Ochoa Jr.
GR No. 208566 – November 19, 2013
Facts:
On August 28, 2013, petitioner Samson S. Alcantara (Alcantara), President of the Social Justice
Society, filed a Petition for Prohibition of even date under Rule 65 of the Rules of Court
(Alcantara Petition), seeking that the "Pork Barrel System" be declared unconstitutional, and a
writ of prohibition be issued permanently restraining respondents Franklin M. Drilon and
Feliciano S. Belmonte, Jr., in their respective capacities as the incumbent Senate President and
Speaker of the House of Representatives, from further taking any steps to enact legislation
appropriating funds for the "Pork Barrel System," in whatever form and by whatever name it
may be called, and from approving further releases pursuant thereto.
On September 3, 2013, petitioners Greco Antonious Beda B. Belgica, Jose L. Gonzalez,
Reuben M. Abante, Quintin Paredes San Diego (Belgica, et al.), and Jose M. Villegas, Jr.
(Villegas) filed an Urgent Petition For Certiorari and Prohibition With Prayer For The Immediate
Issuance of Temporary Restraining Order (TRO) and/or Writ of Preliminary Injunction dated
August 27, 2013 under Rule 65 of the Rules of Court (Belgica Petition), seeking that the annual
"Pork Barrel System," presently embodied in the provisions of the GAA of 2013 which provided
for the 2013 PDAF, and the Executive‘s lump-sum, discretionary funds, such as the Malampaya
Funds and the Presidential Social Fund, be declared unconstitutional and null and void for being
acts constituting grave abuse of discretion.
Petitioners submit that the Congressional Pork Barrel – among others, the 2013 PDAF Article –
"wrecks the assignment of responsibilities between the political branches" as it is designed to
allow individual legislators to interfere "way past the time it should have ceased" or, particularly,
"after the GAA is passed." They state that the findings and recommendations in the CoA Report
provide an illustration of how absolute and definitive the power of legislators wield over project
implementation in complete violation of the constitutional principle of separation of powers.
Further, petitioners claim that "in the current system where the PDAF is a lump-sum
appropriation, the legislator‘s identification of the projects after the passage of the GAA denies
the President the chance to veto that item later on. Accordingly, they submit that the item veto
power of the President mandates that appropriations bills adopt line-item budgeting" and that
Congress cannot choose a mode of budgeting which effectively renders the constitutionally-
given power of the President useless.
Issue:
Whether or not the 2013 PDAF Article and all other Congressional Pork Barrel Laws similar
thereto are unconstitutional considering that they violate the principles of/constitutional
provisions on (a) separation of powers; (b) non-delegability of legislative power; and (c) checks
and balances.
Held:
The principle of separation of powers refers to the constitutional demarcation of the three
fundamental powers of government. In the celebrated words of Justice Laurel in Angara v.
Electoral Commission, it means that the "Constitution has blocked out with deft strokes and
in bold lines, allotment of power to the executive, the legislative and the judicial
departments of the government." To the legislative branch of government, through
Congress, belongs the power to make laws; to the executive branch of government,
through the President, belongs the power to enforce laws; and to the judicial branch of
government, through the Court, belongs the power to interpret laws. Because the three
great powers have been, by constitutional design, ordained in this respect, "each
department of the government has exclusive cognizance of matters within its jurisdiction,
and is supreme within its own sphere." Thus, "the legislature has no authority to execute or
construe the law, the executive has no authority to make or construe the law, and the
judiciary has no power to make or execute the law." The principle of separation of powers
and its concepts of autonomy and independence stem from the notion that the powers of
government must be divided to avoid concentration of these powers in any one branch; the
division, it is hoped, would avoid any single branch from lording its power over the other
branches or the citizenry. To achieve this purpose, the divided power must be wielded by
co-equal branches of government that are equally capable of independent action in
exercising their respective mandates. Lack of independence would result in the inability of
one branch of government to check the arbitrary or self-interest assertions of another or
others.
Broadly speaking, there is a violation of the separation of powers principle when one
branch of government unduly encroaches on the domain of another. US Supreme Court
decisions instruct that the principle of separation of powers may be violated in two (2)
ways: firstly, "one branch may interfere impermissibly with the other’s performance of its
constitutionally assigned function"; and "alternatively, the doctrine may be violated when
one branch assumes a function that more properly is entrusted to another." In other
words, there is a violation of the principle when there is impermissible (a) interference
with and/or (b) assumption of another department‘s functions.
The enforcement of the national budget, as primarily contained in the GAA, is
indisputably a function both constitutionally assigned and properly entrusted to the
Executive branch of government. This is rooted in the principle that the allocation of
power in the three principal branches of government is a grant of all powers inherent in
them. Thus, unless the Constitution provides otherwise, the Executive department
should exclusively exercise all roles and prerogatives which go into the implementation
of the national budget as provided under the GAA as well as any other appropriation law.
In view of the foregoing, the Legislative branch of government, much more any of its
members, should not cross over the field of implementing the national budget since, as
earlier stated, the same is properly the domain of the Executive. Congress enters the
picture when it deliberates or acts on the budget proposals of the President. Thereafter,
Congress, "in the exercise of its own judgment and wisdom, formulates an appropriation
act precisely following the process established by the Constitution, which specifies that
no money may be paid from the Treasury except in accordance with an appropriation
made by law." Upon approval and passage of the GAA, Congress’ law-making role
necessarily comes to an end and from there the Executive‘s role of implementing the
national budget begins. So as not to blur the constitutional boundaries between them,
Congress must "not concern it self with details for implementation by the Executive.
From the moment the law becomes effective, any provision of law that empowers
Congress or any of its members to play any role in the implementation or enforcement of
the law violates the principle of separation of powers and is thus unconstitutional." It
must be clarified, however, that since the restriction only pertains to "any role in the
implementation or enforcement of the law," Congress may still exercise its oversight
function which is a mechanism of checks and balances that the Constitution itself allows.
But it must be made clear that Congress‘ role must be confined to mere oversight. Any
post-enactment-measure allowing legislator participation beyond oversight is bereft of
any constitutional basis and hence, tantamount to impermissible interference and/or
assumption of executive functions.
As may be observed from its legal history, the defining feature of all forms of
Congressional Pork Barrel would be the authority of legislators to participate in the post-
enactment phases of project implementation.
As an adjunct to the separation of powers principle, legislative power shall be exclusively
exercised by the body to which the Constitution has conferred the same. In particular,
Section 1, Article VI of the 1987 Constitution states that such power shall be vested in the
Congress of the Philippines which shall consist of a Senate and a House of
Representatives, except to the extent reserved to the people by the provision on initiative
and referendum. Based on this provision, it is clear that only Congress, acting as a
bicameral body, and the people, through the process of initiative and referendum, may
constitutionally wield legislative power and no other. This premise embodies the principle of
non-delegability of legislative power, and the only recognized exceptions thereto would be:
(a) delegated legislative power to local governments which, by immemorial practice, are
allowed to legislate on purely local matters; and (b) constitutionally-grafted exceptions such
as the authority of the President to, by law, exercise powers necessary and proper to carry
out a declared national policy in times of war or other national emergency, or fix within
specified limits, and subject to such limitations and restrictions as Congress may impose,
tariff rates, import and export quotas, tonnage and wharfage dues, and other duties or
imposts within the framework of the national development program of the Government.
Notably, the principle of non-delegability should not be confused as a restriction to
delegate rule-making authority to implementing agencies for the limited purpose of either
filling up the details of the law for its enforcement (supplementary rule-making) or
ascertaining facts to bring the law into actual operation (contingent rule-making). The
conceptual treatment and limitations of delegated rule-making were explained in the
case of People v. Maceren as follows:
The grant of the rule-making power to administrative agencies is a relaxation of the
principle of separation of powers and is an exception to the nondelegation of
legislative powers. Administrative regulations or "subordinate legislation"
calculated to promote the public interest are necessary because of "the growing
complexity of modern life, the multiplication of the subjects of governmental
regulations, and the increased difficulty of administering the law."
Nevertheless, it must be emphasized that the rule-making power must be confined to
details for regulating the mode or proceeding to carry into effect the law as it has been
enacted. The power cannot be extended to amending or expanding the statutory
requirements or to embrace matters not covered by the statute. Rules that subvert the
statute cannot be sanctioned.
In the cases at bar, the Court observes that the 2013 PDAF Article, insofar as it confers
post-enactment identification authority to individual legislators, violates the principle of
non-delegability since said legislators are effectively allowed to individually exercise the
power of appropriation, which – as settled in Philconsa – is lodged in Congress.
The fact that the three great powers of government are intended to be kept separate and
distinct does not mean that they are absolutely unrestrained and independent of each other.
The Constitution has also provided for an elaborate system of checks and balances to
secure coordination in the workings of the various departments of the government. A prime
example of a constitutional check and balance would be the President’s power to veto an
item written into an appropriation, revenue or tariff bill submitted to him by Congress for
approval through a process known as "bill presentment."
The presentment of appropriation, revenue or tariff bills to the President, wherein he may
exercise his power of item-veto, forms part of the "single, finely wrought and
exhaustively considered, procedures" for law-passage as specified under the
Constitution.
The Constitution is a limitation upon the power of the legislative department of the
government, but in this respect it is a grant of power to the executive department. The
Legislature has the affirmative power to enact laws; the Chief Executive has the negative
power by the constitutional exercise of which he may defeat the will of the Legislature. It
follows that the Chief Executive must find his authority in the Constitution. But in
exercising that authority he may not be confined to rules of strict construction or
hampered by the unwise interference of the judiciary. The courts will indulge every
intendment in favor of the constitutionality of a veto in the same manner as they will
presume the constitutionality of an act as originally passed by the Legislature.
The justification for the President‘s item-veto power rests on a variety of policy goals
such as to prevent log-rolling legislation, impose fiscal restrictions on the legislature, as
well as to fortify the executive branch‘s role in the budgetary process.
For the President to exercise his item-veto power, it necessarily follows that there exists
a proper "item" which may be the object of the veto. An item, as defined in the field of
appropriations, pertains to "the particulars, the details, the distinct and severable parts of
the appropriation or of the bill." On this premise, it may be concluded that an
appropriation bill, to ensure that the President may be able to exercise his power of item
veto, must contain "specific appropriations of money" and not only "general provisions"
which provide for parameters of appropriation.
Under the 2013 PDAF Article, the amount of ₱24.79 Billion only appears as a collective
allocation limit since the said amount would be further divided among individual
legislators who would then receive personal lump-sum allocations and could, after the
GAA is passed, effectively appropriate PDAF funds based on their own discretion. As
these intermediate appropriations are made by legislators only after the GAA is passed
and hence, outside of the law, it necessarily means that the actual items of PDAF
appropriation would not have been written into the General Appropriations Bill and thus
effectuated without veto consideration. This kind of lump-sum/post-enactment legislative
identification budgeting system fosters the creation of a budget within a budget" which
subverts the prescribed procedure of presentment and consequently impairs the
President‘s power of item veto.