DR.

RAM MANOHAR LOHIYA

NATIONAL LAW UNIVERSITY

POLITICAL SCIENCE
Project

NAXALISM IN INDIA

SUBMITTED TO: SUBMITTED BY:

DR. MONIKA SRIVASTAVA Sidhant Kampani
ASST.PROFESSOR 190101146
RMLNLU I Semester

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 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I would take great pleasure in thanking Assistant Professor
Dr. Monika Srivastava for her infallible support all through
the course of this project. This Endeavour would not have
been in its present shape had she not been there whenever
I needed her. She has been a constant source of support all
the while.
Also I would like to extend my sincere thanks to the library
staff for always helping me out with finding excellent
books and material almost every time I needed. They too
have been a constant support system in the completion of
this project.
I would also like to thank my friends for their timely critical
analysis of my work and special feedback that worked
towards the betterment of this work.

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS

SR NO. TOPIC PAGE NO.

1. INTRODUCTION 4

2. NAXALITE 9

3. CAUSES 12

4. WEAKNESS OF THE STATE AND ITS RESPONSE 14

TO THE NAXALITE CHALLENGE

5. SOLUTION 26

6. CONCLUSION 30

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 INTRODUCTION
The Naxalite–Maoist insurgency is an ongoing conflict between
Maoist groups, known as Naxalite or Naxals, and the Indian
government. The conflict in its present form began after the
2004 formation of the CPI (Maoist), a rebel group composed of
the PWG (People's War Group), and the MCC (Maoist
Communist Centre). In January 2005 talks between the Andhra
Pradesh state government and the CPI-Maoists broke down and
the rebels accused authorities of not addressing their demands
for a written truce, release of prisoners and redistribution of
land. The ongoing conflict has taken place over a vast territory
(around half of India's 28 states) with hundreds of people being
killed annually in clashes between the CPI-Maoists and the
government every year since 2005.

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 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
 What is the ideology of naxalism?

 What are its causes?

 What are the solutions?

OBJECTIVE
To study weakness of state and its response to naxalite
challenge.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
The researcher has relied on ‘Doctrinal methodology’ i.e. the
method of my analysis is descriptive and analytical. While
researching on the topic, various books and internet sources
have been consulted. For thorough study of project topic, all the
possible means and reasons have been used.

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 BACKDROP
On April 21 2010 Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
repeated his message that estimated Left-wing Extremism as the
gravest internal security threat for the country. This was said
two weeks after the worst Maoist attack, where 76 security men
were killed in an ambush in the Dantewada District of
Chhattisgarh. This recent event is the culminating point of a
long persistent escalation process.

In the light of China’s emerging markets and its gradual turning

away from communist ideology, it seems surprising that after
the end of the Cold War a Maoist movement is challenging the
Indian state. Indeed, it is actually deeply rooted in the Indian
context and not a new phenomenon, as the Indian state faces the
problem of left revolutionary violence since more than 4
decades.

However, the conflict has obtained a new quality over the recent
years. Even though India is challenged by several conflicts, the
Maoist insurgency can be regarded as one of the most serious

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 threats, in terms of the level of violence, the amount of
embattled territory as well as its complexity. In addition, India’s
other conflicts, namely Kashmir and the North East are located
in its periphery, the Naxal one is fought in its heartland. The
armed group that is challenging the Indian state follows Maoist
ideology and calls them self Naxalites. The term stems from the
small village Naxalbari in West Bengal where 1967 a violent
uprising of exploited and discontented peasants in collaboration
with communist activists took place. This event marks the
beginning of the organised armed struggle and the beginning of
the political movement.

Today, the territory where the Maoists are engaged stretches

from the Nepalese Border to the northern parts of Kerala. The
Indian Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) states that 223 districts
in 20 states are affected. Seven of these states are severely
affected within the public discourse this particular region is
referred to as red corridor and comprises the least developed and
poorest regions of India with a noticeable high amount of tribal
population (Adivasis), Untouchables (Dalits) and other

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 vulnerable groups. The poor, exploited and discontented are
mobilized by the Maoist leadership. That is why so major
parts of these affected territories are under the firm control of
Maoists and they receive huge support from the inhabited
population. At the same time the state is badly equipped and
underdeveloped. It does not fulfill its ideally basic
responsibilities; the administrative and governmental structures
in the affected states are paralyzed by inefficiency and
corruption.

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 THE NAXALITE
The term ‘Maoist’ has now become part of the Indian lexicon. It
refers to people in an organization which has as its goal the
overthrow of India’s constitutional structure through force and
the establishment of a dictatorship on the lines enunciated by
Mao Zedong in China. The term Naxalite is also used for the
Maoist as the movement originated in the Naxalbari block of
Siliguri sub-division in Darjeeling district of West Bengal. The
social base of the movement varies in different states. At some
places, it comprises peasants with small or nil landholdings and
to lesser extent, middle peasants. At others, it consists of tribals.
At still others, it is an amalgamation of the above, along with
other marginalized sections of society. In caste terms, the base
of the movement consists of lower and intermediate castes. This
applies to the Hindu as well as Muslim communities. The
leadership of the movement is largely from the upper castes and

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 classes and to a large extent is Andhra Pradesh centric.

To most of the common people who form part of the movement,

the term Naxalite has come to represent a movement or struggle
for basic rights. The testimonies convey an anti-system
sentiment and suggest that the Naxalites have a fair idea of the
important components of their struggle for basic rights as well as
knowledge of their opponents—the government machinery,
landlords, upper classes, big business houses and the like. In
their self-identity, therefore, the Naxalites clearly see themselves
as individuals who have chosen a path which clashes with the
existing order. In their view, their struggle for basic rights has
met with fierce opposition and condemnation which has turned
their ‘right’ into a ‘wrong’ in the eyes of a large part of the
world. They generally disassociate themselves from the wrongs
that are commonly attributed to the movement to the extent that
they may distance themselves from the term itself. They define
who they are by who they are not and in so doing; affirm the
positive values of the Naxalite movement.

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At the lower levels, the ideological factor of Maoism is clearly
missing. In the Adivasi homeland where the movement is
centered, one cannot but notice a disconnect between what the
tribals seek and what the Maoists provide. Few Adivasis have
heard of Mao Zedong or care for what he stood for and did. The
leadership, however, is still centred on the teachings of Mao and
is using the tribal people to further their own agenda.

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 CAUSES OF NAXALISM
The region, over which the Naxalites have established their
presence, is marked by widespread poverty, corruption,
unemployment, lack of development, poor governance and an
under-equipped police force. In many of these areas, the state
machinery either does not exist or has a very limited existence.
Naxalites fill the vacuum and exploit the poor performance of
the institutions of governance on issues such as land rights,
minimum wages, education and anti-corruption. In some areas
they have assumed many of the tasks of the state and run a
parallel administration. The major causes for growth of naxalism
are as follows:-

 Social Inequalities. Atrocities, subjugation, discriminatory

treatment of dalits and lower caste peasants by the upper
caste landlords continue to be very common in naxalite
affected parts of the country.

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 Economic Deprivation. There is extreme poverty and utter
lack of economic development in many parts of the
country. The landlords do not follow the stipulated
minimum wage rule as laid down by the government.

 Infrastructure Inadequacies. The areas affected by the naxal

movement are one of the richest in terms of natural
resources. Even then, these areas have not seen any
infrastructure development and continue to remain
neglected by the authorities.

 Tribal and Forest Policies. The primitive methods of

cultivation have left the tribal people economically fear
behind in comparison with other peasants. The tribals have
been denied their traditional means of livelihood and hence,
their only means of survival has been taken away from
them in the name of our forest policies.

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  Inadequate Governance. It is a known fact that in many of
these areas, there is no governance at all and the state and
civil administrative infrastructure is virtually non-existent.

WEAKNESS OF THE STATE AND ITS

RESPONSE TO THE NAXALITE
CHALLENGE

Crises of governance and Challenge for the State

The success of the Maoist movement is deeply rooted in the
weakness of some parts of the Indian state to fulfill its ideally
functions and responsibilities. Although India, in comparison to
other former colonized states, was able to develop a powerful
apparatus of state, state control remains in large parts precarious
in terms of its conception.

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 State administration is especially in those areas sparsely
developed which are most affected by Naxalite violence. This
fact is reflected inter alia by small state budgets, low
bureaucratic efficiency as well as prevailing corruption. There
are even some remote areas where state domination is almost
completely absent.

In these regions that are characterized by weak governance,

traditional types of rule were able to persist. Social elites like
high castes, landlords and loan sharks dominate the rural
population and benefit from their exploitation. State-aided rural
development programs in these areas have often not reached the
bottom of the society and instead contributed to the persistence
of landlordism.

Rarely the state is able to comply with its ideally basic

responsibilities, such as guaranteeing security, providing basic
amenities as well as ensuring social upward mobility. Instead
malnutrition is prevalent. The State Hunger index from 2008
shows that the situation regarding food supply in the whole of
India is generally alarming but the starvation rate in the Naxalite

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 most affected areas is especially high Basic services such as
roads, sanitation and electricity are not being provided well.
Public institutions such as schools, health care centers and police
stations are underdeveloped. Government schools do exist but
teachers are rarely willing to work in these respective areas. In
addition, the coverage of doctors and the provision of medical
services are very low. Generally, police stations are poorly
staffed, with only 7-10 officers who have to dominate an
average area of 450 sqm. Many state authorities refuse to work
in the remote and conflict torn areas. Furthermore, the public
administration is frequently affected by corruption. Because of
that, in conjunction with inefficient administration, funds that
are assigned for the minor developed parts of India, do not reach
the poor.

Many state agencies also execute structural violence in terms of

restrictive forest policy, as well as land acquisition for industrial
projects that is related to deficient resettlement measures.
Several non-violent protests in this regard were suppressed
violently by the security forces.

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 All of these mentioned issues led to the frustration and loss of
confidence in the state by the residents of the respective areas.
Because of that the influence and control of the state is therefore
marginal. These circumstances enable the Maoist to take
influence easily on large parts of the society. According to Sahni
the population in respective areas expects that the state provides
basic needs for them but generally fails. Under these conditions
the population reacts with a lot of gratitude towards the efforts
of the Naxalites to establish a kind of social order by way of
which they e.g. set up courts as well as distribute land.
Subsequently the state loses its turf to the Maoists as it was not
able to address the basic needs of the population. In addition, in
the federal states of Andhra Pradesh, West Bengal, Bihar and
Jharkhand tight relations between Naxalites and political leaders
evolved for their mutual advantage. The politicians sought the
help of the rebels during elections while the Naxalites benefitted
from loose prosecution and minor interventions from the state.

Due to the fact that the Maoists were able to spread their
influence into several pockets within the Indian state, there exist
parallel claims to power over respective regions. This fact, and

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 the direct violent attacks against the agents, institutions and
symbols of the state, apparently challenges the inherent ideals of
the state, namely sovereignty and monopoly on the use of force.
Hence, the state’s legitimacy is in crisis.

The Violent Response of the State

The states reaction on the challenge is mainly based on force,
although voices within the governments were raised, that
acknowledged the conflict refers to socio-economic root causes.
So far establishing law and order takes precedence. Government
officials claim that only after re-building state domination over
the concerned remote areas, effective development endeavors
can be started.

Nevertheless, for instance the Maoists are back in the Lalgarh

region although it was recaptured in 2009 by state forces after a
big campaign. This is referable to the fact that the promised
funds have not reached the people in need yet. The India
constitution asserts that the Federal states are in charge for
keeping law and order. However, as argued before, the states are
poorly equipped for this challenge, e.g. Andhra Pradesh is the

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only state having a paramilitary police force, the Grey Hounds.
But the constitution also concedes the Centre a key role in
situations of serious law and order challenges within the states.
Therefore it takes lead and formulates a collective strategy by
fostering close cooperation. But a central problem in terms of
coordination persists especially in the most affected area that is
situated within the boarder region of Andhra Pradesh,
Maharastra, Chhattisgarh and Orissa, as the four states are led by
different coalitions that all have different views as well as
approaches on the issue. Moreover, the Maoists are exploiting
the fact that the states have different jurisdictions. The state
security forces often refrain from pursuing the armed Maoist
cadres when they cross the state boarders.

The Centre supports the federal states with their paramilitary

Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and its guerilla warfare
trained Commando Battalion for Resolute Action (COBRA). A
huge problem for the security forces is the lack of on-site
intelligence as these forces are not rooted in the operational area.
Within the local population distrust against the agents of the
state prevails.

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In marked contrast, the Maoists are well informed about planned
raids and patrols by the security forces. This is the reason why
the Maoists can often escape and are able to execute their most
deadly weapons, Landmines and IEDs, attacking the vehicles of
the security forces with pinpoint precision. A further problem is
that the deployed forces only remain for a short time in the re-
conquered areas. In this regard it is impossible to achieve
sustainable territorial gains as well as setting up intelligence
capacities in the long run.

Moreover only a few security forces are trained in guerilla

warfare, contrary to the Maoists who have developed their
strength well in this regard. But the central government has
become aware of this lack and has set up some training camps,
where security personnel are trained by the army. Since the
general election 2009 the degree of violence has increased. That
is because the state-initiated Operation Green Hunt, a wide scale
military offensive against the positions of the Maoists. The task
of the security forces is to engage the Naxalites into fights and
expel them from their areas of influence. Since this operation
around 70.000 paramilitary forces have been deployed to the

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 dense forests of Chhattisgarh, Orissa, West Bengal and
Jharkhand. The security forces have often been alleged for
committing several human rights violations during their
operations and exploit fake encounters.

The security forces are rarely rooted in the conflict area and
therefore cannot overview the situation, they cannot distinguish
between Maoists, supporters, sympathizers and victims.
Therefore, they often execute indiscriminate violence on the
local populations in order to obtain control. Kalywas has
suggested that armed groups who are not rooted entrenched
within the social context of the embattled territory and have
trouble to identify the combatants are likely to exploit
indiscriminate violence in order to regain domination. But this
procedure affects the legitimacy of the armed forces as it
produces resentment, distrust and shame EN Ranmohan, former
director of the Border Security Police (BSP) makes the weak
leadership of the CRPF responsible for these incidents and
pleads for fighting this conflict legally as they only worsen the
situation.

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A further escalation of violence can be observed in the context
of the Salwa Judum militia (Peace March) operating in
Chhattisgarh. State and militia have described the foundation in
2005 as a spontaneous popular reaction on the violence of the
Maoists for the reason of self-defense. Due to a persisting nexus
between state and militia this version might be questioned
critically.

In this regard the ruling BJP as well as the Congress party have
welcomed the foundation and Mahindra Karma, Congress leader
and leader of the opposition in Chhattisgarh is regarded as it
patron. The State recruited many of Salwa Judum members as
Special Police Officers (SPO) trained them in the handling of
.303 rifles and armed them. During their violent campaigns they
were often supported by central security forces. The Maoist
ideology describes the nature of guerilla fight as a symbiotic
relation between combatants and civilians as fish (army) that
swims in the water (people). Referring to this analogy the cause
behind the foundation of Salwa Judum was called „deny water
to the fish by mobilizing villagers against Maoists “.

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 The militia, mainly consisting of tribal, has gained a notorious
reputation. There exist reports that they are engaged in recruiting
child soldiers as well as committing several human rights
violations, such as torture, killings and rape. In the focus of the
campaign stood forced resettlement of several Adivasis to state
camps, allegedly for their own security. The situation in the
camps is very bad and the supply for the refugees is inadequate.
Human rights activists claim that more than 1000 Adivasis lost
their life, more than 700 villages were burnt down, and more
than 300.000 people were displaced during the campaign.
Thereby the militia is even creating more sources that make the
continuation of violence possible.

Alternative Approaches and the Public Discourse

In 2008 the Planning Commission received from an expert
group a well researched 95-pages extensive report4 that
addressed the socio-economic root causes of the Naxalite
movement. But the government turned away from its
suggestions and neither Prime Minister Manmohan Singh nor
Home Minister Chidambaram have referred to the report in their

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 statements. The report did not only mention the social and
economic causes for the rise of Maoism in India like
displacement, unequal land distribution, discrimination or socio-
economic deprivation but also addressed the weakness of the
state in the remote areas and questioned the dominant approach
by the government that is based on force and maintenance of
law and order.

Moreover, various MHA departments have repeatedly called

attention to the socio-economic root causes of the Naxalites
movement but due to institutional flaws this view was not able
to prevail. Instead the main source of information for the central
government and especially the MHA remains the Intelligence
Bureau (IB) that has only a limited capacity regarding the
analysis of social and economic issues and its perspective is
dominated mainly by the security aspect. K.S. Subramanian
avers historic reasons for the constricted state approach, as „the
inherited administrative structure remains still basically
regulatory as in colonial times with its dominant preoccupation
with „order at the cost of law and justice“.

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 A further problem is that the main responsibility lays at the
MHA whose objective is to keep up law and order without
involving other departments that play an important role within
this conflict, like the Ministry for Tribal Affairs, the Ministry for
Environment and Forests, the Ministry of Agriculture as well as
the Ministry of Mines. Without that holistic interdepartmental
approach, a coherent strategy on the complex issue of Naxalism
cannot be established and long-term results not expected. But
gradually the government reacted to some root causes, such as
displacement, restrictive forest policy and unemployment by
producing acts and laws like the National Rural Employment
Act (NREGA) 2005, the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional
Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act 2006 as well
as the National Rehabilitation and Resettlement Policy 2007.
But doubts can be raised if these acts have been implemented
successfully and if they reach the people in need, due to
persisting poor administrative structures in the remote districts.

Disagreements concerning the right approach also persist within

the public discourse which has heated up tremendously in the
recent past. While many commentators and intellectuals have

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 repeatedly alleged the state for suppressing violently a
movement that actually strives for legitimate demands as well as
ignoring its socio-economic implications, and thus has been
responsible for the persistence of the conflict, others call the
Naxalites Terrorists that must be wiped out and state authorities
react rigidly, blame the critics being Maoist sympathizers and
giving intellectual support.

SOLUTIONS
Modernize law enforcement agencies:
India has numerous law enforcement agencies most of which,
according to the nature of the constitution of India, are subject to
state. Therefore, the major policing lies in the hands of the state
and governments. At federal level, many agencies are under the
command of Union Ministry of Home Affairs, which support the
states in their duties. It is therefore required that the central
government makes inroads into these disturbed states with their

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 agencies well-equipped with modern artillery and assist the
usually poorly-equipped agencies of the state.

Take steps for welfare of the tribals:

The socially backward tribals form the major support base for
Naxalites as they suffer with rebellious instincts and unrest
because of inequality, illiteracy and lack of opportunities.
Besides being the core support groups for the Naxalites, the
Dalits and tribals are often manipulated by the Naxals for their
own gains. These downtrodden sections of our society
inadvertently become soft targets for both the Naxals and the
security agencies. It’s important to prevent these people from
falling in the Naxal trap.

Remove disparity:
Economic disparity and the growing distance between rich and
the poor widening by the day is one of the biggest problems that
India confronts, and according to many experts, it is also one of
the main problems that has contributed to the growth of
Naxalism in the country. This distance needs to be filled to an
extent hastily to finish Naxalism.

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 Stop the political marginalization of weaker sections:
India has grown both culturally and politically over the years,
but what remains unchanged is that the weaker sections of the
society, the schedule casts and schedule tribes still face
discrimination from the upper class. These downtrodden
sections don’t enjoy equal participation in casting and contesting
politically, which drastically hampers their progress and
representation, making them soft targets of Naxals.

Take steps to prevent environmental degradation:

Environmental degradation in the form of destruction of land
and water resources due to mining and industrial activates in the
area has forced the deprived locals to demand for autonomy.
The locals are left with disrupted lives and adversely affected
tourism, the only way people from the outside world could reach
the locals.

Pay attention to rehabilitation and resettlement:

It was easy for the government to set up mining grounds,
irrigation areas, industries, etc., in the area without any

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provision for the resettlement of the displaced people. This has
only added to the woes of the poor, who are left with no
alternative but boycott the pain-inflicting government and its
policies and support the Naxals.

Good governance:
Naxalism has long presented the greatest threat to the country’s
security and has also highlighted the underlining weakness of
the Indian government, which has failed to establish refined
political institutions and have failed to provide sound socio-
economic structures. The presence of Naxals in the country also
reveals the loopholes in the law and order of the country which
has failed to curb the menace. India requires a good central
government which implements a coherent national strategy to
finish Naxalism.

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 CONCLUSION
The Telangana movement of the 1940’s and especially the initial
spark of 1967 in Naxalbari have created a political movement in
India that is entrenched firmly and cannot swept away easily. It
has now existed since over 40 years and if the state will not
change its strategy, the conflict can last easily even 40 years
more.

The record of the past four decades shows clearly that an

approach which is almost exclusively based on force and
suppression is not able to destroy the movement. Even a
situation like in 1971 where the state was able to curb the
challengers with a hard hand and almost destroyed the

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 movement, cannot be repeated today as it is entrenched too
deeply within India’s socio-political sphere of the affected areas.

The state is at war against a part of its own people but this war
cannot be won militarily. The raison d'être of the movement is
rooted in the persisting economic and social conditions within the
Indian state. It will persist to be a part of Indian politics and
society as long the state does not acknowledge the nature of the
movement and actively looks for long-term solutions for the
people involved. The often made proposal developing the remote
areas cannot help solely to get the situation under control. The
loss of confidence in the state within large parts of the society and
their distrust will make it hard for the state authorities to regain
the hearts of the frustrated and exploited.

Therefore the state must start to fight the conflict legally,

minimize collateral damage, strengthen the leadership of the
security forces and abstain from any human rights violation. The
security forces should better start protecting the population living
within the area of conflict instead of merely confronting the

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Maoists on large scale. The Naxalite movement must be
challenged politically by presenting better alternatives to the
Maoist approach and offer new perspectives. In this regard the
state should start addressing the basic needs of the poor and
fulfilling its main responsibilities to deliver human development
to these disadvantaged areas.
So is Naxalism now India’s biggest internal threat? Doubtlessly
it is definitely a serious challenge. But the author and columnist
Sudeep Chakravarti declared recently that the statement is an
absolute myth. In fact Naxalism reflects merely India’s real
threats like large scale poverty, hunger and injustice. The Naxalite
movement is a symptom for the failure of the Indian state to
provide human development for its citizens.

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 REFERENCES

 http://topyaps.com/top-10-ways-to-finish-naxalism-in-india

 http://csdindia.org/documents/root-causes-of-
naxalism/view

 https://www.ukessays.com/essays/history/genesis-and-
causes-of-naxalism-history-essay.php

 http://www.idsa.in/system/files/jds_4_2_rdixit.pdf

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 http://www.claws.in/images/journals_doc/1394614662Dhru
v%20C%20Katochr%20%20CJ%20Winter%202012.pdf

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