Figuring Out the Figurines

of the Ancient Near East

Edited by Stephanie M. Langin-Hooper

Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014

Association for Coroplastic Studies
 Copyright © by the Association for Coroplastic Studies, 2014
All rights reserved
Published in the United States of America by
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Library of Congress Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

Figuring Out the Figurines of the Ancient Near East / edited by Stephanie M. Langin-Hooper
Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1 / series editor, Jaimee P. Uhlenbrock

Includes bibliographical references.

ISBN: 978-0-9915533-1-0
1. Terra-cotta figurines–Israel. 2. Terra-cotta figurines–Jordan. 3. Terra-cotta figurines–Iraq.
4. Terra-cotta figurines–Syria. Iraq–Antiquities. 6. Israel–Antiquities. 7. Jordan–Antiquities.
8. Syria–Antiquities.
9. Excavations (Archaeology)–Middle East–Congresses. 10. Near East–Antiquities–Congresses.
11. Near East--Civilization–To 622–Congresses. 12. Langin-Hooper, Stephanie M.

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ii
 Preface

The series Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies came to fruition in order to promote the study of sculp-
tural objects made in clay from the ancient Mediterranean and to facilitate their publication. An initiative of
the Association for Coroplastic Studies (ACoST), formerly the Coroplastic Studies Interest Group (CSIG)
of the Archaeological Institute of America, Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies is the first peer-
reviewed publication venture of ACoST. This initial volume comprises 4 papers that were delivered at one
of the three sessions of the Annual Meeting of the American Schools of Oriental Research (ASOR) either in
2009, 2010, or 2011 that were entitled “Figuring Out the Figurines of the Ancient Near East.” I would like
to thank Stephanie Langin-Hooper, who had organized these sessions, for also accepting the role of editor
for this volume, which involved considerable time and energy on her part. I also would like to express my
gratitude to the two anonymous reviewers of the papers that were submitted for this volume. Their valuable
insights and direction were very much appreciated by the authors. Finally, I would like to thank the authors
themselves for being so steadfast in their devotion to this project.

Jaimee P. Uhlenbrock
President, Association for Coroplastic Studies
February, 2014

iii
 Contents

General Bibliography vi

Introduction vii
Stephanie M. Langin-Hooper

The Coroplastics of Transjordan

Forming Techniques and Iconographic Traditions in the Iron Age 1
P. M. Michèle Daviau

Seeing Double: Viewing and Re-Viewing Judean Pillar Figurines Through Modern Eyes 13
Erin D. Darby

Double Face, Multiple Meanings: The Hellenistic Pillar Figurines from Maresha 27
Adi Erlich

The Mimesis of a World

The Early and Middle Bronze Clay Figurines from Ebla-Tell Mardikh 39
Marco Ramazzotti

v
General Bibliography
4th International Proceedings of the 4th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East,
Congress (Berlin, 29 March–3 April 2004) Freie Universität Berlin. Volume 1: The Reconstruction of
Environment: Natural Resources and Human Interrelations through Time; Art History: Visual
Communication, H. Kühne et al (eds.), Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.
Barrelet 1968 Barrelet, M.-T., Figurines et reliefs en terre cuite de la Mésopotamie antique 1: Potiers, termes
de métier, procédé de fabrication et production. Bibliotèque Archéologique et Historique 85.
Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner.

Bilder als Quellen Bilder als Quellen/Images as Sources: Studies on Ancient Near Eastern Artifacts and the Bible
Inspired by the Work of Othmar Keel, S. Bickel et al (eds.), Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis Special
Volume. Fribourg: Academic Press. Göttingen: Vendenhoeck & Ruprecht.

Daviau 2001 Daviau, P. M. M., “New Light on Iron Age Religious Iconography: The Evidence from Moab,”
Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan 7, pp. 317–326.

Images as Media Images as Media: Sources for the Cultural History of the Near East and the Eastern Mediter-
ranean (1st Millennium B.C.), C. Uehlinger (ed.), Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 175, Fribourg:
University Press. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht
Kletter 1996 Kletter, R., The Judean Pillar-Figurines and the Archaeology of Asherah, British Archaeologi-
cal Reports 636. Oxford: Tempus Reparatum.

van Buren 1930 Van Buren, E. D., Clay Figurines of Babylonia and Assyria, Yale Oriental Series 16, New Ha-
ven: Yale University Press.
Waraksa 2009 Waraksa, E. A., Female Figurines from the Mut Precinct: Context and Ritual Function, Orbis
Biblicus et Orientalis 240, Fribourg: Academic Press; Goettingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.

vi
 Introduction

Figuring Out the Figurines of the Ancient Near East at ASOR 2009-2011
Stephanie M. Langin-Hooper

Of all the objects produced by the cultures of the an- whelming numbers suggest modes of scholarly analy-
cient Near East, figurines (particularly, although not sis that are more similar to those used for potsherds
exclusively, terracotta figurines) are among the most than marble statuary. In addition to their prevalence,
pervasive. For instance, over eleven-thousand figurine terracotta figurines are also generally viewed by schol-
fragments were excavated from the Babylonian site of ars as being relatively mundane, due to the inexpensive
Seleucia-on-the-Tigris1—and such ubiquity is by no nature of the ceramic material, their mass-produced
means unique to that city. Although when evaluated by or homemade manufacture by and for the non-elite,
modern aesthetic standards, figurines rarely rise to the and the evaluation that many terracotta figurines were
artistic level of “great” monuments or statuary, they made with no special attention to artistic quality. The
nevertheless seem to have had their own particular ap- combination of these factors is often seen to situate
peal, as well as a wide audience, in the ancient world. terracotta figurines more within the domain of archae-
The use of inexpensive material and relative ease of ologists than art historians. Archaeological approaches
manufacture meant that terracotta figurines were avail- to terracotta figurines have often focused on exten-
able to most ancient Near Eastern people. Terracotta sive cataloguing and discussions of figurines (usually
figurines thus have the potential to be particularly in- by “type”) in general statements that apply to object
formative about everyday life in these societies. groups. Such methodologies assist archaeologists in
dealing with large numbers of terracotta figurines in
Yet, the study of terracotta figurines is also beset with a practical, manageable way. Assessing terracotta
obstacles to interpretation. At the most basic level, figurines as groups, rather than as individual objects,
there is an often-unexpressed disagreement about how can also yield information, such as patterns of use
best to regard terracotta figurines: are they artworks or and change across time, in ways more effective than
archaeological artifacts? A case can be made in either individual artistic analysis would be. Yet, such meth-
direction. On the side of art is the fact that, although odological approaches also invite generalizations that
not always the case, some terracotta figurines (such as gloss over variation—a particular problem at sites and
the famous Tanagra figurines of the Hellenistic Greek in periods with marked figurine diversity—and often
world) seem designed with aesthetics as a major, if not fail to consider the visual features of figurines as any-
primary, consideration. Even terracotta figurines that thing more than typological markers.
are not especially visually appealing are still capable
of evoking an art-like response in their viewers. Be- Terracotta figurines can thus be somewhat intractable
cause of their representational properties as miniature and enigmatic. Positioned on the divide between the
versions of life-size things (usually human beings or disciplines of art history and archaeology, they remain
animals), terracotta figurines would seem to have the alluring, yet out of the full interpretive sweep of either
non-utilitarian, visually-engaging properties of an art- discipline. As a result, many approaches to the volumi-
work. This effect is especially heightened when a ter- nous numbers of figurines recovered from excavations
racotta figurine is seen, and studied, in isolation. As in the ancient Near East regard them simply as objects
a single object, a figurine’s representative capacity to to be categorized based on motif (such as “standing
mimetically link to the outside world, yet also present female”) and then left with little more that is said about
that world through the shifted perspective of miniatur- them. Analysis is often sweepingly broad, and assess-
ization,2 comes to the fore. Selective representation, al- ments of function (such as “temple votive”) rarely delve
tered mimesis—these are (some of) the properties of art. into the complexities of the human behaviors and social
structures that would coincide with such figurine use.
However, figurines are rarely excavated or studied as
single objects. Terracotta figurines are usually seen by There have always been exceptions to this trend. With-
the hundreds (if not the thousands), and such over- in the field of ancient Near Eastern terracotta figurine

vii
studies, notably innovative analyses have been con- of figurines as objects focus on quantifiable attributes,
ducted by Julia Asher-Greve (1998), Julia Assante such as the texture of the clay or the length of the figu-
(2002), and Zainab Bahrani (2000), in particular; and rine’s arms, rather than on the more nebulous aspects
even some earlier scholars, such as Wilhelmenia Van of figurine appearance, such as motifs, iconography,
Ingen (1939), went beyond the simple catalogue in and style. Such approaches are often described as an
their publications of terracotta figurines. Yet despite attempt to introduce methodological rigor, which is al-
this notable precedent, it has been only very recently ready well-established in other archaeological studies
that ancient Near Eastern figurine studies has expe- (particularly of ceramics), into a field that has been the
rienced a turn of the tide in terms of both the preva- more traditional domain of qualitative analysis.
lence of research specifically engaged with terracotta
figurines, as well as an expansion of the methodologies The other approach to terracotta figurine analysis that
used to study these elusive objects. Many of these new has been gaining traction within recent years is based
studies attempt to overhaul, or even to reinvent, how on anthropological investigations of object agency and
figurines are analyzed. In my own observation, two materiality. As with the quantitative analyses, studies
trends in these new methodological approaches seem of human-object engagement with terracotta figurines
to be emerging: scientific and quantitative studies that generally exhibit a macro-level interest in the role of
analyze figurine manufacture, use-life, and deposition; terracotta figurines within a society and community.
and object agency and materiality-based studies that But rather than utilize standard archaeological expla-
focus on the human engagement (usually visual and nations for figurine use (as votives or toys) and appear-
tactile) with figurines as objects. Although the adher- ance (representations of deities or offerings), the object
ents of either approach are not restricted by a single agency approach to figurine use asks why figurines, as
methodology, it is nevertheless useful to provide a gen- miniature representations of large-scale living beings,
eral overview of each analytical development. objects, or structures, are appealing and have meaning
within ancient societies. Douglass Bailey (2005) has
Scientific and quantitative studies of ancient Near been the pioneer of this avenue of terracotta figurine
Eastern terracotta figurines have particularly prospered research. His work has revealed that figurines as min-
in the last decades because of technological advance- iature versions of life-size objects, particularly those
ments that allow for such investigations as the geo- of humans or animals, have an intimate and powerful
logical sourcing of clay, detecting of micro-fractures quality. As Griselda Pollock has put it: “why do we like
that can indicate deliberate breakage, computer mod- looking at images of other human beings? ... An image
els of figurine distribution on both localized and re- of another or even ourselves might have no meaning
gional levels, and reconstructions of object circulation or actually threaten us. There must be a reason for and
within social networks. The search for scientific facts a mechanism by which we delight in images, espe-
that can be quantified, graphed, and otherwise inputted cially those that are ‘like’ us, human images.”3 This
as “real” data has been seen by many as preferable to power to enchant and engage—a power that all human
what are often regarded today as the more impression- images share—is intensified in figurines because of
istic analyses of figurines that took place in the 19th their miniature size. Miniature human images can be
and 20th centuries. Even when studying figurines as not only viewed, but they can also be possessed, in a
archaeological artifacts, early cataloguing efforts that complete physical sense. Such intimate relationships
attempted to categorize often-illusive figurine motifs enable reciprocal identity sharing and transfer between
into clear sets of defined differences were based on a person and figurine.4 As I have argued in my own re-
certain amount of connoisseurship. Analyses of figu- search, this particular power of figurines to display, as
rine use were similarly rife with intuitive assumptions, well as reshape, human identity means that they are
often resulting in speculation about the role of figu- an especially useful tool for archaeologists interested
rines in society (usually as deities or votives) supersed- in accessing social roles, traditions, and interactions
ing, and even displacing, archaeological evidence for in the ancient world.5 Object agency and materiality
the figurines’ use context. New quantitative approach- approaches to the study of terracotta figurines are en-
es usually begin with the archaeology, rather than the deavoring to pursue such social analysis, while also
object itself, and reconstruct figurine use and meaning maintaining a focus on the individual figurine as a
based on detailed studies of contextual data. Studies locus for meaningful interaction.

x
Together, these two new schools of terracotta figurine sessions and after the session concluded.
studies seem poised to remake scholarship’s tradition-
al understanding of terracotta figurines in the ancient Based on these responses of both presenters and audi-
Near East, and their connection to the societies who ences, I judge the three-year run of “Figuring Out the
made and used them. Theoretical advancements in oth- Figurines of the Ancient Near East” to have been a suc-
er fields, such as Mesoamerican and Neolithic Euro- cess. Through this effort, the visibility of ancient Near
pean figurine studies, as well as technological develop- Eastern figurine studies has been raised, and a commu-
ments in broader archaeological practice, have fueled nity of scholars working in the field has become fur-
the development of both approaches. But their applica- ther interconnected. Although this incarnation of the
tion to ancient Near Eastern corpora, and the further “Figuring Out the Figurines” session has run its course
expansion of these theories to suit the distinctive fea- at the ASOR Annual Meetings, it is my hope that figu-
tures of the ancient Near Eastern past, have been recent rine studies continue to be featured prominently at the
developments. It therefore seemed timely introduce a conference, and that a revival of the session (at ASOR
session specifically tailored to figurine studies at the or another conference) might take place at some point
Annual Meeting of the American Schools of Oriental in the future. As figurine studies continue to advance
Research. through new archaeological discoveries, new theoreti-
cal breakthroughs, and innovative approaches to figu-
This session, begun in 2009 and entitled “Figuring rine interpretation, the need for an ancient Near East
Out the Figurines of the Ancient Near East,” aimed to figurine conference forum will continue. It is crucial
bring together scholars researching terracotta figurines that all scholars concerned with the study of these in-
across all regions, sites and time periods in the ancient triguing objects remain connected in productive col-
Near East, Egypt, and eastern Mediterranean. Prior to laboration and mutual idea-sharing, to further the ef-
this session, papers on the topic of terracotta figurines forts of our unique discipline.
were often presented at ASOR; however, they were al-
ways distributed across the conference, as they were ASOR Conference Programs of the “Figuring Out
slotted into sessions about regional specialties, such as the Figurines Sessions,” 2009-2011
the archaeology of Cyprus, or topics such as religion. Before proceeding to the introduction of the papers
This distribution of figurine papers across multiple ses- in this volume, I would first like to acknowledge the
sions often did not allow for group discussion between ASOR staff and organizing committee for their strong
figurine scholars. The “Figuring Out the Figurines” support of this project. Additionally, all of the scholars
session aimed to provide a forum for idea presentation who participated in the three years of “Figuring Out the
and discussion among a group of scholars who special- Figurines”—as speakers, facilitators, audience mem-
ize in researching terracotta figurines. When the ses- bers, or supporters—have my sincere thanks. The ses-
sion was initially proposed, it was hoped that several sion chairs, speakers, and paper titles are listed here:
benefits would result: encouraging interdisciplinary
dialogue and cross-cultural comparisons of figurines; ASOR 2009 (New Orleans), Session 1
facilitating theoretical discussion about figurine inter- Stephanie M. Langin-Hooper (University of Califor-
pretation; and fostering a sense of community among nia, Berkeley), Presiding
ancient Near East figurine scholars.
Adi Erlich (University of Haifa),“Double Faces, Mul-
tiple Meanings: the Hellenistic Pillar Figurines from
The response to the session was overwhelming. So
Maresha, Israel”
many scholars submitted abstracts the first year that
the session had to be given two time slots. The fol- Erin Walcek Averett (Creighton University), “The
lowing two years also saw full slates of speakers, with Ritual Contexts of Archaic Cypriote Figurines”
deserving abstracts being turned away in the selection Jaimee P. Uhlenbrock (SUNY New Paltz), “A Near
process. The audience response was equally enthusi- Easterner at Cyrene: Cross-Cultural Implications at a
astic. All three years saw audiences of 75-100 people, Greek City in Libya”
substantial crowds that far exceeded the average atten- Erin D. Darby (Duke University) and David Ben-
dance at an ASOR session. Lively, informed discussion Shlomo (Hebrew University, Jerusalem), “Sugar and
was frequent, both during the question-and-answer Spice and Everything Nice: Terracotta Pillar Figurines

ix
and Jerusalemite Pottery Production in Iron II Judea” Bronze Clay Figurines from Ebla-Tell Mardikh (Syria)”
Susan Downey (University of California, Los Ange- Doug Bailey (San Francisco State University), “Un-
les), “Images of Divinities in Terracotta and Stucco certainty and Precarious Partiality: New Thinking on
Plaques from the Hellenistic-Roman Period at Dura- Figurines”
Europos, Syria” Christopher Tuttle (American Center of Oriental
Research, Jordan), “Miniature Nabataean Coroplastic
ASOR 2009 (New Orleans), Session 2 Vessels”
Andrea Creel (University of California, Berkeley), Erin Darby (University of Tennessee) and Michael
Presiding Press (University of Arkansas), “Composite Figurines
Christopher Tuttle (American Center of Oriental Re- in the Iron II Levant: A Comparative Approach”
search, Jordan), “The Nabataean Coroplastic Arts: A Syn- Andrea Creel (University of California, Berkeley),
thetic Methodology for Addressing a Diverse Corpus” “Manipulating the Divine and Late Bronze/Iron Age
Elizabeth Waraksa (University of California, Los An- ‘Astarte’ Plaques in the Southern Levant”
geles), “Female Figurines from the Mut Precinct, Kar-
nak: Evidence of Ritual Use” Discussion of Papers Included in this Volume
Elizabeth Bloch-Smith (St. Joseph’s University), “Nu- All participants from the three-year run of the “Figur-
dity is Divine: Southern Levantine Female Figurines” ing Out the Figurines of the Ancient Near East” session
at the 2009-2011 ASOR Annual Meetings were given
ASOR 2010 (Atlanta) the opportunity to submit articles for publication. The
Stephanie M. Langin-Hooper (University of Califor- four peer-reviewed articles included in this issue are
nia, Berkeley), Presiding the result of that process. Fortuitously, they represent
the breadth and diversity—both in temporal and geo-
Rüdiger Schmitt (University of Muenster), “Animal
graphical scope, as well as in theoretical approaches—
Figurines as Ritual Media in Ancient Israel”
that was exhibited over the three years of the ASOR
Christopher Tuttle (American Center of Oriental Re-
session. Each can stand alone as a contribution to its
search, Jordan), “Nabataean Camels & Horses in Daily respective field; however, together they represent the
Life: The Coroplastic Evidence” progress being made in figurine studies throughout an-
Erin Darby (Duke University), “Seeing Double: View- cient Near Eastern scholarship.
ing and Re-viewing Judean Pillar Figurines through
Modern Eyes” P. M. Michèle Daviau’s contribution, “The Coroplastics
Adi Erlich (University of Haifa), “The Emergence of of Transjordan: Forming Techniques and Iconographic
Enthroned Females in Hellenistic Terracottas from Is- Traditions in the Iron Age,” is immediately notable in
rael: Cyprus, Asia Minor, and Canaanite Connections” its treatment of the diversity of figurine forms found in
P. M. Michèle Daviau (Wilfrid Laurier University), Transjordan. Although difficult to classify, the unique
“The Coroplastic Traditions of Transjordan” or uncommon figurines in the corpus are nevertheless
Rick Hauser (International Institute for Mesopotamian given equal treatment in this article with the more pop-
Area Studies), “Reading Figurines: Animal Represen- ular and easily categorized forms. Daviau powerfully
tations in Terra Cotta from Urkesh, the first Hurrian demonstrates how classification of figurines can still be
Capital (2450 BCE)” a useful tool without resorting to the over-generaliza-
tions and disregard for uncommon figurine forms that
are so common to figurine typologies. In the analysis
ASOR 2011 (San Francisco)
of her material, Daviau utilizes an object-experience
Stephanie M. Langin-Hooper (Bowling Green State
methodology to address issues of use. Her assessment
University), Presiding that many of the Transjordan figurines cannot stand
Rüdiger Schmitt (University of Muenster), “Apo- alone, but must be held in the hand or propped up, is an
tropaic Animal Figurines” excellent example of how object materiality can yield
Marco Ramazzotti (La Sapienza University of Rome), useful information about the function and experience
“The Mimesis of a World: The Early Bronze and Middle of terracotta figurines. Daviau’s detailed study of figu-

x
rine manufacture and iconography, along with quan- through the materiality of, terracotta figurines with two
titative analysis of figurine distribution across several faces. Her article takes a theoretically-informed per-
ancient sites, is also representative of the recent trend spective on the fluidity of “meaning” as a product of
in figurine scholarship towards more scientific studies. the encounter between the person and the object, with
Daviau thus combines both of the new approaches to the conclusion that terracotta figurines were interpret-
figurine analysis in order to shed important light on the ed differently, and took on different identities, based
expression of ethnic identity in the terracotta figurines on the cultural background and particular interests of
of Transjordan. their viewer. In Erlich’s view, the interaction between
human and figurine was dynamic, and only partially
Erin Darby’s contribution, “Seeing Double: Viewing determined by the physical appearance of the object.
and Re-viewing Judean Pillar Figurines through Mod- The relationship of figurine forms to broader social is-
ern Eyes,” is strongly positioned within the quantitative sues of cross-cultural interaction and ethnic difference
approach to ancient Near Eastern figurines. Yet, unchar- are discussed in the conclusion of the article, in which
acteristically for a quantitative study, Darby’s article it is suggested that the “double face” figurines were ac-
investigates iconography and motifs traditionally seen cessible to most members of the Maresha community
as the domain of art historians. Darby catalogues indi- during otherwise tumultuous times. Erlich’s line of ar-
vidual elements of the figurines in her corpus in order gumentation seems to suggest that these figurines par-
to determine how artisans drew upon a broad repertoire ticipated in broader social processes in which ethnic
of available symbols and recombined them to create and culture differences were minimized –—a powerful
specific visual forms and functions in the figurines. An example of the role and agency of terracotta figurines
important critique of the tradition of impressionistic within the communities who made and used them.
studies of figurines in scholarship is made; particularly
enlightening is the critique that viewing and looking at Marco Ramazzotti’s contribution, “The Mimesis of a
objects is culturally-situated and conditioned, so any World: The Early and Middle Bronze Clay Figurines
correlation between modern and ancient ways of see- from Ebla-Tell Mardikh,” is the most at home in the
ing must be demonstrated, not assumed. Darby’s ar- new branch of figurine theory that deals with anthro-
ticle is uncommon in that its discussion of terracotta pological approaches to materiality and investigates
figurine iconography is presented with few accom- the intimate encounters between person and object that
panying images, none of which illustrate the specific figurines encourage. Nevertheless, Ramazzotti also
figurines presented in her article. This is a compelling, utilizes quantitative studies of figurine context and use
and innovative, way to oblige the reader to think about at Ebla, as well as chemical and physical analysis of
figurines from ancient perspectives, rather than jump- figurine breakage patterns, to support his argument.
ing immediately to visual assessment based on modern He thus demonstrates that both approaches to figurine
cultural norms. The article’s comparison of the ter- analysis can be used together productively, especially
racotta figurines with other artifacts from the Judean to focus on the material presence and properties of a
culture to discover iconographical similarities outside figurine, which have both a quantitative and a qualita-
the figurine corpus is also a significant step forward for tive (human experience) component. The tactile ele-
the field, as archaeologists often focus on figurines as ment of human experience with figurines is especially
a special class of objects, obscuring their functional, highlighted in the article and used to explore how min-
display, and visual similarities to other forms of mate- iature clay versions of beings can substitute for (and
rial culture. allow experimentation with) the life-size, real social
world. Ramazzotti’s conclusion that the spatial distri-
Adi Erlich’s contribution, “Double Face, Multiple bution of figurines at Ebla, as well as the tactile ex-
Meanings: The Hellenistic Pillar Figurines from Mare- perience of these diverse figurine forms, indicates that
sha,” utilizes both of the new approaches to terracotta broader social issues beyond the sacred kingship were
figurine analysis. The article begins with quantitative being addressed through terracotta figurines, is a strik-
assessment of figurine types and distribution across the ing example of the interpretive possibilities offered by
landscape and sites near Maresha. From this scientific both current approaches to figurine analysis. His dis-
analysis, Erlich progresses to a detailed consideration cussion of creation versus mimesis, and the linkages of
of the human interaction with, and meanings created both concepts with Mesopotamian literary sources, is

xi
a valuable addition to theoretical discussions of Meso- Acknowledgements
potamian figurines. My primary thanks go to Jaimee Uhlenbrock, who first
approached me about creating this volume and did
Conclusion most of the editing work (even though she generously
The four articles presented in this volume provide an insisted on giving me editorial attribution). Without
excellent cross-section, as well as some of the most her, this valuable project would never have come to
compelling examples, of the approaches to terracotta fruition. I would also like to thank all four of the au-
figurines presented in the three years of the “Figuring thors, as well as the two anonymous peer reviewers;
Out the Figurines of the Ancient Near East” sessions without their cooperation and incredible patience this
at the American Schools of Oriental Research Annual publication would not have succeeded.
Meetings. All four articles fit within at least one of the
two current trends in figurine scholarship, and many of This volume is based on research that was originally
them suggest that these two approaches can be produc- presented at the American Schools of Oriental Re-
tively combined. I would suggest that this combination search Annual Meetings. I would like to thank ASOR
of rigorous quantitative studies of figurines-as-artifacts for sponsoring the original conference sessions, and
focusing on contextual and physical data, with the more believing in my vision that “Figurine Studies” had a
theoretical approaches to figurine agency, materiality, place in the annual meeting. Many thanks go to all of
and human-object interaction, will be the future of the presenters who gave insightful and innovative pa-
our field. It is my hope that future coference ses- pers during the three years of the session, as well as to
sions, at at ASOR and elsewhere, will provide the the audience members who came to hear the speakers
valuable forums necessary for those of us engaged in and participate in the lively and informed discussion.
terracotta figurine studies to continue to share our re-
search and to enrich our community with with further
innovations and methodological developments.

Notes
1
Menegazzi 2012: 157
2
The most immediate way in which figurines present a shifted perspective on the world is by their miniaturization.
However, other changes to the life-size human/animal body, clothing, etc. are often made to terracotta figurines; such
changes have the potential to further alter the way in which the figurine’s viewer encounters the object, and the way in
which the object can alter the viewer’s perception of the world. Bailey 2005 is the ideal reference for further reading
on the ways in which terracotta figurines and other miniature objects present alternate perspectives on, and experi-
ences of, reality.
3
Pollock 2003: 182
4
Bailey 2005: 38
5
Langin-Hooper 2013

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Berlin and Boston: De Gruyter, pp. 451-479.
Menegazzi 2012 Menegazzi, R. “Creating a new language: the terracotta figurines from Seleucia on the Ti-
gris,” in Proceedings of the International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near
East, Band 7: Volume 2: Ancient & Modern Issues in Cultural Heritage, Colour & Light in
Architecture, Art & Material Culture, Islamic Archaeology, R. Matthews and J. Curtis (eds.),
Wiesbaden-Erbenheim: Harrassowitz Verlag, pp. 157–167.
Pollock 2003 Pollock, G. “The Visual,” in A Concise Companion to Feminist Theory, M. Eagleton (ed.),
Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, pp. 773-794.
Van Ingen 1939 Van lngen, W. Figurines from Seleucia on the Tigris: Discovered by the Expeditions Con-
ducted by the University of Michigan with the Cooperation of the Toledo Museum of Art and
the Cleveland Museum of Art 1927-1932, Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press.

Stephanie M. Langin-Hooper
Bowling Green State University
[email protected]
 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014

The Coroplastics of Transjordan

Forming Techniques and Iconographic Traditions in the Iron Age
P. M. Michèle Daviau1

Abstract
During the past twenty years, excavations in Transjordan
have produced a large corpus of anthropomorphic figurines
and statues, as well as figures attached to architectural mod-
els. For the most part, these figures originate in central Jor-
dan and date to the Iron Age. Although they were found in
tombs and at a limited number of sites, the figurines and
statues in this study represent a variety of ethnic and cultural
traditions, many previously unknown. While it is clear in
certain instances that Egypto-Phoenician iconography had
an influence on Ammonite and Moabite iconographic tradi-
tions, in other cases the imagery, especially of the ceramic
statues, is distinctive and/or unique. This paper will present
a discussion of the various forming techniques employed to
produce these figures and begin to explore their place in the
iconographic traditions of the region. Included in this study
will be a review of figurines found previously and identified
with confidence by early explorers and excavators as Ammo-
nite, Moabite, or Edomite on the basis of the ceramic tradi-
tion represented in a given region. In view of the much larger
corpus which is now available, considerable diversity in the
assemblage is evident and a reassessment is warranted.

Area under Study

The central Jordanian plateau in the Iron Age includ-
ed a number of small polities, some more centralized
than others. Best known is Ammon, whose capital
at Rabbath-Ammon (`Amman) retains vestiges of a
royal citadel with impressive architecture and works
of art. On Ammon’s southwestern perimeter were
the Land of Madaba and the plains of Moab, which Fig. 1. Map of central Jordan and Palestine.
supported organized tribal groups during Iron Age
I–early Iron II.2 On the plateau to the south, two dis- 29 ceramic statues from published reports and from
tinct polities known as Moab and Edom developed excavations in Moab under my direction are includ-
during Iron Age II (900–600 BCE). Several major ed in this study;5 figurines with suspect provenience
trade routes linking Arabia with Damascus passed are not discussed in detail.
through these regions, providing for the exchange of
raw materials and cultural traditions. The anthropomorphic figures from central Jordan
consist primarily of terracotta figurines and ceramic
Specific sites of interest on the plateau3 that have statues, with stone figures playing a minor role.6
yielded a significant number of Iron Age figurines Terracotta figurines represent females and males as
include `Amman, Tall al-`Umayri, Tall Jawa, Kh- free-standing fully modeled figures, either mold-
irbat al-Mudayna ath-Thamad, WT-13, Balu`a, and made or hand-made, and pillar figurines with mold-
Busayra, with smaller numbers from Maqabalayn, made heads. The smaller corpus of ceramic statues
Saḥab, Hesban, Jalul, Madaba, Mount Nebo, Dibon, is, for the most part, pillar-shaped in style, with few
and Tawilan.4 One hundred ninety-four figurines and details of the anatomy shown below the waist. Only

1
 P. M. Michèle Daviau

Fig. 2. Free-Standing and Attached Figurines; 1) finger formed (WT 21-1/521); 2) tool formed back (WT 35-2/535); 3) curved feet (WT
86-2/586); 4) flat base (WT 95-2/595); 5) excessive clay (TJ 1712; after Daviau 2002: fig. 2.30:3); 6-7) details of hair (WT 68-2/568;
MT 565–4/21); 8-9) details of jewelry (WT 42-2/542; WT 286-4/514); 10–11) attached to a plaque or fronton (WT 88+89-2/588+589).

a handful of limestone statuettes have been recov- gently rounded back of those figurines which retain
ered and these, along with the large stone statues additional clay behind the body (WT 21-2/521, Fig.
from the `Amman area, are beyond the scope of this 2.1), whereas tool-trimmed figurines have a flattened
study.7 So too are the large collections of zoomor- back which in some cases truncated the arms and
phic figurines that deserve separate investigation.8 legs (WT 35-2/535, Fig. 2.2; WT 286-4/514; WT
77-2/577). Although solid figurines have a vertical
Basic Figurine Types stance, they cannot stand up alone since the feet are
Free-standing, mold-made figures: often positioned at an angle in order to fully depict
Solid mold-made ceramic figurines were formed ei- the feet (WT 86-2/586, Fig. 2.3). Although these fig-
ther in the round (bivalve mold) or, more often, were urines were designed to be carried or to lean against
molded on the front (univalve) and trimmed on the another object,9 in some instances there is a small
back, either with the potter’s finger or a tool. The flat support for the feet (WT 95-2/595, Fig. 2.4). All
result of trimming with one’s finger is evident in the of these figurines are distinct from so–called ‘plaque

2
 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014

Fig. 3. Pillar figurines; 1) Wheel-made base (WT 72-2/572); 2) sloping shoulder (WT 479-6/526); 3) addi-
tional features (WT 53-2/553); 4) atef crown (TJ 100); 5) Jalul, used with permission); 6–9) male heads and
bodies (WT 282-4/510, WT 466–6/505, WT 521-6/520, WT 323-5/508); 10-12) statues (WT 37-2/537, WT
11-1/511, WT 166-2/666).

figurines’ which typically have a molded form im- Tel eṣ-Ṣafi/Gath13 and, in smaller numbers, at Tall
pressed on a larger slab/plaque of clay that frames al-`Umayri,14 and Lahav.15
the figure on all sides. This Late Bronze–Iron I style
is rare in central Jordan; for example, one figurine After the figurine was removed from the mold, addi-
from late Iron Age II Tall Jawa in Ammon consists of tional attention to detail was completed, such as in-
the lower body of a female pressed against a thicker cised lines representing strands of hair (WT 68; WT
clay backing (TJ 1712, Fig. 2:5).10 Even in this ex- 86-2/568, Fig. 2:6; WT 518) or the addition of pellets to
ample, the backing is rounded, closer to the hand- represent curls (WT 21-2/521, Fig. 2.1; WT 466-6/505,
finished style seen on figurines from WT-13 than Fig. 3:7), a feature that applies to both female and male
to the flat slab or plaque of earlier figurines. Plaque figurines. Paint was used on occasion to highlight fea-
figurines are found in Late Bronze Age II contexts at tures such as hair and eyebrows (MT 565-4/21, Fig.
various sites, such as Tell Beit Mirsim,11 Megiddo,12 2.7); in other instances, it is apparent that paint covered

3
 P. M. Michèle Daviau

the entire figurine although in their current condition, facial features of pillar figurines from Transjordan are
the paint is only preserved in grooves and depressions considerably more varied, with some figurines having
in the surface. Necklaces, bracelets, armbands (WT 42- pronounced eyebrows, large eyes, chins and ears,21
2/542; Fig. 2.8) and anklets (WT 95-2/595; Fig. 2.4) are while others have delicate features (WT 315-5/505)
also shown, although it is not clear in all cases whether and an elaborate hair style, such as the drum player
these details were added by hand or were already pres- from Tomb 84 at Mount Nebo.22 Hand-made additions
ent in the mold itself. Along with their jewelry, the line to the pillar figurine may include small coils of clay to
of the girdle on the abdomen and details of the anatomy fashion the arms, pellets for breasts, mittens for hands
(MT 566-4/22; WT 286-4/514, Fig. 2:9) are sometimes and a clay disc to represent a frame drum (WT 53-
shown and/or enhanced on naked female figures. Facial 2/553, Fig. 3:3). In one case, a Judean-style molded
features such as eyes, nose and mouth were partially head found at Khirbat al-Mudayna ath-Thamad was
designed in the mold and later enhanced by hand;16 in a enhanced by the addition of small coils of clay fram-
few instances, a small pellet was added to enlarge the ing her face to form curls in the style of the Egyptian
eye and the pupil was either painted (MT 565-4/21, Fig. goddess Hathor. A second style, seen at Balu` and at
2.7) or punctated (for example, Jalul, WT 282-4/510, WT-13, is the veiled female figure that appears either
466-6/505, Fig. 3:5-7). as a pillar figurine or as an attached figure.23

Free-standing figurines could also be attached to an- Due to poor preservation, many figurines are represent-
other object, such as an architectural model or ceramic ed only by their head. While it is apparent that molds
stand. This can be done in a number of ways; the figure were used to form many of these heads, there is great
may be pressed onto another object17 or attached with variety in facial features. The lack of repetition makes
the addition of clay packed around all sides to seal it it difficult to assign an exact identification or function
to the object (WT 88+89-2/588+589, Fig. 2:10, 11) or, for many of the female figures. The differences in hair
thirdly, the figure could be attached only along one side style and the presence of veiled female figures in cul-
(WT 86-2/586, Fig. 2:3). Figures that were attached on tic and domestic contexts in both northern and central
all sides were clearly made as free-standing figurines Moab add to this uncertainty.
before a coil of clay was added as a seal. A small num-
ber of hand-made attached figurines represent a differ- Partially preserved figurines:
ent technique; these were formed as integrated com- Identification and determination of function is also
ponents of an architectural model (WT 80-2/580, WT difficult for the male heads and crudely-made heads
179-2/679) and protrude from one side or edge of the of figures with indeterminate gender. Complete male
miniature structure. figures are rare but a wide variety of head styles make
their appearance. Best known are mold-made heads
Pillar Figurines: wearing an atef crown or conical cap, a style that con-
Pillar figurines have a conical base, a mold-made head, tinues into the Persian period in the Levant. These are
and attached arms and breasts. The pillar was formed typically slipped or painted to show the beard and/or
either by hand with a concave base18 or made on the mustache, such as a complete figurine from a tomb at
wheel, a practice evident from the rills on the interior Maqabalayn24 and a head from the `Amman citadel,25
of the lower body (WT 72-2/572, Fig. 3:1). The cone while the paint on a male head from Tall Jawa is fad-
was then cut from the hump and inverted and a depres- ed (TJ 100, Fig. 3:4). A double flute player with atef
sion was made in the top of the pillar to receive the crown from Jalul also appears mold-made (Fig. 3:5).
tenon extending from the neck. The mold-made head This figurine has depressed pupils which may have
and neck ends in a peg-shaped tenon that was inserted been added by hand (Fig. 3.2), as was the case for two
into the top of the pillar. Extra clay was then added to male heads from WT-13—these males are shown ei-
secure the head to the pillar and form the shoulders. ther bald (WT 282-4/510, Fig. 3:6) or with curls (WT
This extra clay was often poorly molded with the re- 466-6/505, Fig. 3:7). The most elaborate head has long
sult that the shoulders sloped down onto the body (WT locks of hair held in place with a headband.26 Male
190-4/501; WT 479-6/526, Fig. 3:2). In contrast to the heads with a conical headdress are found at `Amman27
standardization of the mold-made pillar figurine heads and Tall al-‘Umayri.28 In contrast to these carefully
found in Judah19 and represented at Tel `Aroer,20 the formed heads, hand-made male heads that are stylized

4
 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014

appear with only the nose and cap clearly formed (WT with nearly equal representation from Tall Jawa and
521-6/520, Fig. 3:8). One body fragment from WT-13 Tall al-`Umayri.34 Smaller numbers come from ex-
suggests that some male figures were shown nude (WT cavations at Hesban, Balu`a, Madaba, Mount Nebo,
323-5/508, Fig. 3:9), as is a limestone statue from Kh- Karak, Dibon and Tawilan,35 with isolated examples
irbat al-Mudayna ath-Thamad (MT 2974) and a small, from Jalul and Maqabalayn.36
silt stone figure from Tall Jawa.29
The second important class of ceramic figures consists
Unique Figurine Types: of statues. Fragments and body sherds of statues are of-
A small number of hand-made torso fragments are ten not recognized as such or are classified as figurines,
unique, such as the small figure seated on a throne or while hollow heads are identified as, or confused with,
architectural model fragment (WT 472-6/506) and a masks. I have classified small hollow figures as statues
second seated figure, somewhat larger in size and miss- based on their similarity to the 20 statues of various
ing its head and limbs (WT 439-6/501).30 Most distinc- sizes recovered at WT-13 and known from sites in Is-
tive among the hand-made figurines is a pair of legs, rael.37 The statues were made on the wheel with the
each made separately and then pressed together (WT base fashioned in the same manner as the rim and neck
13a+b-1/513). The position of these feet is similar to of a jug or storejar (WT 37-2/537, Fig. 3:10). Clear
certain mold-made figurines in that they are not flat on evidence of rills and tool marks on the interior indicate
the bottom, although a single foot and lower leg (WT this process, while the locks of hair, ears and other fea-
110-2/610) and the feet and legs of a naked female (WT tures were hand-made. The breasts were either formed
95-2/595) are flat enough to stand on their own. separately and attached or were formed by pushing out
the wall of the body. The heads were probably formed
A naked female molded onto the side of a hand-made separately and then attached, since many statues are
pillar31 is distinct from other pillar figurines mentioned broken at the point of attachment (WT 11-1/511, Fig.
above. So too is a mold-made female figure, also from 3:11). Two of the statues from Busayra have lamps on
Tall Jawa, that appears to be seated on a winged chair; their head and one holds a disc parallel to the body38 in
this figure has as its best parallels figurines from Ae- the same position as many of the WT-13 figurines.
gean sites such as Tanagra, Locris, and Corinth.32
The arms of these statues were made from a clay coil,
like a loop handle, and were pressed against the torso for
support. The largest statue (WT 11-2/511) was painted
with horizontal bands—only in a few places is there
evidence for faded vertical stripes, while other statues
retain a horizontal band of color on the lower body
(Fig. 3:10). One figure holds several small loaves,
each made separately and then pressed together (WT
166-2/666, Fig. 3:12). This same figure has attached
locks of hair with a clear part in the middle and a hair
band around his head which is knotted in the back. This
hair style appears on several other statue heads, one
of which supports a lamp attached above a headband
which is decorated with pellets (WT 98-2/598). Other
hand-made features include pellets for eyes, ears with
Chart 1. Distribution of Figurines in Central and Southern Jordan
holes for earrings, and noses, both simple and elegant in
form. Quantification of statues (Chart 2, Statue Totals)
Distribution and Quantification yields only two concentrations, WT-13 and the Busayra
When we quantify the figurines from sites in central area, with isolated examples from Tall Jawa, Tall Mad-
Jordan (Chart 1, Figurine Totals), the largest concen- aba,39 Tall Damiya in the Jordan Valley40 and Ṣabkhah
trations known to this writer come from `Amman, Kh- in northern Jordan,41 reflecting the small number of Iron
irbat al-Mudayna ath-Thamad, WT-13 and Busayra33 Age sites excavated and published to date.

5
 P. M. Michèle Daviau

arms at their sides, while several statues have their

hands on their abdomen or hold a bowl, a lamp, a stack
of bread loaves, or an animal in their arms, positions
that suggest that these ceramic figures were votive rep-
resentations of worshipers.47 The same is probably the
case for those statues with a lamp on their head. Rec-
ognizable deity figures are few and are better known
among stone statues from Rabbath-Ammon and among
the small atef-crowned male heads. The precise func-
tion of naked female figures that hold their breasts or
cover them with their hands, comparable in style to
figurines from Megiddo48 and Cyprus,49 remains un-
clear, although they may represent Astarte or Anat.50
These are, however, very different in style from the
Chart 2. Distribution of Ceramic Statues in Central and Southern Judean pillar figurines with larger breasts51 most prob-
Jordan ably related to the goddess Asherah and which may
be symbolic of lactation.52 Female heads with ornate
Origin of the Ceramic Figures earrings and necklaces from Tall Jawa53 and in a mold
The diversity of styles among the figures in this study from `Amman54 have parallels to the ‘woman at the
and the recognition of various clay matrices with few window’ depicted on Phoenician ivory inlays, whose
links with figures from neighboring sites lead to the precise meaning is in doubt.
supposition that the figurines and statues at WT-13
were not all local products. In order to test this hypoth- Apart from the male figures with an atef crown or coni-
esis, 10 samples from WT-13 and one from Mudayna cal headdress, each male figurine is unique and its as-
ath-Thamad were submitted for NAA analysis to Jan sociation with a specific iconographic tradition cannot
Gunneweg and Marta Balla at Budapest for compari- be determined at present. The same is true of the small
son with similar statues from Ḥorvat Qitmit and `En seated figures. However, the statues, both male and fe-
Ḥaṣeva.42 By comparison of their results with databases male, are part of a much larger tradition. They have
that include Judah and Edom, it was clear that only one their best parallels at Ḥorvat Qitmit and `En Ḥaṣeva55
sample from WT-13 and one from Mudayna Thamad and in the extensive repertoire from Phoenician sites
were similar to a lamp from `En Ḥaṣeva, while another across the Mediterranean, especially at Bithia.56
sample had parallels at Busayra and `En Ḥaṣeva.43 The
remaining Moabite samples fell into two groups, nei- Ethnic differences can best be seen in the variation
ther of which has parallels known at this time. Figu- in hair styles57 and head coverings for both male and
rines from Ammon have not yet been tested by NAA. female figures. Among the statues, the dominant style
shows individual locks held in place with a headband;
Motifs this style is in contrast to male figurines that appear
Due to the fragmentary nature of many of the figures bald, with curls, or with a crown or hat. At present, the
from Transjordan, the iconographic details are often small numbers involved makes it difficult to interpret
lacking. As a result, the understanding of the icono- certain of these styles satisfactorily. Nevertheless, the
graphic traditions of Transjordan is in its infancy. Nev- recovery of an increasing number of ceramic figurines
ertheless, there are three motifs that appear dominant: from current excavations and their ongoing publication
figurines and small statues holding a disc at the waist,44 is rapidly expanding the repertoire from central Jordan.
female figurines playing a drum, and females holding As a result, future research should make it possible to
their breasts. Other musical instruments are also at- better understand the forming techniques and unique
tested: a male flute player from Jalul45 and a lyre player styles of the coroplastic traditions of Transjordan.
from `Amman.46 Only 4 figures obviously have their

6
 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014

Notes
1
Director of the Wadi ath-Thamad Project, Jordan; and Professor Emerita, Archaeology and Classical Studies, Wil-
frid Laurier University (Waterloo, ON N2L 3C5 Canada)
2
van der Steen 2004.
3
Sites in the Jordan Valley that reflect Ammonite ceramic styles and a diversified material culture are not included in this
study.
4
Certain sites currently being excavated are not adequately published for a full appreciation of their figurine assem-
blages.
5
A complete and more in-depth study and illustration of the ceramic figurines and statues from WT-13 is currently
in preparation by the author with a comprehensive Jordanian corpus forthcoming by R. Hunziker-Rodewald. Prelimi-
nary studies by this author include Daviau 1997, 2001, 2006, 2008; Daviau and Dion 1994, 2002; Daviau and Steiner
2000.
6
Daviau 2001.
7
Abou Assaf 1980, Dornemann 1983.
8
For an initial study of zoomorphic figurines from Ammonite sites, see `Amr (1980) and the preliminary reports of
excavations at Tall al-`Umayri (for example, Dabrowski 1997)
9
These same forming techniques are attributed by J. Karageorghis (1999) to figurines of the Cypro-Archaic period on
Cyprus.
10
The flute player from Jalul is shown here with permission from the excavator (after, Younker et al 1996, pl. 12).
11
Albright 1939, pl. A.
12
Loud 1948, pl. 242:13, 14.
13
Shai et al 2011, fig. 11. Even in this small corpus, one figurine has a rounded back with the result that the head is
bent forward (ibid., fig. 11.1).
14
Dabrowski 1997.
15
For the online catalogue of figurines, see [email protected]. In his report on the Zaraqun survey,
Kamlah illustrates two plaques from northern Jordan (1993, fig. 2) and compares them to various types from Cisjordan
(1993, pp.122–125, fig. 8).
16
Dabrowski 2009, p. 64 noted incisions around the eyes of a pillar figurine recovered at Hesban (74.3202).
17
Herr and Clark 2003, figs. 23, 24.
18
Worschech 1995, p. 187.
19
Kletter 1996, fig. 6, identifies these mold-made heads as Types B.3.B, b.3.C, B.6.C and B.2.G.
20
Thareani 2011, figs. 3.76–3.80.
21
Glueck 1970, fig. 94.
22
M2001, Saller 1966, fig. 28:2. Heads with pinched faces (Kletter 1996, fig. 4:1, Type A), such as those found at
Judean sites (Thareani 2011, figs. 3.81, 3.82), are not represented in Transjordan.
23
Worschech 1995, figs. 2, 4a, b.
24
Harding 1950, pl. 15:12.
25
F33; Koutsoukou and Najjar 1997, fig. 8.
26
Glueck 1934, fig. 6.
27
Koutsoukou and Najjar 1997, fig. 8.
28
Herr and Platt 2002, fig. 16.36:1848.
29
TJ 1877, Daviau 2002, fig. 2.34:1.
30
Although its position suggests a rider, the fact that WT 439 appears to be naked and retains no evidence that it was
attached to a horse mitigates this interpretation.
31
TJ 1119, Daviau 2002, fig. 2.31:1.
32
Daviau 2002, pp. 53–58, fig. 2.28:1.
33
Sedman 2002.
34
One ‘figurine’ (U1696) may in fact be a statue fragment although this cannot be confirmed from the illustration
(Herr and Platt 2002, fig. 16.36:1696).

7
 P. M. Michèle Daviau

35
Bienkowski 1995.
36
For a complete bibliography prior to 1999, see Daviau 2001; examples of more recent studies include Mansour
2005 for `Amman, Dabrowski 2009 for Tall al-`Umayri, Sedman 2002 for Busayra and the synthetic study of Sug-
imoto 2008.
37
Ḥorvat Qitmit; Cohen/Yisraeli 1995 and `En Ḥaṣeva; Beck 1995.
38
Glueck 1970, fig. 90.
39
I am grateful to Jonathan Ferguson of the Tell Madaba Project who first brought this statue to my attention.
40
Petit et al 2006,187; fig. 4.
41
Glueck 1951, fig. 13.
42
Gunneweg and Balla 2002; Gunneweg and Mommsen 1990, 1995.
43
Gunneweg and Balla, personal communication.
44
Sugimoto 2008.
45
Younker et al 1996, pl. 12.
46
Koutsoukou and Najjar 1997, fig. 2.
47
Frevel 2008.
48
Guy 1939, pl. 24: M 4385.
49
Karageorghis 1999, pls. I‒XV.
50
If not the goddess herself, these figures may be lesser goddesses associated with the cult of the higher deity. For a
different opinion, see Sugimoto 2008, p. 85, who understands the disc-holding females, even those that appear naked,
as “human women” who represented the goddess (Astarte).
51
Kletter 1996.
52
Stager 1982, p.119, n. 34; Ackerman 2003, pp. 463–465; Hestrin 1987; Kletter 1996.
53
Daviau 2002, fig. 2.29:1.
54
Dornemann 1983, 88:3.
55
Beck 1993.
56
Pesce 1965.
57
Daviau 2001.

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Biblical Archaeologist 60, pp. 222–228.
Daviau 2002 Daviau, P. M. M., Excavations at Tall Jawa, Jordan II, The Iron Age Artefacts, Culture and
History of the Ancient Near East 11/2. Leiden: Brill.
Daviau 2006 Daviau, P. M. M.,“Ḫirbet el-Mudēyine in its Landscape: Iron Age Towns, Forts, and Shrines,”
Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Veriens 122, pp. 14–30.
Daviau 2008 Daviau, P. M. M., “Ceramic Architectural Models from Transjordan and the Syrian Tradi-
tion,” in Proceedings of the 4th International Congress, pp. 293–30.
Daviau and Daviau, P. M. M., Dion, P.-E., “El, the God of the Ammonites? The Atef-Crowned Head from
Dion 1994 Tell Jawa, Jordan,” Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 110, pp.1–3.
Daviau and Daviau, P. M. M., Dion, P.-E., “Moab Comes to Light,” Biblical Archaeology Review 28/1,
Dion, 2002 pp. 38–49, 63.
Daviau and Daviau, P. M. M., Steiner, M. L., “A Moabite Sanctuary at Khirbat al–Mudayna,” Bulletin of
Steiner 2000 the American Schools of Oriental Research 320, pp. 1–21.
Dornemann 1983 Dornemann, R., The Archaeology of the Transjordan in the Bronze and Iron Ages, Milwau-
kee: Milwaukee Public Museum.
Frevel 2008 Frevel, C., “Gifts to the Gods? Votives as Communication Markers in Sanctuaries and other
Places in the Bronze and Iron Ages in Palestine/Israel,” in From Ebla to Stellenbosch, Syro-
Palestinian Religions and the Hebrew Bible, I. Cornelius, L. Jonker (eds.), Wiesbaden: Har-
rassowitz Verlag, pp. 25–48.
Glueck 1934 Glueck, N., Explorations in Eastern Palestine I, Annual of the American Schools of Oriental
Research 14 (1933–1944), Philadelphia: American Schools of Oriental Research.
Glueck 1951 Glueck, N., Explorations in Eastern Palestine IV, Annual of the American Schools of Orien-
tal Research 25–28 (1945–49). Philadelphia: American Schools of Oriental Research.
Glueck 1970 Glueck, N., The Other Side of the Jordan, Cambridge, MA: American Schools of Oriental
Research.
Gunneweg and Gunneweg, J., Balla, M., “Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis, Busayra and Judah,”
Balla 2002 in, Busayra, pp. 483–486.
Gunneweg and Gunneweg, J., Mommsen, H., “Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis and the origin of
Mommsen 1990 some cult objects and Edomite vessels from the Horvat Qitmit Shrine,” Archaeometry 32,
pp. 7–18.
Gunneweg and Gunneweg, J. and H. Mommsen, “Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis of vessels and
Mommsen 1995 Cult Objects,” in Ḥorvat Qitmit, pp. 280–287.
Guy 1935 Guy, H. G., Material Remains of the Megiddo Cult. OPI 26. Chicago: University of Chi-
cago.
Harding 1950 Harding, G. L., “An Iron-Age Tomb at Meqabelein,” Quarterly of the Department of Antiq-
uities of Palestine 14, pp. 44–48.
Herr and Clark 2003 Herr, L., Clark, D., “Mādabā Plains Project: Excavations at Tall al-`Umayrī, 2002,” Annual
of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 47, pp. 279‒294.

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 P. M. Michèle Daviau

Herr and Platt 2002 Herr, L. G., Platt, E. E., “The Objects from the 1989 Season,” in The 1994 Season at Tall al-
`Umayri and Subsequent Studies. Madaba Plains Project 5, L. G. Herret et al (eds.), Berrien
Springs: Andrews University Press, pp. 358–399.
Hestrin 1987 Hestrin, R., “The Lachish Ewer and the `Asherah,” Israel Exploration Journal 37, pp. 212–
223.
Ḥorvat Qitmit Ḥorvat Qitmit. An Edomite Shrine in the Biblical Negev, I. Beit-Arieh (ed.), Monograph
Series of the Institute of Archaeology, 11. Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University.
Kamlah 1993 Kamlah, J., “Tell el-Fuḫḫār (Zarqu?) und dei pflanzenhaltende Göttin in Palästina. Ergebnisse
de Zeraqōn-Surveys 1989,” Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Veriens 109, pp. 101–127.
Karageorghis 1999 Karageorghis, J., The Coroplastic Art of Ancient Cyprus, V. The Cypro-Archaic Period, Small
Female Figurines: B. Figurines moulées. Nicosia: A. G. Leventis Foundation.
Koutsoukou and Koutsoukou, A., Najjar, M., “Figurines,” in The Great Temple of Amman. The Excavations,
Najjar 1997 A. Koutsoukou et al (eds.), Amman: American Center of Oriental Research, pp. 127–134.
Loud 1948 Loud, G., Megiddo II. Seasons of 1935–1939, Oriental Institute Publications, Vol. 62. Chi-
cago: University of Chicago Press.
Mansour 2005 Mansour, S., “Figurines and Iron Age Objects from `Ammān Citadel,” Annual of the Depart-
ment of Antiquities of Jordan 49, pp. 541‒555.
Pesce 1965 Pesce, G., Le statuette puniche di Bithia, Serie Archeologica 7, Roma: Centro di Studi Se-
mitici.
Petit et al 2006 Petit, L. et al, “Dayr `Allā Regional Project: Settling the Steppe Second Campaign 2005,”
Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 50, pp. 179–188.
Saller 1966 Saller, S., “The Iron Age Tombs at Nebo, Jordan, Liber Annuus 16, pp. 165–298.
Sedman 2002 Sedman, L., “The Small Finds,” in P. Bienkowski, Busayra, pp. 353–428.
Shai et al 2011 Shai, I. et al, “Differentiating between Public and Residential Buildings: A Case Study from
Late Bronze Age II Tell eṣ-Ṣafi/Gath,” in Household Archaeology in Ancient Israel and Be-
yond, A. Yasur-Landau et al (eds.) CHANE 50. Leiden/Boston: Brill, pp. 107–131.
Stager 1982 Stager, L. E., “The Archaeology of the East Slope of Jerusalem and the Terraces of the Ke-
dron,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 41, pp. 111–121.
Sugimoto 2008 Sugimoto, D. T., “Female Figurines with a Disk from the Southern Levant and the Formation
of Monotheism,” Tokyo: Keio University Press.
Thareani 2011 Thareani, Y., Tel `Aroer. The Iron Age II Caravan Town and the Hellenistic-Early Roman
Settlement The Avraham Biran (1975–1982) and Rudolph Cohen (1975–1976) Excavations,
2 vols. Annual of the Nelson Glueck School of Biblical Archaeology, No. VIII. Jerusalem:
Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion.
van der Steen 2004 van der Steen, E., Tribes and Territories in Transition. The central east Jordan Valley and
surrounding regions in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages: a study of the sources, Orien-
talia Lovaniensia Analecta 130; Leuven: Peeters Publishers.
Worschech 1995 Worschech, U., “Figurinen aus el-Balu` (Jordanien),” Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-
Vereins 111, pp. 185–192.
Younker et al 1996 Younker, R. W. et al, “Preliminary Report of the 1994 Season of the Madaba Plains Project:
Regional Survey, Tall al-`Umayri, and Tall Jalul Excavations (June 15–August 30, 1994),”
Andrews University Seminary Studies 34, pp. 65–92.

P. M. Michele Daviau, Professor Emerita

Wilfrid Laurier University
[email protected]

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 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014

Seeing Double
Viewing and Re-viewing Judean Pillar Figurines through Modern Eyes
Erin D. Darby

Fig. 1. Pinched head and molded head Judean pillar figurines from the Israel Museum. Photo: Wikimedia Commons

Abstract
Although figurines are usually treated as coherent sym- straight-forward process, the acts of seeing and inter-
bols rather than compilations of separate elements, when it preting are some of the most complicated functions
comes to Judean pillar figurines from southern Israel, this performed by the human mind.1 In actuality, images
approach has failed to generate a scholarly consensus about are constituted by a myriad of separate elements, and
the figurines’ identity and function. Rather than focus on the means by which an audience perceives these in-
the identity of the figurine, it is time to explore a different
dividual elements as a whole is thus negotiable, de-
methodology by investigating the various individual parts
that constitute figurine iconography, including iconographic pendent upon time, space, and culture.2 Therefore, a
content, stylistic criteria, and technological characteristics. modern audience and an ancient audience would not
Because these figurines represent a new combination of necessarily share the same view.
elements taken from a variety of earlier artistic tropes and
media, this approach takes seriously the process whereby As one type of image, figurines are composed of
artisan tradition selected separate elements and recombined many individual properties, both aesthetic and phys-
them into a new whole. In order to demonstrate this meth- ical. In particular, Judean pillar figurines from the
odology, the following paper investigates the pillar bases of Iron IIB-C in southern Israel are composed of pil-
the figurines from Jerusalem, evaluating each element ac- lar bodies, arms and breasts, and two different styles
cording to two design principles—permanence and detail.
of heads, as well as clay, whitewash, and paint (see
As a result, these criteria reveal an internal hierarchy that
governs the way elements work together to create figurine Figs. 1–4). The relative hierarchy of these elements
form and function. Only after this relative hierarchy is ob- and their meaning for figurine function should not be
served is it possible to understand whether a figurine was taken for granted.
merely a hyper-redundant combination of individual sym-
bols, or whether its elements coalesced to form a unique, Nevertheless, modern interpreters of the Judean cor-
holistic image. pus often think of various figurine elements as a co-
herent whole rather than a combination of individual
Introduction parts. This, in turn, leads interpreters to connect the
Although visual experience is often overlooked as a figurines with goddess worship, as they attempt to

13
 Erin D. Darby

Fig. 2. Drawing of a pillar body with Fig. 3. A molded head, courtesy of the Fig. 4. A pinched head, courtesy of the
arms supporting the breasts, courtesy Institute of Archaeology, Hebrew University Institute of Archaeology, Hebrew University
of the Institute of Archaeology, of Jerusalem. of Jerusalem.
Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

identify the one figure that the image is meant to Methodology

represent. Yet, throughout this interpretive process, A Judean pillar figurine is constituted by many sepa-
certain elements of figurine iconography become the rate parts that create its subject matter and style. Unfor-
focus of analysis, such as the pillar bases. Often seen tunately, the process by which these separate parts are
as one of the clues that unlock the figurines’ identity, combined is largely overlooked. For example, in the
pillar bases are used as load-bearing supports to prop field of biblical studies, the iconographic school has
up scholarly reconstructions, despite the fact that the been responsible for the resurging interest in ancient
relative importance of the bases within the overall Near Eastern art and the Bible; but these interpreters
figurine iconography is far from certain. Moreover, focus on the “meaning” behind visual symbols rather
because Judean pillar figurines are the most com- than the manner of their creation.4
mon “religious” artifacts from southern Israel in this
period, these interpretations strongly influence both While the investigation of iconographic content is cer-
scholarly and popular reconstructions of Israelite re- tainly significant, elements may be included in a repre-
ligion in the Iron Age.3 sentation for a number of reasons; and the most stereo-
typed aspects of an image are often the most difficult to
In order to evaluate the manner in which Judean pil- translate. Focusing on common iconographic elements
lar figurines are perceived and interpreted, this paper of figurine design, to the exclusion of other figurine
assesses several figurine elements based on two de- components, such as style, inadvertently creates the
sign principles—permanence and detail. Focusing on impression of a continuous function and meaning that
the way stylistic and technological features are com- glosses over the particularities of a trope’s adaptation
bined to form the pillar base of the figurines from in various cultures and time periods.5
Jerusalem, the paper suggests that modern interpre-
tations of such elements are often wanting. In con- An alternative to this approach is to include elements
trast, when the figurine bases are considered in light of style in the discussion—the particular ways figurine
of iconographic form, technological style, and related elements were created and incorporated.6 This would
coroplastic objects, it becomes clear that the base of include the often overlooked category of “technologi-
the figurine may be unrelated to the “identity” of the cal style,” which considers the production of images
object, or it may indicate a protective function. and the effect of production steps on the final product.7

14
 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014

Although various aspects of technological style could potter of Anu, drive (the demon) away from the house
be explained via a functionalist approach, i.e., econom- in a pot fired in a pure kiln from a pure place.”14 From
ic necessity or resource availability, certain materials the same corpus, Tablet 12 describes “liquid extract of
and production processes were chosen for ideological dark clay” used to cover the outside gate of the temple
reasons as well.8 to protect against demonic attack.15 Further, raw clay
is used in one sky omen NAM.BUR.BI, a ritual used
The ideological motivations for production strategies to ward off evil predicted by omens.16 Additionally, a
are further supported by the scale and nature of the ritual to ensure healthy delivery requires the woman to
figurines as miniatures.9 A miniature is not the same recite prayers inside a potter’s kiln.17
as a replica. While a replica, or a model, attempts to
reproduce even the smallest details of a larger image, From the Ugaritic corpus, the Kirtu Epic describes the
a miniature is selective, often reproducing only those god El forming a divine female from clay and com-
elements that communicate the most important aspects manding her to heal King Kirtu.18 There also seems
of the image. Miniatures imply choice on the part of the to be a connection between potters and healing ritu-
artisan community, including which visual representa- als in Egyptian magico-medical literature,19 and it has
tions to use, the degree of detail, or energy, invested been suggested that this connection should be applied
in any given aspect of the image, and the resources to Egyptian clay female figurines as well.20 So, too, the
dedicated to the durability of these various parts. Fur- Hebrew Bible indicates that clay had unique properties
thermore, miniatures depicting the human body are es- that might be used in rituals transmitting purity and im-
pecially indicative of artistic choice, including which purity.21 Nor is this association between clay and ritual
elements are depicted, how they are portrayed, and properties entirely unique to the ancient Near East.22 In
which elements remain ambiguous.10 sum, these various witnesses undergird the conclusions
made on stylistic grounds, especially the hypothesis
The Technological Style of Judean Pillar Figurines that figurine elements formed in clay would have been
Judean pillar figurines are composed of fired clay, white important for the figurines’ ritual function.
wash, and paint. Rated on a continuum of permanence
or durability, clay is certainly less durable than stone or The clay properties can be compared with whitewash
metal, and this suggests the figurines were not created and painted decoration. While there is overwhelming
for extensive, long-term use. At the same time, artisans evidence that the figurines contained whitewash and
did dedicate the time and resources to fire the images, paint, these particular elements are poorly preserved
indicating that they were intended for some durabil- on almost all extant exemplars. Whitewash may have
ity. Firing the figurines also implies they may have served two purposes. It hides imperfections resulting
been manipulated by hand, displayed, and exposed to from poorly levigated clay or firing mishaps. Indeed,
the air, since unfired clay would disintegrate quickly even badly malformed fragments were covered and
when handled.11 Furthermore, those elements made of used. The whitewash also prepares the surface for
clay may also have been intended to endure for some painted decoration. Furthermore, other cultic items,
time and must have been important to the function and such as zoomorphic figurines, cult stands, and shrine
meaning of the image.12 This would include the heads, boxes, were regularly whitewashed and painted, sug-
particularly the molded faces, the hand-modeled arms gesting some common techniques for the preparation
and breasts, and the hand-modeled pillar bodies. of cultic objects.23

The significance of clay as a production material is also Perhaps the best explanation is that whitewash was
indicated by a number of ancient Near Eastern textual an appropriate solution for the aesthetic irregulari-
witnesses. In addition to clay or earth in creation ac- ties that accompany clay formation and also pro-
counts,13 clay was an important material in rituals of vided an appropriate surface for painting.24 Because
protection and transference. For example, a number of clay was necessary for the figurines’ function, white-
Mesopotamian ritual texts mention clay and its pro- wash was the easiest way to improve their appear-
tective and healing functions. Tablet 9 of the Utukkū ance. That having been said, ethnographic analogy
Lemnūtu incantations prays, “may Nunurra, the great suggests that whitewash and paint quickly fade from

15
 Erin D. Darby

(Left) Fig. 5. Example of a Yavneh cult stand with pillar-based (Right) Fig. 6. Example of a Yavneh cult stand with pillars. Cour-
female. Courtesy of Raz Kletter. Photo: Leonid Padrul tesy of Raz Kletter. Photo: Leonid Padrul.

figurines, particularly when exposed to the elements.25 this view, either the figurines are wearing a dress, or
Thus, while the whitewash and paint must have been the schematic nature of the lower body was meant to
important in the initial design and function, they were censor elements from Canaanite religion, such as the
not the most durable components of the image, which pudenda.
may suggest design elements depicted in paint were
only necessary in the initial phase of a figurine ritual. At The first and most practical objection to either of these
the same time, those figurine elements that were formed approaches is that pillar bases are common on a num-
from clay as well as painted, suggesting both durability ber of figurines all over the world as a means to support
and detail, would probably be the most important ele- a standing image,32 suggesting that a more functional
ments within the hierarchy of the image. rationale cannot be dismissed. Further, pillar bases are
component parts of a number of figurines both in the
Pillar Bases in Scholarly Opinion and Stylistic Middle Bronze Age in the ancient Near East, as well
Analysis as in contemporaneous figurine traditions from Philis-
Turning to the pillar figurines, most examples from tia,33 Ammon,34 Moab,35 Northern Israel,36 Cyprus,37
Jerusalem include hand-made, solid pillar bases, and Phoenicia.38 Thus, there is considerable precedent
though some wheel-made26 or hollow27 fragments for adopting a simple and schematic pillar base from
have also been found. The pillar bases have presented the iconographic traditions of the Levant and Cyprus,
certain complications for the study of pillar figurines. which does not suggest a unique connection between
Some interpreters have assumed that the pillar repre- Judean pillar figurines and sacred tree iconography as-
sents a tree trunk, which they connect with Asherah sumed to be central to Asherah worship as depicted in
and sacred tree imagery.28 This opinion remains fairly the Bible.
popular, despite the fact that the definition of the bibli-
cal terminology purportedly related to the goddess is Going beyond these practical considerations, stylistic
still debated,29 and the connection between the goddess features present problems for these common interpre-
Asherah and trees has been complicated.30 tations. First, the pillar bases generally lack molded
decoration or any modeling that indicates the pillar
Other interpreters have argued that the plain bases was intended to represent either a tree or a garment.
should be contrasted with the figurines’ Canaanite Second, in many examples only whitewash remains;
forerunners—the naked female plaque figurines. Such where paint is preserved it consists of broad stripes in
scholars claim that the pillar base is evidence for a red and yellow.39 In short, the paint may simply de-
distinction between Canaanite “fertility” figurines and pict geometric designs, as is the case on some Philis-
Judean “nurturing” figurines, which emphasize a nurs- tine hand-made figurines.40 This lack of paint on the
ing mother rather than a “courtesan of the gods.”31 In pillars should be contrasted with the faces and chests

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 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014

of Judean pillar figurines, where the remains of red, As to the pillar-based females on the Yavneh cult stands,
black, and yellow paint have been found with some Irit Ziffer has explained the pillar base as a skirt, sug-
regularity.41 Finally, were the pillar meant to repre- gesting a partially dressed female.47 This is problem-
sent a clothed female body, this artistic convention atic for several reasons. While it is true that females
would differ considerably from that in neighboring holding their breasts are more frequently depicted with
Egypt, where clothing on females is most frequently fully-formed lower bodies on these cult stands,48 these
depicted adhering closely to the body, so much so that frontally molded or modeled females appear in the
the breasts, waist, thighs, buttocks, and even pubic tri- same areas of the cult stands (in rectangular or rounded
angle remain visible.42 Given the fact that Egyptian openings) and with the same gestures as the females
convention largely governs the art of the Levant from with pillar bases, suggesting a similar function.
this period, the schematic nature of the pillar base is
even more striking. Furthermore, females are not the only figures attached
to the Yavneh cult stands by means of a pillar or peg.
Nor does the technological style of the pillars suggest Zoomorphic fragments are also depicted by their heads
that the pillar was one of the most essential aspects of or heads and pegs, attached vertically in the openings.49
the figurines. As part of the overall design, pillars are Moreover, in many of the same openings, the space is
made of poorly-levigated clay, with consistent grey- filled by pillar columns.50 Thus, it makes the most sense
coring that indicates they may not have been properly to read the pillar bases on the females in the same way
fired or were used as filler in kilns. Even when the pil- one reads the pillar bases on zoomorphic images and
lar base is bent or disfigured the figurine is not discard- columns—namely, as architectural features (Fig. 6).
ed, but is whitewashed and used regardless.43 Clearly
the condition of the pillar was not so significant as to Nor is the Yavneh corpus alone in combining female fig-
interfere with the object’s function. urines with architectural features. Other cult stands also
use frontally molded females or sphinxes with molded
In sum, the fact that pillars were formed and fired as a heads as a substitute for columns; the heads may be as-
part of the entire figurine suggests that they may have sociated with capitols and volutes.51 In fact, frontally-
molded, naked females commonly flank doorways and
functioned either as a stand for the image or that the im-
stand-in for architectural elements on cult shrines and
age could be held in the hand without breaking or dis-
stands from the Middle Bronze through the Iron Age, a
integrating immediately. In other words, they do reflect
fact already noted by Silvia Schroer.52
a certain permanence or durability. However, when the
technological characteristics are considered in combi-
Although Schroer is aware of the potential connection
nation with the lack of detail in molding, modeling, or
between Judean pillar bases and columns, she interprets
painting, the pillars are certainly less important than
the base of the figurine as the trunk of a tree, assum-
other aspects of the image. As such, the pillar base is ing the figurines are associated with the goddess Ash-
an unlikely place to look for the key that identifies the erah, who she connects with tree iconography. At the
figurines’ identity. same time, however, she argues that frontally-molded,
naked female bodies on cult stands and shrine boxes
Comparanda often represent architectural elements; and, in these
Comparing the pillar bases to related coroplastic ob- cases, she argues that the females served as guardian
jects also helps to clarify their relative importance and figurines, similar to the protective lamassu and šēdu.53
function. In addition to the pillar-based figurines out- Given the fact that frontally-molded and pillar-based
side of Judah, a number of pillar-style figurines, includ- females seem to have been used interchangeably on
ing those with hands on their breasts, were attached to the Yavneh cult stands, it makes more sense to argue
the cult stands in the Yavneh corpus, found along the that both the pillar-based females on the Yavneh stands
Mediterranean coast of Philistia.45 These stands were and the Judean pillar figurines are alternative versions
dated to the end of the 9th through the beginning of the of the same protective female figures.
8th centuries B.C.46 and thus bridge the gap between the
plaque figurines of the Late Bronze Age and the pillar As to the function of the Yavneh cult items in particu-
figurines of the Iron IIB-C (Fig. 5). lar, although Raz Kletter identifies these cult stands as

17
 Erin D. Darby

also known from Syrian and Phoenician art of the Iron

II.60 In Egyptian iconography the extraction of particu-
lar symbols of gods and their recombination into fan-
tastical forms may even have increased the effective-
ness of an image.61 Moreover, Andrzej Niwiński argues
that the media of miniatures (here specifically scarabs
and coffins of the 21st Dynasty) requires that images be
abbreviated, what he calls the pars pro toto rule.62

This method also occurs in large-scale art. Female im-

Fig. 7. Detail drawing of bird pillar figurines, courtesy of the Insti- ages combined with actual columns are known from
tute of Archaeology, Hebrew University of Jerusalem Hathor columns in Egypt63 and at Timnah,64 as well as
the basalt female standing on the back of a lion from the
votive objects left in a temple (as yet undiscovered)
ninth century palace entrance at Tell Halaf.65 Caryatids,
and used for a number of purposes,54 he also notes that
believed to have been influenced by Ionic temples in
they depict architectural elements used in the construc-
Anatolia, may be a later continuation of these Syrian
tion of sacred spaces.55 Unfortunately, Kletter then
and Anatolian traditions.66
claims the females on the cult stands may represent
the consort of the god worshipped in the temple space,
Thus, most of the comparanda agree with the conclu-
depicted because “the god prefers nice, erotic images
sions based on stylistic criteria and suggest that the
of his consort, rather than of himself, on his gifts.”56
lower “body” of the figurine is actually a pillar and
In contrast, many of the images on the cult stands,
a schematization that has largely lost its significance
such as sphinxes, lions, bulls, caprids, and trees, are
for the function of this image. In comparison, a num-
known in larger media from elsewhere in the ancient
ber of free-standing bird figurines appended to pillars
Near East, particularly temple and palace architecture,
have been discovered throughout Judah,67 although few
where they may function as images of protection and
scholars would argue that the pillar is anything more
blessing.57 Because the females, with or without pillar
than the base of the figurine (Fig. 7). These bird figu-
bases, were adopted on the cult stands along with other
rines come from the same region, time period, and sites
protective characters, the best explanation might be
as Judean pillar figurines. If the bases of Judean figu-
that they serve an apotropaic function, as divine guard-
rines maintain any significance, perhaps they recall the
ian figures. This would be in keeping with Schroer’s
pillar columns from protective figures on cult stands
interpretation of other cultic items in which frontally
guarding shrine spaces. Such an interpretation would
molded females stand in for architectural features as
be consistent with descriptions of clay in ancient Near
protective guardians.
Eastern texts that indicate its association with protec-
tion and healing.
Finally, whether the pillar bases are meant to recall ac-
tual pillars or merely represent a schematization of a
relatively unimportant lower body, ancient Near East- Summary and Conclusions
ern artistic style presents some precedent for excerpt- This examination of the pillar bases on Judean-style
ing symbols from their original settings, such as torsos pillar figurines has revealed that the technological
with hands holding the breasts, and recombining them characteristics, stylistic criteria, and related coroplastic
in new ways, like adding this trope to a pillar base. objects all yield a similar interpretation—namely that the
For example, Egyptian depictions of Hathor frequently bases of the figurines were not only the least impor-
borrowed only the head or the head and bust of the tant iconographic elements in the figurine design but
image in a type of synecdoche to indicate the meaning that their schematization and ambivalence actually in-
of the total image.58 Similarly, ancestor statues at Deir dicate some connection with shrine box and cult stand
el-Medina consisted of busts alone; clearly the bottom iconography where female guardian figures typically
section of the image was simply unnecessary.59 Further- take the place of architectural elements. In contrast,
more, this abbreviated form of the female image com- by attempting to read all figurine elements together as
bined with other elements, like wings or a sun disc, is representing a single character, scholars consistently

18
 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014

misread the iconography. The resulting interpretations in any material or medium. The advent of these clay
either insist the pillar bases, as part of a coherent sym- figurines appears to represent a new creation taken
bol, represent tree trunks whose meaning is unlocked from individually known elements. Thus, whether this
by an assumed relationship between the biblical termi- creation intends to suggest one holistic image, for ex-
nology describing Asherah and a possible connection ample, that of a recognizable super-natural being, is
between the goddess and trees, or insist that the pillar not readily apparent. The alternative, tracking the in-
base was incorporated into the holistic image as a gar- dividual design components, their stylistic character-
ment meant to contrast the Judean figurines with their istics, and their unique combination, still suggests a
lascivious counterpart in Canaanite mythology. tentative but informed function for the image, as one
intended to protect and preserve. It may also suggest
The problem with Judean pillar figurines has always that the extended search for the figurines’ “identity” is
been the absence of a direct iconographic antecedent misguided.

Notes
1
Kuehni 2012, pp. 424–428; Yu 2012, pp. 292–299; Barat 2007, pp. 228–251; Donderi 2006, pp. 73–97; Greisdorf
and O’Conner 2002, pp. 6–29; Albright and Stoner 2002, pp. 333–379.
2
Mamassian 2008, pp. 2143–2153.
3
Kletter 1996, pp. 10–27; Darby 2011, pp. 69–108.
4
Weissenrieder 2009, p. 117; LeMon 2010, pp. 146–147; Winter 2010a, p. 139.
5
Bal 1991; Keel 1992a, pp. 267–271; Keel 1992b, pp. 360–361; Keel 1998; Keel and Uehlinger 1998, pp. 12–13;
De Hulster 2009, p. 146; Winter 2010a, pp. 140–141.
6
Conkey 1989, pp, 118–129; Wobst 1999, pp. 118–132; Winter 2010b, p. 34; Winter 2010c, pp. 407, 421–422.
7
Reedy and Reedy 1994, pp. 304–320; Stark 1998, pp. 1–11; Petty 2006, p. 21.
8
Hardin 1996, p. 47; Stark 1998, pp. 1–11; Hegmon 1998, pp. 264–280; Gosselain 2000, pp. 187–217.
9
Bailey 2005, pp. 32–33; Smith 2009, pp. 18–21; Winter 2010a, pp. 142–143, 147.
10
Joyce 1993, pp. 255–274; Kuijt and Chesson 2005, pp. 152–183.
11
Van Buren 1930, pp. 191–192, 211.
12
Petty 2006, p. 25; Bailey 2005, p. 98.
13
Barrelet 1968, pp. 7–11; Ritner 1993, pp. 137–138; Dorman 2002, pp. 113–132; Darby 2011, pp. 411–412.
14
Geller 2007, p. 228, Tablet 9:47.
15
Geller 2007, pp. 240–241, Tablet 12:92–94.
16
Maul 1994, p. 457.
17
Scurlock 2002, p. 219.
18
Lewis 2005, p. 98; Darby 2011, pp. 508–509.
19
Dorman 2002, pp. 30, 96.
20
Waraksa 2009.
21
Darby 2011, pp. 435–442.
22
Hardin 1996, p. 40; Huyler 1994, p. 325.
23
E.g., Kletter and Ziffer 2010, CAT 80, pl. 116; CAT 82, pl. 5:3; CAT 95, pls. 129–130; CAT112, pl. 143:1.
24
Cf. Deut 27:1–6 and Tigay 1996, p. 248.
25
Weinberg 1965, p. 191; Blurton 1997, p. 175; Ziffer 2010, p. 9.
26
Kletter 1996, Appendix 5, 5.I.2.2–4, 8; Kletter 1996, Addenda to Appendix 2: 764.C.3.
27
Kletter 1996, Appendix 5: 5.I.2.7; Kletter 1996, Appendix 2: 306.C.1.
28
E.g., Kelso and Thorley 1943, p. 138; Hestrin 1991, p. 57; Bloch-Smith 1992, p. 99; Uehlinger 1997, pp. 100,
142; Keel 1998, pp. 20–46.
29
E.g., Olyan 1988, pp. 70–74; Day 2000, pp. 42–48, 51; Hadley 2000, pp. 54–83; Zevit 2000, pp. 650–651; Smith
2002, pp. 119–133; Mastin 2004, pp. 326–351; Dever 2005, pp. 196–208, 211–218; Wiggins 2007, pp. 105–150.
30
Wiggins 2007, pp. 252, 268–69.

19
 Erin D. Darby

31
Engle 1979, p. 114; Dever 2005, p. 187.
32
Kletter 1996, pp. 76–77.
33
Press 2012, pp. 199, 205–206.
34
‘Amr 1980, pp. 22–35.
35
Daviau 2001, p. 322.
36
Kletter 1996, pp. 32–34.
37
Karageorghis 1991, p. 13.
38
Press 2012, p. 172.
39
E.g., Gilbert-Peretz 1996, Reg. G/2281/1.
40
Press 2012, p. 195.
41
E.g., Gilbert-Peretz 1996, Reg. G/4931, E3/12886, E3/13016, E1/6143.
42
Robins 1993, p. 183; Robins 2008, pp. 76, 150, 208.
43
E.g., Gilbert-Peretz 1996, Reg. E1/20526, D2/20573, E2/3893.
44
Darby 2011, pp. 484–486.
45
Kletter and Ziffer 2010, CAT 37, pls. 11:1, 76–77, 78:1–2; CAT 44, pls. 13:1, 84–85; CAT 49, pls. 2:2, bottom,
14:2, 90:1, 3, 91:1; CAT 59 pls. 33:1, 103:2–3.
46
Panitz-Cohen 2010, p. 131.
47
Ziffer 2010, p. 77.
48
Kletter and Ziffer 2010, CAT 84, pls. 21:1, 43:1, bottom, 119, 120:1; CAT 85, pls. 41:1, 120:2–3; CAT 86, pls.
21:2, 121; CAT 92, pls. 23:2, 125:2–3, 126:1–2; CAT 113, pls. 26:1, 143:2, 144; CAT 123, pl. 150:2; CAT 28, pls.
9:2, 69, 70:1; CAT 29, pls. 47:3, 70:2–3; CAT 57, pls. 7:1, 17:2, 99–100; CAT 90, pls. 1:2–3, 40:1–2, 41, 123:3–4.
49
Kletter and Ziffer 2010, CAT 22, pl. 65; CAT 30, pl. 71; CAT 41, pl. 81; CAT 110, pl. 141:2.
50
Kletter and Ziffer 2010, CAT 17, pl. 62:1; CAT 52, pls. 5:1, 16:1, 93:4, 94; CAT 53, pls. 2:2, center, 16:2, 95;
CAT 54, pl. 96:1; CAT 106, pl. 138:2.
51
Zevit 2001, pp. 325–326, fig. 4.10; Maeir and Dayagi-Mendels 2007, pp. 111–123, figs. 1, 2.
52
Schroer 2007, pp. 438–439; Rowe 1940, pp. 54–55, pls. 17:1, 57A:1, 35:2, 17:2, 56A: 3; Wooley 1955, pp. 64,
248, pl. 58:a, b; Keel 1998, p. 41; Beck 2002, pp. 185, figs. 1, 2, 3a, 209, fig. 10, 414.
53
Schroer 2007, pp. 430–438.
54
Kletter 2010a, pp. 186–188.
55
Kletter 2010b, pp. 42–43.
56
Kletter 2010a, p. 188.
57
Beck 2002, p. 402; Nevling Porter 2003, pp. 11–37.
58
Robins 2008, p. 175, fig. 206; Staubli 2009, pp. 93–112; abb. 3.
59
Friedman 1994, pp. 111–117; Robins 2008, pp. 189–190.
60
Bisi 1988, figs. 1g, 1d; Gubel 1993, p. 123, figs. 61–63.
61
Hornung 2000, pp. 1–20; Kákosy 2000, pp. 45–49.
62
Niwiński 2000, p. 27.
63
Schroer 2007, pp. 442–443.
64
Rothenberg 1972, pp. 130, 151, fig. 78.
65
Oppenheim 1931, p. 121.
66
Mylonas Shear 1999, pp. 65–85.
67
E.g., Kletter 1996, Appendix 5: 5.II.

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Erin Darby
University of Tennessee, Knoxville
[email protected]

24
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 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014

Double Face, Multiple Meanings

The Hellenistic Pillar Figurines from Maresha
Adi Erlich
Abstract
Maresha was a major city in Idumea during the Hellenis-
tic period, with a mixed population of Idumeans, Sidonians,
Greeks, and others. Many figurines were found in the earth
fills of the numerous caves at the site, which appear to have
been associated with houses above ground. This paper deals
with a type found at Maresh referred to as a Hellenistic pillar
figurine. The type comprises a hollow pillar with a rounded
or pointed top, non-modeled backs, and plinth bases. They
all portray a few types of mold-made faces, either singly or
in identical pairs. These unique figurines represent a mix-
ture of traditions: a face-type that is Eastern or Hellenistic,
a body-type that recalls the Greek herm, and an overall con-
ception rooted in the region. The Hellenistic pillar figurines
make up a unique local group of terracottas, so far unknown
outside Maresha and its vicinity. They present a reduction of
the anthropomorphic depiction into one component, the face.
A similar approach is also evident in other cultures in the
region, such as the Nabatean, which generally preferred
steles over figurative sculptures for the representations of
their deities. The pillar figurines from Maresha illustrate
the vagueness of religious iconography in the Hellenistic
East.

The ancient city of Maresha (Marisa, Tel Sandahanna)

in Israel, located in the Judean foothills, was a major
town in the region of Idumea during the Persian and
Hellenistic periods (Fig. 1). During the Hellenistic pe-
riod Maresha was a bilingual town, using Greek and
Aramaic simultaneously, and displaying a blend of Fig. 1. Map of Hellenistic Palestine, drawn by Silvia Krapiwko.
cultures with a main Idumean identity.1 Maresha flour-
ished under Ptolemaic, and later Seleucid, rule. The streets, fortifications and other structures, as well as
city’s life came to an end in the Hasmonean conquest numerous rock-cut subterranean complexes, consist-
of the late 2nd century B.C., when the local Idumeans ing of halls, cisterns, columbaria, oil presses, stables,
were subdued by the Hasmoneans. quarries, and tombs.3

Excavations conducted during the course of the 20th An outstanding feature of Maresha is its abundance of
century have yielded architectural and small finds dat- finds, mostly from the 2nd B.C., including hundreds of
ing to the Iron Age II, the Persian, and mainly the Hel- terracotta figurines that date from the 5th to the 2nd cen-
lenistic periods.2 Since the mid-1980s the excavations turies B.C.4 The figurines were primarily found in the
have been conducted on behalf of the Israel Antiquities earth fills of the numerous subterranean complexes at
Authority by Amos Kloner (1985–2001) and Ian Stern the site, while others were found in above-ground ex-
and Bernie Alpert of the Archaeological Seminars cavation areas, mostly in domestic contexts or shops.
(2001–present). The site consists of a tel surrounded Those from the subterranean complexes also appear
by a lower city of approximately 80 acres. The recent to have been associated with a residential neighbor-
excavations at the site concentrated mostly in the low- hood above. The overwhelming majority of the ter-
er city surrounding Tel Maresha, uncovering houses, racottas was manufactured in the city or its vicinity, as

27
 Adi Erlich

Fig. 2. (Left) Attachment of the

faces of a pillar figurine from
cave 75 at Maresha. Courtesy of
Amos Kloner (Israel Antiquities
Authority) Photo: Paul Jacobs.

Fig. 3. (Center) Attachment of

the faces to a pillar figurine from
cave 169 at Maresha. Courtesy
of Ian Stern and Bernie Alpert
(Archaeological Seminars).
Photo: Clara Amit.

Fig. 4. (Right) Complete pillar

figurine from cave 169. As in
Fig. 3.

is attested by the appearance of the clay, petrographic sion comprises a hollow pillar or peg with a rounded
analyses, and the discovery on site of molds and sets of or pointed top, non-modeled back, and plinth base.
figurines made in the same molds.5 All examples carry various types of mold-made faces,
either singly, but more commonly in identical pairs,
Generally speaking, the Persian-period types of terra- one below the other. The technique of manufacture in-
cottas are typical of southern Palestinian figurines of volves several stages. First, each one of the two faces
the period, and represent the local coroplastic craft of was cast in the same mold, and then the two were at-
Idumea.6 The types of the Hellenistic period are those tached to a band of clay in a vertical alignment; the
belonging mostly to the Eastern–Hellenistic koine, band was smoothed to blur the place of attachment, as
with some regional and local characteristics.7 Among shown in Figs. 2 and 3. The band was then attached to
the standard types, there is a unique type of figurine the upper half of the pillar, normally leaving the lower
that appeared in the transition of the Persian to the part bare. The unmodeled back was then attached to the
Early Hellenistic period and is not known outside of front, usually resulting in a hollow base and solid top.
Maresha or its vicinity. This endemic type, which I call The figurines stand steadily on a small plinth base and
Hellenistic pillar figurine, and its possible meaning is also can be easily grasped by hand. The height of the
the focus of this paper. pillars is 10 to 15 cm, as shown by one complete speci-
men (Fig. 4). Several dozen pillar figurines of this type
The Hellenistic Pillar Figurine Type and its Date were unearthed at Maresha in different areas and caves,
Technique and Typology some of which were published in the report of the Hel-
The type of Hellenistic pillar figurine under discus- lenistic figurines from Maresha.8

Fig. 5. Pillar figurines from Maresha, caves 84 and 128, Face type 1. Fig. 6. Pillar figurine from Fig. 7. Pillar figurine from
Courtesy of Amos Kloner (Israel Antiquities Authority). cave 84 at Maresha, face type cave 75 at Maresha, face type
Photo: Paul Jacobs. 2. Courtesy of Amos Kloner 3. Courtesy of Amos Kloner
(Israel Antiquities Authority). (Israel Antiquities Authority).
Photo: Paul Jacobs. Photo: Paul Jacobs.

28
 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014

Fig. 9. Pillar figurine with two breasts from Tel Halif. Courtesy of
Paul Jacobs. Photo: Paul Jacobs.

Fig. 8. Pillar figurine from cave 75 at Maresha, face type 4, Diony-

The fourth type is an unusual pillar figurine with only
sos face. Courtesy of Amos Kloner (Israel Antiquities Authority). one face––a fine, elongated Dionysos face crowned
Photo: Paul Jacobs. with a typical ivy wreath on a fillet (taenia) and abun-
dant hair similar to Hellenistic terracottas depicting Di-
onysos from Susa.9 Below the face is a hand-modeled
pair of schematic breasts (Fig. 8). The mixture of male
and female in one body is not surprising considering
the effeminacy or bisexuality of Dionysos.10 Neverthe-
less, the combination of a face bearing a male identity
and feminine breasts is untypical of the iconography of
the deity and therefore it may indicate that the coroplast
did not intend to portray Dionysos himself. Rather, he
used a randomly available mold for the face, which
he actually intended to look feminine, and added the
breasts. As Dionysos usually had a somewhat feminine
appearance in Hellenistic art, such a mold served the
artist’s purpose. It is uncertain how acquainted were the
inhabitants of a remote, small town in the periphery of
Fig. 10. (Left). Pillar figurine from cave 84 at Maresha (left), and the Hellenistic world with Greek ideas of transgender
a Persian rider on a horse from cave 169 at Maresha (right). and bisexuality related to Dionysos, not to say apply-
Courtesy of Amos Kloner (Israel Antiquities Authority) and Ian ing them to a local type by modifying it with breasts. It
Stern and Bernie Alpert (Archaeological Seminars). Photo: Paul
Jacobs and Adi Erlich is therefore reasonable to interpret the Dionysos pillar
with breasts as a misunderstanding or misuse of the
This group can be divided into subtypes, according to Dionysos mold and adapting it to a local type of a pillar
the facial types, of which some are feminine and others figurine, rather than an intended sophisticated bisexual
male. The first subtype has two identical faces marked representation of Dionysos.
by narrow eyes below heavy eyelids and a low fore-
head covered with a band (Fig. 5). The second type is The Date of the Pillar Figurines
also of a double face, but is different from the first by As mentioned above, the pillar figurines were discov-
wide-open eyes and a thick, flat nose (Fig. 6). The third ered throughout the site, mostly in the fills of the sub-
type of face is similar to the previous, but it has a Cnid- terranean complexes. These fills contain finds of mostly
ian hairdo, indicating its female gender (Fig. 7). the Persian and Hellenistic periods dated to the 5th–2nd

29
 Adi Erlich

noted that Persian pottery at Maresha is rare relative to

the presence of Hellenistic ceramics, and therefore, the
discovery of two pillar figurines in relation to Persian
and Hellenistic pottery should not be seen as a mere co-
incidence.

Another reason to link the pillar type to the Persian pe-

riod lies in a figurine of another type, the so-called Per-
sian rider type.15 Over 50% of the Persian period types
at Maresha belong to the horse and rider of the southern
Idumean type.16 One of the riders of this type strongly
resembles the face type no. 2 and was probably cast
in the same mold (Fig. 10). It is plausible that Persian
types continued to be produced into the early Hellenistic
period, at least until the end of the 4th century B.C., if
not later. The resemblance of the faces of one type of the
Persian rider and one type of the pillar figurine points to
the relationship between the two. This dates them to the
transition between the Persian and Hellenistic periods.

Despite the Late-Persian affiliation, some of the pillar

Fig. 11. Judean pillar figurine from the National Maritime figurines are stylistically Hellenistic. The face and coif-
Museum at Haifa. Courtesy of Avshalom Zemer. After
Zemer 2009: 68. fure of the female type no. 3 are Hellenistic in style.
The Dionysos head of type no. 4 is also very much Hel-
centuries B.C. Although in most cases the archaeologi- lenized and Hellenistic in style, and has no resemblance
cal context does not provide us with a precise dating, whatsoever to any Persian types from the site. There-
there is enough evidence to date the origin of the type fore, it seems that these pillar figurines were produced
to the early days of the Hellenistic period, probably the as early as the Early Hellenistic period and include char-
end of the 4th century B.C. acteristics of both the Persian and the Hellenistic peri-
ods. They also might have been in use throughout the
The pillar portraying Dionysos was discovered in an Hellenistic period.
occupation level in subterranean cave 75 dated to the
Late Persian-Early Hellenistic periods, and the Praxit- The Source of the Pillar Type and its Meaning
ilean style of its face is typical of the Early Hellenistic The iconography of the pillar figurines is vague and
period.11 A similar example is a head from neighboring elusive. They fit within a long tradition of Canaan-
Tel Lachish.12 This piece, cast in the same mold as the ite and Syrian gods, who had no clear iconography—
Maresha figurine, is hollow, and the surviving fragment identifiable forms, features, stances, or attributes—a
is missing the breasts that are modeled on the Maresha stark contrast to other visual systems, such as those of
piece. The figurine from Tel Lachish was discovered in the Egyptian and Greek pantheons.17 The Semitic gods
an unstratified context, yet its provenience—the Solar were obscure characters, usually identified with more
Shrine—yielded finds from the Persian and Hellenis- than one consort and function.18 It was suggested that,
tic periods. Another fragment of a pillar figurine with when dealing with the realm of the East, the discussion
two breasts, but with its face missing, was discovered should not center on mythological narratives or concrete
at Tel Halif south of Maresha, where the greater part of deities, but on essences and varied, recurring concepts.19
the corpus of figurines is dated to the 4th century B.C.13 However, some of the features in the iconography of the
(Fig. 9). The two parallels from Tel Lachish and Tel Ha- pillars point to a certain nature or perhaps even specific
lif are the only parallels we know of outside of Maresha. identity. The interpretation of the type and its meaning
Another fragment of a pillar base from Maresha was should rely on exploring similar phenomena in both cul-
uncovered in a fill outside a residence at area 930 that tures that are hybridized in the art of Hellenistic Maresha:
contained Persian and Hellenistic pottery.14 It should be the local and Greek.20

30
 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014

es such as the Judean exile and the formation

of Idumea. Therefore, it seems that although
the Hellenistic pillar types may have been a
late successor of the Iron Age pillars, they
differ tremendously and should be treated as
separate phenomena.

The Greek Herm

The general form of the pillar figurine in-
vokes queries as to its association with Greek
herms. The Dionysos head of type 4 is typi-
cal of Dionysos herms23 and the pair of faces
of the other types may be associated with the
houble herm type.24 Yet, despite the double
Fig. 12. Stone figurine of a herm Fig. 13. Wall relief of a herm in Cave 51 heads, other traits rule out a direct relation
from cave 147 at Maresha. Courtesy at Maresha. Photo: Adi Erlich.
of Amos Kloner (Israel Antiquities
to the double herm pillars: the heads are
Authority). Photo: Paul Jacobs. molded in relief about 1–2 cm below the top,
rather than sculpted as a separate unit on top
The Iron Age Judean Pillar Figurines of the pillar; the faces are set one above the other, rather
The general idea of the pillar of type 4, with its modeled than on the same level on both the front and back of the
breasts, can be viewed as a reminiscence of Judean pil- pillar; there are no horizontal projections below the head
lar figurines that were widespread in Iron Age Judah. 21
resembling schematic arms, and no phalli. Moreover,
The Judean pillar figurines are solid clay images that double herms are rare in terracottas, due to the tendency
represent females supporting their breasts with their to leave the back unmodeled. Consequently, although
hands. The body is hand-made, rounded, pillar-like, and the outline of the Maresha pillar figurines resembles that
schematic, and the head is either mold-made or hand- of the Greek herm, it does not derive directly from it.
made (Fig. 11). The Judean pillar figurines date to the
8th–7th centuries B.C. and their distribution is limited However, the herm as a sculptural form is not unfamil-
to areas within the borders of Judah, which in part be- iar to Maresha. One terracotta from the site represents a
comes Idumea in later times. These pillar figurines have mantle herm,25 and herms appear in soft–limestone and
been interpreted in various ways: as Canaanite goddess- on wall reliefs in some of the caves.26 One small, sche-
es, amulets for good luck, toys, or as representations of matic figurine from Maresha depicts a rectangular body
mortal women.22 on a wide rectangular base with incised facial features
(Fig. 12). Among the reliefs on the walls of the under-
The Hellenistic pillars from Maresha and the Iron Age ground chambers of Maresha are cruciform figures, one
pillars from Judea share a key element—the reduction of which is carved as a large cross with short branches
of the anthropomorphic depiction into one or two com- within a square depression, and its head has a schematic
ponents, the head and breasts. However, there is no nose between two shallow depressions representing eyes
direct relationship between the two groups. First, the and cheeks (Fig. 13) In an underground complex located
pillars of the two groups look different, as the Iron Age roughly three kilometers north of Maresha was found an
pillars are cylindrical whereas the Hellenistic pillars additional cross bearing a head and with a depression
are thin and rectangular. Second, most of the Hellenistic at the base of the vertical branch. These crosses can be
pillars from Maresha have no breasts, and the one that interpreted as schematic herms, including both the pillar
does have breasts does not hold them. Third, the Iron and the arms, but without a detailing of the face. Like
Age figurines have only one head, while many of the the pillar figurines, some of these presentations are also
Hellenistic pillars have two faces, one above the other. uncanonical, and possibly had connections to the pillar
Fourth and last, one should bear in mind that despite figurines. But the many variations of this form at Mare-
the partial geographical overlapping of the two types, sha, in terracotta as well as in stone, attest to a rather
the Iron Age and the Hellenistic pillars are divided by local tradition that may have been assimilated with the
some three centuries and historical and cultural chang- Greek form.

31
 Adi Erlich

Although the Nabatean eye idols differ from the Hel-

lenistic pillar figurines in their shape and modeling,
they share the reduction of the human body to a face,
and the pairing of deities in some cases. The Naba-
tean steles and figurines are probably slightly later than
the Maresha figurines, as most probably date to the 1st
century B.C.–1st century C.E.31 The eye idols are iden-
tified with Nabataen goddesses (al-Uzza, al-Kutba)
when accompanied by inscriptions,32 but there is not
one defined scheme of correlation between the image
and its identification, or in Patrich’s words, “The pro-
cess of creating binding cultic formulas never reached
a final stage in Nabatean society. In such an evolution-
ary situation, it is not surprising that we can not find
any clear one-to-one relationship between the stele and
the god.”33 It seems that despite the small gap in time
and space, i.e. Hellenistic Idumea versus early Roman
Fig. 14. Reliefs of Nabatean Eye Idols dedicated to al–Uzza and
al-Kutba from Ain Shellaleh, er-Ramm. After Patrich 1990, ill.
Nabatea, the same can be said about the enigmatic un-
identified Hellenistic pillar figurines from Maresha.

It seems as though the Maresha herms are not related Pair, Couple or Twins?
in content to the semi-anthropomorphic herm in its The meaning of a pair of identical faces modeled on a
various Greek forms, but to the idea of the abstraction single pillar is unclear; the faces may have represented
and the minimizing of the anthropomorphic element, a two different aspects or natures of the same image or
trend characteristic of the region. The pillar figurines two separate figures forming a syncretic entity. One of
convey the same idea. They resemble the Maresha the enduring features throughout the Hellenistic period
herms in their abstraction of the body and in their being is the divine family, which could consist of a pair of
a standing pillar carrying a face. However, the double consort gods; consort gods and their child; or a mother
face of most of the figurines of this group separates the god and her child.34 Such combinations are evident in
Hellenistic pillar figurines from both the Greek herm inscriptions from Hellenistic Palestine.35 The double-
type and the Maresha local herms. faced pillar figurines may represent the same thing as
the inscriptions dedicated to two divine entities, such
as Hadad and Atargatis in an inscription from Kfar
The Nabatean ‘Eye Idols’
Yassif near Akko,36 or Serapis and Isis in an inscription
A similar phenomenon is widespread, as can be seen
from Samaria.37 Nonetheless, if the pillars were meant
among the Nabatean betyls and stele gods. They also
to represent two different deities, we would have ex-
display a preference, if not an exclusive one, for the pected the two entities to stand side by side as in the
elimination or reduction of the anthropomorphic el- Nabatean pairs of steles, or at least to have a different
ement of the god figure.27 Given the proximity and appearance, unlike the sole pillar carrying two identical
known relations between Nabateans and Idumeans, faces. That leads us to believe that the faces portrayed
such a similarity is not surprising. Certain types of Na- on the pillars are not two separate figures, but rather a
batean steles, referred to as eye idols, came in various combined entity or two very close individuals.
sizes and sculptural forms (reliefs, steles, and figu-
rines) and occasionally carried only a face or few facial The two heads may have also represented twins, a mo-
features.28 They sometimes represented female deities, tif carrying profound symbolism in the ancient Near
as attested by their accompanying inscriptions,29 and East.38 Twins occasionally appear in terracotta figurines
recall the Maresha pillar figurines that are also largely of the ancient Near East. Twin embryos in their moth-
female. Like other betyls, some of the Nabatean eye er’s womb, or suckling from their mother, appear on
idols appear in pairs and are dedicated to two different Late Bronze plaque figurines.39 Twin riders or a rid-
goddesses30 (Fig. 14). ing female accompanied by twins were depicted on

32
 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014

Achaemenid figurines from northern Syria.40 But these

sporadic examples come from distant sites and periods.
In order to set the twins motif within its context one
should look back into Hellenistic Maresha.

A figurine type frequent at Maresha depicts the Dios-

kouroi/Dioscuri, the Greek twin gods Castor and Pol-
lux, the sons of Zeus and Leda and brothers of Hel-
ena.41 The Dioskouroi from Maresha display a rather
rare type (Fig. 15). They are depicted as a pair of stand-
ing young men wearing a loosely hanging chlamys and
their typical headdress, the pilos. A series of figurines
from Amathus, Cyprus,42 echoing the frontal pose of
the standing males, constitutes the closest parallels to
the Maresha Dioskouroi.

The Dioskouroi were popular deities in the East, prin-

cipally in Egypt and Syria,43 owing to their astral char-
acter, protective role, versatile tasks, and diverse iden-
tifications with local deities. Their cult was practiced in
Ptolemaic Egypt and in Cyprus.44 In Hellenistic Pales-
tine Dioskouroi appear in other media as well.45 They
can be found on coins of the 2nd century BCE from
‘Akko-Ptolemais on the north coast of Palestine.46 A
Hellenistic inscription from Scythopolis mentions the
savior deities, perhaps referring to the Dioskouroi.47
Two identical stone reliefs depicting only a pilos and
Fig. 15. Dioskouroi figurine from cave 90 at Maresha. Courtesy
star were unearthed at Samaria, within a wall of the of Amos Kloner (Israel Antiquities Authority) and Ian Stern and
Roman temple dedicated to Kore,48 possibly indicat- Bernie Alpert (Archaeological Seminars). Photo: Paul Jacobs.
ing an earlier, probably Hellenistic, cult of the Di-
oskouroi. considered to be heavenly and astral, and connected to
the sun and the moon or to the stars.
The Hellenistic pillar figurines are different from the
Dioskouroi terracottas in composition and sometimes There is one local pair of twins which should attract
also in gender. Still, it is worthwhile to point at a strik- our attention, the biblical Jacob and Esau, from which
ing similarity between the faces of one of the Diosk- the people of Israel and the Edomites are said to have
ouroi types at Maresha and the second face type of the emerged.52 Although the origin of the Idumeans is ob-
pillar figurines. They both have the same wide-open scure, Idumea in the Persian and Hellenistic periods
eyes and flat nose. This resemblance implies that they seems to be the inheritor of biblical Edom,53 especially
might represent the same idea of identical, if not Sia- when considering the popularity of Edomite names at
mese, twins, whether male or female. The divine twins Maresha and Idumea.54 The claim of the Idumeans for
are a long lasting motif in ancient cultures. At Egypt south Judea is rooted in their being the successors of
there were Shu and Tefenet and other divine or ma- Esau, the deceived and deprived elder twin who did
jestic twins, which are evident also in Graeco–Roman not succeed to inherit Jacob’s land.55 The myth of the
times.49 The myth of twins as an astral power is evident twins is interlaced in the heritage of both nations, Jews
also in the ancient Near East.50 In the Greek world there and Idumeans, after the first temple period.56 It could be
were Castor and Pollux, mentioned above, who were that such an ancient local concept of twins as divine as-
the source for the sign of the Gemini in the Zodiac.51 tral power, or as founders of nations, is represented in the
In Roman cultures there are of course Romulus and double-faced Hellenistic pillar figurines. Nevertheless, it
Remus, the founders of Rome. Often the twins were should be noted that not all the pillars carry two faces,

33
 Adi Erlich

and one certainly carries only one Dionysos face. There- ism, although many of the Hellenistic figurines from
fore, the twins interpretation may be valid only in some Maresha are koine types. The inhabitants of Maresha
of the cases which form the majority of the Hellenistic created a local form of figurine, using conventional-
pillar figurines. ized molds. This form might have been divine or mor-
tal, female or male, representing local deities or Greek
Conclusions divinities, related to the Dioskouroi twins or to another
The exact meaning and function of the double faced pair; we can not tell for sure. The pillars from Maresha
pillar figurines from Maresha are still vague. The pil- are evident for a local and independent Idumean tradition.
lars may represent specific deities, such as Dionysos
or the Dioskouroi. They are frequently female, but in Acknowledgments
certain cases also males are represented in them. They I would like to thank the excavators of Maresha who
have one or, more often, two faces. They are meant to have entrusted me with the terracotta figurines from
stand on a solid base, but they are also easily held in the the site. I am indebted to my teacher, colleague and
hand. They all share the reduction of the human body friend, Prof. Amos Kloner of Bar Ilan University and
to a tall slender pillar with a face. As was maintained the Israel Antiquities Authority, who had been excavat-
above, they find parallels in the concept of the Greek ing Maresha until 2000. I would like to extend my deep
herm, but also in the Nabatean betyls and stele gods, gratitude to Dr. Ian Stern and Bernie Alpert of Archaeo-
which also display a preference for the elimination or logical Seminars, who have been excavating Maresha
reduction of the anthropomorphic element of the god since 2001.
figure. Another key element common to the Maresha
pillars and the Nabatean steles is the flexibility of ico- For his help and cooperation I am thankful to Prof.
nography; they seem to be a mere platform for altering Paul Jacobs of the Mississippi State University, who
entities and identities. studied and photographed the Tel Halif figurines and
photographed the Maresha figurines. I extend my grati-
The Hellenistic pillar figurines are not found outside tude to Prof. Yosef Patrich of the Hebrew University and
Maresha, except for one type found in two sites south to Avshalom Zemer of the National Maritime Museum
of Maresha, Tel Lachish and Tel Halif, both in the heart at Haifa for letting me use their illustrations. I also am
of Idumea. The regionalism of the Idumean figurines is thankful to my dear friends Benjamin Gordon, who ed-
not a new feature of the Hellenistic period; Idumea has ited this text, and Silvia Krapiwko, who prepared the
featured its own regional types as early as the Persian photographs.
period.57 The pillar figurines are part of this regional-

Notes
1
Peters and Thiersch 1905, p. 68; Oren and Rappaport 1984, pp. 142–148; Eshel 2007; Kloner et al 2010.
2
Bliss and Macalister 1902, pp. 52-61; Kloner 2003, pp. 9–30.
3
Kloner et al 2010, pp. 1–33, 205–216.
4
Erlich 2006; Erlich and Kloner 2008.
5
Erlich and Kloner 2008, pp. 113–114.
6
Erlich 2006.
7
Erlich 2009, pp. 51–58.
8
Erlich and Kloner 2008, pp. 43–46, pl. 24.
9
Martinez–Sève 2002, pp. 118–119.
10
Jameson 1993, pp. 44–45; Stewart 1997, pp. 228.
11
Erlich and Kloner 2008: 43–44, 95–96, 117.
12
Aharoni 1975: Pl. 18:2.
13
Jacobs, forthcoming.
14
Erlich and Kloner 2008: 46, no. 137.
15
Moorey 2000.

34
 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014
16
Erlich 2006.
17
Boardman 2000, pp. 324, 333.
18
Cumont 1956, pp. 131–132; Moscati 1968, pp. 31–38.
19
Keel and Uehlinger 1998, pp. 12–13, 393–394.
20
For the syncretic nature of Hellenistic Levant see Erlich 2009, p.107; Kouremnos, Chandrasekaran and Rossi 2011.
21
Kletter 1996; Kletter 2001. See also Darby 2013.
22
Kletter 2001, pp. 195–201.
23
Goldman 1942.
24
Marcadé 1952.
25
Erlich and Kloner 2008, pp. 60–61, pl. 36, no. 195.
26
Erlich 2009, pp. 19–22.
27
Patrich 1990, pp. 165–166.
28
Ibid., pp. 82–86.
29
Ibid., pp. 54–55, ill. 7, 62 ill. 9.
30
Loc. cit., 62, ill. 9; Bartlett 2007, pp. 66–68.
31
Patrich 1990, pp. 95–96.
32
Ibid., pp. 101–106.
33
Ibid., p. 104.
34
Teixidor 1977, pp. 34–59.
35
Erlich 2009, pp. 112–113.
36
Avi-Yonah 1959.
37
Crowfoot, Crowfoot and Kenyon 1957, p. 37, no. 13.
38
Kuntzmann 1983.
39
Ornan 2007.
40
Nunn 2000, pp. 44–45, pls. 15–16; Nunn 2004, pp. 151–161, type d.
41
Erlich and Kloner 2008, pp. 5–7, pl. 1.
42
Queyrel 1988, pls. 25, 26.
43
Barry 1906, pp. 168; Augé and Bellefonds 1986a, pp. 593.
44
Fraser 1972, p. 207; Queyrel 1985; Barnard 2003.
45
Erlich 2009, p. 22.
46
Kadman 1961, p. 51, pl. 2; Lipinski 1995, p. 283.
47
Ovadiah 1975.
48
Crowfoot, Kenyon and Sukenik 1942, p. 66, pl. LX:2.
49
Baines 1985, pp. 472–477.
50
Kuntzmann 1983, pp. 137–163.
51
Hermary 1986, p. 592; Fishof 2001, p. 107.
52
Gen. 25, 22–34; Kuntzmann 1983, pp. 39–50.
53
Kokkinos 1998, pp. 36–50.
54
Stern 2007; Eshel 2007.
55
Gen. 27, Kokkinos 1998, pp. 37–38.
56
Assis 2006.

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Eyes," Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, pp. 13–24.
Erlich 2006 Erlich, A., “The Persian Terracotta Figurines from Maresha in Idumea: Local and Regional As-
pects,” Transeuphratène 32, pp. 45–59.
Erlich 2009 Erlich, A., The Art of Hellenistic Palestine, BAR International Series 2010, Oxford: Archaeopress.
Erlich and Erlich, A., Kloner, A., Maresha Excavations Final Report II, Hellenistic Terracotta Figurines
Kloner 2008 from the 1989–1996 Seasons. IAA Reports 35. Jerusalem: Israel Antiquities Authority.
Eshel 2007 Eshel, E., “The Onomasticon of Mareshah,” in Judah and the Judeans in the Fourth Century
B.C.E., O. Lipschits et al (eds.), Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, pp. 145–156.
Fishof 2001 Fishof, I., Written in the Stars: Art and Symbolism of the Zodiac, Jerusalem: The Israel Museum.
Fraser 1972 Fraser, P. M., Ptolemaic Alexandria, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Goldman 1942 Goldman, H., “The Origin of the Greek Herm,” American Journal of Archaeology 46, pp. 58–68.
Hermary 1986 Hermary, A., “Dioskouroi,” Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologicae Classicae, Zurich & Mu-
nich III, pp. 567–593.
Jacobs, forthcoming Jacobs, P., Lahav IV. The Figurines of Halif, Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns.
Jameson 1993 Jameson, M., “The Asexuality of Dionysus, in Masks of Dionysus, T. H. Carpenter, C. A. Fara-
one. (eds.), Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, pp.44‒64.
Kadman 1961 Kadman, L., The Coins of Akko Ptolemais. Corpus Nummorum Palaestinensium IV. Jerusalem:
Schocken.
Keel and Keel, O., Uehlinger, C., Gods, Goddesses and Images in Ancient Israel. Minneapolis: Fortress Press.
Uehlinger 1998
Kletter 2001 Kletter, R., “Between Archaeology and Theology: The Pillar Figurines from Judah and the Ash-
erah,” in Studies in the Archaeology of the Iron Age in Israel and Jordan, A. Mazar (ed.), Journal
for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series 331. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press,
pp. 179–216.
Kloner 2003 Kloner, A., Maresha Excavations Final Report 1: Subterranean Complexes 21, 44, 70. IAA
Reports 17. Jerusalem: Israel Antiquities Authority.

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Kloner et al 2010 Kloner, A. et al, Maresha Excavations Final Report III, Epigraphic Finds from the 1989–2000
Seasons, IAA Reports 45. Jerusalem: Israel Antiquities Authority.
Kokkinos 1998 Kokkinos, N., The Herodian Dynasty, Origins, Role in Society and Eclipse. Journal for the
Study of the Pseudepigrapha Supplement Series 30. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press.
Kouremnos et al 2011 Kouremnos, A. et al, Hybridisation and Identity in the Art and Architecture of the Hellenistic
East (BAR International Series 2221). Oxford: Archaeopress.
Kuntzmann 1983 Kuntzmann, R., Le symbolisme des jumeaux au Proche-Orient ancien. Naissance, fonction et
évolution d'un symbole, Paris: Beauchesne.
Lipinski, 1995 Lipinski, E., Dieux et déesses de l'univers phénicien et punique. Studia Phoenicia XIV. Leuven:
Peeters.
Marcadé 1952 Marcadé, J., “Hermès doubles,” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 76, pp. 596–624.
Martinez–Sève 2002 Martinez–Sève, L., Les figurines de Suse de l'époque néo–élamite à l'époque sassanide, Paris:
Editions de la Réunion des musées nationaux.
Moorey 2000 Moorey, P. R. S., “Iran and the West: The Case of the Terracotta ‘Persian’ Riders in the
Achaemenid Empire,” in Variatio Delectat, Iran und der Westen, Gedenkschrift für Peter
Calmeyer, R. Dittmann et al (eds.), Münster Ugarit-Verlag, pp. 469–486.
Moscati 1968 Moscati, S., The World of the Phoenicians, London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson.
Nunn 2000 Nunn, A., Der figürliche Motivschatz Phöniziens, Syriens, und Transjordaniens vom 6. bis
zum 4. Jahrhundert v. Chr, Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 18. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ru-
precht.
Nunn 2004 Nunn, A., “Images de déesses?,” Transeuphratène 28, pp. 149–163.
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Rappaport 1984 Journal 34, pp. 114–153.
Ornan 2007 Ornan, T., “Labor Pangs: The Revadim Plaque Type,” in Bilder als Quellen, pp. 215‒235.
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ods,” Eretz Israel 12, pp. 116–124 (Hebrew; English summary, p. 122*).
Patrich 1990 Patrich, J., The Formation of Nabatean Art, Prohibition of a Graven Figure among the Na-
bateans. Jerusalem: Magness Press.
Peters Peters, J. P. and Thiersch H., Painted Tombs in the Necropolis of Marissa, London: Palestine
and Thiersch 1905 Exploration Fund.
Queyrel 1985 Queyrel, A., “Les Dioscures à Amathonte,” Report of the Department of Antiquities Cyprus,
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d'Athènes, Etudes Chypriotes, X). Paris: De Boccard.
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the Persian and Early Hellenistic Periods, Y. Levin (ed.), Library of Second Temple Studies
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Museum, Winter 2009. Haifa: Haifa Museums.

Adi Erlich
University of Haifa
[email protected]

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The Mimesis of a World

The Early and Middle Bronze Clay Figurines from Ebla-Tell Mardikh
Marco Ramazzotti

Abstract Within the Early and Old Syrian coroplastic corpus

The paper will focus on the cognitive and spatial analysis from Ebla1 there are a number of clay representations
of clay figurines dated to the Early and Middle Bronze Age of the human and animal world that could be consid-
that were recently discovered in Ebla-Tell Mardikh (Syria). ered products of the first Mesopotamian state societies,2
The results outline a symbolic chaîne opératoire of these well adapted to the contextual, economic condition of
clay artifacts and underline their ideographic and composite the so-called northern secondary urbanism (Figs. 1a–
character, which also can be paralleled in the Early Dynastic
b).3 This specific, archetypical relationship between
and Early Syrian miniature statue tradition. It will then be
suggested that these products of the so-called ‘material cul- southern and northern Mesopotamia was strongly re-
ture’ were also a conscious human imitation of sacred and inforced by the economic and political network of the
royal images of power. It has been observed that during the Uruk Period. During the Late Uruk Period, at the end
Early Syrian Period (2400-2000 B.C.) the spatial concentra- of the 4th millennium B.C., this network comprised an
tion of clay figurines in the Royal Palace G of Ebla does not interchangeable continuum of materials, techniques,
seem accidental, a likelihood that could demonstrate a sort and images4 that included the Sumerian technique of
of affinity of this miniature clay world with that of the sa- modeling in clay, or molding the earth, a technique
cred kingship. However, I would argue that even though the that pre-dated the mechanical reproduction of figurines
spatial distribution of the clay figurines from the Old Syr- by means of a mold.5 For this reason, many centuries
ian Period (2000–1600 B.C.) is indeed extensive, the strong
later in the second half of the third millennium B.C.,
concentration of figurine fragments that was found close to
the Ishtar public cult area (Monument P3 and Temple P2) we still find at Ebla-Tell Mardikh in northern Syria a
seems to indicate a radical transformation of the roles played local translation of the Sumerian tradition of the min-
by this clay world. Rather than being a mimesis of the physi- iature representation of the human and the appearance
cal and metaphysical sacred kingship, it is instead a repro- of a variety of shapes and styles contemporary with the
duction of the whole society. Early Dynastic symbolic tradition. Typologically, we
can distinguish these miniatures as Early Syrian from
The Early Syrian and Old Syrian Clay Figurines their distinctive iconographic character 6 and their sim-
at Ebla ilarity to many other contemporary images from north

Figs. 1a–b: TM83G311 Early Syrian Clay Turtle.(© La Sapienza University of Rome – Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria)

39
 Marco Ramazzotti

Figs. 2a–c. TM83G361 Early Syrian Clay Figurine. Photo: © La Sapienza University of Rome, Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria)

Syrian urban centers (Figs. 2a–b).7 During the Early

Dynastic and the Early Syrian periods in Mesopota-
mia and in Syria the quantity and variability of clay
figurines increased, while the hybridism recognized
during the Halaf and Ubaid period8 almost disap-
peared in favor of the more naturalistic representa-
tions of the Uruk/Jemdet Nasr period.10 The expo-
nential growth in the manufacture of clay figurines,
the reduction of hybrid images, and the appearance
of naturalistic representations are variables of com-
Figs. 3a–b: TM06HH0934 and TM07G174 Early Syrian Clay Figurines. plex phenomena probably related to the political and
Photo: © La Sapienza University of Rome, Missione Archeologica Itali- economic characteristics of secondary urbanization,
ana in Siria) a different replica of the Mesopotamian urban revo-
lution (Figs. 3a–b).10 Subsequently, the technique
of agglutinated, composite, molded elements that
appears on a wide variety of Early Syrian artifacts
was replaced by closer imitations of the real and/or
metaphysical world during the Old Babylonian and
Syrian periods.11 At this time the highly diversified
Early Syrian figurines were produced in uniform se-
ries (Figs. 4a–b)12 that were not related to only the
female, male, or animal classes, but also to some spe-
cific breakages, or fractures. However, in the same
period the figurines were highly structured, with
the hand–modeled examples related to the divided
spheres of hybrids, humans, and animals that were
based on a shared model with standard proportions
and dimensions (Fig. 5a–b).13 This transformation
began suddenly, probably with the collapse of Early
Syrian centralized political power at the beginning
of the Akkadian period, when the aggressive expan-
sion of the Sargonic royal household, at the expense
Figs. 4a–b: TM06HH0097+0738 of many local institutions, is attested.14 In this period
and TM06HH0237: Old Syrian —after the “Fall”15 — we have some rare and unusual
Clay Figurines. Photo: © La Sapi-
enza University of Rome, Missione painted clay figurines that cannot be automatically as-
Archeologica Italiana in Siria) signed to the previous tradition.16 In any case, from the

40
 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014

beginning of the Old Syrian period onward,

human, animal, and divine figures prolifer-
ated. But within the habitus, or social values,
of this mass production the tendency to for-
malize more ancient schemes of representa-
tion coexisted with the tendency to maintain
archaic, ideographic codes in order to make
subject matter recognizable (Figs. 6a–b; Fig.
7).17 These ideographic codes, the use of clay
details on the image, and the place of the im-
age as a socially recognizable aspect of the
institutional, political, and religious roles of
the represented subjects were probably in-
Figs. 5a–b. TM76G476 and TM94P666: Old Syrian Clay Figurines. Photo: © La
Sapienza University of Rome, Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria) spired by popular imitation and translation of
some contemporary Old Syrian works, such
as the Face of Ishtar, which were impressive
images of the most archaic Eblaite kingship
and religious power.18 Examples of this can
be seen in clay imitations of the most archa-
ic sacred images (Table II:A, TM83G400),
such as the miniature statue in hematite,
white marble, and red jasper discovered in
the Royal Palace G (Table II:A, TM94P666),
and reproduced—probably as a queen—in
another important, but fragmentary, Early
Syrian votive plaque representing a banquet
scene. There are also clay reproductions of
the most popular Old Syrian sacred images
(Table II:B, TM88R035), such as the nude
Figs. 6a–b. TM92P717 and TM06HH410:
Old Syrian Clay Figurines. Photo: © La Ishtar representation in the fragmentary ba-
Sapienza University of Rome, Missione salt basin from Temple P2 (TM08P2–916),
Archeologica Italiana in Siria. or the clay imitations of archetypical sym-
bols of kingship in the basalt monumental
sculptures (TM64B35), such as the lions’
heads well attested at Ebla during the Old
Syrian period (TM95P260 / TM91P251).
Additionally, there are the clay mimesis of
ideological actions of kingship in the wood-
en and ivory inlays (Table II:C, TM93P340),
such as the iconography of the king carrying
an animal offering (Table II:C, TM92P596).
Moreover, during the Late Old Syrian period
we witness the multiplication of figurines
that are not properly imitations and/or repre-
sentations, but rather follow an autonomous
composite path: theriomorphic vases, cere-
monial chariots, and incense burners. These
Fig. 7. TM06HH410: Old Syrian
Clay Figurine. Photo: © La Sapi- clay objects show that the clay as “matter of
enza University of Rome, Missione creation” for humans and animals and “mat-
Archeologica Italiana in Siria. ter of tactile mimesis” of humankind be-

41
 Marco Ramazzotti

Table I:A. Spatial distribution of 100 clay figurines from Ebla dated to EB and MB period; B. Spatial distribution of
100 clay figurines main breakages (heads; chests; legs; pubes; complete); C. Spatial distribution of the 50 clay figurines
Early Syrian breakages; D. Spatial distribution of the 50 clay figurines Old Syrian breakages. © La Sapienza University
of Rome ARCHEOSEMA Digital Archive.

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 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014

Table I:B. Spatial distribution of 100 clay figurines main breakages (heads; chests; legs; pubes; complete). © La Sapienza
University of Rome ARCHEOSEMA Digital Archive.

43
 Marco Ramazzotti

Table I:C. Spatial distribution of the 50 clay figurines Early Syrian breakages. © La Sapienza University of Rome
ARCHEOSEMA Digital Archive.

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 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014

Table I:D. Spatial distribution of the 50 clay figurines, Old Syrian breakages. © La Sapienza University of Rome
ARCHEOSEMA Digital Archive.

45
 Marco Ramazzotti

A. Clay Mimesis of archaic religious images (TM83G400 and

TM94P666). (© La Sapienza University of Rome, Missione Archeo-
logica Italiana in Siria)

B) Clay Mimesis of the most popular sacred images (TM88R035 and TM08P2-916). (©
La Sapienza University of Rome, Missione Archeologica Italiana in Siria)

TM64B35
TM92P256
TM95P260

C) Clay Mimesis of the kingship symbols (TM64B35 and TM95P260) and actions
(TM93P340 and TM92P256). (© La Sapienza University of Rome, Missione
Archeologica Italiana in Siria)

Table II TM93P340

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 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014

came a professional medium to display a “potential for life.” Finally, the element of the Apsû–clay is elimi-
automation” of the real world.19 Thus we could hy- nated altogether in the Enuma Elish,41 when mankind
pothesize that the role of these infinite reproductions will be created with only the blood of Kingu’s corpse,
was that of collective copies created for some function the sacrificed rebel god. In this epic it seems that the
during important rites, or to remain as memory signs, clay matter of creation has been transfigured into an
games, and/or allusions in daily life.20 amalgam of the vital essence of humanity, adopting
a function and a role that is easily understandable if
The Chemical and Physical Analysis of the Ebla analyzed from the point of view of original sin as the
Clay Figurines foundation of human life and as the separation between
Preliminary spectroscopic analysis realized in col- god and humans. In this Babylonian world clay always
laboration with CiSTEC at La Sapienza University appears as the material and the ideal of every creation
of Rome by Professor Maria Laura Santarelli gave us process. It is—in other words—a unique coexistence
the opportunity to analyze the technical aspects of the of values, ethics, and technologies that comprise allu-
Early Syrian and Old clay figurine breakages and their sive and metaphorical images, historical and meta-his-
topographic localizations, but the present analysis re- torical subjects. Clay is indeed a plastic material. How-
veals a new side to the political assessment of the city, ever, both in the Sumerian and Akkadian texts, clay
where the figurines became “clay images of people.”32 is not linguistically distinguished from mud. Modeling
Our preliminary report on these Ebla figurines, which clay was used for the first Neolithic molded skull: the
were richly embellished, has focused on the Sumerian skull was removed from the face of the dead and was
concepts of clay as “creation matter” and as “molding replaced by a plaster mask that reproduced the lines
technology.”33 and attributes of the face, modifying and embellish-
ing some details (Jericho, Palestine).42 The sun–dried
The Chaîne Opératoire of the Early Syrian and Old clay statues of Ain Ghazal in Jordan are exceptional
Syrian Coroplastic Production coroplastic discoveries, which are already statuary, a
In the Sumerian tradition of the poem Enki and Nin- coroplastic object that does not have miniature pro-
makh, Nammu, the mother of every god, pulls out the portions, but nevertheless was discovered in contexts
clay from the Apsû (The Primeval Ocean)34 in order to where there were miniature, handmade human and
put it in the matrix of the first man. This matrix, which animal figurines.43 The clay mask that transfigures the
was created by Enki Nu.dím.mud,35 the artificer, will be face of the dead and the clay reproductions of the fam-
used to make man a replicable “Automa” assigned to ily are archetypes, which, with plastic manipulation,
serve the gods, to obtain food for them, and to placate gave the dead features from life, therefore the passage
their wrath.36 In this myth, the animation of the Automa between the two—the mask and the copy44—were two
through the life–giving breath of Ninmakh seems to of the most important nodes in the later consecration
create a solution for Enki’s laziness.37 This laziness is rites of divine statues.45 In any case, the link between
apparently incompatible with his well-known official these theoretical, literary, and aesthetic notions can be
status as Enki ‘the wise,’’ but perhaps here it is evident identified in the Samarra figurines from Niniveh and
that in myth-genesis every contradiction should be re- Choga Mami, in the so-called Neolithic pillar figurines
solved. Wisdom and guile are universal values of the from Tell Bouqras, in the Yarim Tepe II anthropomor-
intellect, but they are also able to invent human slav- phic vessels, and later on in the snake-headed figurines
ery.38 Later, in the Curse of Akkad,39 one of the most of southern Mesopotamia dated to the end of the Ubaid
potent invectives against those whose commit sacrilege period from Uruk, Oueili, Uqair, Ubaid, Ur, and Eridu.
to injure the Ekur of Nippur (the House Temple of En- This is a homogeneous group of 20 hybrid figurines
lil founded at the beginning of creation) is: “May your discovered out of their original contexts, apart from
clay return to its Apsû; may it be clay cursed by Enki!” the Ur and Eridu copies, which were found in buri-
Afterwards, in the Atramhasis,40 the Akkadian poem als. The long heads, the almond-shaped eyes, the large
dated to the Hammurabi period, the birth–giver belet– shoulders, and the long legs are formal indices of the
ili is given instructions by Ea to mix the flesh and blood transformation of natural, human proportions: these
of a god with clay to produce mankind; and so the clay elements make the body a model for a metamorphic
itself will be kneaded with the flesh and the blood of change that, in this case, has been associated with a
a sacrificed god, as if to emphasize a sort of “sacrifice primeval aspect of Ninghizzida, the snake lord of the

47
 Marco Ramazzotti

earth and the netherworld.46 The metamorphism of period, it is possible to reconstruct the semantic unity
these subjects depends on controlled manipulation of of the subjects (pars pro toto): the wheel of a ceremo-
some details that could have had ideographic values nial wagon, the instrument of a musician, the repre-
(the faces, the eyes, the shoulders, the legs and the sentative standard, the sex of the man and the woman,
arms). This kind of alteration will be preserved through the human or deity’s headgear, and so on. The impact
millennia as a technique to make the metamorphic clay of the agricultural revolution on the times and modes
figurines a sort of prosthesis of ostensible reality.47 of the mass production of the clay figurines should not
The well-known, ideological link between Mesopota- be forgotten or neglected.57 However, the “symbolic
mia and northern Syria has recently been detailed on a revolution” behind these images seems to be extended
cognitive level.48 But this link also is well documented to such a large geographical area that it is inappropri-
by some imported clay figurines of the Early Bronze ate to suggest an historical and cultural epicenter for
age probably coming from the central Euphrates re- human clay reproduction as an aesthetic aptitude,58
gion and by the extraordinary iconographic analogy the aptitude to organize shapes by integrating and ag-
between the Ubaid Mesopotamian clay figurines with gregating elements as intelligible signs. At the same
almond-shaped eyes and two Eblaite figurines respec- time, the high variability of attributes and subjects rep-
tively from the Royal Palace G (TM93P589) and from resented renders questionable the hypothesis that most
the Area P (TM92P290).49 of the ancient clay figurines were related to the first
administrative processes59 or dedicated to the mother
Theoretical Approaches to the Visual and Tactile goddess, to the fecundity of nature, and inspired by the
Meaning of the Ebla Clay Figurines family nucleus, intended as a microcosm of the whole
The miniature, or the idea of reproducing every subject society.60 If this were the case, why the high frequency
of the imagination on a miniature scale, seems to be an of clay figurines in pre-urban, archeological contexts
ahistorical characteristic of perception,50 which in the and in the semi-nomadic, nomadic, and other scattered
Near Eastern visual cultures becomes a tactile experi- modern ethnographic groups? Why also the clay imita-
ence.51 In this specific sense the Ebla clay figurines tion of games, furnishings, hybrids, omens, and, more
represent an extraordinary corpus,52 since they can generally, many subjects and objects that frequently
be studied as a contextual urban system of artefacts fall outside the control of our classification categories?
closely related both chronologically and culturally to In these reproductions an inner geometry is continu-
the Mesopotamian psychical and technological mi- ously translated, but into different shapes; the clothes
lieu.53 In the ancient myths of the Near East, clay is the are diversified but not exclusive; the roles are alluded
matter, the matrix, and, at the same time, the body of to but not the hierarchy; the sexual attributes are al-
the shape, as we say, the figure and substance of nature. most always emphasized, but not the sexuality.61 More-
Clay provides the possibility of replicating the one in over, the use of agglutination and incision of signs on
the many, the copy and its twins, the unique and the di- standard clay models was the most useful, technical,
verse. Nevertheless, when we pass from this metaphor and cognitive way to record action and desire on more
that lives in mythopoietic thought54 and organizes the profound, consolidated images of authority and insti-
daily life of ancient people55 to consider the physical tutions and to transfer these consolidated images to a
properties of the clay, our attention is captured by its living communication system.62 Starting from the clay
plastic essence, and we see the infinite forms that every replica of the human world, the silent or non-verbal
lump of earth can take. It is as if the earth clod gave miniature replica of physical and metaphysical beings,
the hands also the capability of creation, modeling, it also will be possible to distinguish a figurative world
and replication.56 Starting from the Samarra, Halaf, from a non-figurative world, to reduce the world to
and Ubaid periods, the additional elements that were a manual scale, and to make the hands’ action on the
molded, painted, impressed, and incised into the clay clay an extension of human effectiveness on the pres-
surfaces are the essence of the figure. These function as ent, on the past, and on the future, avoiding any written
ideograms adapted to a model that seems standardized. “dramatic” distinction between peoples and authority.
These applications, impressions, and incisions are so In fact, in the ancient Near East we can identify his-
typical of the Sumerian image perception and cogni- torically what we call image63 in our western culture
tion that observing one single part both of the minia- many centuries later, probably reaching back to the
ture composite statues and clay figurines of the Uruk Old Akkadian period when the word salmu ִ translated
48
 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014

from the Sumerian term ALAM denotes indifferently tion as creation began the mimesis of the physical and
the representations of gods, kings, and human beings, metaphysical worlds, first in Mesopotamia and later in
as well as demons.64 Since we considered the concept Syria. In fact, between creation and mimesis is located
of “clay as matter creation” a human cognitive code for the space of a rapid aesthetic transformation of these
the reproduction and imitation of the human world, our cultures and their communication systems.
proposal has been to verify how and where reproduc-
Notes
1
The ARCHEOSEMA project (Geographic Information Systems and Artificial Adaptive Systems for the analysis
of Complex Phenomena) of La Sapienza University of Rome, Department of Antiquities (Ramazzotti 2012c, pp.
6–10) gave me the financial support and the epistemological occasion to participate at the San Francisco workshop
“Figuring Out: The Figurines of The Ancient Near East” organized by Stephanie Langin-Hooper (Ramazzotti 2012c,
pp. 6–10; Ramazzotti, forthcoming c). This interdisciplinary workshop provided me with the opportunity to present a
preliminary synthesis on Early Syrian (Early Bronze) and Old Syrian (Middle Bronze) clay figurines from Ebla-Tell
Mardikh (Northern Syria), bringing together different ideas, concepts and materials that I began to collect after the
interdisciplinary congress Argilla. Storie di Terra Cruda organized by me and by Giovanni Greco in Rome (25–26
May 2007: Ramazzotti – Greco 2011). For these reasons, I would like to thank Paolo Matthiae, Director of the Ebla
Archaeological Mission for giving me the precious opportunity of studying these mostly unedited objects coming
from the Ebla archaeological excavations; Armando Montanari, geographer of La Sapienza University of Rome, for his
continuous support; Maria Laura Santarelli, engineer of La Sapienza University of Rome and coordinator of CISTEC
(Laboratory of La Sapienza for materials and buildings techniques) for the chemical-physical analysis of the Ebla mud
and clay world and Luca Deravignone and Irene Viaggiu, members of ‘Archeosema Archaeological Group’ for the
geographical formalization and the spatial analysis on the Ebla Coroplastic Corpus (ECC) and, of course, Stephanie
Langin-Hooper for inviting me to participate at this stimulating scientific and interdisciplinary workshop.
2
In terms of absolute chronology, according to the so-called conventional Middle Chronology, the conquest of the
first Ebla at the end of Early Bronze IV and the high Early Syrian period took place around 2300 B.C., while at the end
of Early Bronze IVB and the late Early Syrian period, the destruction of the second Ebla should date from the years
around 2000 B.C. The destruction of the third Ebla resulted in a catastrophic end of the urban life of the settlement
in the final years of Middle Bronze II at the end of the classic Old Syrian period (Matthiae 1995, pp. 13–135). This
probably took place immediately before the fall of Babylon in 1595 B.C., which meant the end of the Old Babylonian
period in Southern Mesopotamia (Matthiae 2009, pp. 165–205, p. 165, footnote 3).
3
See Ramazzotti 2003, pp. 15–71; Ramazzotti 2009a, pp. 193–202.
4
See Ramazzotti 2011c, pp. 16–19. The problem of the identification of imported images could partially be solved
with the chemical–physical analysis of the figurine’s clay to determine its provenience; in any case the local imita-
tion of foreign figurative models was also part of Ebla’s aesthetic culture, deeply related to the lexical and conceptual
translation of Sumerian and Early Dynastic written and visual documents. Ramazzotti 2010b, pp. 309–326; Ramaz-
zotti 2013, pp. 161–216.
Therefore, the plastic mold of “matter creation” began to copy the observed reality that the producer, free from the
5

constraints and suggestions of customers, imagined in the clay. From our contemporary point of view, so deeply im-
mersed in virtual communication, in the landscape of what is potential in nature, and in a world still oriented by the
mass media, this miniature world, a tactile link between reality and imagination, appears far away and pervaded by
abstractions and incongruities. However its ideographic character, its metamorphic physical structure and its ‘genetic’
hybridism reveals a tactile (and to us anachronistic) continuity between the similar and diverse, life and death, present
and past. Ramazzotti 2011d, pp. 9–20; Ramazzotti 2012b, pp. 346–375; Ramazzotti 2013, pp. 48-69.
6
We can suppose for this production not only faster, and almost industrial, firing methods that reduced the quality
of the products, but also the influence of a specific role probably related to some pervasive religious cults, such as the
Ishtar cult was at Ebla and Hadad at Aleppo. See Matthiae 2003b, pp. 381–402.
7
The Early Syrian clay figurine typology has been proposed for Hama J: 1–6 (Fugmann 1958; Badre 1980, pp. 180),
for the Orontes area (Badre 1980, pp. 52–54), for Tell Afis (Scandone Matthiae 1998, pp. 385–414; Scandone Matthi-
ae 2002, pp. 16–18), for Umm el Marra (Petty 2007) for Tell Halawa and Tell Chuera (Meyer 2008, pp. 349–363), for
Selenkahiye (Liebowitz 1988), for Tell Mumbaka-Ekalte (Czichon and Werner 1998), for Tell es-Sweyhat (Holland

49
 Marco Ramazzotti

1976, pp. 36–60), for Habuba Kebira (Heinrich et al 1970, pp. 27–85). The Ebla clay figurines were only preliminarily
analyzed by Marchetti 2001, pp. 27–32; 62–64; 85–87 and Peyronel 2008, pp. 787–806.
8
For the hybrid clay figurines dated to the Halaf and Ubaid period see Breniquet 2001, pp. 45–55.
9
For the naturalistic clay representation in miniature scale of the Uruk period from Warka see Ziegler 1962; Wrede
1990, pp. 215–301; Wrede 1991; Wrede 2003.
10
On the political and economic character of the ‘Second Urban Revolution’ in northern Mesopotamia see Ramaz-
zotti 2002, pp. 651–752; Ramazzotti 2003, pp. 15–71; Ramazzotti 2009a, pp. 193–202.
11
For the relative chronology of the Old Syrian Period based on historical, cultural and material cultural data see
Nigro 2002b, pp. 297–328; Matthiae 2006c, pp. 39–51; Marchetti 2007, pp. 247–253; Matthiae 2007, pp. 6–33;
Pinnock 2007, pp. 457–472.
Marchetti 2000a, pp. 839–867; Marchetti 2000b, pp. 117–132; Marchetti 2001; Marchetti 2003, pp. 390–420;
12

Marchetti 2007, pp. 247–283; Marchetti 2009, pp. 279–296; Di Michele 2010, pp. 145–154.
13
Moreover during the Old Syrian period the human figurines are fashioned on standard schemes underlining their
measures, proportions and sometimes social roles. Matthiae 1965, pp. 81–103; Baffi 1979, pp. 9–18; Marchetti 2000a,
pp. 839–867; Marchetti 2000b, pp. 17–132; Marchetti 2001; Marchetti 2007, pp. 247–283.
14
Ramazzotti 2009b, pp. 54–65; Ramazzotti 2011b, pp. 341–375.
15
Dolce 1999, pp. 293–304; Dolce 2001, pp. 11–28; Archi aned Biga 2003, pp. 1–44.
16
Some figurines dated to the Early Bronze IVB period were discovered in Area T (Matthiae 1993) and in the so–
called Phase I of the Archaic Palace (Matthiae 2006a); recently some painted animals and human clay figurines were
found in the Area HH where the ‘Temple of the Rock’ is located (Matthiae 2006b, pp. 447–493; Ramazzotti 2009, pp.
12–15). For some chronological aspects related to the EBIVB–MB transition at Ebla see Dolce 2008, pp. 171–194;
Matthiae 2008, pp. 5–32.
17
Like the so-called “undressed goddess”, the “nude goddess with hands on her breasts” or the “doves of the goddess”
closely related to the popular, rather than official, Old Babylonian and Old Syrian religious tradition. Pinnock 2000,
pp. 127–134.
18
Matthiae 2001, pp. 272–281.
19
The case of the Early Dynastic, Early Syrian and then Old Babylonian, Old Syrian, and Middle Elamite wagons
is typical; they are mobile, multi–sensory miniatures with tactile, visual, and sometimes olfactory functions. Each
mechanism is activated by humans and is built as a harmonic integration of single parts (wheels, hubs, bodies, ropes).
The parts are decorated with specific attributes (incised, applied. and integrated), which exhibit the complexity of a
unitary project, or of a copy or simulation. A project that was probably planned in order to emulate, to memorize. or
to reproduce ceremonial processions, on a different scale and in a different space–time dimension, like the ceremony
attested in the L. 2769 Archive at Ebla, where the couple of divine, formally-dressed statues of Kura and Barama were
certainly borne on a chariot drawn by oxen during the royal ritual. Matthiae 2007, pp. 270–311.
20
Like the 2nd millennium Ishtar rite of Mari, where the hierarchical positions of the precious statues of deities were
probably fixed in order to be seen. Following an Early Dynastic tradition from the Early Syrian period, many cult
objects were transported inside chapels (DAGx) according to Biga (Biga 2006, pp.19–39), or sacred niches, such as
the Ishkara image that we recently supposed was originally located in the painted niche of Building FF2 (Ramazzotti
and Di Ludovico 2011, pp. 66–80; 2012, pp. 287–302); otherwise, in the contemporary Mesopotamian tradition these
images of gods were set “upon” a seat in a temple so their surfaces could reflect (more than absorb) the light to render
the physical emanation of the Sumerian (ME-LAM2) and Akkadian (melammu) as a sort of ‘aura’ according to Winter
1994, pp. 123–132.
21
Ramazzotti 2011c, pp. 16–19.
22
For a detailed analysis of this turtle discovered at Ebla see Marchetti 2009, pp. 275–296.
23
The interpretation of the ancient Near East clay figurines is strictly related to the very different ‘anthropomorphic’
methods used for their classification see Van Buren 1931; Ucko 1962, pp. 38–54; Ellis 1967, pp. 51–61; Klengel and

50
 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014

Brandt 1967, pp. 19–28; Barrelet 1968; Hrouda, Braun, Holzinger 1981, pp. 61–67; Green 1983, pp. 87–96; Pinch
1983, pp. 405–414; Reiner 1988; Gimbutas 1989; Wiggerman 1986; 1992; Sycket 1992b, pp. 183–196; Pinch 1993;
Brentijes 1994, pp. 15–18; Klengel and Brandt 1995, pp. 114–118; Ucko 1996, pp. 300–304; Tringham and Conkey
1998; Braun and Holzinger 1999, pp. 149–172; Pruß 2000, pp. 51–63; Pruß and Novák 2000, pp. 84–195; Malul
2001, pp. 353–367; Assante 2002, pp. 1–29; Nigro 2002a, pp. 1–11; King and Underhill 2002, pp. 707–714; Reade
2002, pp. 174–164; Martinez and Séve 2003, pp. 48–59; Marchetti 2003, pp. 247–283; Nakamura 2004, pp. 11–25;
Moorey 2005; Kuijt and Chesson 2005, pp. 152–174; Meyer 2008, pp. 349–363; Abusch 2008, pp. 373–385; Waraksa
2008; Marchetti 2009, pp. 279–296; Pinch 2009; Waraksa 2009; Paradiso and Colantoni 2010, pp. 323–330; Ramazzotti,
Deravignone,Viaggiu, forthcoming; Ramazzotti, forthcoming a; Ramazzotti, forthcoming d; Ramazzotti 2013, pp.
31-69.
24
See Meyer 2008, pp. 349–363.
25
See Marchetti and Nigro 1997, pp. 1–44; Marchetti and Nigro 2000, pp. 245–287.
26
Marchetti 2009, pp. 279–296.
27
Many inductions of cult images and “many rituals of constitution and installation” were attested in Mesopotamia
from the end of the third Millennium, and a special verb meaning ‘to give birth’ (sum. tud; akk. waladu) is used for
the creation of statues, rather than the verb ‘to make’ (DIM2). see Walker and Dick 1999, pp. 55–122; Winter 2000a,
pp. 129–162.
28
Ramazzotti 2008a, pp. 191–205; 2009c, pp. 12–15; 2010, pp. 581–597.
29
Peyronel 2008, pp. 787–806.
30
Matthiae 2006b, pp. 447–493.
31
We can consider the documented existence of some institutional rituals as official occasions also to realize clay
reproductions. Examples are the monkey sacrifice at Mari and the equids sacrifice at Umm al-Marra. On the particu-
lar importance of equids in Syria during the Early Bronze Age Period see Biga 2007, pp. 125–151; for the supposed
equids ritual dated to the Early Bronze Age period see Schwartz 2006, pp. 603–641; Schwartz 2007, pp. 39–68.
32
Common everywhere as ‘Volksgeister’ media of an inner communication inspired and supplied by the people’s
“common sense,” sometimes intimate without explicit ideological constraints of the authorities, other times the quite
instinctive reproduction of the real world as mysterious requests or questions for the venerated deities. For the ar-
chaeological context and the interpretation of the unbaked clay figurines discovered in the Favissa P. 9301 of Temple
HH2 related to the Middle Bronze Age see Lisella 2010, pp. 821–836.
33
Two MSAE (Materiali e Studi di Archeologia Eblaita) volumes related to about 4,500 fragments of Old Syrian
Period clay figurines discovered at Ebla from 1981 to 2001 (a corpus that follows Marchetti’s publication on the clay
figurines discovered at Ebla between 1964 and 1980) is in preparation by the author (Ramazzotti, forthcoming b).
34
The Apsû is usually intended as the ‘Primeval Ocean’ (Green 1978, pp. 127–167; Sjöberg 1994, pp. 202; Horowitz
1998, pp. 335) sustaining the Earthly and Kingship order (Ramazzotti 2009b, pp. 54–59), although the etymology of
the word is still uncertain (Lambert 1997, pp. 75–77)
35
The clay of the Apsû is plastic since the primeval ocean waters give the earth plasticity and therefore different
images and shapes can be molded. In this specific character of the Apsû we should understand the epithet Nu.dím.mud
(image fashioner, god of shaping) and this attribute gave Enki the protection of artisans and craftsmen. See Jacobsen
1971, pp. 111; Cavigneaux and Krebernik 1998–2001, pp. 607.
36
We cannot exclude a particular version of the myth centered on the spontaneous birth of man from the Earth; in a
second moment Enlil “broke through the cast of the earth with his newly created pickaxe so that the first man devel-
oped below could ‘sprout forth.’” Kramer 1974, p. 5.
See Kramer 1970, pp. 103–110; Kramer and Maier 1989, pp. 3–10; Cooper 1989, pp. 87–89; Black and Green
37

1992, pp. 75–76; Farber-Flügge 1995, pp. 287–292; Hallo 1996, pp. 231–234; Espak 2006.
The first attempt by Enki to create mankind produces a visibly defective humanity of imperfect creatures; but the
38

God will assign them a specific destiny (ME) and these ME will be existential archetypes of the human being. See

51
 Marco Ramazzotti

Castellino 1959, pp. 25–32; Oberhuber 1963, pp. 3–16; Farber-Flügge 1973; Matthiae 1984, pp. 7–37.
39
Cooper 1983.
40
Lambert and Millard 1999; Wilcke 1999, pp. 63–112.
41
Maul 2000, pp. 23–34.
42
Strouhal 1973; Ferembach 1977, pp. 179–181; Bienert 1991, pp. 9–23; Ramazzotti 2003, pp. 444–448; Ramazzotti
2012b, pp. 346–375.
43
Rollefson 1986, pp. 45–52.
44
Statues were also the object of recurrent renewal rites, such as the annual replacement of the silver mask that
covered the statue of Kura at Ebla during the Early Syrian period. See, pp. Archi 2005, pp. 81–100; Archi 2010, pp.
3–17.
45
Ramazzotti 2010b, pp. 309–326.
46
Breniquet 2001, pp. 45–55.
47
“The driving emotion in the making of these images was fear of bodily harm and an effort to find protection through
the representation of the relevant superhuman figure.” Porada 1995a, p. 10.
On the figurative and cognitive relationship between the Mesopotamian Ubaid snake-headed human figurine and
48

Old Syrian clay figurines from Ebla see Ramazzotti 2011, pp. 345–376.
49
On the ideological relationship between the kingships of Ur and Ebla see Ramazzotti 2012b, pp. 346–375.
50
For the logic of perception see Damerow 1996; Damerow 1998, pp. 247–269.
51
Bailey 2005; Bailey, Cocjrane,Zambelli 2010; Ramazzotti and Greco 2011.
52
The catalogues of the ancient Near East clay figurines from Syria, Mesopotamia and Egypt: Heuzey 1882; Legrain
1930; van Buren 1930; Opificius 1961; Ziegler 1962; Ucko 1968; Klengel-Brandt 1978; Littauer and Crowel 1979; Ba-
dre 1980; Wrede 1990, pp. 215–301; Wrede 1991, pp. 151–177; Pruß 1996; Spycket 1992a; Auerbach 1994; D’Amore
1998, pp. 75–98; Marchetti 2001; Moorey 2005; Teeter 2010; Pinnock 2011.
53
Matthiae 1965, pp. 81–103; Baffi 1979, pp. 9–18; Marchetti 2000a, pp. 839–867; Pinnock 2000, pp. 127–134;
Matthiae 2001, pp. 272–281; Marchetti 2009, pp. 279–296; Lisella 2010, pp. 821–836; Paradiso and Colantoni 2010,
pp. 323–330.
54
On the literary, aesthetic, and cognitive concept of the “thought that creates myths” see Frankfort 1948; Frankfort
1950; Groenewegen-Frankfort 1951; Jacobsen 1971; Frankfort 1992a, pp. 3–21; Frankfort 1992b, pp. 47–69; Frank-
fort et al 1946; 1949; Matthiae 1984; Matthiae 2003a, pp. 3–14. On the religious, cosmological, and literary texts
related to the “thought that creates myths” in ancient Mesopotamia see Kramer 1964, pp. 149–142; Kramer 1972;
Jacobsen 1976; Lambert 1975, pp. 42–65; Bottéro and Kramer 1992; Foster 1993; Lambert 1995, pp. 1825–1835;
Black et al 2004.
55
The historical reconstruction of the so-called “thought of the people” from the ancient Near Eastern archaeological
documents is, of course, both a political and technical problem. I am convinced that the clay figurines will constitute
an important set of data on which to build a “common sense” interpretation of propaganda and reduce historical re-
construction exclusively linked to the rhetoric of the ancient kingships. Here the use of “people” as an ambitious and
complex heuristic category is acknowledged by Samuel Noah Kramer’s (Kramer 1964) and Peter Roger Stuart Moo-
rey’s (Moorey 2003) pioneer works that philologically and archaeologically explored the natural limits of the textual,
material, and aesthetic data.
56
In this ancient repetition of manual creation and in its organization, some art historians have seen “La Vie des
formes.” On the other hand, cultures have always been considered more material the more they are tied to the Earth,
and the more they are able to touch and model the earth. Material, in any case, is an ambiguous word, difficult to un-
derstand outside its human historiography. Ramazzotti 2010a, pp. 50–87.
57
Cauvin 1994, Cauvin 2000.
58
For the specific character of this ‘aesthetic aptitude’ in the southeastern European Neolithic see Bailey 2005.

52
 Occasional Papers in Coroplastic Studies 1, 2014
59
In particular see Schmandt-Besserat 1992, 1996.
60
In particular see Gimbutas 1982, 1989, 1991. For a different model and quite opposite views see Ucko 1968, where
the cultic role of the mother-goddess has been strongly criticized.
61
On a more specific “gender approach” to the Near East clay figurines see Assante 2006, pp. 183; Pruß 2002, pp.
537–545; McCaffrey 2002, pp. 379–391; Garcia-Ventura and López-Bertran 2010, pp. 739–749.
On this specific cognitive character of the ancient Mesopotamian figurative system see Ramazzotti 2010b, pp.
62

309–326; Ramazzotti, forthcoming a.

63
On the ancient visual communication systems in the Babylonian cultures see Jacobsen 1987, pp. 1–11; Cooper
1990, pp. 109–116; Michalowski 1990, pp. 53–69; Winter 1995, pp. 2569–2580; Postgate 1994, pp. 176–184; Frank-
fort 1992b, pp. 47–69; Porada 1995b, pp. 2695–2714; Amiet 1997, pp. 321–337; Walken-Dijk 1999, pp. 55–122;
Winter 2002, pp. 3–28; Bahrani 2002, pp. 15–22; Winter 2003, pp. 403–421; Bahrani 2003; Ramazzotti 2005, pp.
511–565; Winter 2007, pp. 117–142; Matthiae 2007, pp. 270–311; Ramazzotti 2007, pp. 7–20; Bahrani 2008, pp.
155–170; Ramazzotti 2011a, pp. 19–37; Ramazzotti 2013, pp.161-216.
64
This will be the only definition both for the statues and for the stelae (sum. NA-RÚ-A; akk. from Sumerian loan:
narû). For the stelae concept in the Ebla documents see Archi 1998, pp. 5–24.

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Marco Ramazzotti
Sapienza Università di Roma
[email protected]

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 Association for Coroplastic Studies 2014
Officers
Jaimee Uhlenbrock, President
Stéphanie Huysecom-Haxhi, Vice-President
Theodora Kopestonsky, Secretary

Executive Board
Marina Albertocchi
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Book Review Editors

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Michael Anthony Fowler, Assistant Book Review Editor

Newsletter Editors
Alexander Nagel, Nos. 1 to 3
Jaimee Uhlenbrock, Nos. 4 to 11

Webmaster
Christine Aubry

The Association for Coroplastic Studies (ACoST) grew out of the Coroplastic Studies Interest Group (CSIG). Origi-
nally organized in 2007 as an Interest Group of the Archaeological Institute of America, the CSIG took its name
from the word koroplastes,which in Greek antiquity was the term used for a modeler of images in clay. In view of
the broad international membership that comprised the CSIG by 2012 and its over 200 members it was decided to
separate from the Archaeological Institute of America and become an independant entity. Elections for officers and
an Executive Board were held in 2012 and, after considerable deliberation, the name Association for Coroplastic
Studies (ACoST) was adopted. ACoST members have organized conference sessions, conferences, symposia, col-
loquia, and a summer school on coroplastic studies, all focusing on coroplastic research. Currently, in 2014, 250
members from 21 countries around the world are conducting research on archaeological, historical, sociological,
medical, religious, technical, and/or art historical issues pertaining to sculptural objects in made in clay.
http://www.coroplasticstudies.org

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