#11– 2018

Trauma
Researching Ruptures and Their Towards a New Master
Trauma Afterlife: A Cultural Narrative of Trauma
Saadi Nikro Critique of Trauma Sahar Elmougy
Orkideh Behrouzan
Beyond Trauma, What No More
Kept them Going? Theorizing “Eloquent Silence”
Kholoud Saber Barakat, Intergenerational Nora Parr
Pierre Philippot Trauma in Tazmamart
Brahim El Guabli

www.meta-journal.net
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05 Stephan Milich, Lamia Moghnieh 58 Nora Parr

Trauma: Social Realities and No More “Eloquent Silence”:
Cultural Texts Narratives of Occupation, Civil
War, and Intifada Write Everyday
M eta Violence and Challenge Trauma
Theory
17 Norman Saadi Nikro
Researching Trauma: Some 69 O. Ishaq Tijani
Methodological Considerations Trauma in the Novels of the
for the Humanities Iraqi-Kuwaiti Writer, Ismaʿil Fahd
Ismaʿil
30 Tory Brykalski, Diana Rayes
“It’s a power, not a disease”: 79 Anne Rohrbach
Syrian Youth Respond to Human (Re-)Enacting Stories of Trauma:
Devastation Syndrome Playback Theatre as a Tool of
Cultural Resistance in Palestine
fo c u s
89 Vivienne Matthies-Boon
44 Kholoud Saber Barakat, Injustice Turned Inward?
Pierre Philippot Continuous Traumatic Stress and
Beyond Trauma, What Kept them Social Polarization in Egypt
Going? An Analysis of the Lives
and Narratives of Five Syrian 99 Sahar Elmougy
Women in Lebanon Towards a New Master Narrative
of Trauma: A Reading of Terrance
Hayes’s “American Sonnets for
my Past and Future Assassin” and
Mustafa Ibrahim’s “I Have Seen
Today”

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108 Idriss Jebari 159 Vivienne Matthies-Boon

Therapeutic History and the Towards a Critical Trauma
Enduring Memories of Violence Studies: A Response to Felix Lang
in Algeria and Morocco
O f f - to p i c
120 Brahim El Guabli
Theorizing Intergenerational 16 4 Simon Moses Schleimer
Trauma in Tazmamart Testimonial Negotiating Life in Times of
Literature and Docu-testimonies Crisis: The Transnational Return
Migration of Refugee Adolescents
131 Orkideh Behrouzan and Young Adults from Germany
Ruptures and Their Afterlife: to the Kurdistan Region of Iraq
A Cultural Critique of Trauma
177 I M P RINT
C lo s e - u p

146 Sam Nader (pseudonym)

Basma Abdelaziz – A Portrait

ANTI/ T H E S I S

154 Felix Lang

No Such Thing as Society?
A Critique of Hegemonic Notions
of Trauma in the Research on
Cultural Production

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Although psychologists have frequently

Trauma: Social Realities and observed “that civilians in the Middle East
have been subjected to frequent episodes
Cultural Texts of violence, intra/inter-group conflicts and
natural disasters” (Neria et al.), hinting at
high rates of trauma and PTSD among the
populations of the Middle East and North
Africa (MENA), there has been until
recently a lack of locally embedded
research on trauma and the politics of suf-
fering in this region. While generalizations
about the extent of traumatization are
regularly expressed by scientists as well as
the media, e.g. in regard to Syrian refu-
gees since 2012, Iraqi children after the
US-led invasion in 2003, the current vio-
lent war in Yemen, the Lebanese civil war,
and the Palestinian Nakba—all of them
man-made disasters—claiming individual,
collective, or national trauma as a political
identity that demands justice, recognition
of suffering, and rights of retribution has
not yet acquired legal authority. Still, the
politics of suffering from violence and
war—how we articulate our suffering, to
whom, and why—seems to be a matter of
intense discussion and debate in the
MENA, often taking a comparative
approach: “who suffers the most, the
Stephan Milich, Lamia Moghnieh Syrians, the Yemenis, or Palestinians living
under occupation?” Embedded within
Keywords: Trauma, Trauma Politics, PTSD, Research Field these comparisons is a competition over
MENA, Power Structures, Interdisciplinary the political recognition of victimhood

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against violent states, settler colonialism, Balasim, Shakir Nuri, and Ahmad Saʿdawi a number of historical events served as
and foreign wars, and a critique of a hier- engage in deep reflections on the intricate paradigmatic models for historical trau-
archy of suffering, at the center of which and at times absurd relationships between mas and atrocities, others are still silenced
trauma is seen as a political position and a literary representation, bio-politics, and or forgotten and do not allow for a change
claim for justice. As violence, regime trauma. of perspective nor a change “on the
oppression, war, and displacement are on ground”. So for instance, loss of land, dis-
the rise in the region, one can detect a It is crucial to think about the reasons why placement, and other forms of disposses-
growing locally-informed literature and art contemporary MENA writers and artists sion are considered to be less “traumatic”
production on trauma, the most visible continue to address with overwhelming than a number of other practices of injus-
coming from Egypt, Syria, and Iraq. The intensity issues related to trauma and suf- tice and political violence such as massa-
work produced by Egyptian feminists in fering while academic trauma research cres. One reason for this form of disavowal
Nazraa for Feminist Studies and the remains scarce.1 Their writings and cultural can be explained by the fact that in some
Nadeem Center for Rehabilitation of production prove to us every day that cases of historic injustice, no immediate
Victims of Violence, recording experi- remembering and suffering are crucial and apparent threat of death emanated
ences of violence against women and vic- positions against state violence and patri- from these acts when they occurred.
tims of torture, has relocated trauma into archy that seek to erase and hide the Holding in mind that these acts have often
the center of Egyptian politics as a wound traces of violence they committed. Despite unfolded a deadly dynamic that can only
that denounces state and masculine vio- the growing work, one may argue that be fully grasped when seen in its long-
lence. In Syria, media outlets like Syria (national) communities, highly affected by term consequences allows for a more
Untold and al-Jumhuriyya have opened a extreme forms of political violence like in comprehensive historical understanding
platform for much-needed personal writ- Gaza or Syria could not yet effectively suc- that demands a different notion of tempo-
ings, reflections and intellectualization ceed in invoking trauma as a concept dis- rality. With this in mind, it becomes clear
over how we experience unfathomable playing political capital—although a few that a concept like the “multi-directional
and repetitive violence, trauma, and mem- exceptions can be noted (e.g. Iraqi repara- memory” approach2 by Michael Rothberg,
ory, and living in post-violence exile (see tions to Kuwait after 1991). In the age of although productive and insightful to a
Hassan “Clashing”; “Testimony”; “humanitarian reason” (Fassin large extent, remains epistemologically
Souleimane; Salamah; Khalifa; Mansoor). “Humanitarian”), claims over the past and limited, because it does not take enough
Likewise, the rise of Syrian documentary present have, of course, political implica- into account the inherent power relations
movies recording, witnessing, and narrat- tions, and the construction of a cultural or at work in each specific context, for “such
ing the experienced violence is also a col- historical trauma can influence public interconnections are often, if not always,
lective exercise in interpretation and mak- opinion and politics. This might be one asymmetrical ones” (Cesari and Rigney
ing political meaning of unfathomable reason why anthropologist Rosemarie 10).3
events. Finally, Iraqi authors like Hasan Sayigh rightly criticizes the fact that while

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On another level, the high rates of external Trauma Politics tion: since trauma is closely related to the
and internal conflicts in the MENA drive Hence, trauma studies related to the status of the victim, it can be very attractive
experts and journalists to assume the exis- MENA region is not only an emerging field for perpetrators to claim to be traumatized
tence of a high level of traumatization in the humanities and social sciences, but in order to gain public empathy. This is
among the populations. This has led to a also a political and social field of manifold what Fassin and Rechtsman might have
mobilization of humanitarian aid for psy- struggles over power and dominant alluded to in their groundbreaking
chiatric and psychological treatments in regimes of truth. As already indicated L’Empire du Traumatisme when discussing
the region. Yet, it has been difficult to above, this is largely due to the fact that the differing ways of claiming trauma in
translate this shared observation into a under the umbrella term trauma, quite the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.4 It gets even
politics of social or global justice. If it is diverse realities are subsumed and, at more complex when trauma as a discur-
difficult for victimized communities to times, almost epistemologically mixed up: sive concept is rejected as a form of suffer-
reclaim rights of reparation and compen- On a first level of distinction, the same ing because it is linked to global aid econ-
sation, it is usually impossible for the mar- word trauma means psychological trauma omies and humanitarian understanding of
ginalized ‘other’. Thus for instance, the of an individual, and the collective, social, victimhood as apolitical and passive. This
violence and racism directed towards historical, or cultural trauma of a group, potentially results in weakening the ethics
migrant workers by the Kafala system in class, community, milieu or nation. of resistance to settler colonialism as in the
the Gulf States or towards Sudanese asy- Additionally, trans- or intergenerational case of Palestinian ṣumūd (Meari; on
lum seekers in the MENA region is less trauma can be situated at the interface ṣumūd as cultural resistance see Rohrbach
likely to be considered a trauma. Their suf- between individual and collective forms of in this volume).5 While claims of trauma
fering, the violence they face on a daily traumatization. All three forms contain dif- have undeniably been emancipatory and
level, remain invisible and outside of rec- ferent dynamics and cannot be dealt with helpful to a large extent in creating more
ognition. by simple analogies. A further multiplicity social justice and allowing victims to
Finally, the difficulties with which social to the meaning of trauma is created in reclaim rights and compensation in many
groups make use (or not) of trauma for everyday discursive language and in the contexts (e.g. women rights, child abuse,
national reconciliation and justice stem media, when trauma is referred to as both genocide), trauma can easily be adopted
from the fact that the causes for traumati- the traumatic event and its symptoms, for political ends and interests that have a
zation can frequently be found in state thereby mixing subjective and objective reactionary intention, like the argument
apparatuses themselves, with torture aspects of a traumatic situation, its cause, put forward by a political official in the
being used on a massive scale by state and its effect. On a different level, both vic- Arab Gulf that Syrian refugees should not
authorities as the clearest example. tim and perpetrator can claim to be trau- be granted asylum or resident status in the
matized, of course from different causes countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council
and with different effects. The inherent because those people are traumatized
danger here is one of de-contextualiza- and therefore threatening.6

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Reflecting critically on the use of the mentalized by right-wing groups and another form of urban erasure of the war’s
trauma model is key to preventing a prob- politicians.7 An open debate between traces that works towards strengthening
lematic usage of stereotypes, both in sci- scholars and practitioners on trauma in the collective, while articulations of suffer-
entific and societal discourse. One recent Germany (as well as in other countries) ing from violence and its aftermath
example is the expert report “Stellungs­ with different background and expertise is become less and less tolerated in the
nahme: Traumatisierte Flüchtlinge – needed to avoid biased and unfounded community (Moghnieh). What lies under
Schnelle Hilfe ist nötig” published in assertions. these “beautiful” cities however, are layers
February 2018 of the Leopoldina National A further dimension of trauma politics par- and layers of things, emotions, and experi-
Academy of Sciences in Germany, which ticularly relevant to the MENA region has ences left untold, unsaid, except maybe in
warns of the dangers of not immediately to do less with the violence experienced private. In direct contrast to the fast and
treating asylum seekers and refugees, than with its aftermath and with the post- almost magical reconstruction of Lebanon,
claiming that large proportions of them violence reconstruction of subject, place, the reconstruction of the Gaza strip after
would certainly be traumatized. The prob- and society. Multiple cases from the Israeli wars and attacks is a story of debris
lematic aspect of their argumentation is MENA—like the reconstruction plans in and rubble (Barakat and Masri), especially
the link they create between forced migra- Syria that are underway, the reconstruc- after the Israeli war in 2014. The removal of
tion, trauma, and the propensity to vio- tion of Lebanon after the Lebanese Civil rubble from the war was so slow that it
lence (“appetitive aggression”), even stat- War (1975-1990) and after the July War took years to be accomplished, hindering
ing that acculturative stress reinforces (2006), as well as the reconstruction of the the reconstruction process. The settler
violent behavior (19). As in the case of the Gaza Strip after continuous military inter- colonial violence committed in Gaza
image of the traumatized veteran soldiers ventions by Israel—clearly highlight the becomes thus physically sensed and
in the USA, PTSD and trauma can become infrastructures and materialities of suffer- experienced daily as one lives in and with
a social stigma that indexes you as a dan- ing in the region. The postwar reconstruc- the debris of war. All these cases show that
gerous and out-of-control violent man. tion of Beirut after the Lebanese Civil War war reconstruction politics make some of
This interdisciplinary study lacks regional served to project its heritage into the neo- the infrastructures of suffering, where the
expertise, and trauma here is not contex- liberal future, erasing all physical traces of latter materializes in the landscape itself.
tualized. It fosters a de-politicization that violence and raising questions about the State and non-state war reconstruction
presents refugees as a homogenous possibility to recall, speak of, and remem- projects are evidently political in the way
group, all of them apparently sharing the ber the war. Likewise, the almost unimagi- they seek to erase and hide violence,
same destiny and features. However nable rapid reconstruction of villages and thereby framing the discourse on suffer-
important it is to provide psycho-social neighborhoods in South Lebanon and the ing in societies.
services for marginalized groups in soci- Suburbs of Beirut after the July War, and
ety, it is highly problematic to serve recur- Hezbollah’s statement “we will make A final aspect essential to understanding
ring prejudices that might easily be instru- Dahiyeh8 more beautiful than it was,” is dominant regimes of truth like trauma is to

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push ideas about the intricate relationship ery and healing without disempowering Milich “Translating”) has framed different
between bio-politics and trauma narra- them? In recent years, there has been aspects of the colonial situation as trauma-
tives further. One case in point is a widely much effort in international humanities tizing, the history of colonialism, imperial-
circulated article by the Huffington Post and cultural studies to modify the trauma ism, and slavery has not until recently
about the curious case of a US military dog model by substituting the individualistic, impacted the creation of more widely
that “returned traumatized” from Iraq, event-based belatedness as well as the acknowledged models of trauma, such as
inducing sympathy among (western) read- dictum of the un-narratability of a trau- for instance with South African psycholo-
ers for a dog without sparing a word about matic experience (Lyotard; Assmann; gists’ notion of Continuous Traumatic
the plight and suffering of the Iraqi popu- Caruth; van der Kolk; Laub; Das et al.) with Stress (see Matthies-Boon in this volume).9
lation exposed to an illegal war interven- an approach that pays attention to con- But what would have happened if trauma
tion and occupation policies (Milich tinuous and complex forms of traumatiza- had been modeled on the basis of Fanon’s
“Narrating”). This makes Judith Butler’s tion and unforgotten experiences, adopt- conceptualization, as an effect of colonial-
distinction between “grievable” and ing an eco-systemic and re-contextualizing, ism in the late 1950s and 60s? Very likely,
“ungrievable” lives all the more relevant. and thus more holistic view on traumatic it would not have turned into a globally
Fassin and Rechtman have formulated it situations and their processual nature. acknowledged term of psychological and
well, when they explained that “trauma psychiatric diagnosis, due to western sci-
can be read in various ways, depending The Postcolonial Turn in Trauma Studies entific hegemony. This illustrates well that
on the political purposes it serves” (209), While trauma has been increasingly while man-made trauma is intrinsically
while Radstone and Schwarz observed accepted as the universal form of suffering bound to victimhood, injustice and vio-
that “memory is active, forging its pasts to on a global scale, a more systematic cri- lence, the material and legal recognition
serve present interests.” (3) tique of trauma as a Eurocentric concept of traumatization is always largely depen-
is of very recent date. As Irene Visser dent on those in powerful political and
The question that arises then with regard argues in her article “Decolonizing Trauma societal positions. Fanon’s reports of his
to the MENA region is how we can safe- Theory: Retrospect and Prospects,” the therapeutic encounters with both French
guard the emancipatory character of call to decolonize trauma studies and the- soldiers and Algerians in the context of
trauma (manifesting itself for instance in ory can be located in the attempt to inves- the war of liberation in his chapter
Judith Herman’s or Basma Abdelaziz’s tigate trauma from a postcolonial studies “Colonial War and Mental Disorders” can
empowering understanding of trauma approach, as a special issue of Studies in still inspire notions of humanistic psycho-
work) while recording locally informed the Novel has suggested in 2008. logical work without effacing the neces-
articulations of suffering in a meaningful, sary distinction between victim and per-
situational, and ethical way. Is it possible Although the influential anti-colonial intel- petrator. More than that, his work is
to deal with trauma in a manner that pro- lectual, psychiatrist, and political activist illuminating when reading outstanding
vides human beings with tools for recov- Frantz Fanon (see Craps and Buelens; works of world literature, like Mahmud

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Darwish’s poems on the dialectic between The collection of essays brings together number of themes, concerns, and motives
the occupier and the occupied, or Assia perspectives from the social sciences, that link the essays of this special issue
Djebar’s writings on (post-)colonial Algeria humanities, and literary studies, not least closely together: firstly, the desire to
and France. by exploring the narrativization of suffer- search for locally embedded conceptual-
ing, its performative and its non-verbal izations and formulations of trauma
So what seems to be crucial today is not expression both in social reality and cul- beyond hegemonic models like PTSD,
only to develop and formulate concepts tural production. In presenting explora- thereby giving voice to individuals who
of suffering that are locally embedded tions of literary texts, theatre, social reali- are usually not heard, but only talked
and allow for empowerment and recuper- ties, and theoretical reflection, we hope to about, and redirecting the view to margin-
ation instead of silencing and disposses- contribute to a more comprehensive, alized and forgotten histories of trauma
sion, but also to search beyond the known nuanced, and inclusive view on trauma (Brykalski and Reyes; Nikro; Behrouzan;
paths. This demands a better understand- and memory production both as a cultural Matthies-Boon; Barakat and Philippot;
ing of how concepts like trauma and its and social materiality and as a political for- Parr; Tijani); secondly, the political implica-
diverse translations into languages like mation. To date, psychological research tions of discourses on trauma, but also
Arabic and Persian travel to new sites and on trauma in the MENA has mostly been how certain political regimes use(d) vio-
contexts, and how they are integrated in limited to quantitatively measuring the lence and traumatization as a tool to pro-
regional systems of social practice, mean- level of PTSD among certain affected duce human devastation and submissive
ing production and cultural signs. These groups. What has not yet been undertaken subjects, and how oppositional groups
endeavors have to be accompanied by a is a comprehensive investigation and counter these devastating politics by cre-
constant process of critical reflection on exploration of different forms and features ating their cultural trauma (Jebari; Tijani;
the researcher’s responsibility and com- of traumatic experience and memory Elmougy; Nader); third, the question of
plicity (Rothberg “Decolonizing”, 232), inspired by a critical perspective. This generation, surfacing in different forms in
how we as scholars, too—despite the lim- issue of META is meant to mark a begin- at least two of the special issue’s essays
ited reach of scientific knowledge produc- ning in this regard, possibly rather raising (Behrouzan; El Guabli); and, last but not
tion—are contributing to the dissemination questions than giving definite answers, least, processes of the production of col-
of new ways of perceiving social reality, and also highlighting the areas, regions, lective traumas and the cultural and dis-
selfhood, and the past. and places that seem to be marginalized cursive dynamics at work (Elmougy;
within this academic research on trauma. Matthies-Boon; Lang).
Introducing the Issue The diverse array of different approaches,
This special issue aims to contribute to a topics, and disciplines expresses our con- The META articles invite a rethinking of
deeper and critical understanding of cern to include and map the diversity and trauma from the field, calling for adopting
trauma in the societies, cultures, and his- multiplicity of current trauma studies more complex and in-tuned forms of suf-
tories of the Middle East and North Africa. research related to the MENA. There are a fering that might fit better with people’s

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lived experiences and interpretations of they endure under harsh conditions of dis- trauma “with new structures of telling that
life worlds in the context of violence and placement? Barakat and Philippot present can hold silence as part of the story, in all
humanitarianism. Saadi Nikro’s essay high- a study that analyzes the stories of five its ugly ineloquence.” (123) Defying con-
lights the importance of attending to the Syrian women displaced into Lebanon ventional assumptions about trauma lit-
methodology behind researching trauma beyond the traditional and psychological erature as a working through past atroci-
as a crucial part of the work of de-coloniz- model of women refugees as passive vic- ties, trauma in these two novels has turned
ing and de-constructing it. He invites us to tims of patriarchy, sexual abuse, and other into the organizing pattern of the present.
adopt a materialist phenomenology as a traumatizing experiences of violence.
relational methodology “in which sub- Based on Interpretive Phenomenological Vivienne Matthies-Boon’s article carries a
jects, concepts, research agendas, and Analysis, the authors highlight how these similar engagement and concern to re-
knowledge come to cohere” (36). By draw- women deal with their past and present conceptualize trauma as Brykalski and
ing on several encounters while conduct- situations amidst changing gender roles Reyes, Barakat and Philippot, and Parr as
ing research in Lebanon, Nikro explores during displacement. What becomes rel- she introduces the phenomenological
the relation between methodology and evant here is not the experience of trauma concept of Continuous Trauma Stress
trauma as embedded and embodied life itself, but the process of surviving, living, (CTS) within the context of Egypt. As this
worlds. The second META article by and regaining agency after trauma. This, article shows, CTS is not a diagnostic term
Brykalski and Reyes explores the adoption the authors argue, is linked to their ability but a political conceptualization of trauma
of the concept of “Human Devastation to create meaning from the traumatic past itself that accounts for structural violence
Syndrome” (HDS) or mutalāzima al-damār and link it to their present situations. Being and repression that are usually left unrec-
al-insānī by Syrian doctors and practitio- attentive to literary conceptualizations of ognized as valid forms of suffering. Based
ners to describe Syrian children’s mental trauma that resist the dominant Eurocentric on life-story testimonies from forty young
health. HDS has become a circulating term trauma model and traumatic belatedness, activists from Cairo, this article argues that
aimed to capture Syrian youth’s experi- Nora Parr’s essay stresses the “everyday” concepts like CTS have the possibility to
ences with violence beyond the trauma forms of traumatization, of being con- capture the trauma embedded in living in
model. Based on anthropological and fronted or living in constant violence. In everyday deep violence and a repressive
global health perspectives, this article fol- her readings of Ibrahim Nasrallah’s Taḥta political order. Analyzing literary practices
lows two Syrian youths’ process of making shams al-ḍuḥā  (Under the Midmorning that create or recreate cultural traumas as
meaning of their experiences to uncover Sun) and Iman Humaydan’s Bāʾ mithl a reaction to state violence, Sahar
the interpretive value of locally-based Bayt… mithl Bayrūt (B like house… like Elmougy’s article “Towards a New Master
concepts like HDS. Beirut), she focuses on two features of lit- Narrative of Trauma” takes a social con-
erary trauma narrative, open-endings and structivist approach by applying Jeffrey
How do women survive and continue to repetition, closing with the plea to grasp Alexander’s notion of “cultural trauma” on
live after experiences of violence; how do the nature of un-exceptional, uneventful recent poetic production. In close read-

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Lamia Moghnieh ings of US-American poet Terrance Cathy Caruth’s psychoanalytically inspired ways to capture intergenerational and
Hayes’s “American Sonnet for my Past and trauma concept, frequently used in schol- intersubjective experiences and recollec-
is a EUME fellow and currently part-time Future Assassin” and Egyptian poet arly studies on trauma fiction. His approach tions of historical conditions and wars.
faculty at the Department of Sociology, Mostafa Ibrahim’s “I Have Seen Today,” the highlights the dimension of healing/ Sharing a similar focus on questions of
Anthropology & Media Studies (SOAN) detailed comparison between the two recovery through writing. Anne Rohrbach’s intergenerational dynamics, Brahim El
at the American University of Beirut. Her poems and their respective context illus- essay “(Re)Enacting Stories of Trauma: Guabli’s essay “Theorizing Intergen­
dissertation research looks at trauma trates how the use of specific discursive Playback Theatre as a Tool of Cultural erational Trauma in Tazmamart Testimonial
politics in Lebanon from the Lebanon strategies, culturally embedded meta- Resistance in Palestine” looks beyond ver- Literature and Docu-testimonies” looks at
civil war to the Syrian refugee crisis. Her phors, and historic references contributes bal output and literary production, illumi- how families affected by the state’s repres-
current research explores the history to the construction of a collectively shared nating the importance of performative sive actions during the Years of Lead
of psychiatry in Lebanon through the sense of traumatic belonging. Read communal practices of dealing with trau- struggle with the impossibilities of dealing
records of Lebanon Hospital for Mental together with Matthies-Boon’s analysis of matic situations and their aftermath. with disappearance, imprisonment, and
and Nervous Disorders. recent expressions and manifestations of Investigating the use of Playback Theatre absence of family members. Discussing a
email: [email protected] violent repression and articulations of in the Palestinian context as a therapeutic wide range of Moroccan cultural produc-
trauma as immediate or slightly belated platform and tool of cultural resistance, tion, particularly testimonial literature and
reaction, the two essays can show us much she carves out the empowering potential video documentations, the detailed analy-
about the highly complex entanglements of enacting and narrating painful events in sis of the “pre-discursive period,” during
of psychological, social, material, and dis- a community setting, integrating all senses which traumatizing events could not be
cursive traumatic situations/experiences and fostering both agency and critical verbally addressed in the realm of the
and their effects and afterlife. consciousness. family, succeeds in elucidating the con-
cealed forms and dynamics of transmit-
A different trajectory is taken by Tijani who Orkideh Behrouzan’s essay focuses on ting traumatic situations with their felt
highlights the work of the prolific yet (inter-)generational trauma narratives and emotions and affects to the next
neglected Kuwaiti-Iraqi novelist ʿIsmāʿīl memory politics in Iran in the aftermath of generation(s). Closely in dialogue with
Fahd ʿIsmāʿīl by claiming a close correla- the Iran-Iraq war. It looks at the processes these works on traumatizing effects in
tion between literary narrative and the of remembering, witnessing, and archiving recent Moroccan history, Idris Jebari looks
author’s biographical experiences. the war among the members of the post- at the process of transitional justice as
Caused by his imprisonment under the war generation in ways that challenge the manifested in the work of collective mem-
rule of Abd al-Karim Qasim, ʿIsmāʿīl suf- dominant political discourse on the war, ory in Morocco and Algeria. The article
fered a traumatic wound that haunted providing an alternative understanding of examines historical and cultural produc-
most of his novels, putting him on a mental health beyond the clinical diag- tions that work on collective memory
“revenge mission” against devastating nostic model. Behrouzan’s use of “toroma” despite or beyond the dominant dis-
authoritarian practices. Tijani draws on as rupture instead of trauma opens up course of “therapeutic history” that hides

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Stephan Milich and erases certain forms of violence. By ture is ignored. This, Lang argues,
drawing a comparative approach between becomes untenable when the collective
is a lecturer of Arabic Literature at the these cultural works on memory and the or the group is traumatized. Matthies-
University of Cologne. His research state’s own therapeutic narrative for heal- Boon’s anti-thesis essay comes not to nec-
interests include contemporary Arabic ing the national communities, Jebari high- essarily contrast Lang’s thesis but to stretch
poetry and prose, representations lights the limitations of both countries’ his critique further by proposing a phe-
and concepts of exile and trauma, and processes of transitional justice. Coming nomenological approach to trauma as
perceptions and self-perceptions of from a psychological and clinical psychiat- rooted in the Frankfurt School of Critical
psychology/psychotherapy in the Arab ric background, the Egyptian writer, Theory. Much like Lang, Matthies-Boon
countries. He has published a book on human rights’ activist, and artist Basma argues against dismissing the concept of
Mahmoud Darwish’s late poetry and on Abdelaziz is portrayed in the Close-Up trauma altogether. She invites us to rein-
the poetics and politics of Palestinian and section by Sam Nader (pseudonym). In terpret this form of suffering in specific
Iraqi exile poetry. He co-edited a volume addition to biographical information localities and contexts, thereby bringing
on modern Iraqi culture (Conflicting which highlights her courage in address- back its roots to political and power
Narratives: War, trauma and memory ing and investigating existing structures of dynamics. This “radicalization of trauma
in Modern Iraqi Culture), and a second torture in Egypt and beyond, Nader dis- studies” (22) should start with a critical
volume on “Representations and Visions cusses the literary as well as scholarly reflection on the Western knowledge pro-
of Homeland in Arabic Literature.” works of Abdelaziz, including a short duction process itself and the biases that
Besides his research on notions of trauma online interview on her work with torture frame it. This also includes incorporating
in contemporary Arabic literature with victims. modes of violence like repression and
a special interest in trauma politics, he structural violence into the definition of
translates Arabic poetry into German. Last but not least, the Thesis/Anti-Thesis trauma itself. Behrouzan’s concept of rup-
email: [email protected] articles both address the critiques of ture is also relevant here as Matthies-Boon
trauma in the humanities today, as a con- takes on a political and phenomenologi-
cept that de-politicizes and de-contextual- cal understanding of trauma as “the break-
izes human suffering while silencing mar- ing of our meaningful engagement with
ginal and subversive ways of experiencing the world.” (23)
and living with violence in the MENA
region. Lang’s essay focuses on these con-
cerns while highlighting the social con-
structions of trauma as a concept that
caters to individual and psychological
forms of suffering, while the social struc-

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Notes of Nasserist and other 5 In the Palestinian context Works Cited Das, Veena, Arthur Kleinman,
nationalist ideologies. specifically, (al-qudra ʿalā aṣ-) Mamphela Ramphele and
1 Over the last five years, ṣumūd can be translated as Abdelaziz, Basma. Dhākirat al- Pamela Reynolds, editors.
trauma as a research focus 2 Arguing against competitive resilience (besides murūna qahr: dirāsa ḥawla manẓūmat Violence and Subjectivity. U
in cultural studies related approaches to history, or ṣalāba dākhilīya), thereby al-taʿdhīb fī miṣr. Dār al- of California P, 2000.
to the MENA is on the rise. Rothberg’s approach draws highlighting the positive, Tanwīr, 2015.
Before, there had been some attention to the productive empowering aspects of a Fanon, Frantz. The Wretched
pioneering projects, e.g. the power of careful analogical traumatic situation. Barakat, Sultan and Firas of the Earth. Grove Press,
Edinburgh-based Research thinking, highlighting the Masri. “Still in ruins, reviving 1963.
Network on Memory and potential of seeing and 6 See a video by a Kuwaiti the stalled reconstruction
Social Trauma in the Middle acknowledging related official on Facebook, whose of Gaza.” 22 August 2017, Fassin, Didier. Humanitarian
East (2008-2010), initiated histories “to create new forms content was disseminated brookings.edu. https://www. Reason. University Of
by Kamran Rastegar, a of solidarity and new visions by different agencies and brookings.edu/research/ California Press, 2011.
special issue of Alif – Journal of justice” (13). Drawing with different ends: https:// reviving-the-stalled-
of Comparative Poetics, critically on earlier thoughts www.facebook.com/ reconstruction-of-gaza/. Fassin, Didier, and Richard
dedicated to the topic of about the entangled histories RevNews/videos/kuwait- Accessed 5 October 2018. Rechtman. The Empire of
“Trauma and Memory”, as well of the Holocaust and colonial and-other-gcc-countries- Trauma: An Inquiry into the
as Saadi Nikro’s monograph genocides (e.g. Arendt and are-too-valueable-to-accept- Brunner, José. Die Politik des Condition of Victimhood.
The Fragmenting Force of Césaire), “multi-directional any/559499680870265. Traumas. Gewalterfahrungen Princeton UP, 2009.
Memory: Self, Literary Style, memory considers a series of See also an Amnesty und psychisches Leid in den
and Civil War in Lebanon. interventions through which International report, dating USA, in Deutschland und Hassan, Doha. “Our
In Lebanon, trauma had social actors bring multiple from December 2016: https:// im Israel/Palästina-Konflikt. Testimony to Death.” Al-
become a central theme in traumatic pasts into a www.amnesty.org.au/syrias- Suhrkamp, 2014. Jumhuriya, 5 December 2016,
literature, film, and art after heterogeneous and changing refugee-crisis-in-numbers. https://www.aljumhuriya.net/
the civil war. The Lebanese post–World War II present.” Butler, Judith. Frames of en/content/our-testimony-
cultural production on war (Rothberg, Multidirectional 7For a more nuanced way to War: When is Life Grievable? death. Accessed 5 October
and violence has also created Memory 12) put forward a similar claim, Verso, 2009. 2018.
interesting debates around see Munz and Melcop.
trauma and memory. A much 3 For an earlier, equally Cesari, Chiara de and Ann De ---. “Clashing with Exile.” Al-
earlier attempt of making “relationalist” approach, see 8 Southern suburbs of Beirut. Gruyter Rigney. “Introduction” Jumhuriya, 8 October 2015,
use of (psychoanalytical) Ella Shohat’s collection of Transnational Memory: https://www.aljumhuriya.net/
trauma theory was George older and more recent essays 9See also the demand made Circulation, Articulation, en/content/clashing-exile.
Tarabechi’s critical analysis on Frantz Fanon as well as the by editors and authors of Scales, edited by Chiara de Accessed 5 October 2018.
of intellectual discourse on “multi-directional” histories of Journal of Postcolonial Cesari and Ann De Gruyter
turāth (cultural heritage) and Sephardic Jews, Palestinian Writing, who, according to Rigney, 2014, pp. 1-25. ––›
aṣāla (cultural authenticity) Arabs, Catholic Spanish, and Visser (251), emphasize “the
after the Naksa in 1967 in Native Americans (Shohat). importance of a continued Craps, Stef and Gert Buelens.
his book Al-Muthaqqafūna postcolonial critique of “Introduction”. Studies in the
al-ʿarab wa-turāth, framed 4For a similar approach, see historical and political Novel, vol. 40, no. 1-2, 2008,
as a traumatic reaction to José Brunner 2014. processes as the original sites pp. 1-12.
the shock of the collapse of trauma for postcolonial
communities (…).”

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––› Herman, Judith. Trauma and Milich, Stephan. “Narrating, Nasrallah, Ibrahim. Tahta Sayigh, Rosemary. „On the
Recovery: The Aftermath of Metaphorizing or Performing shams al-duha. Al-Dar Exclusion of the Palestinian
Violence – From Domestic the Unforgettable? The al-ʻArabiyah lil-ʻUluum - Nakba from the “Trauma
Abuse to Political Terror. Basic Politics of Trauma in Nashirun, 2009. Genre“. Journal of Palestine
Books, 1992. Contemporary Arabic Studies, vol. 43, no. 1, 2013,
Literature.” Commitment and Neria, Yuval, Jessica M Halper pp. 51-60. Doi:10.1525/
Khalifa, Mustafa. Al-Qauqaʿa: Beyond. Reflections on/of the and Margarita Bravova. jps.2013.43.1.51.
Min Yaumiyāt mutalaṣṣiṣ. Dār Political in Arabic Literature “Trauma and PTSD among
al-Adāb, 2008. since the 1940s, edited by Civilians in the Middle East.” Shohat, Ella. “On the Arab-
Friederike Pannewick and PTSD Research Quarterly, vol. Jew, Palestine, and Other
Leopoldina National Georges Khalil, Reichert, 21, no. 4, 2010, pp. 2-7. Displacements.” Selected
Academy of Sciences. 2015, pp. 285-302. Writings of Ella Shohat, Pluto
Stellungsnahme: Radstone, Susanne and Bill Press, 2017.
„Traumatisierte Flüchtlinge ---. “Translating the Schwarz, editors. Memory:
– Schnelle Hilfe ist nötig”, Unforgotten: Trauma Histories, Theories, Debates. Souleimane, Omar Youssef.
February 2018. in Contemporary Arab Fordham UP, 2010. “Nobody Wants to Cross
Literature.” Art & Thought, the Qutayfah Checkpoint.”
Luckhurst, Roger. The Trauma vol.102, 2014, pp. 54-58. Rothberg, Michael. Syria Untold, 12 December
Question. Routledge, 2008. Multidirectional Memory: 2016, http://syriauntold.
Moghnieh, Lamia. Remembering the Holocaust com/2016/12/nobody-wants-
Mansoor, Nayla. “Qalaq Humanitarian Psychology in in the Age of Decolonization. cross-qutayfah-checkpoint/.
Al Thakira wal archeef.” Al War and PostWar Lebanon: Stanford UP, 2009. Accessed 5 October 2018.
Jumhuriya, 7 September Violence, Suffering, Therapy.
2018, https://goo.gl/1yBvii. Dissertation, University of ---. “Decolonizing Trauma Visser, Irene. “Decolonizing
Accessed 5 October 2018. Michigan, 2016. Studies: A Response.” Studies Trauma Theory: Retrospect
in the Novel, vol. 40, 2008, and Prospects”, Humanities,
Meari, Lena. “Reconsidering Munz, Dietrich and pp. 224-34. vol. 4, 2015, pp. 250–265.
Trauma: Towards a Palestinian Nicolaus Melcop. “The Doi: 10.3390/h4020250.
Community Psychology.” Psychotherapeutic Care Salamah, Rafia. “Carrying
Journal of Community of Refugees in Europe: on with What Remains,
Psychology, vol. 43, no. 1, Treatment Needs, Losing Limbs in Syria.” Syria
2015, pp. 76-86. Delivery Reality and Untold, 24 May 2016, http://
Recommendations for syriauntold.com/2016/05/
Action.” European Journal of carrying-on-with-what-
Psychotraumatology, vol. 9, remains-losing-limbs-in-syria/.
no. 1. Doi: 10.1080/ Accessed 5 October 2018
20008198.2018.1476436. (CC BY 4.0)

ISSN: 2196-629X
https://doi.org/10.17192/
meta.2018.11.7941

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m eta

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toires. And while accompanying critiques

Researching Trauma: of trauma studies as a discourse—as an

institutionally located reproductive mech-
Some Methodological Considerations anism of power and knowledge maintain-
ing relational conduits of subject and
for the Humanities object formations—have served to draw
attention to the constitutive implications
of research paradigms, this has taken
place almost exclusively within the
bounds of theory.
In this essay, I take as my point of depar-
ture the idea that in the humanities there
has been an excessive amount of trauma
theory, all the while neglecting to develop
discussions around methodology. In pro-
posing a consideration of methodology, I
want to shift the debate from its over-
determined theoretical concerns to the
more worldly, fleshy, and physical con-
tours of a materialist phenomenology
focusing on modalities of encountering,
inhabiting, and embodying specific liveli-
hoods—livelihoods of people, of places,
of things, of objects—including research
subjects and research materials them-
Norman Saadi Nikro selves. While discussing these themes I
draw on some of my encounters with sub-
Since at least the mid-1990s trauma has course psychoanalysis. More recently, jects of my research in Lebanon.1
come to form a more staple theme of there has been a concerted effort to
research in the humanities, across and “decolonize” trauma studies, outlining Keywords: Trauma, Methodology,
between the fields of history, literature, how the variegated field remains subser- Humanities, Lebanon, Phenomenology,
anthropology, cultural studies, postcolo- vient to European and North American Research
nial studies, memory studies, and of teleological and epistemological reper-

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m eta 18

Epistemology is true as long as it ac- with the incidence of trauma underesti- tions of injustice and abuse, and open
counts for the impossibility of its own mates textures of social livelihood. In her up ways to imagine a different global
beginning and lets itself be driven at essay “Trauma in the Postcolony,” she future (Craps 7)
every stage by its inadequacy to the writes (68): “to speak about trauma no lon-
things themselves. ger means to investigate subjectivities and I do not want to downplay the valuable
(Theodor Adorno, Against Epistemol- their mutual, shaping relationship with the contribution to trauma studies by Craps
ogy: A Metacritique.) socio-cultural context in which they are and others,2 especially concerning the sig-
embedded, but only to speak about nificant critique of what Luckhurst has
Trauma: Between Theory and Method ‘events’, ‘stressors’, ‘accidents’.” called “private therapeutic acts of self-
Since at least the mid-1990s trauma has improvement” (75). For my purposes, I
come to form a staple theme of research Borzaga’s emphasis on “context” is echoed want rather to question the excessive faith
in the humanities, across and between by other critics writing in what can be in theory.
the fields of history, literature, anthropol- called “the field of decolonizing trauma Accordingly, in this essay I take as my
ogy, cultural studies, postcolonial studies, theory,” such as Stef Craps (43). While point of departure the idea that in the
memory studies, and psychoanalysis. Craps and Borzaga share a critique of the humanities there has been an excessive
More recently, there has been a con- predominating event-based model in amount of trauma theory, all the while
certed effort to “decolonize” trauma stud- trauma studies (of which I will say more neglecting to develop discussions around
ies, outlining how the varying field below), they otherwise depart in a signifi- methodology.
remains subservient to European and cant respect. This concerns the almost In proposing a consideration of methodol-
North American teleological and episte- fetishistic faith that Craps invests in theory ogy, I want to shift the debate from its
mological repertoires. According to a as a moral, largely epistemological agent over-determined theoretical concerns to
prominent critic, Irene Visser, this subser- of change. As he writes in the conclusion the more worldly, fleshy, and physical con-
vience is informed by an “event-based of his introduction: tours of a materialist phenomenology
model of trauma” (252) that underesti- focusing on modalities of encountering,
mates “circumstances—colonial, racial, I suggest that, rather than serving as inhabiting, and embodying specific liveli-
patriarchal”—in which trauma constitutes the handmaiden of the status quo or hoods—livelihoods of people, of places, of
enduring textures of life. a purveyor of voyeuristic skills, a de- things, of objects—including research sub-
colonized trauma theory can act as jects and research materials themselves.
Visser’s observation taps into significant a catalyst for meaningful change. By Rather than profess universalizing preten-
research articulating a departure from enabling us to recognize and attend sions immured in what Sara Ahmed has
event-based models of trauma. Writing to the sufferings of people around the called a “paperless philosophy” (34), such
from the South African context, Michela world, an inclusive and culturally sen- a phenomenology is attuned to differen-
Borzaga emphasizes how a preoccupation sitive trauma theory can expose situa- tial circulations of material and imaginary

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m eta 19

resources by which subjects and objects knowledge and method is a particularly From existential and professional experi-
comport themselves and “cohere.” important ethical tangent for many of us ence, I have also come to learn that
whose research takes place in the Mashreq researchers tend to have negative assump-
This shift from a theory of the production and Maghreb. Across these regions, much tions concerning violence and trauma.
of knowledge to the methods and social of the social texture and political culture, Violence seems always to imply some-
modalities by which knowledge is gath- as well as intellectual know-how, is having thing destructive and immoral, at least
ered and applied (from logic to logistics, to somehow incorporate and process according to conventional expectations of
we can say) requires an alternative view of more acute experiences of violence and normality; or more precisely, according to
methodology itself. In phenomenological trauma (physical and symbolic, actual and an analytic temperament that fails to rec-
terms, methodology transpires not so potential, sudden and enduring) as not ognize that alignments between normal
much as a reproducible, categorical only pressing concerns for everyday life, and abnormal resonate and come to
means of ordering the logic of knowledge but also as not quite out of the ordinary. cohere (or be rendered incoherent) as
production—which serves in the main to By ethical, I mean, in the first instance, that embodied hermeneutic patterns of self-
remove the presence of the researcher a researcher cultivates a sense of having a and other-awareness—alignments that are
from the scene of research—but rather as relationship to their research subjects and thus always shifting. Kirsten Hastrup (313)
an exercise of encountering research material. I think Michael Lambek is on the has argued that research applications are
material and exchanging a sense of pur- right track when, in his discussion of designed to anticipate “order, pattern, sys-
pose with research subjects. Perhaps part Gadamer and hermeneutics, he suggests tem and essential stability,” and hence are
of this shift in how methodology (the very a shift of “virtue ethics” from a Levinasian poorly equipped to gauge “fragmentation
term is imbued with a rather dry and pro- concern with the other to the “circum- and instability as part of human experi-
saic aura, and hence tends to be avoided stances” (230) in which the other appears ence.” As researchers carry set assump-
in the humanities) is discussed and as other, potentially disturbing my terms tions about violence, it is inevitable that
debated involves a view of knowledge as of reference. More heterophonic than they categorize varying modes of violence
know-how, as a practical and passionate polyphonic, such an approach suggests the phenomenon will as beyond the pale
exercise in learning, with others, how to that the relationship a researcher has with of normality, underestimating how a
know. This includes a willingness to reflect research subjects and material is medi- research source, or else a research sub-
on circumstances in which one has learned ated by a number of factors and tangents, ject, embodies and makes hermeneutic
how to know, and been induced to all involving specific, mostly institutionally sense of their social environments.
“unlearn” (hooks 38) how to know. directed circulations and exchanges of
power, know-how, desire, emotion, pas- To borrow from Veena Das, a sensitivity to
As I have come to learn through my devel- sion, and temperament—what Lambek in what I have called shifting alignments
oping relationship to my research and that his essay articulates as an overlapping ten- between normal and abnormal involves
of others, the phenomenological nexus of sion between “tradition and practice.” an attentiveness not only to the “ordinari-

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ness” of how subjects of enduring vio- actual, emotional, potential, resistant, and ical assistance relied on ‘the trauma
lence and trauma revitalize their social symbolic violence play significant roles in model’ as a mode of intervention that
circumstances, but indeed how research maintaining textures of social life. In understands violence solely as a traumatic
itself can be attuned to this ordinariness, Lebanon, for example, martyrdom circu- encounter injuring and rupturing the
can “descend into the ordinary.” Writing lates, and is packaged and exchanged, as psyche” (28).
about the fragments of speech articulated an emotional, productive modality of
by one of her research subjects, Das social bonding, very similar to the ceremo- Clinical and theoretical ways of speaking
writes: “it appears to me that filling out the nies and social imaginaries of war shrines, about trauma often presuppose a notion
repertoire to which each fragment points tombs, and narratives of unknown-soldier of the subject as primordially self-con-
allows us to construct meaning as a pro- symbols in Australia or the United States. tained and indivisible (individual).
cess in which the spoken utterances derive Consequently, remedial theories and
their meaning from the lifeworld rather Researchers also tend to view trauma practices are geared towards patching up
than from the abstract notions of structural through a negative lens, as an affliction this indivisible container. In a temporal
semantics” (65). Indeed, in her critique of that should be cured and overcome, or sense, the question “what happened?”
orienting research through the question else that can be explained according to a assumes that trauma is concentrated in an
“what happened?” Das maintains a critical neat, teleological model of cause and incident of the past, and that present cir-
distance from event-based models. She effect. As I mentioned above, trauma is cumstances are innocent of enduring
gives more emphasis to modalities in often assumed to be associated with a trauma. In the post-civil war years in
which violence and trauma are “folded specific event or incident, so that what Lebanon (after 1990), for example, not
into everyday relations” (75). This “folding” comes after a “traumatic event” is viewed much effort was made to develop ade-
refers both to embodiments of lingering in terms of personal coping, or else con- quate public health facilities, remedial
violence and trauma and capacities to ref- figured as a remedial response to the trau- practices, and economic well-being to
erence and narrate experiences and cir- matic event. In her discussion of “the address enduring and lingering trauma as
cumstances of such. humanitarian trauma model” in Lebanon, both personal disposition and social tex-
Moghnieh argues that trauma is mostly ture. My point is that the failure to do so is
Attentiveness to “ordinariness” does not viewed by the “humanitarian experts” as a a constitutive condition of enduring
mean that violence (political, domestic, rupture to the psyche, and rarely recog- trauma.
civil, symbolic) should be excused, thema- nized as a mode of reference revitalizing
tized as a basic attribute of life, or else ren- capacities for social being. Writing about Traumatic symptoms can be valued as
dered a constitutive theme of restorative the July War of 2006 (Israel’s thirty-day varying emotional, intellectual, social, and
justice. It is rather to foreground that bombing spree of Lebanon), Moghnieh material ways of coping with distressing
ready-made notions of violence as nega- says: “Humanitarian organizations that circumstances of livelihood, especially
tive and abnormal underestimate how arrived in Lebanon to provide psycholog- when such circumstances involve anticipa-

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tions of further violence and the absence and the politics of trauma in specific con- As I have suggested, while in the social sci-
of adequate health care. Kai Erikson is one texts,” to quote the call for papers—can a ences there has been much debate con-
of the very few social anthropologists to predominant comportment toward know- cerning methodology, in the humanities
have researched trauma in terms of social ing be shifted to a more physical “com- trauma theory tends to hold sway. I can
textures of livelihood and coping, going portment toward being,”4 including being- outline some of the questions I want to
so far as to claim that no incident or event in relationships with research subjects and problematize as follows. How, for a start,
is itself inherently traumatic. He makes the materials? should we understand “methodology” in
somewhat radical suggestion that trau- respect to researching trauma, in respect
matic impulses—both articulate and hap- In this paper, then, I emphasise a notion of to pain and suffering, to social textures of
tic—are shared as modalities of cohering methodology as a practical application of life and livelihood, as well as performative
as a group or community.3 research, though having ethical and phe- and narrative works that either thematize
nomenological implications. Although trauma or else reverberate as traumatized
As I am suggesting, in the humanities cri- phenomenology has often been articu- thresholds of social and cultural produc-
tiques of trauma studies have tended to lated through a guise of transcending (or tion? How can methodology be under-
concentrate on theory, neglecting ques- “bracketing” beliefs and prejudices) cir- stood in terms of a materialist phenome-
tions concerning methodology. But how cumstance,5 its value lies in its basic nology? By this, I mean to suggest, as
should methodology be understood in assumption that subjects, bodies, or for mentioned above, a shift away from a
relation to varying applications of that matter, concepts, are not defined notion of methodology as a strict exercise
research? How can methodology be according to their substantive properties, of gathering and ordering knowledge to
regarded not merely as a way of conduct- but by capacities, by relational modalities an awareness of inhabiting research and
ing research and organizing findings, but of comportment. As Sara Ahmed writes, social environments consisting of certain
rather as a relational mode of inhabiting a speaking about race: “It can be problem- modalities of comportment.
social texture of life in which trauma is vari- atic to describe whiteness as something
ably embodied? How, indeed is method- we ‘pass through’: such an argument Trauma in a Manifold Refrain
ology discussed in the humanities? To my could make whiteness into something A particular assumption embedded in
mind, critical discussions of methodology substantive, as if whiteness has an onto- theories of trauma is that victimhood
tend to be restricted to questions of epis- logical force of its own that compels us implies a passive orientation of self and
temology. This restriction underestimates and even ‘drives’ action” (135). Accordingly, circumstance, in relation to traumatic inci-
how researchers can consider methodol- I want to try to situate the question of dents and/or enduring psychological and
ogy in respect to a physical experience of methodology in respect to relational physical pain. Consequently, a person’s
being-with, or being in the midst, as it dynamics and circulations in which sub- failure to speak about and articulate their
were. How, concerning the theme of this jects, concepts, research agendas, and pain, give voice to their experiences of
special issue—“the materiality of suffering knowledge come to cohere. violence, or else narrate their present

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m eta 22

emotional and material circumstances of willingly turns himself into an image of the modalities of inhabiting and sharing a site
livelihood, indicates a failing, an incapac- other’s psychic or sentient claims” (Scarry in which stories and voice7 are exchanged,
ity. Yet this assumption tends, firstly, to 50). different institutional settings and conven-
encompass binary notions of normality tionally channelled orientations involve
and abnormality, and secondly, underesti- Scarry’s discussion suggests a notion of varying capacities to tell and hear. We
mates how a person is always actively trauma as not only an experience of vio- should thus be careful not to assume a
engaging their circumstances and work- lence, but also as a way of holding oneself rather liberal notion of place and subjec-
ing on managing unpredictable occur- together in the lingering aftermath of vio- tivity as primordially, or perhaps poten-
rences of stimuli. lent incidents and events. For my pur- tially, neutral, unmarked by institutional
poses, she emphasizes a compelling corridors of movement, comportment,
As a modicum of pain, trauma involves notion of pain and trauma taking place as deferment, and extension.
relational exchanges of voice and voice- relational modalities of comportment, in
lessness, speech and speechlessness. The between one subject and another, rather One of these institutional corridors is to be
withdrawal of voice and speech can be than restricted to a subject understood as sure the formal place for production and
another way of managing self and circum- an embodiment of substantive properties. exchange of scholarly research, a site that
stance. In her acclaimed The Body in Pain Listening transpires as a vehicle by which is certainly not immune from conduits of
(1987), Elaine Scarry discusses the theme the telling or else sound of pain takes power. Towards putting into further relief
of social extension in terms of a transfor- place as a “projection” of oneself beyond my primary theme of a phenomenological
mative momentum between body and their “suffering body,” beyond their body methodology, I want to mention an exam-
voice, understanding these as modalities in pain.6 ple when the research institute—in this
of inhabiting place and capacities to case, my home base at the Leibniz-
exchange a sense of self with others. If Yet listening, of course, is not always pro- Zentrum Moderner Orient—became a site
pain, according to Scarry, “destroys a per- vided willingly and freely, but involves not only for a thematic discussion of
son’s world, self, and voice” (49) directing modicums of power and desire, institu- trauma, but indeed for a listening to the
a person towards corporeal contraction or tional and otherwise, by which a subject is projected, self-extended voice of a trau-
withdrawal, then by contrast, the articula- disposed to hear and receive the voice of matised subject.
tion of pain, expressing (pushing, breath- another. The listening subject very often
ing out) voice as an articulation of an expe- coheres as a professional, humanitarian This occurred at one of our public collo-
rience of pain (if only to say “ahhhhh”), has mode of comportment that assumes a quiums (always held on the last Thursday
remedial consequences. Accordingly, as rather atomised notion of the subject of the month, during semesters), when a
an exchange of self with others, traumatic according to a substantive notion of pos- colleague, Karin Mlodoch, gave a presen-
pain implicates an act of listening by which sessive individualism. So that while telling tation of her research with Anfal women
“one human being who is well and free and listening take place as relational survivors in Iraq.8 In the usual open discus-

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sion following her talk, after some initial The man was obviously acquainted with and hear. Secondly, he did not merely
questions and comments, a middle-aged the research of my colleague, and had articulate his stories, but actively managed
man tentatively indicated that he’d like to made an effort to visit our centre for the his voice and how we were to receive and
speak. As it turned out he was himself an talk. Through their field trips, most of my perhaps respond to his stories and voice.
Iraqi/Kurdish Anfal survivor (of a poison colleagues at ZMO, I think it is fair to say, Thirdly, how I myself was induced to reflect
gas attack), and began speaking about his are acquainted with circumstances (if not on the ethical parameters of my research—
experiences. What struck me at the time events and incidents) of violence, and indeed, to think more of the various ways
were his thoughtful pauses, his intermit- often work with subjects who have experi- in which my relationship to my research
tent hesitancy to speak and tell his sto- enced violence.9 So while the stories the coheres. (One of the reviewers of my pres-
ries—not because of timidity, or else inse- gentleman shared may not have been ent essay, Vasiliki Touhouliotis, suggests
curity with the German language, which shocking, such a direct account of per- that to some extent the institutional setting
he spoke fluently, albeit with a heavy sonal experience of violence and pain sat coheres by excluding from the scene
accent. uncomfortably with the research focus of casual modes of narration, usually
the event, in an institution more adept to restricted to the field of research. I think
Interestingly, he did not direct a question framing discussions of violence and this is an interesting way of not only further
to my colleague Mlodoch, as the rest of us trauma as themes of research. Obviously, discussing methodology as a modality of
were wont to do. He rather addressed us his hesitations had also to do with his inhabiting the scene of research, but also
all, moving his gaze across and around the sense that the occasion was more about how a “source”—such as the soliciting of a
room as he spoke. It seemed to me that he thematizing trauma as a modality of research subject’s account of himself or
was not sure if the rest of us, with our aca- research and therefore was not an occa- herself—becomes a source. This is where I
demic preoccupations and research orien- sion for the telling and listening to a first- feel that a materialist phenomenology
tations, wanted to hear what he had to say. hand account of violence and trauma. attuned to both the specificities and plu-
I think he was also not sure how much of Perhaps he felt that his intervention could ralities of circumstance provides a sense
his experience he should recount, perhaps make a valuable contribution to the way in that a story transpires through different
to spare us, in the circumstance of a schol- which we were discussing these themes. guises, carries different connotations,
arly event, or else as a modicum of mod- depending on the circumstances in which
esty, the gruesome details of his subjection My point in recounting this incident is it takes place as a modality of exchange,
and pain. As I recall the event, it seemed threefold. Firstly, the man’s capacity to or concerning how it is categorized and
obvious that he was not sure how we were express his voice, narrate his experiences, becomes part of a collection).
predisposed to listen to what he wanted to is not only restricted by his experiences of
say. At the same time, he felt it was impor- violence and enduring trauma, but also Such reflections, I feel, are important, if we
tant that he speak, and give us some idea concern the circumstances and occasions are to consider how giving one’s story and
of his and his people’s experiences. that influence and shape capacities to tell having it received does not take place in a

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power vacuum, or else on a level playing political parties and their militias became when in the first of his traveling theory
field. More significantly, as I said at the increasingly territorial and opportunistic. essays he writes about what he calls “resis-
beginning of this section, social textures Consequently, circumstances became tances to theory” (242). By this he means
of trauma entail modicums of voice/ unpredictable, as people were never sure that any theory transported from one
speech and voiceless/speechlessness not when and where a bout of violence would place to another has to be sensitive to
as incapacities, but as measures actively break out, or else when and where an people’s own hermeneutic capacities to
taken to manage how one engages cir- interlude of non-violence would emerge. embody and make sense of themselves
cumstance and an exchange of self with As people had more pressingly to undergo and their circumstances.
others. a heady, intractable mix of actual, imagi-
nary, symbolic, precipitate potential vio- This critical insight is brilliantly captured
Black-and-White Photography lence and non-violence, trauma became by Ziad Rahbani and Jean Chamoun in
On my first visit to Lebanon in 1979, large part of the texture and ethos of social life.10 one of the episodes of their satirical radio
parts of Beirut, as well as other urban and While people in their neighborhoods had show Baadna Taybeen: ‘oul Allah! that was
rural areas of the country had become a range of ready-to-hand vernacular terms broadcast in Beirut from 1975 to 1978. The
convulsed in bouts of recurrent armed to name violence and non-violence, the title can be translated as “We’re Still Alive,
conflict, massacres, and demographic unpredictability tested their capacities to Thank God,” employing a mix of humour
cleansing, as well as foreign occupation. represent how they understood what was and irony to address the pulse beats of the
Amidst the violence, there were intermit- going on. Consequently, the vernacular civil violence.11 While articulating political
tent periods of calm. As various militias had to be inventive. Theory, to be sure, commentary, many of the episodes
emerged and battled over control of constitutes another modality of exchang- focused of how people processed their
streets, neighborhoods, villages, and ing terms of reference, often far removed circumstances temperamentally, emotion-
towns, people had to make an effort not from localized practices of talking about ally, and hermeneutically.
only to survive physically—access to bomb circumstance. Yet, in a dissimilar way to In an episode titled “Black-and-White
shelters, medical services, supplies of social vernaculars, the value of theory can- Photographs,” Rahbani has his somewhat
food and water, electricity and gas—but not be restricted to its ready-to-handness, incredulous character tell a story about a
also make some sort of sense of the vio- to its practical application, but has also to photographer taking pictures of Lebanon
lence. strive to account for its relationship to its (a “country drowning in war,” as is
conditions of emergence. In other words, described in another installment,
Increasingly, people had also to make the question of the value of theory cannot “Greetings from Lebanon”). Strangely, the
sense of interludes of non-violence, usu- be limited to questions of epistemology, color film the photographer used would
ally with an air of anticipation of further but has also to entertain its phenomeno- only produce black-and-white images.
violence. In the wake of the ensuing, brutal logical implications. Edward Said had When the character asks his interlocutor if
Israeli occupation of Beirut in 1982, the something like this limitation in mind he believes this story, the other remarks,

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positively: “Of course, it makes sense. If violence, precisely by avoiding any moral- gest a relational approach attuned to
you are photographing a black-and-white izing arguments that one way or another instances in which research applied in
situation, as Lebanon currently is in, then served to render the violence either nor- color film is transformed into shades of
you’ll get black-and-white images, even if mal or abnormal. black and white.
you use a color film.” The first character
rejoins with a quite logical follow-up: “then This particular rhythm of responsiveness To return to my theme of a phenomeno-
what should you use to make color pho- that captures my discussion of trauma, logical notion of methodology, how can
tos?” The point of this comical exchange especially concerning my interaction with what I have called a “rhythm of responsive-
is that a form of representation embodies and relationship to (my) research subjects ness” inform a discussion of research in
the symptomatic reverberations of its cir- and material in Lebanon. Yet my point is the field, keeping in mind how different
cumstance—a photograph signifies its sub- not that a researcher should not assume a disciplines entail varying practices of
ject by resonating with an encounter with moralizing or ideological argument or research? Being, in the main, a literary and
the circumstances of its subject. approach. Rather, my point is that the cultural scholar myself, I sometimes won-
In other words, to make color photographs embodiment of this assumption should der about what I understand as “field-
one would need to be in tune to the cir- not become a substitute for giving an work.” At the ZMO, I am surrounded by
cumstances in which one engages a mode account of how my subjects of research anthropologists who understand field-
of representation, be more responsive to themselves engage with and make sense— work very differently to myself. The con-
an encounter12 with the subject being pho- or perhaps avoid making sense—of their trast is so big that I have had to strive to
tographed, and not only the formal prop- circumstances and livelihoods. learn to understand fieldwork as indeed a
erties of the medium. practice. In my first years at the ZMO, I
Rahbani and Chamoun directed their It is probably an exaggeration or else shared an office with an anthropologist,
satirical humor towards the absurdity of absurdity to say that amidst the chaos Laura Menin. I noticed that she planned
predominating, largely expedient modes and utter unpredictability of recurrent her field trips for two or three months at a
of representing and inevitably normaliz- incidences of civil violence there were time, whereas by contrast I would under-
ing the violence and chaos, or else the outbreaks of non-violence. Yet this obser- take more rapid one-week visits to
normalization of the absurdity of vio- vation begins to give us a sense of how Lebanon to attend a workshop, meet
lence—a successful colour photograph difficult it is to articulate violence and other academics, or do an interview. The
would only be true to the terms of refer- trauma as themes and experiences (sud- latter were usually done in an office on a
ence framing the picture than the circum- den, enduring, precipitate, looming) university campus, quite detached from
stances in which the picture is taken. At according to logical terms of reference. the noise and bustle of, say, the Corniche,
the time, Baadna Taybeen: ‘oul Allah! pro- Again, this is not to deny the relevance of or a café in Hamra. Laura would say some-
vided a rather radical response to ideo- a logical way of thematizing enduring thing like she needed to sense the climate,
logical and political explanations of the violence and trauma, but rather to sug- or imbibe the atmosphere. Is it necessary

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for a literary and cultural studies scholar to respect to “ their relationships to their con- reflect on the phenomenological notion of
imbibe the atmosphere of a place, espe- ditions of production”.13 By this, I do not methodology I have been proposing as a
cially when researching traces of trauma in mean the all-too-relativist point that a compliment to “trauma theory.”
works of cultural production, as I have pre- work of cultural production has to be read To continue on a personal note, I feel that
viously done (Nikro The Fragmenting in respect to its context. I am rather think- it is worthwhile considering how my rela-
Force of Memory)? If so, how would a liter- ing of a relational observation that its very tionship to my research is enabled, espe-
ary scholar go about doing this? livelihood involves a myriad range of prac- cially in respect to what on the one hand
tices of address (including that directed may seem like mundane logistics, though
One aspect of literary and cultural studies through research), review, and public on the other hand play a role in orienting
that has always left me dissatisfied is not debate—supplementary articulations con- me towards gathering, sharing, and prac-
so much its concentration on visual and tributing to the significance and reso- ticing my know-how. For example, I have
literary sources (which, unlike people, are nance of a work of cultural production. the privilege of being able to visit my pri-
in some respects more amenable to being mary field of research, Lebanon, collect
detached from their immediate circula- In other words, a work of literature (or a my “sources” (interviews, documents, arte-
tions of social production and exchange, film) do not merely reflect a certain con- facts), and then come back to my life and
and are thus more readily transportable). I text, but provokes practices of referring to work in Europe. From the moment I plan
rather mean how scholars often have no and engaging contexts, an emergence of my trip and book a return flight I embody
embodied experiences of the places context itself. To again refer to Rahbani and apply a methodology based around
where the literary texts they work with and Chamoun’s radio show, the medium a separation of myself from the scene of
have been produced and reviewed, dis- (a color film) cannot be regarded as a neu- my research, from what I call “my research
cussed and debated. For example, a liter- tral methodological means of represent- field.” Like most researchers, I tend to carry
ary scholar can have an interesting formal ing events, but comes to phenomenolog- with me a rather inflated sense of the sig-
idea of a particular thematic element of ically embody the pulse beats and nificance of my work, as well as an expec-
literary production (memoir, say), and dis- resonances (in black-and-white film) of an tation that people and things in Lebanon
cuss a number of works of literature that engagement with circumstance. The work should be readily receptive to my endeav-
express this specific theme. This can range of a literary scholar provides another layer ours. I travel into the “field” and return with
over works of literature produced in differ- of this embodiment. my spoils—sources, exhibits, books, films—
ent parts of the world and even in different which I duly store as a reusable stock of
languages (often read in translation), each Phenomenological Methodologies resources.
work becoming an illustrative example of While noting the institutional circum-
the central idea. Yet the works of literature stances and conduits by which applica- Most of my intellectual training is informed
themselves embody certain dynamics that tions of know-how take shape, coherence, by critical theories arising in Europe and
to a significant extent only make sense in and purpose, I want in this final section to North America. These theories embody,

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Norman Saadi Nikro take for granted, specific notions of time research? Do they simply shed their previ- The contemporary preoccupation with
and space (the former “progressive,” the ous ways of resonating and cohering? To theories of trauma, as I said in my intro-
gained a doctoral degree in critical latter split between “public” and “private”), what extent do such sources experience ductory remarks, tends to underestimate
theory and cultural studies in the School subjectivity (possessive individual), and their hermeneutic vigor otherwise—not as a phenomenological dimension of meth-
of Sociology at the University of New the sacred and secular (the former having “sources” for the gathering of knowledge? odological practices. Where the optics of
South Wales, and his Habilitation degree been left behind, or else neatly quaran- How, perhaps, can a source be regarded theory usually entails a convenient separa-
in the Department of Literature and tined away from political deliberations) as as a phenomenological embodiment of tion of the researcher from the scene of
Culture in English at Potsdam University. their hermeneutic horizons and epistemo- circumstance—including the institutional research, methodology implicates the
Before settling in Berlin, he held the logical repertoires. As many critics have circumstances in which a source is stored researcher’s physical presence and prac-
position of Assistant Professor at Notre pointed out, these epistemic assumptions and exchanged as a resource for practices tice. In a phenomenological refrain, meth-
Dame University in Lebanon. Among his inform predominant intellectual and of know-how, repertoires in knowing how odology takes place through social prac-
edited volumes are Arab Women Writing humanitarian notions of trauma arising in to know? These questions become more tices of exchanging a sense of purpose
in English, for the journal Al Raida (2007); Europe and North America. vexing when considering how in Lebanon with others, with research subjects and
Situating Postcolonial Trauma Studies, temporal and spatial experiences and research materials.
for the journal Postcolonial Text (2014); The “research field” I visit and work in imaginaries involve not merely acute
and The Social Life of Memory: Violence, involves varying temporal, spatial, and experiences of violence and trauma, but
Trauma, and Testimony in Lebanon and economic modalities of life. This field, also varying ways of thematically and/or
Morocco (Palgrave Macmillan, 2018). therefore, does not constitute a holistic symptomatically engaging violence and
He is the author of The Fragmenting package that I can oppose to Europe, and trauma.
Force of Memory: Self, Literary Style, hence cannot be neatly wrapped up and
and Civil War in Lebanon (Cambridge contrasted to what in the process would Yet, as I have been suggesting, these
Scholars Publishing, 2012); and Milieus transpire as an equally wrapped up and questions involve a methodological prac-
of ReMemory: Relationalities of Violence, parcelled Europe and North America. In tice that cannot be limited to epistemo-
Trauma, and Voice (forthcoming, Lebanon, things are much messier, with logical arguments over the appropriate-
Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2018). significant differences within and between ness of certain categories and
email: [email protected] cities, towns and villages, and in relation to classifications (such as “ideal types”). The
other places of the Mashreq and Maghreb. question of methodology requires an
To what extent, I can well ask, do my attentiveness to relational modalities of
“sources” (research subjects and research inhabiting and making sense of one’s
material) maintain their varying, site-spe- research in and through reciprocal vectors
cific modalities of hermeneutic livelihood of social exchange.
once they are constrained to respond to
the constitutive applications of my

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Notes
4 I borrow the phrase from 10 Sami Hermez (War
Works Cited Craps, Stef. Postcolonial
the late William Spanos is Coming) provides a Witnessing: Trauma Out of
1The German Ministry of (Toward a Non-Humanist compelling ethnographic Adorno, Theodor. Bounds. Palgrave Macmillan,
Education and Training (DFG) Humanism: Theory After discussion of how people Against Epistemology: A 2013.
funded the research of which 9/11), who provides a in Lebanon embody an Metacritique. Translated by
this essay is a part. This essay convincing critique of the anticipation of violence. Willis Domingo, Blackwell. Das, Veena. Life and Words:
was presented at a seminar (de)constructivist ethos of the 1982. Violence and the Descent
of the research group last few decades in cultural 11 Many of the episodes (all in into the Ordinary. U of
Trajectories of Lives and and literary studies in, mostly, Arabic) aired between 1975 Ahmed, Sara. Queer California P, 2007.
Knowledge of which I am a North America. to 1976 are available as MP3 Phenomenology:
part, at the ZMO. I would like files on the internet (Rahbani Orientations, Objects, Others. Dolar, Mladen. A Voice and
to thank my colleagues for
5 Ihde (Listening and Voice: & Chamoun). Duke UP, 2006. Nothing More. MIT Press,
their feedback. Also thanks Phenomenologies of Sound) 2006.
to the reviewers, Dr. Muzna provides an interesting 12On the photographic Alimia, Sanaa. “Notes From
Al Masri and Dr. Vasiliki discussion of what he calls event as an “encounter,” see the Field: Fieldwork and Erickson, Kai. A New Species
Touhouliotis for their valuable “first phenomenology,” in Azoulay. Violence”. Unpublished of Trouble: The Human
comments. respect to his preoccupation paper, 2017. Experience of Modern
with sound. 13By “production” I include Disasters. Norton, 1994.
2 I have discussed the critical printing and publishing, Azoulay, Ariella. The Civil
literature and debates in my 6For a similar, and just reviews and commentary, Contract of Photography. ---.“Notes on Trauma and
introduction to a special issue as compelling notion public readings and Translated by Rela Mazali and Community”. Trauma:
of the journal Postcolonial of listening, see the two discussion, as well as Ruvik Danieli. Zone Books, Explorations in Memory,
Text I edited. See Nikro, chapters by Dori Laub adaptations of the work, be it 2008. edited by Cathy Caruth. John
“Situating Postcolonial (Testimony). a novel, a memoir, a film, etc. Hopkins UP, 1995.
Trauma Studies”, 2014; as Borzaga, Michela. “Trauma
well as in chapter 5 of my 7On voice as sound not in the Postcolony: Towards Shoshana Felman and Dori
The Fragmenting Force of necessarily equal to speech, a New Theoretical Laub. Testimony: Crisis of
Memory, 2012. see Dolar, and Cavavero. Approach”. Trauma, Memory, Witnessing in Literature,
and Narrative in the Psychoanalysis, and History.
8See Mlodoch. Her Contemporary South African Routledge, 1992.
3 See his essay “Notes on
Trauma and Community”, in colloquium presentation was Novel, edited by Ewald
on February 26, 2015. Mengel and Michela Borzaga. Hastrup, Kirsten. “Violence,
Caruth (Trauma: Explorations
Rodopi, 2012, pp.65-91. Suffering and Human Rights:
in Memory). For an expanded
9For a compelling discussion Anthropological Reflections”.
discussion of his argument
of the theme by another of Cavarero, Adriana. For More Anthropological Theory, vol.
and fieldwork, see his A New
my colleagues, see Alimia. than One Voice: Toward 3, no. 3, 2003, pp. 309-323.
Species of Trouble.
a Philosophy of Vocal
Expression. Translated by Hermez. Sami. War is
Paul A. Kottman. Stanford UP, Coming: Between Past and
2005. Future Violence in Lebanon.
U of Pennsylvania P, 2017.

––›
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m eta 29

––› hooks, bell. Teaching to Nikro, Norman Saadi. The Spanos, William. Toward a
Transgress: Education as Fragmenting Force of Non-Humanist Humanism:
the Practice of Freedom. Memory: Self, Literary Style, Theory After 9/11. Suny Press,
Routledge, 1994. and Civil War in Lebanon. 2017.
Cambridge Scholars
Ihde, Don. Listening and Publishers, 2012. Visser, Irene. “Decolonizing
Voice. Phenomenologies of Trauma Theory: Retrospects
Sound. State University of ---. “ReMemory in an Inter- and Prospect.” Humanities.
New York, 2007. Generationl Register: Social vol. 4, no. 2, 2015, pp. 250-
and Ethical Life of Testimony”. 265.
Lambek, Michael. “The The Social Life of Memory:
Hermeneutics of Ethical Violence, Trauma, and
Encounters: Between Testimony in Lebanon and
Traditions and Practice”. HAU: Morocco, edited by Norman
Journal of Ethnographic Saadi Nikro and Sonja
Theory, vol. 5, no. 2, 2015, pp. Hegasy. Palgrave Macmillan,
227-250. 2017.

Luckhurst, Roger. The Trauma ---. Milieus of Rememory:

Question. Routledge, 2008. Relationalities of
Violence, Trauma, and
Mlodoch, Karin. The Limits of Voice. Cambridge
Trauma Discourse: Women Scholars Publishing, 2018,
Anfal Survivors in Kurdistan- forthcoming.
Iraq. ZMO Studien, 2015.
Rahbani, Ziad and Chamoun,
Moghnieh, Lamia. “‘The Jean. Baadna Taybeen: ‘oul
Violence We Live In’: Reading Allah!, 1978. http://almashriq.
and Experiencing Violence hiof.no/lebanon/700/780/
in the Field”. Contemporary ziad-rahbani/baadna-
Levant, vol. 2, no. 1, 2017, pp. taybeen/index.html.
24-36. Accessed 2015.

Nikro, Norman Saadi. Said, Edward W. The World,

“Situating Postcolonial the Text, and the Critic.
Trauma Studies”. Special issue Vintage, 1991.
of Postcolonial Text. vol. 9, no. (CC BY 4.0)
2, 2014, pp. 1-21. Scarry, Eliane. The Body
in Pain: The Making and ISSN: 2196-629X
Unmaking of the World. https://doi.org/10.17192/
Oxford UP, 1987. meta.2018.11.7786

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“There’s no need to number”

“It’s a power, not a disease”: “There’s no need to number the num-

Syrian Youth Respond to Human ber of men, women, and children who
have died or become homeless, or of
Devastation Syndrome the cities or homes that have been de-
vastated and stolen” (Masri 42).

“My exile here in Lebanon made me con-

scious of a lot of things,” Khadija1 said. It
was July 13th, and we had called Khadija
to talk about the defeat of Darʿā, Syria. “It
made me conscious of things like depres-
sion and these feelings and how much I
need to know and express myself, and
how little I am able to.” Originally from
western Ghouta, Khadija was ten years old
when the first protest happened in her
neighborhood. “Even though I was young
I got really excited. I knew that I didn’t have
Tory Brykalski, Diana Rayes freedom and I wanted it.” She joined the
protests. “I thought that if I could achieve
While it is well acknowledged that the Syndrome” (HDS) by the Syrian American something, anything, I would be able to
effects of war and exile are devastating Medical Society. Used describe the effects take control of my life, and cure my depres-
for Syrian youth, there has been less focus of war and displacement on Syrian youth, sion.” The Syrian government responded
on how they interpret their experience of HDS provides a lens through which Karim to her neighborhood’s protests with
war and displacement. Integrating and Khadija introduce their own theories force.2 “I know I’m traumatized,” she
anthropological and global health per- of devastation. explained, “but I’ve accepted it. It’s in the
spectives, we invite two Syrian youth, past, and, to be honest, I’m bored of it.” It
Karim and Khadijah, to speak to larger Keywords: Syrian children, mental health, was very important for Khadija that we
theoretical questions about humanitari- Syrian refugees, Lebanon, ethnography, understood this point. The suffering
anism. We describe the creation of a new Human Devastation Syndrome Khadija experienced as a result of the
diagnostic term, “Human Devastation siege of western Ghouta and her displace-

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ment to Lebanon has not turned her into numbers, reports, and diagnostic catego- The questions that motivate this article are
a traumatized victim. It has made her con- ries can never quite capture what it is that about what the creation and circulation of
scious. she has been through.3 Human Devastation Syndrome in general
Khadija’s boredom with trauma is an Syrian medical and humanitarian profes- and this statement, in particular, adds to
important counternarrative to the seem- sionals have struggled to capture the full trauma-centered discussions about the
ingly endless cycle of photos of shell- depth of what children like Khadija have mental health of Syrian children. How
shocked children, advocacy reports, and been through. In 2013, Dr. MK Hamza, a does it contribute to understanding
articles talking about the high levels of Syrian-American forensic neuropsycholo- Khadija’s experience of mental illness and
trauma experienced by Syria’s “Lost gist with the Syrian American Medical health?
Generation” (Chen; Collard; Durando; Society (SAMS), started using a new term, To offer a preliminary answer to these
Hawilo; Hosseini; McVeigh; Stano; Taylor; “Human Devastation Syndrome,” to questions, we turn to two young people,
UNICEF). These accounts paint a stark pic- describe their suffering. A few years later Khadija and Karim*, and their thoughts
ture. They remind us that more than 14,000 the press picked the term up and it imme- about Human Devastation Syndrome
Syrian children have been killed, more diately solicited global attention via Arabic (HDS). By foregrounding Karim and
than 8 million have been displaced, more and English news outlets (ATTN; Syria Khadija’s experiences and interpretations,
than 50% of children (and 90% of girls) Noor; NabdSyria; Al-Arabiya; Strochlich; we are making explicit the fact that Syrian
have dropped out of school, and more Davis). Most of this media provides mini- young people can and should be given
than 180,000 children have had to start mal context to the term itself and merely the space to theorize about their own lives
working to support their families since cites Dr. Hamza. Here is how Dr. Hamza and articulate answers to larger theoreti-
2011 (Doucleff; Sirin and Rogers-Sirin). introduced the term in media interviews: cal questions about humanitarianism and
They also remind us that the long-term representation.4 In so doing, we also pose
impact of these realities on children‘s “We have talked to so many children, questions to SAMS and other humanitar-
mental health is significant. Chronic expo- and their devastation is above and bey- ian organizations about the relationship
sure to violence and warfare throughout ond what even soldiers are able to see between the diagnoses and solutions they
the course of the Syrian war has resulted in the war. They have seen dismantled propose and the kinds of possibilities
in a wide range of severe emotional and human beings that used to be their pa- opened up by the term “human devasta-
developmental disabilities among Syrian rents or their siblings. You get out of a tion.” Inspired by Khadija and Karim’s
youth, including post-traumatic stress dis- family of five or six or 10 or whatever observations, we suggest that human dev-
order (PTSD), anxiety, and depression — you get one survivor, two survivors astation is not only a series of symptoms
(Devakumar et al.2; UNHCR). Without dis- sometimes. A lot of them have physi- that can be diagnosed and treated; it is
regarding the real psychological effects of cal impairments. Amputations. Severe also something that can often be repro-
the war and displacement on Syrian young injuries. And they’ve made it to the re- duced by the same humanitarian projects
people, Khadija reminds us that these fugee camp somehow.” (ATTN) designed to help them.

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“Aliens of the century” We first met Karim in a music therapy class understand is that they need us more than
in the Bekaa Valley in 2016. Originally from we need them.”
“There’s no need to number these Hama, he fled to Lebanon with his family
things because Syrians themselves al- in 2012 after the Syrian government Karim quit his job a few weeks later and
ready know them. How can Syrians not arrested his mother for the second time. decided to start his own program. “This is
know when what is happening is ea- During his first two years of his exile in my theory of life. If I can do a thing, why
ting from their bodies and souls, and is Lebanon, Karim worked at a clothes shop not do it? And if this thing can help me,
drinking deeply and getting drunk on and studied at home. He spent his free and help children at the same time, why
the blood of their children?” (Masri 42). time volunteering with different Syrian not do it?” It is important for Karim that his
Community Based Organizations (CBOs) work with children is mutually beneficial.
In this section, we introduce Karim and by playing with children his age or “When I first started working with children,
Khadija’s theorization of what humanitar- younger. In 2015, Karim finally managed to I felt like the experience that they made for
ian assistance means to them in the midst register in Lebanese school. He started me, the experience that we made together,
of widespread devastation. Both Khadija going to school and started working as a changed me and changed my life. My
and Karim are leaders and beneficiaries in part-time translator and part-time co- whole life I’ll say that I am not the one help-
several different Syrian Community Based teacher for an American music therapist. ing the children, they are helping me.” The
Organizations (CBOs) and international At first, Karim was enthusiastic about the problem with NGOs and humanitarians
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). program. It offered twelve weeks of inten- that run programs like the program he
Both were ten years old when the Syrian sive music training to a select group of quit, he explained, is that they want to
revolution and war began, and both are children from the nearby refugee camps, “help us.” While helping is not a bad thing,
now approaching the threshold of adult- at the end of which the children them- he suggests, unilaterally helping is. “The
hood. Both want to study psychology and selves would write and design a musical whole world wants to help us and write
continue working with Syrian children and piece. As the weeks went on, however, reports on us,” Karim said. “They turn us
adolescents when they grow up. Despite children started to drop out, and the into the aliens of the century. They write
this commitment to psychological ser- European therapist started to get stressed about us and try to help us, and then are
vices, they both also have significant criti- out. He started trying to discipline the kids, surprised when their help doesn’t work,
cisms of humanitarian psychological care. complaining that they were not “commit- and then write about us again. What’s the
As a result, they are fluent in psychologi- ted” enough. For Karim, the therapist’s result? Nothing changes except that we
cal discourse, able to be both self-reflec- response is a normal one in humanitarian become aliens.”
tive and analytical, and eager to share and mental health interventions. “They
their thoughts and critiques with the think they are offering us the world,” Karim We met Khadija in January 2017. She was
wider public. ironically observed, “and then go crazy studying in a program run by a local uni-
when we don’t want it. What they don’t versity through a Syrian NGO designed to

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help Syrian teenagers get into Lebanese choice. We would no longer be ‘lost’ and weakness. If she could achieve something,
universities. When she arrived in Lebanon, we would no longer need them. But that she would.
Khadija immediately registered in the can’t happen. They can’t fix the problems,
Syrian Opposition school in her neighbor- because they need the problems to have “There Is a Monster”
hood. She passed the 9th and 12th-grade jobs.” Khadija’s critique of NGOs extends
exams with distinction but was told when to psychosocial services. “While it is possible to rebuild devas-
she started applying for universities that tated buildings with money, effort, and
Syrian Opposition certificates were not Instead of helping her, the psychological time, what about the devastation of the
recognized by the Lebanese Ministry of services she has sought out have ironically spirit, the devastation of the human?”
Education. She enrolled in the university- made her “feel worse.” “We know that no (Masri 42).
NGO program because they promised to one cares,” she explained. “If I told people
sort out the problem and get her into uni- about my experiences, my sadness, there’s Among the many NGOs that provide men-
versities. She was skeptical. At the end of no result. I will receive nothing, no care, no tal health services to Syrian children, only
the year when she found out that none of attention, and nothing will change. So why a handful are CBOs or local NGOs that
the program’s beneficiaries would be talk? Talking makes it worse.” Khadija’s employ Syrian health professionals
receiving a scholarship, she was not sur- experience of depression is intimately (Almoshmosh et al. 2016). Most of these
prised. related to her experience of what she calls were established by Syrian refugees who
‘ajiz, or her inability to do or achieve some- had fled Syria for Turkey, Jordan, or
“All of these programs are fake,” Khadija thing. If talking to a therapist, or register- Lebanon, or by the Syrian diaspora in the
said. “They can’t give us anything. All they ing in an NGO-run educational program, US and the UK. SAMS is one of these dias-
want to do is make jobs for themselves or protesting the Ministry of Education’s pora organizations. Originally founded in
and show people how much they are mistreatment of her could affect change, 1998 as a medical professional society by
helping Syrian kids; they don’t actually she would do it. But “nothing can change” first-generation Syrian immigrants to the
care about us. What’s worse is that they for Khadija. Nothing she can do, she United States, SAMS evolved into an NGO
think they are helping the poor hopeless insists, can make her life better. “It’s like in 2011 (“About SAMS Foundation”).
Syrian kids. In reality, they are making it being in prison,” she once told us. “Do you
worse.” This fake hope, for Khadija, is both think these programs make life in prison In December 2017, we spoke with Dr.
an essential part of how humanitarian easier or worse? They make life worse Hamza, who has been volunteering with
projects operate and part of what “makes because they offer fake hope and remind SAMS since 2012. He also chairs the
Syrian kids depressed.” “NGOs can’t suc- us of our ‘ajiz.” “But I’m not helpless,” SAMS’s mental health committee, which
ceed,” she says, “because if they suc- Khadija quickly clarified, always careful to coordinates psychosocial and psychother-
ceeded, we would be better, in school, avoid being a victim. For Khadija, the apeutic programming for Syrian refugees
with good jobs, living the lives of our problem is the prison around her, not her throughout Lebanon, Turkey, and Jordan

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as well as tele-mental health services rated, “created criteria for how to com- result, most mental health interventi­ -
inside Syria (“Salah’s Story: Mitigating the pletely devastate a human being, [and has ons by humanitarian organizations have
Impact of Trauma”). After interacting with been doing so] continuously ever since, tended to primarily rely on standardized
Syrian children in Lebanon and Jordan non-stop. That’s the main point [...] it’s not approaches to mental health and catego-
during medical missions, Dr. Hamza and just medical; it’s intentional. It’s pro- ries like PTSD to make sense of the Syrian
his team observed that the wide variety of grammed in both Syria and in host coun- experience (Almoshmosh et al. 82; Save
symptoms and high levels of trauma expe- tries.”5 Dr. Hamza explained that mental the Children; UNICEF; International
rienced by children surpassed the most health constructs like PTSD are culturally Medical Corps; Hamdan-Mansour et al. 6).
severe levels of post-traumatic stress dis- and politically limiting because they do For Dr. Hamza, these studies fail to capture
order (PTSD), a mental health diagnosis not account for this intentionality. “A lot of the harrowing nuance of the Syrian experi-
outlined in the Diagnostic and Statistical what [Syrians] are experiencing is dehu- ence, which has been reported to include
Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5) and manization and humiliation,” he said. direct exposure to the torture or killing of
commonly attributed to the condition of “When you cause the other person to family members, the loss of one or both
Syrian refugees (Parekh; Hassan et al. 16). despair, what are you aiming for? You are parents, and intense fear due to unpre-
They were so high, he explained, that the trying to humiliate him, to rip him or her dictable bombardment, all factors that
DSM-5 was unable to account for them. from their own identity and state of being. have been shown to further exacerbate
HDS is more appropriate than either of You are demolishing the human inside. trauma among Syrian children
these categories, Dr. Hamza explained, You want him to become a walking shell. (Almoshmosh et al. 82). He argues that
because it accounts for both the variety This is different [than trauma].” HDS is dif- HDS does, and thus tells a more compel-
and intensity of children’s symptoms ferent, we can infer from Dr. Hamza’s com- ling “story” than either PTSD or depres-
(“Salah’s Story: Mitigating the Impact of ments, because it tries to account for the sion. Whether or not this story captures
Trauma”). Ahmed et al. similarly conclude Syrian government’s response to the the perspectives of Syrians themselves,
that HDS is similar to PTSD, but explicitly Syrian people’s demands for freedom and and the perspectives of Syrian youth in
Syrian in its severity and pervasiveness. dignity. particular, is a question that will be
HDS is necessarily Syrian, they explain, explored in the rest of this section.
because it helps us to “recognize the Despite calls for culturally sensitive and
severity of the emotional and mental locally grounded mental health research, In our search for literature on devastation,
problems faced by Syrian people.” only a few studies regarding Syrian mental we discovered that the term “human dev-
health have sought to understand how astation,” or āldamār ālʾinsāny, is already
Trained in medical and forensic neuropsy- Syrians who have survived war and dis- an analytic category in Syrian social
chology, Dr. Hamza insisted that we can- placement personally interpret their thought. In the text cited throughout this
not separate the children’s symptoms immaterial needs (Quosh et al. 288; article, “Closed for Reconstruction,”
from their causes. “Someone,” he elabo- Hassan et al. 22; Greene et al. 4).6 As a Monzer Masri uses human devastation as

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m eta 35

an alternative to mental and emotional Hamza told us that he wants HDS to do lem with SAMS’s version of human devas-
health illness. For Masri, human devasta- more than just help diagnose and fix tation another way:
tion is a category that explains the root, Syrian children; he wants it to “change the
rather than the effects, of the events that direction of the world.” This is a change The problem is foreigners—even Sy-
caused Syrian children to exhibit such an that Dr. Hamza hopes will come about by rian Americans, and Syrians living ab-
extreme variety of symptoms. It captures simply “telling a story” that “really road—coming in and playing the role
not only the intentionality of the violence describes the tragedy” of what Syrian of a benevolent dictator in order to
that has so thoroughly devastated the young people are going through. ‘heal’ us. They think that because they
Syrian population, but also captures the are experts they can come for a week
psychological dimensions that this scale Notably, HDS itself has remained largely and know what the problem is. When
of violence requires. “The failure to recog- unacknowledged by scholars of Syrian they say that they want to help us, all I
nize the humanity of the person in front of mental health and humanitarian organiza- hear is that they want to control us. (Dr.
you,” Masri said to us in an interview we tions providing mental health services to Khaled)
had with him, “is the cause of this devasta- the Syrian population since its creation in
tion.” This is why when he asks the ques- early 2016. Since then, there have been no What is ironic about this critique is that Dr.
tion, “is it possible to rebuild and fix further comments or evidence posed by Hamza told us that he adopted HDS
human devastation?” he intentionally SAMS to substantiate HDS. With the explicitly to avoid this problem. So how
refuses to provide an answer (42). He exception of one academic article that did SAMS’s well-intentioned attempt to
refuses because answering might run the describes HDS as the “Syrian” version of get distorted into “control”? Based on our
risk of objectifying and therefore re-dam- PTSD (Ahmed et al. 1228), HDS has been conversations with Karim and Khadija, we
aging the very humanity that needs to be used mostly as an advocacy tool rather suggest that part of this distortion was
rebuilt. than a scientific and diagnosable medical caused by the persisting inability to incor-
Like Masri, Dr. Hamza thinks that HDS is construct, which risks affecting the legiti- porate children’s perspectives into terms
unlike the more biomedical ways of think- macy of the term. Lebanese journalist regarding their mental health. If humani-
ing about the aftermaths of violence. It Hala Nasrallah included HDS in a larger tarian NGOs responding to the mental
cannot be cured. Unlike Masri, however, critique she wrote on Facebook about the health crisis had done so, they would have
he wants to try to find a cure anyway. “I’m creation of new syndromes as tools to learned, as we did, that while Syrian youth
trying to build a team of researchers,” he pathologize Syrians and warned people find the term itself compelling, they are
told us, “so we can work officially on the not to take HDS too seriously. It is proba- deeply sensitive to and critical of NGO
syndrome, in a scientific way.” He is work- bly only an American publicity stunt, she and research exploitation.
ing towards publishing the first scientific wrote, as it lacks the evidence needed to It is exploitative, Karim told us, when “peo-
report on HDS7 and design programs for be a real syndrome (Nasrallah).8 A Syrian ple write a new report about how horrible
children by late 2018. Ultimately, Dr. health professional articulated his prob- our lives are and then walk away without

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trying to make that life better.” Circulating experiences as signs of strength, resil- Karim was a bit more cynical at first. “To be
with little grounding in evidence-based ience, and power, and not of weakness or honest,” Karim responded, “I didn’t read
research, HDS is more of a concept rather warning signs of extremism. all of [the HDS article] because they were
than a scientific diagnosis. “The organiza- just saying things that all the other psy-
tions who work in mental health with At the same time, both Khadija and Karim chologists say, that Syrian children are
Syrians care just about prestige and found aspects of HDS compelling. Prolific traumatized because of the war and get-
donors,” Dr. Khaled explained. “They do readers, both Karim and Khadija regularly ting bombed and all that s**t, that they’ve
things just to be able to say that we did read all the literature they can about Syrian been through trauma. And now they have
something, not to actually effect change.” refugees and mental health. At our this.” At first glance, Karim understood
From this perspective,SAMS’s HDS has the prompting, they read the short Arabic HDS and the discourse around it to be
potential to become just another term in media pieces that describe the creation of similar to the discourses that turn him into
the umbrella of mental health terms, such HDS. We asked Khadija what she thought. an alien.
as “toxic stress” (Save the Children) and “I think [Dr. Hamza is] right!” she exclaimed,
“hitting rock bottom” (UNICEF), that have excited. “Lots of us have no idea what’s When Karim read the rest of the article,
emerged as a result of the Syrian war and going on inside of us. We think we are liv- however, he changed his mind. “I don’t
have failed to receive substantial valida- ing, but we really aren’t. We are missing a know what to say, but I really think that it
tion or interpretation by Syrians them- lot of things—playing, building relation- might be true. This might be what’s hap-
selves. Furthermore, by imposing this ships, feeling safe.” Khadija herself says pening. I feel that there are kids who really
term “devastated” on all Syrian children, she has experienced something similar. are going through something that people
SAMS risks painting a very grim picture “Yes,” she acknowledged, “it’s crazy how haven’t discovered yet, but I don’t know
regarding the mental health and well- much we’ve changed. I no longer have any how to define it or make sense of it, you
being of Syrian children and adolescents hope that anything good exists. I have know?” Karim’s inability to define what
such as Karim and Khadija. In Ahmed et learned over the last seven years that it is these kids are going through is important
al.’s interpretation of HDS, they conclude impossible to change anything. Learning here. Because while something about
that this picture is grim enough to warrant this lesson devastated me.” Khadija appre- HDS rang true to him, the language with
a need to “manage” those who have sur- ciated the article because it gave her a which it was defined echoed other prob-
vived the Syrian war. In this light, instead kind of language to explain what has been lematic reports and articles Karim had
of helping us to understand those who are happening to both her and her friends read that had made him feel like an alien.
devastated, the term itself has been used and family. “It’s not the same as a mental Significantly, Karim immediately took the
to encourage the public to objectify and illness, because it’s not something that can term and made it his own. “You know, for
fear them, thus perpetuating the violence be treated. It’s our life now.” example, why we take vaccines? So the
that it is trying to address. Despite their cells can develop protection against spe-
hardships, we see Karim and Khadija’s cific diseases. I think mental health works

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Tory Brykalski in the same way: we develop our psycho- Individualized trauma and depression and Khadija emphasized is the fact that
logical power to prevent things from hap- tend to be stigmatized. Khadija told us each Syrian person is unique, and contains
is a Ph.D. candidate in sociocultural pening.” Karim here is not quite talking that she is scared to tell her family about a multitude of perspectives and abilities. If
anthropology at the University of about the same thing that Dr. Hamza was her depression and anxiety. She lies to we reduce this multitude into the category
California, Davis. She is currently writing talking about. For Karim, human devasta- them when they ask her how she’s doing of “Syrian children” we risk reproducing
her dissertation on agency, children, tion is “like a vaccine.” It is something that because she says they can’t understand. the very violence we wish to help heal.
and the Syrian revolution. She has spent Syrian children “changed and evolved” “It’s sad, they think that depression and
the last few years in Lebanon, where she within themselves to survive. For Karim, mental illness are against our religion. I’m Ultimately, respecting the uniqueness of
learned from Syrian student-activists human devastation provides the language the only one in my family who is depressed each human means that we cannot argue
and worked as a teacher and teacher- he needs to theorize his suffering posi- and they try to keep my sisters away from for or against the use of HDS, or any cat-
trainer for Syrian educational NGOs. tively, using theories of power and agency me. If I feel depressed or anxious, I am the egory. Because as both Karim and Khadija
email: [email protected] rather than theories of illness (Park 257). “I problem. I did something wrong, so God show us, even problematic categories can
don’t know what it is,” Karim concluded, is punishing me.” Khadija’s family refuses be useful. We can, however, encourage
but it is “not an illness.” It is a “power, and to accept Khadija’s illness, she explained, SAMS, other humanitarian organizations,
a weakness.” in part because they fear being blamed. and researchers to give infinitely more
“So they use sin as an excuse.” Human weight to the perspectives and abilities of
Based on Khadija and Karim’s reflections, devastation is different though. “Everyone the Syrian children and adolescents that
we suggest that SAMS’s HDS may be able in my family is devastated. My sisters, my they are in relationship with. What do they
to serve two purposes for Syrian youth. friends.” When we asked her if her family think about the questions we ask, or the
First, it may provide an opportunity for would more readily accept HDS than papers we write?
them to find meaning in their experiences depression, Khadija responded with a
(Park 257). Karim found meaning in HDS, shrug. “It’s not about accepting it or not. Our conversations with Karim ended with
in part, because it gave him the language It’s the reality, and they know it.” a piece of advice. “It really important that
he needed to theorize the ways in which you write about this in your paper,” he told
the devastation that has affected him and Conclusion us. “People always think that the refugees
his community is a source of strength and Karim and Khadija ultimately teach us that have problems and need psychologists.
power. Second, HDS may be able to act as human devastation is important, not You need to write about the fact that refu-
a kind of social lubricant for broader con- because it is an appropriate diagnosis that gee kids can also be the psychologists!
versations about mental health in Syrian captures their particular series of symp- They know how to solve what makes us
society. Syrians find it easier to acknowl- toms, but because it is useful for them. This depressed. I believe they know the solu-
edge their personal and psychological does not mean that it will be useful for tion.”
well-being when it is framed and treated every Syrian child or adolescent.
as collective and shared (Hassan et al. 39).9 Something our relationship with Karim

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m eta 38

Diana Rayes, MHS This invitation to treat the children and

adolescents we work and write with as
is a global mental health graduate psychologists is a profound methodolog-
from the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg ical provocation. It invites us to treat Karim
School of Public Health, and a current and Khadija not as case studies or exam-
Fulbright research fellow with previous ples of some wider population, but as
experience in Turkey, Lebanon, and insightful colleagues. With this in mind,
Egypt researching issues related to what would it look like for us—academics,
refugee health and integration. She aid workers, and psychologists—to get out
has previous work experience with the of the way and allow our colleagues, Karim
Syrian American Medical Society’s field and Khadija, to take control of their own
office in Turkey, leading a project on lives, devastated or otherwise?10
humanitarian health ethics inside Syria.
email: [email protected]

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m eta 39

Notes 7 The SAMS report on HDS 10 Acknowledgements: This

Works Cited Almoshmosh, Nadim.
has yet to be published as of research would not have Exploring the Mental Health
1 Khadija, and all names the date of this article. been possible were it not for “About SAMS Foundation.” Needs and Suffering of
8 Some Arabic articles refer to Karim and Khadija’s invitation Syrian Refugees. Royal
followed by asterisks, have Syrian American Medical
been anonymized. SAMS as an American NGO to learn from them. This Society, 2018, www.sams-usa. College of Psychiatrists TPSIG
rather than a Syrian-American invitation not only changed net/who-we-are/. Accessed Newsletter, 2015.
2 Human Rights Watch and NGO. the course of our research; 22 April 2018.
Karim Eid’s My Country: A it also changed our lives. We Almoshmosh, Nadim,
Syrian Memoir provides a 9 This has been the case are truly grateful. We would Syrian American Medical Mamoun Mobayed, and
comprehensive account of in other war-affected also like to thank Dr. Hamza, Society. “Salah’s Story: Mohammad Aljendi. “Mental
these two years. populations that emphasize Dr. Khalid, Bashar Kaddo, Mitigating the Impact health and psychosocial
collective identity and Monzer Masri, Najat Abdul of Trauma.” SAMS, 2017, needs of Syrian refugees
3See Adams’s Metrics: What collective frameworks of Samad, the Gharsah Team, foundation.sams-usa. and the role of Syrian non-
counts in global health for healing, which can often and all of our students and net/2017/09/08/salahs-story- governmental organisations.”
a discussion on the politics reduce the stigma of mental their families for giving us mitigating-impact-trauma. BJPsych international, vol.13,
of numbers, statistics, and illness or psychological their time and sharing their Accessed 20 July 2018. no. 4, 2016, pp. 81-83. www.
metrics more generally. distress and facilitate invaluable insights with ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/
community-level coping us. We are also immensely Adams, Vincanne. Metrics: articles/PMC5619487/pdf/
4A great deal of (Hussain & Bhusan; Nguyen- grateful to Farah Abou What counts in global health. BJPI-13-81.pdf. Accessed 29
anthropological literature Gilham). Assali for thinking with us Duke UP, 2016. September 2018.
outlines the imperative to do and assisting in our final
so (i.e. Boyden; Hart; Malkki). edits. We are thankful for Ahmed, Syed Roshaan, Syed Boyden, Jo. “Childhood
the perceptive comments Uzair Mahmood, and Haema and the Policy Makers: a
5 “Either Assad or we’ll our reviewers made. This Waheed. “Rise of human Comparative Perspective
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6 See Moghnieh (193-201) International Dissertation www.ijcmph.com/index.php/ Childhood. Falmer Press,
for a detailed analysis of the Research Fellowship, ijcmph/article/view/2532. 1990, pp. 190-215.
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āldamār fy ʿuywn āṭfāl suryā.”
Al-Arabiya, 28 February
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(CC BY 4.0)

ISSN: 2196-629X
https://doi.org/10.17192/
meta.2018.11.7803

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 43

FOCU S

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FO C U S 44

Introduction and Background

Beyond Trauma, What Kept them The topic of psychological consequences

of armed conflict is not new to psychology.
Going? An Analysis of the Lives and Since WWI, several waves of studies have
investigated the possible psycho-pathol-
Narratives of Five Syrian Women ogy associated with experiencing severely
violent events. For decades, research
in Lebanon efforts primarily adopted a neurological
approach in explaining psychological
responses of soldiers in war situations. In
the early 1970s, towards and after the end
of the Vietnam War, the term “psychologi-
cal trauma” began to be widely used to
refer to pathological responses to severe
adversity, including violent events, mostly
in the context of armed conflict (Jones and
Wessely 217). Soon after, the notion of
trauma was expanded to refer to a patho-
logical response to various life-threaten-
ing events. The American Psychological
Kholoud Saber Barakat, Pierre Philippot Association (APA) defines trauma as “an
emotional response to a terrible event like
Using interpretive phenomenological ing a way to cope with loss, and perceiv- an accident, rape or natural disaster.
analysis, this paper analyzes the narra- ing an evolving sense of agency were Immediately after the event, shock and
tives of five women who fled from Syria significant aspects of getting over the denial are typical. Longer term reactions
to Lebanon, with the objective of under- traumatic event or enduring pain. Finally, include unpredictable emotions, flash-
standing how they continue to lead their changes in gender roles were identified backs, strained relationships and physical
lives beyond trauma. Results showed that by all five women, but their evaluation of symptoms like headaches or nausea.”
these women’s ability to create meaning these changes differed. These symptoms of trauma were soon col-
of their traumatic experiences and link it lated under the concept of post-traumatic
to their current lives is a determining fac- Keywords: Trauma, Agency, Interpretive stress disorder (PTSD), which appeared
tor in understanding their ability to move Phenomenological Analysis, Meaning- for the first time in 1980 in the third edition
on. Finding a reason to keep going, creat- making, Gender roles, Syrian women of the APA’s Diagnostic and Statistical

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FO C U S 45

Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-III) ( Moreover, the medical approach to apply- Context and Concepts
McHugh and Treisman 212). PTSD now ing the concepts of trauma and PTSD is This paper is based on doctoral research
serves as a key diagnostic criterion, heav- built on the assumption that people who in the field of clinical psychology, con-
ily relied upon by clinical psychology prac- have witnessed life-threatening experi- ducted by the first author and supervised
titioners and academics alike. ences “described as traumatic events” are by the second author. Originally, the
expected to show responses that fall research was aimed at examining depres-
Trauma and PTSD are useful indicators under previously defined categories ( sive symptoms and PTSD among Syrian
in the context of therapeutic practices, McHugh and Treisman 210). This restricts women in Lebanon in the aftermath of
as they could be used to take stock of our ability to understand personalized traumatic events in the contexts of war and
improvement for individuals who suffer interpretations of, and responses to, such displacement.
from psychological symptoms after a events.
life-threatening event. They are, how- Shortly after starting interviews, it became
ever, problematic analytical tools in the Most research conducted in the context clear that the war had further conse-
context of research. Not only do they of the Syrian conflict has employed this quences for women that had not received
remain conceptually affected by their traditional medical approach, positing much attention. In fact, early fieldwork
military roots (Andreasen 70), but they Syrians, and especially Syrian refugees, as insights were far from expected, as we
have also become loaded with political passive victims in pursuit of universal rec- were struck by the evolving strength,
and economic implications, as they are ognition of their suffering. This becomes agency, and resilience of the interviewees.
used to grant recognition of victimiza- more problematic in the case of Syrian We therefore moved to the research ques-
tion, and consequently economic ben- women, who suffer from structured gen- tion of this paper, i.e. “what kept them
efits and/or political acknowledgement der-based societal, economic, and sexual going?”, focusing on the narratives con-
(Humphrey 40). violence, along with sharing the traumatic structed by these women, and how they
experiences of war and displacement shed a different light on their unique
These shortcomings of using PTSD and with men (ABAAD and OXFAM 9). modes of surviving and coping.
trauma as analytical tools are aggravated Consequently, the voices of the survivors, The intention is not to deny the persis-
by solely relying on quantitative research in terms of the unique meanings they give tence of depression and PTSD, but rather
methods, and when focusing on an area to their traumatic experiences and how to focus on the fact that the interviewees
of research such as refugees, which is they deal with them, have so far remained themselves centered their stories around
already dominated by oversimplified pre- largely unheard. how they were capable of going on, man-
conceptions and victimization paradigms, aging their everyday lives along with the
and severely influenced by the politics of feelings of pain, anger, and loss, as well as
Western academia. symptoms of depression and PTSD. To
that end, four main concepts are employed

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FO C U S 46

in this paper as units of analysis: traumatic

events, resilience, agency, and coping.

A traumatic event refers to a serious threat,

whether directly, where the threat affected
one’s own life, safety, or physical integrity,
or indirectly, where one has witnessed
such a threat affecting someone else or
learned about it affecting a close friend or
family member. In this paper, any refer-
Fig. 1. Total number of Syrians by country of Asylum; UNHCR; 13 June 2018; https://data2.unhcr.org/en/
ence to a traumatic event refers to a war or situations/syria/location/71.
displacement related event experienced
and mentioned by an interviewee, apart 599). This definition is constrained by pre- agency is considered the exception rather
from any subsequent meaning or response defined expected patterns of responses, than the rule for marginalized groups such
to that event. This separation is key, as the where “successful” coping refers to as women refugees (Davies 42). In this
objective is to discuss and understand responding to adversity in an “adaptive” paper, however, agency is employed to
how each woman interpreted and way. More recently, resilience has been refer to the sense of agency, i.e. ability to
responded to the traumatic events of her defined as “positive patterns of function- act and control one‘s environment as per-
life in her unique, personalized way. This is ing or development during or following ceived by oneself, regardless of whether
also the reason why the term “traumatic exposure to adversity” (Masten 4), posited others share that perception. Finally, cop-
event” is employed rather than simply as a dynamic active process, rather than a ing refers to the acts and thoughts used
“trauma,” which is associated with the pre-existing ability (Luthar, Cicchetti and with the aim of reducing the stress associ-
event, its meaning, and the response to it. Becker 543). Most importantly, recent ated with a traumatic experience.
approaches have highlighted that resil-
Resilience is one of the most commonly ience is determined by cultural and social Method
used notions in modern psychological factors, which define, in the first place, This paper is based on research con-
studies of trauma, refugees, and post-con- what constitutes risk, and protection fac- ducted in Lebanon between June and
flict situations. However, the way in which tors in a specific time and space (Zraly and September 2017. Lebanon was selected
it should be defined and investigated Nyirazinyoye 1657). (Rousseau, Said and for several reasons. First, Lebanon is the
remains a subject of much disagreement. Gagne 634). country which has received the second
For a long time, it was seen as synony- highest number of Syrians since the out-
mous with invulnerability, i.e. the ability to Agency traditionally refers to the ability to break of conflict in 2011 (see Fig. 1).
successfully cope with adversity (Rutter act or control one’s environment. As such,

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FO C U S 47

Second, the Syrian population in Lebanon and cooperation of participants. Contrary

is particularly vulnerable, as they primarily to expectations, very high levels of motiva-
come from less privileged socioeconomic tion and cooperation were observed, to
backgrounds and currently live under the extent that more women than initially
tough social and economic conditions. As planned were included upon their request.
Lebanon did not sign the 1951 Refugee The interviewees provided two main com-
Convention, Syrians in Lebanon are not mon reasons for why they wanted to par-
afforded legal refugee status. ticipate. The first was the fact that the
Consequently, they lack adequate and researcher is an outsider. These women
sustainable services, including food aid, live in small, closed refugee communities,
medical care, housing, and education. Fig. 2: Registered Syrian refugees in Lebanon by where they are very concerned about their
region; Hall, R.; 30 June 2016; https://www.pri. privacy and security. A researcher who
org/stories/2016-08-11/when-bomb-goes-lebanon-
Third, through her previous work on psy- does not live in the same community, who
syrians-suffer.
chological support to Arab women activ- would not share their stories with others
ists, the first author had built a network of Participants were briefed about the objec- from the community, and who would not
Syrian, Lebanese, and Palestinian NGOs tive of the study prior to interviews. be part of their everyday realties, was a
that are in direct contact with Syrian Confidentiality and anonymity were war- suitable person to open up to, and pro-
women in Lebanon, and that were willing ranted. It was explained that participation vided a chance for disclosure. Second,
to facilitate the research. In total, seven was voluntary, and they had the right to many of the interviewees were receiving
NGOs working in three different regions withdraw at any point. Most importantly, it services, including psychosocial support,
in Lebanon (North Lebanon, Beirut, and was made clear that no data would be from Lebanese practitioners. The political
Bekaa) provided support to the research shared with the contact NGO, and that and social tensions between the Lebanese
(See Fig. 2).1 participation or withdrawal would have no host community and Syrians, and the per-
effect on the participant’s relation with ceived sense of being unwelcome, create
Each contact NGO arranged a meeting them. The option of receiving psychologi- a barrier that hinders cooperation. In some
with a group of their female Syrian staff or cal support after the interview was offered specific cases, participants mentioned
beneficiaries, who were then given a to participants in case they wanted to talk incidents of racism, including sexual
choice to participate in answering a set of further about their experiences or to deal harassment and physical assault, which
questionnaires (as part of a different quan- with possible distress evoked during the they were not willing to share with
titative study under the same doctoral interview. Lebanese practitioners. The fact that the
project), as well as a choice to be also researcher is Egyptian made them willing
included in a qualitative study requiring a One of the main concerns when starting to participate and open up.
one-to-one one-hour interview. the fieldwork was how to earn the trust

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FO C U S 48

In-depth interviews were conducted pri- rent research question were selected for day is interrupted by a particular signifi-
marily with a prospective sample of 30 this paper. They were chosen to reflect a cant experience or major transition (1). The
women. All were above 18 years of age, variation in education, current family con- analysis started with initial comments on
fled from Syria after 2011 from areas text, type of main traumatic event, current the transcript, through initial clustering
directly affected by the conflict, and expe- occupation and previous employment, and thematic development, into the final
rienced one or more marked traumatic contact NGO, and location in Lebanon structure of themes (80). Each of the
events related to the conflict and/or the (See table 1). themes presented below was identified in
displacement experience. Nine were vol- at least four of the five narratives. Quotes
unteers or worked for the NGOs, thirteen Results under each theme (taken from one or
were direct beneficiaries of contact NGO See Table 1 on next page. more participants), were chosen as exam-
services, and eight were from the larger ples for illustration (See Fig. 3)
population who attended a one-time Data Analysis Findings
awareness event. The five interviews were transcribed by
the first author. The parts deemed directly Theme I: Creating Meaning through
All interviews were conducted in Arabic by related to the research question were Building a Narrative
the first author and were audio-recorded translated into English to validate the anal- A major theme identified throughout the
after obtaining the participant’s consent. ysis with the second author. Interpretative interviews was the importance of the
They took place in a private room at the phenomenological analysis (IPA) was meaning that participants ascribed to their
office of one of the contact NGOs. Each applied to transcripts to identify promi- traumatic experiences. Through building
lasted around one hour using a semi- nent themes in each case, and subse- their own narratives about what had hap-
structured interview guide that covered quently common themes across cases. pened, they gave it a meaning and linked
several themes, including: background it to their current realities.
information about pre-2011 life in Syria, IPA is a qualitative research approach,
displacement experience, and the overall used mostly in psychology, concerned This is in line with Janoff-Bulman’s thesis,
current living context; gender role and with the detailed examination of human which highlights appraisal as a key pro-
possible influences of conflict and dis- lived experience in a way that enables that cess when experiencing a traumatic event.
placement; war- or displacement-related experience to be expressed in its own Appraisal refers to the interpretation each
traumatic experiences; responses to trau- terms, rather than according to predefined person gives to his/her trauma. Appraisal
matic events; and personal techniques of category systems (Smith, Flowers and of a particular traumatic event differs
coping. Larkin 32). Inspired by the ideas of based on characteristics both of the event
Edmund Husserl, IPA aims to examine how itself and of the person undertaking the
Out of the thirty women interviewed, the people make sense of their major life appraisal. In the case of several potentially
five who are the most relevant to the cur- experiences, especially when the every- traumatic events, the appraisal includes

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FO C U S 49

Pseud­onym Age Nationality / social status & Household Education Occupation/ Region of Main traumatic
Citizenship familial situation situation work origin & year event/s
history of displace-
ment

Eman 27 Syrian Married at 19, lives alone with University Never worked Daria – Damascus Three attempts of
currently separated as 8 year-old son degree in in Syria, / left Syria in 2013 arrest in Syria
husband forcibly psychology worked as a to Jordan then to
disappeared since journalist in Beqaa
2012. Started a legal Jordan
proceeding for Now psycholo-
divorce gist at a Syrian
NGO in Beqaa

Shyma’ 21 Syrian Married at 15, has two Abandoned by Primary worked for one Aleppo suburbs / Intimate partner
children husband, lives school month for a fled in 2016 to violence + death
alone with her tailor at Shatela Shatela, Beirut of her three
children, for 3$ a week. cousins in
depends on Currently bombing
financial aid unemployed
and loans

Om-Belal 43 Syrian Married at 18, has 3 Lives with Secondary Housewife in Daria – Son’s death (he
children, divorced daughter, school Syria. Currently Damascus/ Fled was a fighter at the
son-in-law and teacher at a in 2013 to Beqaa free Syrian army)
grandchildren Syrian NGO

Majda 48 Palestinian First marriage at 18, Provider for her Secondary Hairdresser for Yarmouk Camp Former Intimate
from Syria has 3 children, family (second school 25 years - Damascus / fled partner violence +
divorced and husband and Has a hair salon to North Lebanon Cancer survivor +
remarried a year later. children from at North in 2013 several war-related
first marriage) Lebanon traumatic events

Rana 37 Syrian Married at 16, has 5 Lives with Preparatory Admin Daria-Damascus. Arrest and forced
children, her husband elderly parents, school assistant at Fled from her disappearance of
forcibly disappeared 5 children, Syrian NGO hometown in husband and
in 2012 sister and 2013, to other brother-in-law,
sister-in-law areas in Syria, death of brother +
and their 5 Fled to Beqaa on several war-related
children 2014 traumatic events

Table 1: Descriptive Data of five Interviewed Participants

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FO C U S 50

Obviously, Shyma’ suffered from psycho-

logical symptoms, including symptoms of
depression and PTSD. Nonetheless, the
story that remarkably dominated the inter-
view with Shyma’ was that of her husband
abandoning her, which she described as
the turning point of her life. “After we
joined him in Lebanon, he started to feel
the responsibility is heavy on him. He
asked me to go back to Syria, or else he
would not be responsible for me any-
more.” She recounted, “he threatened me:
‘I won’t pay anything, and you manage
yourself and the children,’ and then he
left.” It was then that she started to feel lost.
“It was scary, being alone in a strange
Fig. 3: Themes and sub-themes of data analysis as identified by the authors country, where I do not know anyone”
(Shyma’ 3) she said. It was also the point at
also determining what is traumatic and and center of their narrative varied mark- which she decided to be stronger, how-
what is not, or what is the most traumatic edly. ever, and her fears and worries remain
and most significant to the person. primarily centered around being solely
Moreover, the appraisal process includes Shyma’, for example, fled from Syria after responsible for feeding and protecting
assessing the possible gains of the trau- the house of her parents-in-law, where she her two children.
matic experience, reflected in “meaning- used to live, was destroyed by airstrikes.
making” (Janoff-Bulman 118). She spent nights in horror with her two Sub-theme I-2: Ascribing Value to Loss
children. She lost three cousins in the war. The narrative created by each participant
Sub-theme I-1: Redefining the Traumatic However, Shyma’ only told war-related about her main traumatic event, and how
Event stories when asked direct questions about it relates to her current life, played a cru-
Although all participants went through them. When asked if she thought those cial role in how she was enduring both.
several war- and displacement-related events were still affecting her, she spoke That was obvious in Om-Belal’s story
traumatic experiences, the event that they of nightmares and terror she still feels “all about her 19-year-old son who was killed
considered as the main traumatic event the time.” (Shyma’ 6) in 2013 by Assad regime forces while fight-
ing for the Free Syrian Army. She had ini-

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FO C U S 51

tially been totally against her son joining were the two main reasons given during Sub-theme II-1: Adopting a Cause
the combat, not only for the obvious rea- interviews. The perception of the growing Ola, a single mother living with her elderly
son of worrying about losing him, but also agency and relicense were supporting fac- parents and female relatives after her hus-
because she was ideologically opposed tors. band forcibly disappeared and her
to the cause he was pursuing. After his For four of the five women interviewed, brother died, explained how as a mother
death, to deal with feelings of loss and the first motive to keep going was based responsible for five children she does not
pain, she needed to create a narrative in on identification with the mother role. have the choice to collapse. “I have chil-
which her son’s choice was not only Motherhood as a motive for survival is dren,” she said, “you must appear strong
accepted, but also depicted as an act of rooted in psychoanalytical literature. A in front of them not to weaken them,” and
courage and heroism. main drive for a mother to survive is to that is why she kept struggling (Rana 3).
protect her child and to offer ground for
You know what was a consolation for nonpathological development (Baraitser In contrast, Eman, who is a psychologist
me? His reputation was really good, and Noack 117). Moreover, the prototypical and political and civil rights activists, fled
before his martyrdom and after […] I feminine gender role in Syrian culture is from Syria after her husband was arrested
feel he died with honor. He refused to centered around motherhood. Women and she faced several attempted arrests.
retreat until the last moment. Syrians are socialized to be good mothers, and a She is also a single mother responsible for
were his people and he died fighting good mother in adversity will stand for her an 8-year-old son, yet she finds in political
for them,“ she said. „He was not like children. In this sense, motherhood was a activism a reason to overcome her pain.
others who promised to protect them drive to survive and gain agency and resil- “After I was forcibly displaced, and my
and then left them facing death. (Om- ience. friends were detained, I felt work is the
Belal 6). way not to think about the hardships I am
Identifying with a social or political cause living in,” she said, “I was working day and
Ascribing value to loss emerged, for was also mentioned as a protecting factor night at the (Anti-Assad) newspaper”
example in the interview of Om-Belal, as a in the context of adversity. Recent studies (Eman 3). Eman works now as a psycholo-
key approach to meaning-making as have suggested that political activity gist with Syrian women. Meanwhile, she
described by Janoff-Bulman. should be classified as a resilient response, collects women’s stories for an oral history
especially to political violence (Afana, et project. She clearly sees her role in sup-
Theme II: Finding a Reason to Keep Going al. 2). The literature on political trauma porting Syrian women and the Syrian revo-
Each of the five women was able to find a among Palestinians has indicated that civic lution as a reason to keep going.
reason to keep going, handle the hassles and political engagement are protecting
of everyday life, and gain agency and resil- variables that lead to better psychological Om-Belal combined the two reasons
ience. Identifying with the needs of one’s outcomes (Sousa 507). together. She decided to deal with losing
children or pursuing a political struggle her son through keeping his name alive.

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FO C U S 52

She is trying to achieve that through civic “The feeling that I can work, I am finan- chological symptoms, is a common chal-
engagement as a teacher for Syrian chil- cially independent, I am capable of sup- lenge in the aftermath of severe adversity.
dren whom she described as the future of porting my children […] I thank God, all I The dominant approach in psychology is
Syria. “I was struggling with myself to keep went through, I was able to stand it, to based on a pre-defined categorization of
myself alive and to go on,” she said. “It is bear, and to get over it.” She added, “there coping strategies, divided mainly into
the memory of my son that made me do is no woman like me, I am not conceited, active/internal or passive/external strate-
that, after his death I lost hope in life, for but I have self-confidence.” (Majda 6) gies that aim at adaptive emotional regu-
some time I stopped eating, […] then I told lation (Erdener 62). As this paper focuses
myself I should be strong to continue his Sub-theme II-3: Embracing Hardship as on understanding the unique personal-
journey as far as I can.” (Om-Belal 4) Foundation for Resilience ized techniques each woman developed
Some participants made a clear link to deal with the psychological aftermath
Sub-theme II-2: Evolving Agency between facing hardships and being able of her traumatic experiences, two main
Gaining agency was a marked conse- to keep going. Shyma’, explaining how she themes emerged, one related to dealing
quence among the five women, as they all was forced to be stronger, said: “the things with memories of traumatic events and the
described how they feel that they became I went through, my husband’s abandon- other to emotions related to them.
stronger after what they went through. It ment, being alone in a foreign country,
was obvious that they came to this percep- where I do not know anyone, […] I should Sub-theme III-1: Dealing with Memories of
tion through a process of comparing their be able to defend myself” (Shyma’ 5). the Traumatic Event: A Decision to Forget
current and old selves. “I feel I am strong, or Not to Forget
my husband used to make me feel like a In other cases, the interviewee mentioned When the first author apologized to
weak person,” Om-Belal said, “but after all that she made a conscious decision to be Om-Belal for making her revisit tragic
that happened, I find myself remembering stronger to face a specific traumatic event. memories of her son’s death, she
everything and I tell myself, no, not at all. Majda, describing her feeling when she responded: “It is true I still get emotional
They wanted me to be weak, both my hus- was first diagnosed with cancer, said: “I when I tell his story, but it could not be
band and my family.” (Om-Belal 4) decided to be stronger than cancer, I compared with what I was feeling the first
struggled. This period affected me a lot, and second years […] I like telling the story
Majda, who survived cancer and two abu- […] but I do not want to be weak, I want to of his martyrdom, I even wrote two blog
sive relationships as well as war and dis- be stronger than any circumstances.” posts about him.” (Om-Belal 5) She
placement, described how she restarted (Majda 5) emphasized how she does not want to for-
her career as a hairdresser since she fled get. Despite the pain she feels when talk-
to Lebanon without having anything but a Theme III: Finding Ways to Keep Going ing about her son, sharing his story and
hair dryer. She eventually found success Dealing with pain related to a traumatic keeping his memory alive are her coping
and brought her children to live with her. event, and managing the associated psy- strategies. She also stressed how she

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stopped using her given name after his the appraisal processes using compari- an additional role, besides the old tradi-
death, and she asks people to call her after sons with experiences of other survivors tional role which they still do,” she said.
his name (The mother of Belal). (Janoff-Bulman 118) “Women now generally have more
chances to find jobs.” She also pointed out
Other participants stated that they deal Theme IV: Changing Gender Roles how this influenced gender relations: “A
with war-related memories by trying to for- The five participants underlined pre-2011 woman now knows she has the right to
get them or distracting themselves by restrictions on women’s mobility, educa- confront her husband” (Eman 3) she
keeping busy. Majda presented this strat- tion, and work. They agreed that marked asserted.
egy when responding to the question changes have been happening with
about what she does when she recalls war- respect to gender roles. Some attributed During the interview with Om-Belal, she
related events. “I try to get busy with these changes to concrete new aspects of expressed much anger at the situation
something,” she said. “I tell myself it has life in Syria or asylum countries (i.e. men before 2011, in which she believes women
ended, may God have mercy on those being less present due to mass killings or were suppressed and controlled.
who died. We should take care of our- arrests, financial hardships, and work reg- “Honestly, despite all disasters, the
selves, life should go on, it should not stop ulations in asylum counties). Others also changes that happened are very positive,”
at that point, we should go on.” (Majda 7) explained how these new conditions led she said. “I always wanted to participate in
to a realization of the unfairness of gender building society, at least to continue my
Sub-theme III-2: Coping through Social relations and norms, which contributed to education. That was not allowed.”
Comparison re-evaluation of past and present situa- Om-Belal emphasized how she realized
A key coping mechanism employed to tions as part of the post-traumatic appraisal that men used to manipulate women.
evaluate one’s overall situation and regu- process. “Men did not allow us to work or to go out
late associated feelings relies on social alone, they used to claim they worried
comparison, i.e. comparison of one’s trag- Sub-theme IV-1: Reclaiming Spaces for about us facing the outside world,” she
edy with that of others. “Coping happens Women said, “but during the revolution, they were
when I see what other people went All five participants agreed that women’s sending us out to protect them. In the
through, much more than what I went employment and freedom of movement checkpoint if a man was accompanied by
through,” Eman said, “I have a job and significantly increased after 2011. They all a woman they would let him go. What a
income […], my situation is better than reported obvious changes in gender roles contradiction.” She concluded: “I am sorry,
others.” (Eman 7) in terms of access to public space, deci- but they were liars.” (Om-Belal 7)
sion making, and employment.
It should be noted that social comparison Eman explained how the war forced Om-Belal›s narrative is a clear example of
as expressed here is in line with Janoff- women to enter the job market. “Because realization of the previous unbalanced
Bulman’s description of a major strategy in of the financial need, women were given gender relation, and the potential for - less

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FO C U S 54

Kholoud Saber Barakat restricted - new roles. This is consistent and a father as well […] Now we have to assumptions focuses on re-evaluation of
with the feminist approach in dealing with go out among the men […] I see this the traumatic experience, considering
is a doctoral researcher at the trauma, where severe adversity could be a affecting our womanhood.” (Rana 5) possible benefits and purpose, which con-
Psychological Sciences Research driver of feminist consciousness. tributes to meaning-making (Janoff-
Institute, University of Louvain (UCL), Two factors could explain why the five Bulman 118). Another process is compara-
Belgium. Her research project is Sub-theme IV-2: Evaluating the Feeling of women differ in how they evaluate overall tive evaluation of life before and after the
concerned with the psychological Being Less “Woman” than Before changes in their personal strength in rela- traumatic experience.
consequences of sexual violence on Although all five participants agreed that tion to gender roles: first, the perception
Syrian and Egyptian females, focusing Syrian women in general gained agency and evaluation of gender relations and In the context of Syrian women, one area
on the role of gender role identity and and strength, two of them, contrary to the norms before 2011, which is shaped by the of shattered assumptions is that surround-
rumination. She graduated from Cairo other three, expressed their preference personal history and constructed narra- ing gender roles. Experiences of war and
University, Egypt, in 2006, obtained a for the pervious situation. tives of each woman (i.e. history of gender displacement unveiled how unbalanced
diploma in clinical psychology in 2007, When asked how she perceives the relations and gender role satisfaction), gender relations and norms were, leading
and her MA degree in 2013. changes in women’s position, Shyma’ and second, the extent to which current to the questioning of previous cultural
email: [email protected] answered: “Before was better. Women challenges are compromising basic needs beliefs and assumptions and the evalua-
originally were not used to having a say, or safety. However, despite differences in tion of ongoing changes in gender roles,
they were like a piece of furniture. But they levels of satisfaction of current role respon- which generally contributed to increased
were safe […] Now there are a lot of sibilities, growing agency and perceived sense of agency.
women who are alone after losing their strength were obvious in all interviews.
husbands.” (Shyma’ 4). Shyma’s dissatisfac- Syrian women were forced to undertake
tion about the changing gender roles is General Discussion and Conclusion new responsibilities, particularly to find
clearly linked to being threatened and Traumatic events generally have a pro- means of survival for themselves and their
overwhelmed, and the challenges she is found impact on the fundamental assump- families. For some, this was a perceived
facing to provide food and shelter to her tions of individuals, as one’s core assump- opportunity of empowerment through
children after her husband abandoned tions about oneself and the world are which they broke the restraints of patriar-
her. shattered (Janoff-Bulman 56).The pro- chy and made the most of the current flu-
cesses of reappraisal that lead to possible idity of gender norms. In contrast, others
Rana also clarified why she believes wom- positive changes after the traumatic saw it as an overwhelming burden that
en’s position to have been better before: event/s include examining assumptions threatened their established notions
“I used to be happier and more relaxed, I about oneself, others, and the world, and about their womanhood (ABAAD and
was not running around […]. Now, you do rebuilding them in a constructive way OXFAM 13-14). However, in all cases,
not think of yourself as a woman anymore, (Triplett, Tedeschi and Cann 400). One of changes in gender roles markedly contrib-
you are a mother responsible for children, the processes used when rebuilding uted to their sense of agency.

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Pierre Philippot Through the process of rebuilding one hand, and the reasons and values of
assumptions, each of the five women cre- their current life on the other, showed bet-
is Professor of Clinical Psychology ated a narrative about her most significant ter coping with their pain and higher
at the University of Louvain (UCL) traumatic experience. That narrative, influ- appreciation of their growing agency.
and a director of the Laboratory for enced by current living conditions and
Experimental Psychopathology (LEP). giving meaning to what had happened, is As a final note, by choosing in-depth inter-
His teaching and research domains reflected in the value of the new life or in views as a method to collect stories of
cover emotion (with special interests the reason to keep going. Syrian women and IPA to analyze them, we
in cognitive regulation of emotion have been operating under the assump-
and autobiographical memories, All interviewees gained increased agency tion that each one of those stories is
respiratory feedback in emotion, as a result of the adversity they went unique. Nevertheless, this does not pre-
and emotional facial expression through; however, their overall apprecia- clude that there are patterns that could be
recognition) and psychotherapy, tion of this gained agency varied based on extrapolated. The five women shared sto-
especially CBT and emotion-focused current living conditions. Meanwhile, all ries of war, structured gender-based vio-
approaches. Philippot is past president five women were able to find an adequate lence, and hardships in the country of asy-
of the Belgian French-Speaking CBT reason to live for, despite the persistent lum, yet each developed her unique
Association: Association pour l’Etude, pain of traumatic experiences in the past narrative as well as reasons and tools to
la Modification et la Thérapie du and tough living conditions in the present. survive. These women definitely are not
Comportement (AEMTC). He founded Motherhood was a key driver for most representative of all Syrian women, or
and is presently directing a clinical interviewees, while social and political even all Syrian women in Lebanon, but
center specialized in the treatment of activism was also a clear motive to keep their stories open the way for understand-
emotional disorders in the psychology going, as an independent factor or, in one ing the suffering, and hope, of all these
department of his home university. He case of a mother pursuing the political women.
is directing the postgraduate training cause of a son killed in battle, in conjunc-
for psychotherapists organized by the tion with motherhood.
universities of Louvain and Liege.
email: [email protected] Each woman used unique modes of cop-
ing to deal with the memories of their trau-
matic experience and manage the emo-
tions associated with it. Those who
succeeded in creating a continuity of nar-
rative between their traumatic experience
and the meaning ascribed thereto on the

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FO C U S 56

Notes Works Cited Davies, Bronwyn. “The Jones, Edgar and Simon Rousseau, Cecile,
Concept of agency: A Wessely. “Psychological et al. “Resilience in
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included The Syrian League sands: Changing gender Analysis.” Social Analysis: The perspective.” History, from the north of Somalia.”
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Center for Rehabilitation Resource Center For Gender 1991, pp. 42-53.
of Victims of Violence Equality & OXFAM GB, 2013. Luthar, Suniya S. , Dante Rutter, Michael. “Resilience
and Torture, Al Najdeh Eman. Personal interview. Cicchetti and Bronwyn in the face of adversity:
Association, Basma & Afana, Abdelhamid J, et al. 18 September 2018. Becker. „The Construct Protective factors and
Zaytouna, Basamat for “Coping with trauma and of Resilience: A Critical resistance to psychiatric
Development, and Abaad adversity among Palestinians Erdener, Eda. “The ways of Evaluation and Guidelines disorder.” The British Journal
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Equality. They work in qualitative, culture-informed of Yezidi refugee women in Development, vol.71, no. 3, 1985, pp. 598-611.
various locations in Lebanon analysis.” Journal of Health Turkey.” Women’s Studies 2000, pp. 543–562.
covering the main areas that Psychology, 2018, pp. 1-18. International Forum, vol. 65, Smith, Jonathan A. Paul
have the highest density 2017, pp. 60-70. Majda. Personal interview. 6 Flowers and Michael
of Syrians, including Beirut Andreasen, Nancy C. July 2018. Larkin. Interpretative
(Shatila Refugee Camp, Bourj “Posttraumatic stress Hall, Richard. “When a bomb Phenomenological Analysis
el Barajneh), Beqaa (Chatura, disorder: a history and a goes off in Lebanon, Syrians Masten, Ann S. “Promoting Theory, Method and
El Ain, and Arsal), and Tripoli critique.” Annals of the New suffer” www.pri.org, 11 August resilience in development: Research. SAGE Publications
(Al Badawi and Nahr al Bared York Academy of Sciences, 2016, https://www.pri.org/ a general framework for Ltd, 2009.
refugee camps). vol.1208, no.1, 2010, pp. 67-61. stories/2016-08-11/when- systems of care.” Promoting
bomb-goes-lebanon-syrians- resilience in child welfare, Shyma’. Personal interview. 19
APA. “Trauma” www.apa.org, suffer. Accessed 9 July 2018. edited by Flynn, Robert J., September 2017.
http://www.apa.org/topics/ Peter M. Dudding and James
trauma/. Accessed 17 June Humphrey , Michael . “The G. Barber. U of Ottawa P, Sousa , Cindy A. “Political
2018. Politics of Trauma.” The 2006, pp. 3-17. Violence, Health, and Coping
Journal of the Sydney Among Palestinian Women
Baraitser, Lisa and Amélie University Arts Association, McHugh, Paul R. and in the West Bank.” American
Noack. „Mother courage: vol. 32, 2012, pp. 37-54. Glenn Treisman. “PTSD: Journal of Orthopsychiatry,
Reflection on maternal A problematic diagnostic vol. 83, no. 4 , 2013 pp.
resilience.“ British Journal of Janoff-Bulman, Ronnie. category.” Journal of Anxiety 505–519.
Psychotherapy, vol. 23, no.2, Shattered Assumptions: Disorders, vol. 21, no.2, 2007,
2006, pp.171-188. Towards a New Psychology of pp. 211–222. ––›
Trauma. The Free Press. 1992.
Om-Belal. Personal interview.
18 September 2017.

Rana. Personal interview.

19 September 2017.

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––› Triplett, Kelli N., et al.

“Posttraumatic growth,
meaning in life, and Life
satisfaction in response to
traum.” Psychological Trauma:
Theory, Research, Practice,
and Policy, vol. 4, no. 4, 2012,
pp. 400-410.

UNHCR. “Total Persons

of concern by Country of
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2018, https://data2.unhcr.org/
en/situations/syria. Accessed
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Zraly, Maggie and Laetitia

Nyirazinyoye. “Don’t let the
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(CC BY 4.0)

ISSN: 2196-629X
https://doi.org/10.17192/
meta.2018.11.7802

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FO C U S 58

Bam. Just one. Ah! He screams. Bam…

No More “Eloquent Silence”: another one. […] why is he silent?

-B as in Bayt… as in Beirut2
Narratives of Occupation, Civil War, [T]here was nothing but the lower half
and Intifada Write Everyday Violence of Nimr’s body, the half that was clut-
ched to Yasin
and Challenge Trauma Theory -Under the Midmorning Sun3

Maha and Camilla shoot Ranger, “Bam …

another one,” (Humaydan 213) in what he
tells them are the final hours of the
Lebanese Civil War. When the militia
fighter—who had moved into their flat—is
dead, they wonder “why is he silent?”
Nora Parr (Humaydan 213). Trauma theory would
interpret this silence as a marker for the
Discourse on trauma has re-emerged in Bāʾ mithl Baīt… mthl Baīrūt (1997; Trans B experience of extreme violence, the
an era where media and mobility bring it as in Beirut, 2008) by Iman Humaydan, expression of events so horrible they
to global doorsteps. Frameworks for the paper gives short readings that dis- “resist […] integration and expression”
understanding trauma remain dictated by rupt what has emerged as a binary of (Craps 45) into everyday life. Since “there
thinking that emerged from Europe’s trauma theory. It shows how repetition are no words” sufficient to express trauma,
“great wars” and American deployment and open endings turn everyday/trauma horrendous violence can only be commu-
to Vietnam. This framework—which sees into everyday trauma, then goes on to nicated through a profound “eloquent
trauma and the terrible as “out of time” or explore how the novels develop lan- silence” (Ephratt 1909). Ranger, however,
“other” to a perceived normal daily expe- guage and generic structures so that they is not silent because he “has no words” for
rience—has formed what critics call the hold—rather than silence—tellings of the what has happened. He is silent because
“empire of trauma.” This empire limits terrible.1 he is dead. The silence is not his, but
how war, violence, and the terrible can be belongs to Maha and Camilla, whose
talked about and understood as part of Keywords: Eloquent silence, trauma, experiences before, during, and after his
(or not part of) contemporary life. Looking Arabic literature, Lebanese Civil War, death are no less hideous than his assas-
at two trauma narratives, Taḥta shams Palestinian Intifadah, literary form sination. The death of an abusive man
al-ḍuḥā (2004) by Ibrahim Nasrallah and (who represents the war) is only one of the

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FO C U S 59

countless violent incidents of Lebanon’s apply its framework of understanding to flashbacks” “interfere” (Mostafa 209) with
civil war; of countless violences in their diverse contexts. Everyone who suffers a constructed norm. Trauma and the
lives. In Iman Humaydan’s (b. 1956, Mt must be recognized, but only if they suffer everyday are mutually exclusive, so much
Lebanon, Lebanon) 1997 novel Ba’ Mithl in the right way (Fassin and Rechtman 6). so that the sealed time of trauma must
Bayt … Mithl Bayrut [B like house… like When faced with non-Western narratives, never be “opened, accessed, interpreted
Beirut] (Trans: B as in Beirut, 2008), then, trauma theory “tend[s] to validate, or even or decoded no matter what apparatus or
silence is not the end of the narratable. to impose” its own readings on suffering methodology is applied” (Lang 3). In other
Maha and Camilla are simply incredulous “from within the range of possible ways of words, there should be silence because
at the idea that the fighter (the war) could interpreting the experience of a conflict” trauma is conceived as an “‘unimaginable’
“stop talking,” given his (its) long impact. (Fassin and Rechtman 211). This “range of reality, a logic of horror […] incapable of
Their question—aimed at the reader— possible ways” presumes that the experi- referring to anything known” (Wardi qtd.in
marks the impossibility of the war’s silence. ence of violence is exceptional—and Paterson 11). What happens, then, when
For the women, violence of the preceding exceptional as constructed against a par- violence is the norm? This is explored in
years continues to provide life’s operating ticular sense of an everyday norm. This Taḥta shams al-ḍuḥā (Under the
logic—despite or even because of Ranger’s norm is narrated through “linear plot Midmorning Sun) (2004), a story of
death. This is not the silence of trauma development whose teleological goal is Palestine and the Oslo Peace Accords,
theory. the resolution of conflict” (Coby 119). The where the imposition of a closed “time of
everyday is a “presuppose[d] ‘text’ … a violence” only ends up “reinforcing the
Trauma, as the concept developed out of story or history emplotted or predicted conditions that created the so-called
Europe’s “great wars,” the Holocaust, and into narrative structures that are person- trauma in the first place” (Behrouzan 2).
American deployment to Vietnam ally familiar to the reader” (Lang 19). This is
(Stonebridge 195; Craps 45-6), sets out a a “western” notion of the ordinary (every- Written by 2018 International Prize for
problematic binary between violence and day) imagined chronologically as realism. Arabic Fiction winner Ibrahim Nasrallah (b.
the everyday that has limited use for read- It is opposed to the extraordinary, which is 1954, Wihdat camp, Jordan), in this
ing texts like Ba’. Problematically, it also designated as a time of trauma. Palestinian text it is the fighter who takes a
sees itself as a universal paradigm, as primary narrative role. ‘Returning’ to
Fassin and Rechtman outlined in their The presumption is that “traumatic experi- Ramallah in the wake of the 1993 Oslo
Empire of Trauma (3-4). Suffering as a ence by its nature defies linear time” Accords, the story opens (unlike Ba’) once
result of trauma is perceived as the “key- (Mostafa 209), and is placed “out of linear violence is over—at least in theory. The very
stone in the construction of the new truth” chronology” of the everyday (Stonebridge life history of Shams’ protagonist, how-
(Fassin and Rechtman 6) that has devel- 195). Typical trauma narratives are thus ever, challenges the Oslo narrative that
oped its own “language” able to “wield non-linear and identified as postmodern saw the Accords as an end to the violence
strong power to organize” (Das 107) and (post-realist) where “interruptions and … of the 1948 Nakba. Born around 1936,

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FO C U S 60

Yasin came into the world amid an Arab (sadma) refers almost directly to the dom- some logical meaning relating to what
revolt against the British. Displaced in inant framework described here. It tends happened” (Aziz 77). The aim of analysis,
1948, he joins the resistance in the 60s. to bypass generations of thought on the then, is to think through (disentangle)
When Israeli forces occupy the West Bank violence of colonialism4 and the difficult these logics, and draw out the structures
in 1967, Yasin is detained, tortured, and job of reconciling a “pre-colonial” self with of understanding the works themselves
finally exiled. From Jordan and later the European “modern” (El-Aris 4)—a create.
Lebanon he carries out resistance opera- “modern” that includes unique concep- A structure of understanding, Mohammed
tions, loses his fiancée and her son in the tions of time (Davis 4), space, and the indi- Abd al-Jabri wrote, consists of “all of the
1976 Tel Al-Zaatar massacre (Nimr, in the vidual (Mitchell, 96, 4). In her analysis of relationships and connections of logical
quote that opens this article), sees the the experience of torture in contemporary reasoning that build on one another” (6).
resistance decimated in Jordan’s Black Egypt, psychologist and fiction writer Any attempt to make meaning from an
September, and eventually moves to the Basma Abdel Aziz has begun to address event or phenomenon is done through
new Palestinian Authority’s de facto capi- the overlaps and distinctions between this existing architecture. Breaking down
tal. His mid-90s “return” is where the novel existing Arabic discourses and trauma the structure into a mass network of parts
opens. In PA-administered Ramallah, how- theory, and she has developed distinct explains why “each culture and each peo-
ever, violence continues. Yasin is harassed vocabularies to describe the experience ple” craft unique (but connected) struc-
at checkpoints, re-arrested by the Israeli of violence. Aziz introduces, for example, tures, “without propagating a single, solely
military, tortured, and while in prison “karb” (73). A formal Arabic word meaning valid view of reality” (Milich 286). These
immortalized (without his consent) in a worry, grief, anxiety, and torment (Wehr logics are investigated along two axes:
monodrama based on his fidaʼi heroism. 959) in the Egyptian context, she explains, first in the reorganization of time from a
He is finally shot in the face by the very is used to discuss trauma as “stress/sad- closed and teleological binary of every-
playwright who memorialized him on ness” (Aziz 73). For Aziz the word marks a day/trauma to an open and integrated
stage. If trauma is unspeakable and “out of key difference, since “in English it [trauma] narrative space that explores violence as
time,” how can the trauma of all these dis- is broken down into stress and stressors, an everyday and long-term condition. This
tinct yet interconnecting violences be but in Arabic one word (karb) is used to turns trauma from a closed “other” to
interpreted? describe the causes and effect” (73). The something open and undetermined. The
very grammar of trauma differs, and not second section pivots; building on a
The “empire” of trauma is not so far only between the “empire” and contem- changed understanding of the teleologi-
removed from empire itself, and like colo- porary Arabic contexts: “The meaning of cal foundations of trauma theory it re-
nial/post-colonial debates, there is no karb changes for each culture and peo- reads Ba’ and Shams as agents creating
easy mapping of Arabic discourses of self, ple’s habit” (Aziz 73). Trauma theory and logic through intervention in both lan-
violence, and society onto existing trauma Arabic narratives of trauma, however, guage and genre structures. Identifying
theory. In the Arabic context, “trauma” share the fundamental aim of “build[ing]

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these logics gives names to alternative the meaning), when a single line is unknown endings” (Humaydan T5-6). His
frameworks for reading trauma. repeated “20 or more times, each time dif- political essays need the certainty of tele-
ferently” (Shannon 86). Like the singer’s ology for structure; without it he has noth-
Everyday/Trauma to Trauma of the ballads, Ba’’s repetition alters “the listen- ing to say. The personal experience of
Everyday er’s experience of temporality” (Shannon violence forced him to learn that the war
Ba’ and Shams engage what critics “from 85), holding open a present full of “cumu- does not make teleological “sense.” He
Sigmund Freud to Cathy Caruth” identify lative and anticipatory” (86) possibilities can find no ‘reason’ or logic within the war
as a “discursive failure” (Gana 513) that that comes to resemble al-Jabri’s “stage” story for the loss of his hand. However, “to
separates the perceived differences of Arabic culture. Repetition is juxtaposed search somewhere else” for a narrative
between “trauma” and the “everyday.” The with what miriam cooke calls the “war logic, Lilian observes, “would require
novels engage this conception of time story,” the teleology that “gives order to extraordinary courage” (T49) he does not
and show its problematic narrative impli- wars that are generally experienced as have. For a time, he exists in the “chasm of
cations. Their narrative logic defies discur- confusion” (cooke 15). Between repetition silence” that separates teleology from
sive failure by addressing the trauma and the “war story,” one character declares, everyday violence. Eventually, he recon-
binary as part of the problem that charac- is a “chasm of silence” (Humaydan T1/6) nects with his Islamist brother who resur-
ters living everyday trauma encounter. that parallels the “discursive failure” of rects the story of their grandfather—mar-
Narrative techniques break open the trauma theory. In Ba’, the consequences of tyred by the French—to regain a sense of
closed time of trauma: for Ba’ it is repeti- the failure are played out between a hus- purpose, a trajectory, a way of giving what
tion, for Shams open endings. In both texts band and wife. In the opening chapter, is now styled as his “sacrifice” meaning.
the everyday and violence exist, in all their narrator and protagonist Lilian shows how Lilian records her husband’s defeat but
different forms, “here, living with us, as if useless trauma narratives are to describe does not share it. In the war she sees an
they stand on the stage of a single scene” her everyday, and uses repetition as a way open-ended unknown to which she
(al-Jabri 37). Everyday trauma is figured as to break down the closure that the ‘war adjusts. His injury is only one of these
an ongoing present-simultaneity. story’ would impose. unknowns. In war, she describes: “Many
things happened. Little things piled up
1.1 Repetition The first of four narrators/protagonists, and strung our lives together. We might
Ba’ stalls the narrative foreclosure of Lilian is married to a writer who loses his remember them all, or we might just
trauma theory through varied repetition. It hand in an explosion. Without it he cannot remember some of them, but we certainly
is used at once “to defer death” (Khoury write. Though he relearns left-handed won’t ever understand their trajectories”
and Mroué 184) and “to bring out nuances penmanship, it is not the physical act of (T7). Lillian admits she initially fought this
of the text” (Shannon 84). It is what Umm writing that has been damaged. When he “disorder,” but finally “stopped making
Kulthum scholars describe as taswir tries to write, he ends up with “a pile of plans,” (T7) concluding: “At some point we
al-maʿna (literally: picturing or illuminating story beginnings: amputated stories with must accept our affairs as they are; ques-

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FO C U S 62

tions become luxuries” (T7). Rather than she rearranges furniture to unsettle the The “end” of the Lebanese Civil War is
calling this the “chaos” of war, Lilian dem- dust and to create a replica of the shifting depicted as yet another repetition with
onstrates sense-making through “cumula- battle lines outside, inside. Just like the minor difference. This is why Maha recoils
tive and anticipatory” repetition exempli- arrangement of the flat, the war shifted, at Ranger’s announcement that the “war is
fied by her daily task of packing and and “it became another war” (T71). Warda over” (T217). His declaration is an imposi-
unpacking the family’s suitcases. “I tried to uses the flat to stage her mastery of unpre- tion (cooke’s ‘war story’) and it is only
organize everything,” (T2/8) she explains. dictable repetition. With every rearrange- Ranger’s latest. He is rude, controlling, and
But no single method of organization will ment she maps and memorizes the pre- violent. He had all but moved into the
fit the constantly shifting scene of war. cise configuration of parts: “I would close women’s flat, bringing the violence of out-
There is no perfect way to order the my eyes and guess where everything was” side, in. Like war, the women endure
clothes, no perfect set of clothes to take, (T61), then play guessing games, putting Ranger, but with the militiaman they even-
so she “repeatedly emptied the contents away laundry with her eyes closed. Her tually take narrative control. It starts with
onto the rug, shook the dust off and re- space has a knowable order, though a Maha’s anger: “I didn’t like what he said
packed everything” (T2/8). The act, which constantly shifting one. This mapping about how the war was going to end, just
“gave me strength” (T2/8), is Lilian’s resis- extends beyond the living room. Warda like that, while we waited” (T218). The two
tance to teleology and her way of absorb- “always knew where my room was in the then restrain Ranger and question him
ing the problem of the trauma binary. building” and “where my building was in about his participation in the violence of
Constant repetition with slight variation the neighborhood” and “all of the dis- war. He admits to murdering men out of
becomes a way to narrate everyday vio- tances separating me from the coast” jealousy, using the clothes of a militiaman
lence, so the tedium of war—like the (T60). She is constantly ordering: city, to exact personal vengeance. There has
repeated lines of Umm Kulthum—is illumi- country, war. Repetition adjusts to and never been an “outside” and “inside” to
nated in all its minute, torturous, “cumula- reflects patterns of protracted violence. To the war, a beginning or an end. Stressing
tive and anticipatory” diversity. know the war, for Warda, is to know the this, the women shoot Ranger after the
distance between the clothes on the line declared cessation of violence and dis-
Where Lilian packs, Warda lives a con- and the route to the wardrobe—which she pose of his body amidst the war dead—the
stantly restaged battle against dust. had rearranged that morning—with eyes war still claims dead bodies. In relief, Maha
Nightly, after scrubbing the floors, she closed. This is as true during the peak of declares: “they may say the war has ended,
muses: “strange how the atoms of dust violence as it is when a ceasefire is but I haven’t finished my story yet” (T227).
pile up so rapidly, like seconds in an hour, declared. Though militiamen take off their Indeed, if the story had closed with the
like time” (60). There is something about fatigues and tanks disappear from the war it would have ended before Ranger is
this accumulation, this neat layering of streets, Ba’’s women know nothing is killed. His death, central to the experience
time, that bothers her. To combat the “over.” of the women, crucially extends violence
unrepresentative symbol of chronology, beyond the “war story.”

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Ranger’s assassination brings a number of for Palestine as a member of the resis- such exuberance, stating, “when there
other components into the story of war. tance, Yasin does not see the Oslo Accords remain on this ground no soldiers, then it
His misogyny and masculinist viciousness as a final victory. For him, it is simply the will be time to kiss the earth” (45). He does
were what lead to his death, and also start of a new phase—one that will require not believe his role as a fighter has ended,
become part of the civil war narrative that the same determination to resist. Not though the Accords mandated an end to
Ba’ tells. “Civil war,” then, also becomes unlike the repetition of Ba’, Yasin’s per- arms.
Warda’s husband, who abandons her and sonal philosophy is one of beginnings,
keeps their daughter when her mental ill- where each shift in violence marks not an Part and parcel of his critique of return is
ness is discovered. War is the family of end, but the necessity of innovation and the narrative closure it implies. He sees his
Maha’s lover who refuse to recognize an adaptation. He envisions the Oslo comrades “return to their homelands just
interfaith romance; it is Camilla’s grand- Agreement as such a shift. Instead of lead- to die in them” (43). He decides to go to
mother constantly lamenting the absence ership that sees things the same way, Yasin Ramallah to continue his resistance, this
of a “man in the house” (T116). It is not just is faced with multiple urgent forces that time to Oslo:
one structure of violence, but many, which would end his story—and the trauma of
are also repeated, before and after, inside Palestine’s past—through the teleological Ten years were waiting for him at least,
and outside, and across chapters. At its “Oslo Narrative” that has declared suffer- there in front of him to do something,
core Ba’ tells a story that chronology can- ing over in order to lend legitimacy to the maybe something important, so-
not hold. Though the women narrate in new Palestinian Authority government mething that would make clear the me-
separate chapters that tangentially refer- (Khalili, 117). When the “doors to his home- aning of this return for him. (44)
ence each other, in each, one or two other land [were] suddenly open” (42) because
women appear. Connections are not tied the new PA government was permitted to He wants his story to be an open one. This
to linear plot. By teleological standards turn its Fatah fighters into a new cadre of is challenged almost immediately, when
the inter-referencing “goes nowhere.” The police and bureaucrats, Yasin is offered a Yasin is introduced to Salim al-Nasry, an
women, simply, all lived above or below suspect “return.” Suspect, because the actor and aspiring playwright in his 30s
each other in the same apartment build- “Palestine” of the Accords is neither the who grew up under Israeli occupation and
ing. Without a timeline, without chronol- place he was born in, nor exiled from. He looks to the hero as an imaginative way
ogy, their stories, with repeated themes sees comrades kiss the earth “dreaming of out. “This is a true hero,” he believes, and
and repeated violences, become the story a lost time” (14). Why this joy, Yasin won- wants to pen a “monodrama of no more
of the war. ders, when Israeli soldiers inspect their than an hour and a quarter” (20) detailing
documents guns-in-hand. The returnees his heroism. Salim asks Yasin if he can
1.2 Open-endings may not have expected the signs of con- “write his story from beginning to end”
The protagonist of Shams also challenges tinued occupation, but stick to the narra- (15). The endeavor repeats the form of
constructions of time. Though he fought tive of heroic return. Yasin would show no Oslo’s narrative closure and makes Yasin

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uncomfortable—the end of the story as mentalization excises characters from their trauma is not “a particular historical event
Salim imagines it, is his triumphal return. larger realities. that can be placed in brackets” (Holbing,
Yasin tries to explain: Salim insists on writing the monodrama 194) threatens Salim’s worldview. “The dif-
largely because he wants to get out from ference between life on the stage and life
The story doesn’t end when it ends, it “under the thumb” of a corrupt boss who in life” (134), as one journalist who learns
starts and when it does the beginning pockets the plentiful aid money a chil- the truth of the play puts it, becomes a
must continue until a new beginning dren’s theater brings. He writes the play mortal one. Unable to face the truth of
[…] I don’t see an ending at all, I see and performs it in Yasin’s village, for “one continued violence, Salim murders Yasin
only a chain of beginnings. The ending night only,” as his 60-year-old muse wishes as an Israeli tank enters Ramallah. The tank
is many beginnings: so where to start? he could “escape far away” (19). However, signals of the start of the Second Intifada,
(145) “after a few days Salim al-Nasry returned and Israeli military oppression of the peo-
asking if there could be another perfor- ple’s anger over the failure of Oslo. Like
Salim does not understand. Yasin pleads: mance” (45). The play is such a hit, and Ranger, Salim imposes a trauma binary.
his story is not exceptional, but average, in Salim so disappointed at its short run that This time, however, the binary wins. His
fact everyday: he treacherously wonders “what if Yasin closed narrative not only hides a contin-
was killed in prison? What if he died under ued reality of colonialism; it amplifies
In truth, all heroes are like each other. torture?” (15); without the fighter he could colonial violence.
Try for example to tell the story of Nimr tell a story of victory unimpeded. When
on its own, or of Umm Walid on her soldiers come looking for Yasin, Salim is The structures of telling everyday trauma
own, or of Numan, and what would overjoyed: “from the day when Yasin was For trauma theory, “the invention of a form
happen? They would all become the behind bars it became possible for Salim susceptible to the transmission of an
main character and I would be secon- al-Nasry to carry out his project to its full- ‘unimaginable’ reality, a logic of horror”
dary. Do you understand now the me- est extent” (15). “Yasin’s absence planted (Wardi, 39) was unthinkable. Ba’ and
aning of a story? And how can you ma- in Salim that strange feeling of freedom, Shams, however, plainly depict a “psycho-
nufacture one with the flip of a hand? that the performance was his alone” (63). logical reality of horror” (Shehadeh, 39).
(158) The play gleefully details Yasin’s torture Their writings on violence are what
and post-’67 exile. By ending at Oslo, how- Stephan Milich has elsewhere called a
It is the “ordering” of events that create the ever, it structurally obliterates Yasin’s more “wound turned into language” (153).
hero. The chosen ending that looks back recent imprisonment. For the playwright, Taking as given the fact of a narrative
with a heroic teleology is what divorces trauma of the Nakba, Naksa, colonialism, capacity to communicate everyday
the person from the everydays that came and occupation are displaced into some trauma, this section pivots, and looks at
before, during, and after. This compart- “other” time as long as the Oslo Narrative two examples of transmission’s building
is maintained. Yasin’s insistence that blocks—words and genre— to more deeply

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explore how wound is turned into lan- home,” and is simultaneously “fragments become capable of meaning everything
guage. of home” (T56) [literally: what remains of “between the blue of death and the blue
home]. Letters, words, and their connect- of sky,” Maha reflects as her chapter closes,
2. 1 Words ing grammar build a meaning of home not because of, but despite the “loss from
Ba’’s title instigates a subtle play with lan- that includes death, violence, misogyny, which there is no return, which waits for
guage. It sets up associative links furnish- and exile. me to master it” (T223). Language mastery
ing everyday words with traumatic mean- means speaking, not through an “elo-
ing. Ba’ mithl bayt…mithl Bayrut [B like Characters of Ba’ constantly struggle to quent” silence but one embedded in the
house [bayt]… like Beirut] uses conso- expand language. Camilla, the youngest practice of telling.
nance to link Beirut—then synonymous and the only diasporic narrator, arrives
with civil war bloodshed—with the per- from abroad to make a Civil War docu- 2.2 Genre
sonal and secure domain of the bayt mentary. She has been recruited to the Despite attention to language, however,
[home]. The play requires readers to crew because she speaks Arabic and Yasin is written out of his own life in Salim’s
simultaneously register and reroute auto- knows the city. The film is never produced; monodrama because “that’s the sort of
matic associations. Language is shaped to Camilla finds no language capable of tell- play it is” (36). Language is not the only
communicate its context, and possibilities ing it. In Beirut, she discovers, language structure mediating the telling of violence;
of the “real” expand. Taken from and has “buried in its letters and behind its genre also dictates what is possible to say.
expanded within the final lines of Lilian’s words a fear that was still alive” (T102). She As Joe Cleary puts it, “European realism
narrative, the title associations swell as may speak Arabic, but she does not yet could never intellectually grasp” the reali-
Lillian and her children await passage to have the language of war. Between the ties of colonial locales, or of colonialism
Australia. The youngest pulls out his Arabic linear style of the documentary and the itself (259). The play is certainly realist, with
workbook “with the new smell of a library” layered language of the city there remains Salim even rebuking the techniques of a
(T58). Karim prepares to take his language “discursive failure.” The war has created Scandinavian theatre troupe that teaches
abroad, where it will accommodate new meaning for those who lived it, as the methods of Brecht. As the theatre
another reality. Demonstrating this word- Maha reflects: “when the sun had set, it left director puts it, “there is no distance”
flexibility, the scene unfolds: behind creatures trying to get used to a between the Yasin on stage and the one
Ba’ said Karim, Ba’ like Beirut. Yes, Ba’ like new language” (T102)—one permeated Salim sees as the returned hero (13). Yasin
Beirut, I answered. Ba’, Beirut, bayt, added with meanings of everyday violence. Here, is overtaken by the Oslo narrative (the war
Karim. Yes, I whispered inside myself, silence becomes embedded in language, story, the realist play), but demonstrates
Beirut … remains home. (58) an indicator of systemic colonial violences through the structure of the novel, which
Continuing the play, “remains” [baqāyā] (Sacks, 77) and the “bottomless past” closes after his death, that there is still the
here carries two meanings: “what remains,” (T102) of words “exhumed” (T102) to possibility of resistance. His charming,
and “what is left of.” The city “remains describe the realities of violence. Words slightly clichéd insistence on love and

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Nora Parr romance challenges his community to see In mirrored scenes that open and close
an alternative to Oslo, and demonstrates the novel, a narrator describes how “under
is a postdoctoral fellow at SOAS, structurally Yasin’s insistence that “all the midmorning sun,” Umm Walid sticks
University of London on the AHRC/ heroes are like each other,” if the story is her head out of a window and yells:
OWRI project Creative Multilingualism. told the right way. “Abu Walid!”
She has lectured at King’s College “What is it?”
London in Comparative Literature, was As he declares on the first day of his “I love you!” (5-6, 181)
a visiting fellow in Jordan and Palestine “return”: “There must always be flowers,” Abu Walid blushes, muttering “Yasin will
with the Council for British Research in (35) because “we have become embar- drive her crazy in the end” (5-6, 181).
the Levant. rassed of beautiful things more than we Between the first and final pages of the
email: [email protected] are embarrassed about bad things” (109). text, however, something has changed. As
To prove it he asks Umm Walid: the novel closes, Abu Walid (after mutter-
ing about Yasin) yells back: “I love you”
Have you ever in your life seen an air- (181). Resistance is realized, not to the play
plane drop flowers on a city? or the Oslo narrative, but, at least, to the
Of course not. life of the protagonists. Yasin forges—
But you’ve seen an airplane drop through his acts of resistance—a logic of
bombs on a city. horror that is also the logic of life. His insis-
Any number of times. tence on trauma as reality is not the nor-
You see! The world is crazy! And you! malization of violence that Nouri Gana
How many times have you told ʿAbu warns can “encourage, however uninten-
Walid that you love him in front of other tionally, the acceptability of these normally
people? (136) exceptional measures” (505). As unexcep-
tional, trauma penetrates the wall of
The logic they live under, Yasin implies, silence that would surround it, so that it
does Palestine a disservice. While it is too might be recognized, its vocabulary
strong a narrative frame for the fighter to understood, and perhaps one day
survive, his example is taken on by those addressed with new structures of telling
less “under the thumb” of an Oslo narra- that can hold silence as part of the story, in
tive, and is illuminated in a novel that takes all its ugly ineloquence.
as its frame not the triumphal return but
the story of its failure.

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Notes Works Cited Das, Veena. “Beyond Trauma, Holbing, Walter, “The impact Mostafa, Dalia S. “Literary
Beyond Humanitarianism, of the Vietnam War on US Representations of Trauma,
1 With deep thanks to the Al-Jabri, Mohammed A.The Beyond Empathy: a Fiction: 1960s to 1980s,” Memory, and Identity in the
editors and peer reviewers Formation of Arab Reason: Commentary.” Medicine Literature and War, edited by Novels of Elias Khoury and
who helped develop the Text, Tradition and the Anthropology Theory, vol. 2, David Bevan. Rodopi, 1990. Rabī˓ Jābir.” Journal of Arabic
article. Their reflections and Construction of Modernity in no. 3, 2015, pp. 105-112. Literature, vol. 40, no. 2, 2009,
suggestions have been the Arab World. I.B. Tauris in Humaydan, Iman. B as in pp. 208-236.
invaluable. association with the Centre Davis, Kathleen. Periodization Beirut. Translated by Max
for Arab Unity Studies, 2015.  and Sovereignty: How Weiss, Arabia Books, 2008. Nasrallah, Ibrahim. Tahta
2 Most references to Ba’ Ideas of Feudalism and shams al-duha. Al-Dar
are from the Max Weiss Aziz, Basma Abdel. Dhakirat Secularization Govern Khalili, Laleh. Heroes al-ʻArabiyah lil-ʻUluum -
translation, and are indicated Al-Qahr: Dirasah Hawla the Politics of Time. U of and Martyrs of Palestine. Nashirun, 2009. 
as such with T ahead of Manzumat Al-Taʻdhib. Al- Pennsylvania P, 2008. Cambridge UP, 2007
the page number. Where Tanwir, 2014. Patterson, David. The Shriek
alternative translations have El Shakry, Omnia. The Arabic Khoury, Elias and Rabih of Silence: A Phenomenology
been made, page reference Behrouzan, Orkideh. “Beyond Freud: Psychoanalysis and Mroué. “Three Posters: of the Holocaust Novel.
to both the Arabic and ‘trauma’: Notes on Mental Islam in Modern Egypt. Reflections on a Video/ Lexington: UP of Kentucky,
translation are provided. This Health in the Middle East.” Princeton UP, 2017. performance.” Tdr: the 1992.
quote is from the original Medicine Anthropology Drama Review, vol. 50, no. 3,
Arabic (213, T224). Theory, vol. 2, no. 3, 2015, El-Ariss, Tarek. Trials of 2006,pp. 182-191. Sacks, Jeffrey. Iterations of
pp. 1-6. Arab Modernity: Literary Loss: Mutilation and Aesthetic
3All translations from Shams Affects and the New Political. Lang, Jessica. Textual Silence: Form, Al-Shidyaq to Darwish.
are my own (92-3). Cleary, Joe. “Realism After Fordham UP, 2013.  Unreadability and the Fordham UP, 2015.
Modernism and the Literary Holocaust. Rutgers UP, 2017.
4 There is of course a history World-System.” Modern Ephratt, Michal. “The Shannon, Jonathan H.
of Arabic intellectual debate Language Quarterly, vol.73, Functions of Silence.” Journal Milich, Stephan, “The Other “Emotion, Performance, and
about many psychological no. 3, 2012, pp. 255-268. of Pragmatics, vol. 40, no. Martyr : The Trauma of War Temporality in Arab Music:
theories that stretches back 11,2008, pp. 1909-1938. and Exile in the Poetry of Reflections on Tarab.” Cultural
to the late 19th century (See Cooke, Miriam. Women and Kamāl Sabtī (1955-2006).” Anthropology, vol. 18, no. 1,
El Sharky 2016), but the the War Story. Uof California Fassin, Didier, and Richard Conflicting Narratives: War, 2003, pp. 72–98. 
debate remains pinned to P, 1996.  Rechtman. The Empire of Trauma and Memory in Iraqi
European and later American Trauma: An Inquiry into the Culture, edited by Stephan Shehadeh, Said. “Confronting
ideas of the self. Craps, Steph, “Beyond Condition of Victimhood. Milich, Friederike Pannewick, Israeli Mass torture,” Gaza as
Eurocentrism,” The Princeton U P, 2009.  and Leslie Tramontini. Metaphor, edited by Dina
Future of Trauma Theory: Reichert, 2012, pp. 141-160. Matar and Helga Tawil-Souri
Contemporary Literary Gana, Nouri. “Formless Form: C.Hurst and Co., 2016, pp.
Criticism, edited by Gert Elias Khoury’s City Gates 37-52.
Buelens, Sam Durrant, and the Poetics of Trauma.”
and Robert Eaglestone.  Comparative Literature ––›
Routledge, 2014, pp. 45-62. Studies, vol. 47, no. 4, 2011,
pp. 504-532. 

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––› Stonebridge, Lindsay.

“Theories of Trauma,” The
Cambridge Companion to
the Literature of World War
II, edited by Marina MacKay.
Cambridge UP, 2009.

Wehr, Hans, and J. M. Cowan.

A Dictionary of Modern
Written Arabic. Spoken
Language Services, 1994.

Younis, Iman Humaydan. Ba’

Mithl Bayt … Mithl Bayrut.
Al-Masar, 1997. 

(CC BY 4.0)

ISSN: 2196-629X
https://doi.org/10.17192/
meta.2018.11.7792

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Introduction

Trauma in the Novels of the Iraqi- Iraqi traumas have been the focus of many
fictional and non-fictional works. Sinan
Kuwaiti Writer, Ismaʿil Fahd Ismaʿil Anton’s novel The Corpse Washer, for
example, presents graphic images of the
post-2003 traumas being experienced in
Iraq to date. Some of these works—by the
more famous Iraqis—have been studied by
other scholars (see, e.g., al-Musawi; Milich
et al.). This article focuses on the life and
works of Ismaʿil Fahd Ismaʿil, as they rep-
resent his personal traumatic experiences
in Iraq in the 1950s-1960s. It argues that
trauma is reflected not just in Ismaʿil’s fic-
tion, but also in his own conflicted per-
sona, his identity as an Iraqi-Kuwaiti writer.

Ismaʿil was born in 1940 in Basra1, where

he also spent his childhood and youth.
After his secondary education, he began
to work in 1957 as a teacher in the same
city. In 1967 he was compelled to relocate
O. Ishaq Tijani to Kuwait due to the political crises in Iraq
in which he was indicted and imprisoned,
A prolific Iraqi-Kuwaiti writer, Ismaʿil Fahd just in Ismaʿil’s fiction, but also in his own as further explained below. He continued
Ismaʿil (1940-) has published over thirty conflicted persona, his identity as an his teaching career in Kuwait before travel-
novels among other literary works. Iraqi-Kuwaiti writer. The article reads ing for further study in Egypt in 1969. On
Though a less-studied Arabic novelist, his al-Ḥabl, in particular, as an autobiograph- returning to Kuwait, he worked as a civil
writings are comparable—in terms of ical novel that portrays Ismaʿil’s personal servant while at the same time studying at
quantity, genre, length, technique, and experiences of trauma in 1960s Iraq. the Kuwait Higher Institute of Theater,
subject matter—to those of the Egyptians from where he graduated in 1976 with a
Najib Mahfuz and Tawfiq al-Hakim. This Keywords: Trauma, Fiction, Iraq/Kuwait bachelor’s degree in drama. In the late
article argues that trauma is reflected not conflicts, Ismaʿil Fahd Ismaʿil

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1980s, he retired from the civil service to its programs in 2003 (Tijani 21). Though and from one cultural or historical context
establish his own private business. one of the least-studied Arabic novelists, to the other (Visser 250-265).
Ismaʿil continues to gain regional acco-
A more detailed literary biography of lades, with two of his most recent novels This article considers as trauma any form
Ismaʿil is contained in al-ʿAjmi’s Irtiḥālāt long- and short-listed in 2014 and 2017, of bodily and/or mental suffering, dam-
Kitābiyya (Literary Journeys), which fea- respectively, for the “International Prize for age, pain, shock, etc., and their conse-
tures an extended interview with the Arabic Fiction.”3 quences as experienced by both Ismaʿil
writer.2 Of more importance here are the and his characters in the novels discussed
points that in 1961 Ismaʿil published a Trauma in Ismaʿil’s Early Novels hereunder. The cause of Ismaʿil’s personal
poem in the Beirut-based newspaper, In simple terms, trauma is defined as “a traumas was his earlier-mentioned poem
al-Ḥaḍāra (Civilization), in which he lam- wound,” “a violent shock,” or “the conse- in which he satirized ʿAbd al-Karim Qasim
pooned the Iraqi dictator ʿAbd al-Karim quences” that a thing, act, or event may for attempting to take over Kuwait in 1961.
Qasim (r. 1958-1963), and that, so far, he have on someone’s body and/or mind A brigadier in the Iraqi army, Qasim
has published over thirty novels among (Laplanche and Pontalis 465-466). For became Iraq’s prime minister through the
other literary works. Moreover, during his Sigmund Freud, trauma is more of a psy- 14 July 1958 revolution that led to the abol-
stay in Egypt and other short visits to chological problem of the mind than a ishment of the Iraqi monarchy. He, too,
Lebanon, Ismaʿil met several leading Arab medical—i.e., physiological/bodily—one. was overthrown and assassinated during
writers, including Najib Mahfuz (or Naguib For him, “the wound of the mind—the the February 1963 coup led by members
Mahfouz; 1911-2006), Salah ʿAbd al-Sabur breach in the mind’s experience of time, of the Iraqi Baath Party. Some critics have
(1931-1981), ʿAbd al-Rahman al-Abnudi self, and the world—is not, like the wound described Qasim as a “benign dictator”
(1938-2015), and Ghassan Kanafani (1936- of the body, a simple and healable event.” who had “a significant impact on Iraqi soci-
1972). He also has contacts with other Iraqi Rather, it “is experienced [not] too soon” ety” in terms of economic prosperity,
writers including, most notably, ʿAbd al- as “to be fully known and is therefore not social and educational reforms, and the
Rahman al-Rubayʿi (1939-). Just as Ismaʿil available to consciousness until it imposes recognition of women’s and minorities’
has been influenced by these people, so itself again, repeatedly, in the nightmares rights (Davis). Nonetheless, all his good-
also has he influenced some younger and repetitive actions of the survivors” (as will toward the Iraqi people has been
Kuwaiti writers, including Layla al-ʿUthman cited in Caruth 3-4). Echoing Freud, Caruth overshadowed by the fact that he:
(1945-) and Talib al-Rifaʿi (1958-). Ismaʿil is claims that trauma is “a wound inflicted
the leader and convener of a prominent not upon the body but upon the mind” (3). Closed newspapers, banned political
literary circle, Multaqā al-thulāthāʾ (The By contrast, scholars of literary trauma parties and refused to allow democra-
Tuesday Rendezvous), which usually studies argue that the representations of tic elections […].  The result of his ac-
meets on a weekly basis in his office in trauma vary from one writer to another tions was the degradation of political
Kuwait City; I personally attended some of discourse. Politics was reduced to bina-

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ries of good versus evil, revolutionaries four times—twice in Iraq and twice in collective traumas of the Iraqis in the
versus reactionaries, nationalist heroes Kuwait (18)—might have been one of the period in focus (154-155). Aspects of only
versus the agents of imperialism. (Da- lasting effects of that trauma on him. After two of them are briefly examined below.
vis) his successive incarcerations, he was pre-
vailed upon by his father to relocate. His Al-Mustanqaʿāt al-Ḍawʾiyya: Trauma and
To this end, many Iraqi intellectuals suf- father, too, abandoned his inherited huge the Mockery of the Oppressor
fered governmental repression during his farming business in Basra, and the entire One of the dimensions of Ismaʿil’s revenge
regime, and even during the subsequent family moved to Kuwait (9). This aspect of against the Qasim regime is mocking it.
military regimes. Many of them were killed, Ismaʿil’s traumatized life is represented in This mockery is embodied, for example, in
jailed, silenced, or forced into exile (al- his fiction, as he declared: “all my novels the character of Humayda, the protagonist
Musawi; Milich et al.). reflect, more or less, aspects of my past of the second novel. An intellectual,
experience in life, although that reflection Humayda is imprisoned not because of his
The focus here, however, is on Ismaʿil, who does not necessarily have to be exactly in antagonistic writings—as his true identity is
as a result of the publication of his poetic the same manner as an event had hap- not known to the officers of the regime—
invective was repeatedly arrested, incar- pened to me” (25). While he did not spec- but for committing manslaughter, as evi-
cerated, and tortured by officers of the ify those autobiographical elements in his dent in this exchange between him and
Qasim regime (al-ʿAjmi, Irtiḥālāt 9). works, he acknowledged that he empa- the chief warden of the prison:
Publishing the poem was not just a turning thizes with certain characters (25), some of
point in his life, but also the point at which whom I identify below. – Did you kill someone?
he started experiencing an identity crisis. Ismaʿil was on a revenge mission—to – Two persons.
He declared: avenge his traumatic experiences in Iraq— – […]
when, upon settling down in Kuwait, he – […]
I am a Kuwaiti from an Iraqi mother […]. ventured into publishing his first set of – […] Why did you kill them?
But the attempt by ʿAbd al-Karim Qa- novels in the early 1970s: Kānat al-Samāʾ – Because they killed their sister.
sim to take over Kuwait in 1961 segre- Zarqāʾ (The Sky Was Blue), al-Mustanqaʿāt – Is that sister your beloved?
gated me from my peers among the al-Ḍawʾiyya (The Light Swamps), al-Ḥabl – No.
then generation of Iraqi writers. There (The Rope), and al-Ḍifāf al-Ukhrā (The – […] What exactly is your relationship
and then I felt uneasy being Kuwaiti. (9) Other Banks). These novels were written in with them?
the 1950s and 1960s whilst he was still in – I was a spectator.
Openly criticizing the government Iraq (al-ʿAjmi, Irtiḥālāt 9-15), but he edited – And then a killer.
brought an added physical and psychical them upon moving to Kuwait and then – Exactly. (al-Mustanqaʿāt 37-38; see
assault unto him and his entire family. That Egypt. Roger Allen treats these novels as also al-ʿAjmi, A Novelist from Kuwait
Ismaʿil married four times and divorced a quartet that successively portrays the 72-73)

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the latter serious trouble with the govern- Surveillance… Sudden arrests [...].
Implying a mockery of the regime is the ment (A Novelist from Kuwait 71-75). Remaining in prison is much better.
aspect of the novel that treats the friend- On the other hand, one can say that Rather, much more relaxing.
ship that soon evolves between Humayda Humayda’s actions in the scene briefly Prison is a school. (al-Ḥabl 41)
and the unnamed chief warden, who has described above signifies the idea that,
discovered the prisoner’s real identity and rather than the ordinary citizens, it is the Finally, through the character of Humayda,
shares his pro-masses ideas. That friend- corrupt and brutal authorities—symbolized Ismaʿil shows how the political repression
ship culminates in the chief warden by the chief warden—that should be put of the Qasim regime had turned youthful,
secretly taking Humayda out to a cinema. under lock and key. Similarly, Humayda’s active, and progressive-minded Iraqis into
At the cinema, the prisoner surreptitiously decision to remain in prison implies that— passive, frustrated, and desperate indi-
undoes the chain with which he has been for the intellectuals in particular—living in viduals (al-Mustanqaʿāt 78). Like Humayda,
tied to a chair by his friend before using Iraq during the 1950s-1960s was like living Ismaʿil is also an intellectual who was
the same to shackle the chief warden. The in prison. He is able to continue writing imprisoned by the regime. Aside from this,
prisoner goes out to the street to buy two against the regime while in prison—under Humayda seems to have nothing more in
bottles of soft drink and then comes back the pseudo-name of Jasim Salih—because common with the author. This is unlike the
to meet his friend. Astounded, the chief there is more time and freedom and less protagonist of al-Ḥabl.
warden queries: fear to do so there (al-Mustanqaʿāt 78).
This is something he might not have been Al-Ḥabl: Trauma, Revenge, and Restoration
– You [just] had the chance to run away. able to do if he lived in the country as a Al-Ḥabl sounds more autobiographical
Why did you come back?! free man. than its predecessors because it repre-
[Silence]. sents more of the author’s personal trauma
– You’re crazy! I swear, you’re crazy! The idea of prison as a place where peo- and revenge. The idea of revenge reso-
[Silence]. ple often derive inspirations, have more nates throughout the narrative, with fre-
– Why did you chain me to my seat? time and freedom to reflect and be cre- quent mention of words such as antaqim
– To prevent you from running after me. ative, is also echoed in Ismaʿil’s other (I’m avenging), nāqim (an avenger), and
– Why did you come back then?! (al- works. In his third novel, for instance, the naqma (revenge or affliction), as evident,
Mustanqaʿāt 52-55; al-ʿAjmi, A Novelist reader finds one of the characters—a revo- for instance, in one of the protagonist’s
from Kuwait 77-78) lutionary activist—narrating his ordeal to internal musings:
his fellow prisoner, the protagonist of the
As al-ʿAjmi notes, the prisoner wants to novel: Kuntu nāqiman. Fa-kharajat naqmatī
reciprocate his friend’s goodwill by not qaṣīdat hijāʾ (I was avenging. And my
running away, which could have caused – […] Iraqi policemen are never negli- revenge brings out a satiric poem). (79)
gent [of their duties].

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An unnamed Iraqi man from Basra, the message, which caused both Isma’il’s and through his repeated arrests, and sec-
protagonist, like the author, admits having his protagonist’s trauma. ondly, to the outside world, as a voice to
written a satiric poem in which he criticizes Extracts from the novel that illustrate the be reckoned with on the Arabic literary
the same historical figure. He narrates that, life-changing effects of the poem on the scene.
during one of the interrogation sessions, protagonist include when the reader finds
a police officer commanded: him musing: Moreover, following his political travails in
Iraq, the author migrated to Kuwait, as ear-
– Prove your innocence. A single poem that is your entire life. lier noted. It is probable that he was smug-
– I’m innocent. Just one poem […]. gled out of Iraq. He could not have used
[Reflecting:] But the lone poem which […] his authentic identification papers to facil-
I composed and in which I lampooned How many times have you challenged itate his exit from a country whose leader—
ʿAbd al-Karim Qasim spread quickly yourself to write another poem?! [...] a tyrant—he had lampooned. Ismaʿil must
among people. It was secretly distribu- […] have been designated a security-risk leftist
ted. I heard more than one person rea- The poem… the revolution… the [poli- on the government’s watch list in the same
ding its maṭlaʿ (opening line). tical] Left… If only the revolution, if only way that the protagonist of al-Ḥabl is
– Prove your innocence. the Left… In the past… thieves used to marked “siyāsī mutaṭarrif khaṭir” (a dan-
– I’m not a member [of any revolutiona- have their right hands cut off. But now gerous political extremist) (56). This is fol-
ry group]. it is the Left that is severed. (al-Ḥabl 18; lowing the protagonist’s release from
– The poem!! (17) see also Allen 154-155; al-ʿAjmi, A Nov- prison, when he applies for a passport
elist from Kuwait 75) from the Iraqi immigration department:
Regrettably, that poem is no longer extant,
the newspaper that published it is now Like al-Ḥabl’s protagonist, it is a poem that At last, after waiting for two months
defunct, and none of the few available changed the author’s life forever—from an […] there arrived my papers, on which
scholarly works on Ismaʿil quote from it. ordinary Iraqi-Kuwaiti citizen and a bud- it was written: “siyāsī khaṭir … mamnūʿ
Worse still, not a single line from it is ding writer to a more committed literary min al-safar ilā al-khārij” (a dangerous
quoted by Ismaʿil himself in any of his sub- political-ideologist. Through the poem, political activist … prohibited from tra-
sequent publications, including his Ismaʿil was only trying, in Tarek El-Ariss’s veling abroad). (41)
extended interview cited in this article. Is words, to “expose” or “hack” Qasim by
this because the author is still being exposing the folly of his action for attempt- Desperate to leave the country and to
haunted and traumatized by the conse- ing to annex Kuwait. But Ismaʿil was, in avoid further incarceration, the protago-
quences of the satiric poem? In any case, turn, “exposed, hacked, and scandalized” nist is smuggled out of the country without
my argument in this article is not about the (511). The poem exposed Ismaʿil in two any identification document, as he
text of the poem itself, but about its satiric ways: firstly, to political victimization recounts:

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My wife sold our bed. She sold the – They insisted on getting [my] confes- Stealing as Revenge
closet. We gathered ten dinars. I paid sions… (26) The protagonist of al-Ḥabl has had a steal-
eight to an unknown man [who said to ing habit since childhood; at least, he had
me]: Terrified to see how his friend’s hand has stolen a carpentry tool as a ten-year-old
– I will take you to Kuwait without your been severed, the protagonist “said to (31-33, 60). After his deportation from
passport. (41) [himself]: ‘Then I’m a scapegoat (kabsh Kuwait (40-43), he also returns to his steal-
al-fidāʾ)’” (26). With this statement, the ing habit. On this occasion, however, his
The security tag placed on him is repeated brief torture scene ends, and the reader is recourse to thievery is a form of revenge:
many times in the text, albeit in different left to guess the scale of the impending to retrieve his meager but hard-earned
phrases, to indicate how it haunts him torture the protagonist is to experience, booties from Kuwait—his “ḥaṣīlat al-ʿumr”
throughout the narrative, including during over and above the regular “ḍarabāt” (bat- (lifetime savings) (47-48)—which had been
his stay in Kuwait (24, 36). Ismaʿil might tering) and “ṣafaʿāt” (slaps) (23-24, 33, 36). confiscated at the Iraqi border. He
have been haunted by the same tag as a Both the protagonist and his friend did not recounts:
former political prisoner, or “mawqūf know each other prior to their imprison-
siyāsī” (a political detainee) (al-Ḥabl 25). ment, but they both share the same dem- [The Iraqi immigration officer] said to
ocratic beliefs. Whereas his comrade actu- the policeman:
Torture ally belongs to a left-wing political – Search his pockets very well.
As earlier noted, Ismaʿil declared that he association, the protagonist—like Ismaʿil The policeman did so, thoroughly.
was tortured by officers of the Qasim himself at the time of his ordeals in Iraq— – Some cash, sir! ... Twenty dinars.
regime. Torture is also represented in does not (26). This explains what the pro- – Put it here.
al-Ḥabl, though captured through the tagonist means by referring to himself as – And a bottle of perfume.
point of view of another unnamed male a scapegoat, an appellation that also suits – Great … Put it here.
character who is among the thirteen polit- Ismaʿil at that time. As a revenge, the – Cigarettes … Five packets of cigaret-
ical detainees packed together in the author formally declared for Marxism as a tes. (47)
same cell (68). Recounting his ordeal, the literary-ideological persuasion when he
other political detainee tells the protago- traveled to Egypt in 1969. It was there and It can be argued that the protagonist’s
nist he has been arrested for writing an then that he physically joined the league indulgence in stealing at childhood has
abusive essay against the government: of Arab leftist-leaning writers, some of little or no connection to his experience of
whom have been earlier mentioned trauma. Contrastingly, he recourses to
– […] I suffered a severe torture… Look (al-ʿAjmi, A Novelist from Kuwait 64). stealing having lost his job since his time
at my fingers! in prison, with no compensation or pen-
I looked. Only one nail was left in his sion paid to him. All hope is lost for him in
right hand. My body shivered. Iraq (35-36), even more so after forfeiting

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his gains from Kuwait. Nonetheless, his But, consequent upon his travails in and ity with and loyalty to his fatherland and
real reason for returning to thievery is to escape from Iraq, he felt challenged and his motherland. Lastly, the province of
avenge the confiscation of his posses- invigorated, so he decided to take writ- Basra—with which both the author and his
sions. He justifies this, for example, when ing as a profession and perfect it in the protagonist also share an affinity—is like a
he retorts: “Hum saraqūni wa-yasriqūnī” same way that the protagonist of al-Ḥabl rope that connects the rest of Iraq with
(They stole from me, and they are still works assiduously to actualize his steal- Kuwait, just as it is also Iraq’s main gateway
stealing from me) (25), implying the denial ing mission. to Iran.4
of his rights as a citizen, as he tries to con-
vince his wife to support his stealing mis- The Rope and the Restoration of a Trauma In the novel, The Rope is a symbol not just
sion. He is directing his anger to the gov- Victim of a trauma-engendered crime, but also of
ernment officials who represent the A rope is an item used to connect two trauma crisis resolution, or the restoration
regime’s corruption and repressiveness sides, things, places, etc., and, from a bio- of a traumatized mind. This is captured in
(al-Ḥabl 49-50, 57-58). For him stealing logical point of view, it is like the umbilical a dramatically presented scene featured
now becomes a mihna (profession) that cord that connects a baby with his/her in the final pages of the novel, where the
must be mastered (iḥtirāf) and perfectly mother. The novel’s title, al-Ḥabl or The protagonist gives up stealing and returns
executed (47-48), a situation that can be Rope, refers to a rope used by the pro- the rope to his wife. After successfully
interpreted as a reflection of trauma. This tagonist to climb over the roof of the gaining entrance into the house of his
is because some people commit crimes as house he wants to steal from. According most targeted victim, he is able to find
a reaction to other people’s aggression or to al-ʿAjmi, the rope “symbolizes [the pro- items that are commensurate with what
injustice, among other personal reasons. tagonist’s] wife’s yearning for a normal was confiscated from him:
life,” since she wants it to be used for dry-
Like al-Ḥabl’s protagonist, Ismaʿil embarked ing clothes “rather than for theft” (A A bottle of perfume. [His wife] will be
on a revenge mission through the publica- Novelist from Kuwait 77). This explanation delighted with that… Twenty dinars
tion of his first set of novels, as earlier is self-evident in the novel (11-12, 94). and a bottle of perfume… What about
noted. The author, though, does not see I would read The Rope also as an allegory: the packs of cigarettes?! (94)
these publications as constituting revenge it has both personal and political signifi-
in a strict sense. Nonetheless, one can cance in the lives of both the protagonist “He initially takes a piece of gold [i.e., jew-
read the protagonist’s acts of stealing as a and the author. The disagreement elry] but returns it to its place” (93), as that
child and an adult as allegorically autobio- between the couple over the rope sym- item was not included in what was forcibly
graphical. As a child and young adult, bolizes the disagreement over the owner- taken from him. This point serves to under-
Ismaʿil saw writing as a hobby and child’s ship of Kuwait land. That same disagree- score his honesty and integrity, which he
play; he never imagined the repercussions ment is also embodied in Ismaʿil’s strongly believes every human being
of writing anything against a military junta. personality, as he is torn between his affin- should possess and always demonstrate:

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“There must be honesty and truthfulness The author’s portrayal of conscience and (Caruth 3-4). The last two pages of al-Ḥabl
in whatever we do, even in thievery,” he repentance as remedies for trauma is fea- provide the final process of that healing in
says to himself (89). His honesty is put to tured toward the end of the novel, where a somewhat similar way as the American
the test when he does not find packs of the unnamed third-person narrator tells us Toni Morrison’s novel Home. As Visser
cigarettes in the house to complete the that the protagonist experiences “shuʿūr writes:
targeted number of items, thereby having bi-naqma” (a feeling of self-indictment).
his mission fully accomplished in just one This is when his movements awaken a […] The final pages of Home speak
place. (His earlier outings on the stealing baby girl in his victim’s house. He enters unreservedly of healing, rejuvenation,
mission were either preparatory, for fact- the baby’s room, carries her, and sits down and personal growth […]:
finding, or unsuccessful, because of the to lull her back to sleep: [The tree] looked
vigilance of the people of the house or the So beautiful.
night watchmen in the neighborhood.) Mama!! Hurt right down the middle
But he had promised his wife that this par- – Fear begins to reflect in her voice, But alive and well.
ticular outing, whether successful or not, as she sits tight on his lap. He nearly The image of the beautiful tree sym-
would be his last: bursts into a jesting laughter. bolizes a sense of closure that is not
He must leave her room now before the erasure or denial of past hurt, but
How many times have I promised her she realizes it is a thief that has turned which affirms growth and health to
but failed!… Well, she will not be angry a mother. A jesting smile forms on his emphasize that recovery, despite trau-
this time. Henceforth, she will have this lips. It is followed by a feeling of self- matic wounding, is possible, and that
rope for her alone. (94) indictment. (89) trauma, although it stands outside pre-
cise representation, can be integrated.
The protagonist’s wife plays the stereo- This scene prompts the protagonist’s (257)
typical role of a submissive and conformist sense of guilt as well as his resolution—
female throughout the narrative. expressed through the statement: “Oh, Ismaʿil uses the final scene in al-Ḥabl not
Nevertheless, from the point of view of Devil! I will never be deceived by you, only to provide a closure, but also to high-
trauma studies, she performs the all- henceforth” (94)—with which the text ends. light that, irrespective of the reasons for
important role of a pacifier of a trauma- Literary trauma theorists would see the doing it, any act of misdemeanor is a dis-
tized mind, admonishing her husband to end of the novel in which the protagonist service to society. The scene also implies
stop stealing, and to forget and forgive returns to a normal life as a kind of closure that the future generation should be con-
(his oppressors). Still, his eventual renun- that symbolizes the possibility of healing, sidered, irrespective of one’s position in a
ciation of stealing is more as a result of of the rehabilitation and restoration of a crisis, and that, with self-discipline, it is
self-repentance than of an external influ- traumatized mind, which the classic possible to overcome trauma.
ence. trauma theorists believe are unhealable

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O. Ishaq Tijani Conclusion

Narrating or documenting one’s traumatic
is an adjunct faculty member in the experience is one of the most effective
Department of General Undergraduate means of getting over it, or at least reduc-
Curriculum Requirements, University of ing its effects (Visser 250-265). Through his
Dubai, UAE. He earned his BA and MA writings, Ismaʿil has documented some of
degrees from the University of Ibadan, his troubles in life, thereby realizing some
Nigeria, and PhD from the University of healing from his traumatic past. If revenge
Edinburgh, UK. He is the author of Male is considered a cure for trauma (Beattie
Domination, Female Revolt: Race, Class, 513-524), then Ismaʿil’s writings—through
and Gender in Kuwaiti Women’s Fiction which he has exposed, mocked, or lam-
as well as articles in refereed journals pooned his oppressors, as explained in
and chapters in edited volumes. His the foregoing—are his easiest means of
research interests include women and (non-violent) revenge, of his trauma cure.
gender in Arabic and Islamic culture,
Arabian Gulf literature, Arabic and
comparative literature.
email: [email protected]

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Notes Works Cited

Davis, Eric. “ʿAbd al-Karim Tijani, Ishaq. Male
1He died on 25 September Al-ʿAjmi, M. F. A Novelist Qasim and Authoritarianism Domination, Female Revolt:
2018. from Kuwait: A Thematic and in Iraq.” The New Middle Race, Class, and Gender in
Stylistic Study of Ismaʿil Fahd East, 31 May 2013, http:// Kuwaiti Women’s Fiction. Brill,
1 Please note that, unless Ismaʿil’s Novels. Kuwait UP, new-middle-east.blogspot. 2009.
otherwise stated, all 1996. com/2013/05/abd-al-karim-
translations are mine. qasim-and-authoritarianism. Visser, Irene. “Decolonizing
---. Ismaʿil Fahd Ismaʿil: html. Accessed 20 July 2018. Trauma Theory: Retrospect
2 Arabic Fiction Org, https:// Irtiḥālāt Kitābiyya. Rābiṭat and Prospects,” Humanities,
www.arabicfiction.org/ar/ al-Udabāʾ fī al-Kuwayt. The El-Ariss, Tarek. “Fiction of vol. 4, 2015, pp. 250–265.
Ismail%20Fahd%20Ismai. Kuwaiti Writers’ Association, Scandal.” Journal of Arabic Doi:10.3390/h4020250.
Accessed 9 July 2018. 2001. Literature, vol. 43, 2012, pp.
510-531.
Allen, Roger. The Arabic
3 For more on the economic Ismaʿil, F. Ismaʿil. Kānat al-
Novel: An Historical and
and geographical Samāʾ Zarqāʾ. Dar al-Adab,
Critical Introduction. Syracuse
significance of Basra to Iraq 1970.
UP, 1982.
see, for example, Nabih
Bulus, “Once Iraq’s Crown ---. Al-Mustanqaʿāt al-
Al-Musawi, Muhsin. Reading
Jewel, Basra Crumbles from Ḍawʾiyya. Dar al-ʿAwda, 1971.
Iraq: Culture and Power in
Neglect.” Gulf News, 13 July
Conflict. IB Tauris, 2006.
2018, https://gulfnews.com/
---. Al-Ḥabl. 1972. 2nd ed., Dar
news/mena/iraq/once-iraq-s-
Beattie. Hilary, J. “Revenge.” al-Mada, 1996.
crown-jewel-basra-crumbles-
Journal of the American
from-neglect-1.2248038.
Psychoanalytic Association, ---. Al-Ḍifāf al-Ukhrā. Dar al-
Accessed 13 July 2018.
vol. 53, no. 2, 2005, pp. 513- ʿAwda, 1973.
524. Doi.org/10.1177/0003065
1050530020301. Laplanche, Jean and Pontalis,
Jean-Bertrand. The Language
Caruth, Cathy. Unclaimed of Psychoanalysis. Karnac
Experience: Trauma, Books, 1988.
Narrative, and History. The
Johns Hopkins UP, 1996. Milich, Stephan, Friederike
Pannewick, and Leslie
Tramontini. Conflicting
Narratives: War, Trauma and (CC BY 4.0)
Memory in Iraqi Culture.
Reichert Verlag, 2012. ISSN: 2196-629X
https://doi.org/10.17192/
meta.2018.11.7796

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Introduction

(Re-)Enacting Stories of Trauma: In the Palestinian Territories, the project of

occupation and control is most evident in
Playback Theatre as a Tool of Cultural the daily practice of land confiscation,
home demolitions, settler violence, mili-
Resistance in Palestine tary incursions, and political imprison-
ment, which leads to geographical, politi-
cal, and social fragmentation and isolation.
Adversity and alienation can be consid-
ered as an integral part of everyday life
that might lead to diverse traumatic expe-
riences. I argue that in this fragile and frag-
mented context, Playback Theatre offers a
chance to name and revisit stories of suf-
fering, loss, and violence and helps to
mobilize solidarity and (re-)connect com-
munities.

Against the background of the Freedom

Theatre in Jenin, my paper focuses on
Playback Theatre as a tool of cultural resis-
tance and in this sense as an alternative to
conventional trauma work. My research is
Anne Rohrbach embedded in the wider context of
Palestinian cultural resistance and com-
Playback Theatre opens up an artistic and population to define their own sense of memorative practices. During my research,
interactive space for silenced voices and self through stories that acknowledge the I got in contact with several non-govern-
counter-narratives. It helps to address variety and dignity of their lives. mental organizations, amongst others
potentially traumatic experiences of Cinema Jenin (which unfortunately has
(political) violence and oppression. The Keywords: Palestine, Palestinian Theater, been closed in the meantime) and the
article discusses the resilient power of Trauma, Cultural Resistance, Memory, Freedom Theatre, which are both located
Playback Theatre in Palestine and gives Resilience in Jenin—specifically, in the Jenin refugee
insight into the strategies of an oppressed camp.1 In 2012, one year after the assassi-

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nation of Juliano Mer-Khamis, the charis- stories becomes an act of witnessing that remains a vague and multilayered con-
matic leader of the Freedom Theatre, I contains healing aspects as well.4 I also cept, but that the following definition
travelled to Jenin for the first time. There want to highlight the importance of stories given by New Tactics in Human Rights
were still ongoing interrogations and from children and youth, the most vulner- comes close to the Freedom Theatre’s
detentions to resolve his murder. able members of society.5 The Freedom understanding:
Nevertheless, the members of the Theatre offers special activities for chil-
Freedom Theatre continued and reorga- dren and youth in which they put much Cultural resistance is the broad use of
nized their work based on the belief that emphasis on play and creating a safe arts, literature and traditional practices
artistic expression has a crucial role to play space as a foundation for children and to challenge or fight unjust or oppres-
in creating a free and equal society.2 A youth to be free to express themselves sive systems and / or power holders
main concern of the Freedom Theatre is to creatively and strengthened in their ability within the context of nonviolent ac-
reconstruct Palestinian culture by listening to deal with difficulties in life (The Freedom tions, campaigns and movements. At
to and sharing (oppressed) stories. Theatre, Child). Regarding children and its core, cultural resistance is a way of
youth, the importance of sharing (and reclaiming our humanity, and celebra-
In recent years I conducted several inter- enacting) stories through Playback Theatre ting our work as individuals and com-
views with people engaging in cultural is still in great need of deeper research munities. Cultural resistance tactics
resistance in Jenin as well as in other and documentation. are particularly powerful because they
places in the West Bank. In this paper I par- serve multiple purposes. They inspire
ticularly focus on my research on Playback Framing Cultural Resistance in the us to own our lives and invest in our
Theatre as a tool of cultural resistance. I Palestinian Territories: The Freedom communities, while building capacity
was introduced into Playback Theatre in Theatre for local leadership. (Wallin and Stan-
2014, when I joined the Freedom Theatre’s The founders of the Freedom Theatre had czak 1155)
Freedom Bus project, where members of a vision of building a theater community
the Freedom Theatre and international that joins other forms of resistance. That In addition, Nabil Al-Raee, artistic director
activists go to stay with communities in key means that the work of the theater was of the Freedom Theatre, points out that a
areas of oppression. Cultural activities like never aimed to pacify, but to stir, mobilize, number of factors have fueled debates
Playback Theatre have an important func- and transform (Johansson and Wallin, and created a variety of approaches, con-
tion during these Freedom Rides.3 Freedom Theatre 209). In this context, the cepts and vocabularies leading to con-
Playback Theatre invites community mem- Freedom Theatre often refers to cultural cepts like “cultural resistance,” “artistic
bers to share personal stories that are resistance as a core motivation for its work. resistance,” and “cultural intifada.” He
directly transformed into improvised the- Jonatan Stanczak and Johanna Wallin, two emphasizes that “artistic activity is a direct
ater pieces by the actors. As will be of the main members of the Freedom assault on the military occupation of
described in greater detail later, sharing Theatre, explain that cultural resistance Palestine and requires trust and mutually

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FO C U S 81

supportive and collaborative efforts that act of resistance against the external been multiple and overlapping discourses
unify our purpose through a variety of and internal levels of occupation. (Wal- on ṣumūd, dependent upon the lager
artistic methods which celebrate our lin and Stanczak 1271) needs and contexts of time. As a national
diversity. In this way, art can define and symbol, ṣumūd only started to be used in
lead resistance” (Al-Raee 1730). Further­ While talking about the Freedom Theatre’s the 1960s as part of the Palestinian national
more, Wallin and Stanczak argue that art, concept of cultural resistance, one of his movement and can be understood as a
such as poetry, music, and theater, has former students told me that Juliano Mer- tactic of resistance to the Israeli occupa-
always functioned as an identifying, heal- Khamis always urged his students to be tion that replies upon adaptation to the
ing, and unifying factor. aware of the fact that the occupation of difficulties of life under occupation. In
the mind was more dangerous than the other words, it is an active affirmation of
Researchers as well as therapists have occupation of the body. In an interview the collective presence on the Palestinian
already recognized the healing power of with Maryam Monalisa Gharavi, Mer- land.6 The ultimate symbols associated
cultural expression through strengthening Khamis explained: with the concept of ṣumūd are the olive
identity, creativity, self-esteem, reflection, tree as well as the peasant women and
and communication practices. This is par- [W]e believe that the strongest strugg- mother as signs of rootedness, continuity,
ticularly important in contexts and zones le today should be cultural, moral. This and connectedness. In this respect, ṣumūd
of (political and social) fragmentation. The must be clear. We are not teaching the is about persevering despite the oppres-
Freedom Theatre’s cultural resistance pri- boys and the girls how to use arms or sion and hardships that Palestinians face
marily targets the occupation from within how to create explosives, but we ex- in their daily lives—for instance a commu-
or rather the internalization of oppression. pose them to discourse of liberation, nity which rebuilds their school for the sev-
In the Freedom Theatre’s perspective, this of liberty. We expose them to art, cul- enth time or students who go to university
is where cultural resistance comes in: ture, music - which I believe can create despite long waiting times at checkpoints.
better people for the future, and I hope While planting new olive trees, Alaa, one
Just as we cannot imagine more colors that some of them, some of our friends of my interview partners, explained that
that what our eyes have seen, it is dif- in Jenin, will lead […] and continue for him ṣumūd means “keeping my
ficult to imagine a reality beyond our the resistance against the occupation humanity and soul, my ability to laugh and
own experiences and frames of refe- through this project, through this the- hope.”
rence. Art, as the expression of culture, atre. Against this background, the expression
can deconstruct an oppressive reality “to exist is to resist” is a common slogan
and make it comprehensible, which is It is important to note that in the Palestinian found throughout the Palestinian
the first step towards changing it. In context, cultural resistance is inextricably Territories.
such circumstances, the act of creating connected to the concept of ṣumūd
and performing becomes a subversive (steadfastness). Over the years, there have

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Ṣumūd (and its reference to cultural resis- Bus, explained that the Playback process won’t ever forget the sound of my doll
tance) can be understood as a “resilient works best when performers are deeply breaking into pieces. They took my fa-
resistance,” a tactic of resistance that relies familiar with the language, values, and tra- ther and my cousin, they were beating
on the qualities of resilience such as get- ditions of the community. The inclusion of them, they pushed them into their car
ting by and adapting to a shock (Ryan non-Palestinian actors would limit the effi- and suddenly there was a big silence.
299). Of course, being resilient does not cacy of the work, especially in a context
mean going through life without experi- where many Palestinians feel that their The teller chose the actors and actresses
encing fear and pain (or other emotions) narratives have already been denied or to enact the different roles. Then he
after adversity and loss, but resilience is misrepresented (Rivers, “Narrative watched his story recreated on stage sup-
found in a variety of thoughts, behaviors, Power”). In addition, there are also ported by the music of an Oud.
and actions that can be learned and devel- musician(s), a conductor, and—in the case In general, the performers must be very
oped, such as in Playback Theatre. In this of international participants—a translator.8 sensitive in their acting. Jo Salas (“Stories
context, it can be understood as an alter- in the Moment” 119) explains:
native or rather additional tool for conven- In the following, I reflect upon a Playback
tional trauma work. Theatre event in a small community in Stories that are evidently or potentially
Area C9 of the Jordan Valley. The perfor- traumatic for the teller should not be
Playback Theatre: Visualizing Personal mance took place on the school play- enacted literally. The teller needs to
Stories of Potentially Traumatic Experi­ ground. The conductor asked if someone ‘see’ his or her story, but in a way that
ences7 from the audience wanted to share a per- maintains a safe distance from it. Horri-
Playback Theatre is a form of interactive sonal story. After some representatives of fic events like a bombing or a rape can
and spontaneous theater. Although per- the community shared their stories, chil- be depicted with minimal gestures,
formances focus on a theme of interest or dren and minors were invited to tell their narration, or suggested offstage.
concern in a ritualized way, they follow no stories as well. 15-year-old Osama10 raised
narrative agenda. Performances are car- his hand and entered the stage. He took a At the end of the representation, the
ried out by a team of trained (ideally seat next to the conductor, who supported actors and actresses turned to the teller,
native) actors. The actors and actresses of him by asking some questions about time, thanked him for the story, and waited on
the Freedom Bus are themselves place, plot, and emotions: the opinion of their enactment.
Palestinians, which provides them with a Generally, after each performance the
deep “understanding of the psychological When I was a little child, Israeli soldiers conductor asks the teller whether he or
and socio-political context of stories they invaded my parent’s home. I was afraid she felt represented by the enactment. If
encounter” (Rivers, “Playback Theatre” and I peed in my pants. They destroyed the teller is not fully satisfied, he or she can
160). In a personal conversation, Ben everything; they even destroyed my ask for variations. For instance, the con-
Rivers, one of the founders of the Freedom favorite doll with their heavy shoes. I ductor might counteract by inviting peo-

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FO C U S 83

ple from the audience to share their feel- home as a shelter and the heart of family timhood; they rather emphasize agency
ings in response to the story they heard. life, then even the invasion or devastation (for instance in the sense of disobedience,
After a while Rawda raised her hand and of home can be a traumatic experience. as Rawdas story illustrates). The teller usu-
was invited to enter the stage: Home contains vivid memories as well as ally tells his or her story not only to inform
attachment to (family) objects. In this con- the audience, but he or she is also urging
It was in the evening when the sol- text El-Sarraj emphasizes that home is the audience to fight against the injustice
diers invaded our home. I don’t know often associated with feelings of security as well. Rivers (“Narrative Power”) also
what they were looking for, but they and consolation (Quota et al. 314). The explains that even though the Playback
were shouting and wanted us to leave (ongoing) invasions and devastations process is used to inform or mobilize local
the house. I cried. My mother was still might undermine the children’s sense of and regional audiences, many tellers also
standing in the kitchen, making coffee. safety. like to transmit their stories to the outside
With a proud smile she looked at the world. From the audience’s point of view,
soldiers, telling them that she would Theater has the power to create a safe and Playback Theatre can thus be understood
leave the house when she’s done with liminal space to visualize themes and as a form of witnessing and as one way to
the coffee. For a short moment, the sol- emotions that are usually suppressed or counter representations of Palestinian life.
diers seemed to be confused. After my even (social) taboo. Correspondingly, it For example, organizers of Playback
mother finished her coffee, she left the offers the opportunity to express vulnera- Theatre events also arrange post-perfor-
house, walking upright. bility, grief, anger, and other emotions that mance meetings where (international)
can be recognized and re-viewed through event participants are able to discuss con-
Considering the political violence Pales­ the performance. Ben Rivers emphasizes crete actions as a result of the “testimonial
tinians face every day, these stories can that process” (Rivers, “Narrating Power”). In
function as examples of the profound addition, the Freedom Bus troupe tries to
impact on children’s perception of space [a]udience members have expressed establish long-term relationships with the
and reality. In this context it makes sense their appreciation for an aesthetic partnering communities to build trust and
to refer to the work of Eyad El-Sarraj, who space that welcomes diverse emotions (re-)connect the fragmented communities
(amongst others) examined the preva- and complex narratives—and opportu- within the West Bank.
lence and determinations of post-trau- nity so often denied in the prevailing
matic stress disorder among Palestinian quest for order, sense and survival. (Ri- Conclusion: Playback Theatre, Trauma
children in the Gaza Strip who lost their vers, “Narrative Power”) Work, and Cultural Resistance
homes. I argue that his results might also As stressed above, there is no doubt that
be transferred to the effects of Israeli inva- As shown by the examples above, stories people living under occupation are at a
sion and devastations of Palestinian that are shared during a Playback Theatre high risk of psychological disturbances.
homes in the West Bank. If we understand event are not only about violence and vic- Many studies have found that the experi-

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FO C U S 84

ence of political violence often leads to According to Papadopoulos, experiences munity mobilization. Their voices are no
different types of post-traumatic stress dis- of extreme adversity can result in a variety longer silenced, and they ideally gain
order (PTSD) that can develop following a of internal states and external behaviors. public recognition and respect.
traumatic event that threats one’s safety He mentions negative responses (includ-
and makes one feel helpless (Freeman 6). ing psychiatric disorders), neutral re­­ During my research I was able to talk to
For the Palestinian context, it is difficult to sponses (resilience), and positive several tellers after diverse Playback
define or reduce the traumatic effects as responses. He introduces the term “adver- Theatre events. Most of them explained
post-traumatic stress disorder, because sity activated development” (AAD), which that they felt a kind of relief and shifting of
the trauma is neither past nor post, but refers to new positive qualities resulting perspective that can play a crucial role in
continuing (Sehwail 55). This means that from adversity. Against this background, the healing process. Fox (and others)
due to the fact that political violence is still Rivers (“Playback Theatre” 158) points emphasize that Playback Theatre pro-
an everyday experience, it is almost out that up to approximately 73,000 motes both personal affirmation and
impossible to identify or even experience Palestinians who suffer from mental health social cohesion, which offers a powerful
the setting as post-traumatic. Above, we disorders cannot access appropriate ser- response to the alienation and disconnec-
also need to recognize that prominent vice due to the lack of funding, but also tion that many people experience. Against
trauma discourses reflect Western per- due to the social stigma surrounding psy- this backdrop, the recognition of shared
spectives that tend towards apolitical and chiatric treatment. I fully agree with Rivers experiences can become a tool for cul-
bio-medical models of assessment and that storytelling and (interactive) theater tural resistance. As mentioned earlier,
intervention (Rivers, “Narrative Power”; can offer an important alternative to con- from the audience’s point of view, the
Rivers, “Cherry Theft”; Rivers, “Educate”; ventional trauma response. To have the opportunity to have one’s story heard can
Brunner, “Politik des Traumas”). Western chance to tell what happened to a broader be viewed as one way to counter external
trauma discourse is dominantly one of vic- audience in a secure and safe space and representations of the Palestinian reality.
timization. Of course, victims and perpe- to see this story being enacted on stage
trators are necessary categories for think- can help a person to move forward with It is important to emphasize that children
ing about violence, suffering, and life. It can move traumatic memory into and youth especially are faced with diffi-
vulnerability. But they are often used as narrative memory. The person who shares cult realities. Their lives consist of more or
dualistic and holistic concepts, which are his or her story is no longer alone with his less constant struggle. Violence affects
not sufficient. As already mentioned or her painful memories and feelings. He them almost everywhere: on the streets, at
above, I argue that the response to (politi- or she is taking an active role, because he school, and at home. Violence is becom-
cal) violence is not limited to being trau- or she chose to enter the stage. ing part of their language, their play and
matized, but includes resilience. In this Furthermore, people experience that their worldview (Wallin 3990). Many chil-
sense, I prefer to use the term potentially there are similar stories and feelings, dren suffer from trauma and psychiatric
traumatic experiences. which might lead to solidarity and com- disorders; for instance, hyperactivity,

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FO C U S 85

Anne Rohrbach aggression, concentration problems, and Coming finally back to the concept of cul- can make a significant contribution here
insomnia are very common. Wallin clarifies tural resistance, it is important to stress as well.
is a research assistant in the that there are only a few avenues for that there can be no monopoly on the
collaborative initiative Worlds of release and rehabilitation available to understanding of cultural resistance. This
Contradiction (WoC) at the University them. Through Playback Theatre (and in also means that there is no clear and pre-
of Bremen. She coordinates the Jenin in a broader sense through the chil- cise definition of cultural resistance. In the
project area Forms of Knowledge dren and youth activities of the Freedom context of the Freedom Theatre, Al-Raee
which examines the epistemological Theatre) they have the ability to tell their points out that “it has been challenging for
productiveness and effectiveness of own stories in a positive and safe environ- us to define clearly what we mean by the
contradiction in different historical and ment where they are listened to, respected, concept of ‘cultural resistance’. […] We
cultural situations. Her monograph and valued as equal individuals. The spe- have approached ‘cultural resistance’
Erinnerungskultur und kultureller cial strength of Playback Theatre lies in its largely in an intuitive and organic way,
Widerstand in den palästinensischen “visualizing of personal stories.” Children through our feelings” (Al-Raee, “Shared
Gebieten. Jenin, ‘Cinema Jenin’ und especially are rarely able to express their Responsibility” 1660). Against the back-
das ‘Freedom Theatre’ was released in feelings verbally, particularly if they refer drop of the Freedom Theatre, I have dis-
October 2017. to potentially traumatic experiences. cussed Playback Theatre as a tool of cul-
email: [email protected] Through Playback Theatre their stories can tural resistance and in this sense as an
be visualized and symbolized. This cre- additional tool for conventional trauma
ative response can open a space for work in the Palestinian territories.
diverse feelings and in this sense stimulate
resilience. To quote Ahmed Tobasi, the- Sharing Stories about life under occupa-
ater school graduate and coordinator of tion is not a new experience for most
theater workshops for young people: Palestinians. But Playback Theatre as a
story-based strategy appeals to all our
In my opinion they [the children] are senses. It is social and interactive in nature
the most important audience to us. If and helps to provoke critical conscious-
we can find a solution to their prob- ness as well as coping strategies with
lems through theatre, we will indirectly potentially traumatic experiences. The
find the beginning of a solution to our importance of Playback Theatre for chil-
society’s problems. These children are dren and youth is still underappreciated,
the generation that will lead the coun- which in my opinion, needs to be reme-
try one day. (The Freedom Theatre, died. I assume that the special (educa-
Child)11 tional) activities of the Freedom Theatre

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FO C U S 86

Notes 3 The initiative is inspired by 4 It is important to add that 8 This means that the stories Works Cited
the 1960s Freedom Rides Playback Theatre is not about I have witnessed are all
1 Jenin was severely affected that travelled across the bringing Palestinians and translations from Arabic into Abdel Jawad, Saleh. “The
by the second intifada, when Southern United States to Israelis together in the same English. Arab and Palestinian
the Israeli Defense Forces highlight and challenge events. First and foremost Narratives of the 1948
(IDF) occupied the camp racism. In the Palestinian it aims at community 9 The 1995 Oslo II Accord War”. Israeli and Palestinian
in 2002 after ten days of Territories, Freedom Bus mobilization and solidarity divided the West Bank Narratives of Conflict.
intensive fighting. More than events are typically organized within the fragmented into three types of area. History’s Double Helix, edited
a quarter of the population in partnership with grassroots Palestinian Territories. Concentrations of Palestinian by Robert Rotberg. Indiana
was rendered homeless. organizations, popular population in built-up areas, UP, 2006, pp. 72-115.
The so called Battle of Jenin struggle committees, 5One of the most prominent which are home to most of
plays an important role village councils, women’s Palestinian psychiatrists the Palestinians in the West Abufarha, Nasser. The
in framing personal and cooperatives, and local dealing with the traumatic Bank, were designated Areas Making of a Human
collective memories that refer activists (Rivers, “Playback effects on children and A and B and were officially Bomb. An Ethnography of
to traumatic experiences Theatre” 160). As a founding youth was Eyad El-Sarraj. For handed over to Palestinian Palestinian Resistance. Duke
(UNRWA). member of the Freedom example, he examined the Authority control. The UP, 2009.
Theatre’s Freedom Bus prevalence and determinants remaining 60% of the West
2 Within the Freedom Theatre initiative, Ben Rivers is jointly of post-traumatic stress Bank was designated Area C Al-Raee, Nabil. “Shared
there is the understanding responsible for the use of disorder among Palestinian and is the land that surrounds Responsibility. A Reflection
that there are four main Playback Theatre in the children in the Gaza Strip Area A and B. Area A is home on the Role of Artists in
and intertwined levels of West Bank of the Palestinian who lost their home. to an estimated 180,000- Society”. The Freedom
occupation: the external Territories. He is specialized 300,000 Palestinians and to a Theatre. Performing Cultural
Israeli occupation, the in the use of therapeutic settler population of at least Resistance, edited by Ola
6 Palestinians often differ
internal political oppression and participatory theatre 325,000 in 125 settlements Johansson and Johanna
between static ṣumūd and
in Palestine, the economic for community mobilization, and approximately 100 Wallin, LeftWord Books,
resistance ṣumūd. The
occupation, and finally the cultural activism, and outposts. Israel retains full Ebook, 2018.
former is more passive and
occupation from within. collective trauma response. control over security and civil
defined as maintenance of
He has worked extensively affairs, including planning, Boal, Augusto. The Theatre of
Palestinians on their land;
with communities impacted building, laying infrastructure, the Oppressed. Pluto Press,
the latter contains a more
by structural oppression and and development (B’Tselem, 1979.
dynamic ideology whose aim
political violence, for instance Planning).
is to seek ways to undermine
in India, Egypt and the B’Tselem – The Israeli
the Israeli occupation.
Palestinian Territories. 10The names have been Information Center for
changed to protect the Human Rights in the
7 As will be discussed later, privacy of people involved. Occupied Territories.
I assume that the response
Planning Policy in the West
to violence is not limited
Bank, 11 Nov. 2017, https://
to being traumatized.
www.btselem.org/planning_
That is why I prefer the
and_building. Accessed 10
term potentially traumatic
July 2018.
experiences.
––›

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FO C U S 87

––› Brunner, José. Die Politik des ---. Acts of Service: Masalha, Nur. The Palestine Rivers, Ben. “Playback Ryan, Caitlin. “Everyday
Traumas. Gewalterfahrungen Spontaneity, Commitment, Nakba. Decolonising History, Theatre as a Response to the Resilience as Resistance:
und psychisches Leid in den Tradition in the Nonscripted Narrating the Subaltern, Impact of Political Violence in Palestinian Women Practicing
USA, in Deutschland und Theatre. Tusitala Publishing, Reclaiming Memory, Zed Occupied Palestine.” Applied Sumud”, International Political
im Israel/Palästina Konflikt, 1994. Books, 2012. Theatre Research, vol. 1, no. 2, Sociology, vol. 9, no. 4, pp.
Suhrkamp Verlag, 2014. 2013, pp. 157-176. 299-315.
Freeman, Pamela. “Enacting New Tactics in Human Rights.
Chung, Jiwon and Ben Traumatic Experience.” Cultural Resistance: The ---. ‘”Cherry Theft under S., Alaa. Personal interview.
Rivers. “Playback Theatre and Interplay, Special Issue Arts of Protest. New Tactics, Apartheid. Playback Theatre 2015.
Social Change: Functions, Playback & Trauma, vol. 18, https://www.newtactics. in the South Hebron Hills of
Principles and Practices.” no. 2, 2013, pp. 6-12. org/conversation/cultural- Occupied Palestine.” The Salas, Jo. “Stories in the
Playback Theatre Reflects. resistance-arts-protest. Drama Review, vol. 59, no. 3, Moment: Playback Theatre
An Independent Blog Gharavi, Maryam Monalisa. Accessed 11 July 2018. 2015, pp. 77-90. for Community Building and
for Writing on Playback Interview with the Late Justice.” Acting Together:
Theatre, 2018, http:// Juliano Mer-Khamis: “We Papadopoulos, Renos K. ---. “Educate, Agitate and Performance and the
playbacktheatrereflects. are Freedom Fighters.” Therapeutic Witnessing Organize! Playback Theatre Creative Transformation of
net/2017/05/21/ The Electronic Intifada, and Storied Communities: and its Role in Social Conflict. Volume II, edited by
playback-theatre-and- 5 Apr. 2011, https:// Trauma, Resilience and Movements.” International Cynthia E. Cohen, Roberto
social-change-functions- electronicintifada.net/ Adversity-Activated Playback Theatre Journal, Gutiérrez Varea, and Polly O.
principles-and-practices-by- content/interview-late- Development. Centre 2015, pp. 19-37. Walker, New Village Press,
ben-rivers-and-jiwon-chung/. juliano-mer-khamis-we- for Trauma, Asylum and 2011, pp. 93-125.
Accessed 11 July 2018. are-freedom-fighters/9295. Refugees, University of Essex, ---. “Narrative Power:
Accessed 11 July 2018. and The Tavistock Clinic, Playback Theatre as Cultural Sehwail, Mahmud.
El Sarraj, Eyad. A 14-year- 2012. Resistance in Occupied “Responding to Continuing
old’s Question: Why?. Hoesch, Folma. “The Red Palestine.” The Freedom Traumatic Events”.
New York Times, 5 Jan. Thread: Storytelling as a Qumsiyeh, Mazin. Popular Theatre. Performing Cultural International Journal of
2009, https://www. Healing Process”. Gathering Resistance in Palestine: Resistance, edited by Ola Narrative Therapy and
nytimes.com/2009/01/15/ Voices: Essays on Playback A History of Hope and Johansson and Johanna Community Work, no. 3 & 4,
opinion/15iht- Theatre, edited by Jonathan Empowerment. Pluto Press, Wallin, LeftWord Books, 2005, pp. 54-56.
edsarraj.1.19391612.html. Fox and Heinrich Dauber. 2011. Ebook, 2018.
Accessed 11 July 2018. Tusitala Publishing, 1999. ---. “Prevalence and
Quota, Samir, Raija-Leena Rowe, Nick. Playing the Determinants of PTSD
Fox, Jonathan. “A Ritual of Khalili, Laleh. Heroes Punamäki, and Eyad El Other: Dramatizing Personal among Palestinian Children
Our Time.” Gathering Voices: and Martyrs of Palestine. Sarraj. “Child Development Narratives in Playback Exposed to Military Violence”.
Essays on Playback Theatre, The Politics of National and Family Mental Health in Theatre. Jessica Kingsley European Child & Adolescent
edited by Jonathan Fox and Commemoration. U of War and Military Violence: Publishers, 2007. Psychiatry, vol. 12, 2003, pp.
Heinrich Dauber, Tusitala Cambridge P, 2007. The Palestinian Experience”. 265-272.
Publishing, 1999. International Journal of
Behavioral Development, vol. ––›
32, no. 4, 2008, pp. 310-321.

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––› The Freedom Theatre.

Child, 2018, http://www.
thefreedomtheatre.org/child-
youth/. Accessed 11 July 2018.

---. The Freedom Bus,

2018, http://www.
thefreedomtheatre.org/what-
we-do/theatre/freedom-bus/.
Accessed 11 July 2018.

---. Who we are, 2018, http://

www.thefreedomtheatre.org/
who-we-are/. Accessed 11
July 2018.

UNRWA. Where we work,

2018, https://www.unrwa.org/
where-we-work/west-bank/
jenin-camp. Accessed 29
June 2018.

Wallin, Johanna. “A Theatre

in our Neighborhood. The
Freedom Theatre’s Work
with Children. The Freedom
Theatre. Performing Cultural
Resistance, edited by Ola
Johansson and Johanna
Wallin, LeftWord Books,
Ebook, 2018.

Wallin, Johanna and

Jonatan Stanczak. “The
Freedom Theatre’s Cultural
Resistance”. The Freedom
Theatre. Performing Cultural (CC BY 4.0)
Resistance, edited by Ola
Johansson and Johanna ISSN: 2196-629X
Wallin, LeftWord Books, https://doi.org/10.17192/
Ebook, 2018. meta.2018.11.7799

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FO C U S 89

Introduction

Injustice Turned Inward? This research draws on 40 life-story testi-

monies of young (18-35 years) Cairene
Continuous Traumatic Stress and activists (25 male, 15 female) from different
political orientations (liberal, socialist,
Social Polarization in Egypt Muslim Brotherhood, and Salafist), con-
ducted between October 2013 and
February 2014. The experiences of these
activists are marked by Continuous
Traumatic Stress (CTS), which is a phenom-
enological therapeutic term developed by
anti-apartheid South African psycholo-
gists to accounts for the relentless trau-
matic nature of political repression and its
ensuing social conflict (Straker and
Vivienne Matthies-Boon Moosa). The key markers of CTS are the
emphasis on a different—continuing—tem-
Based on 40 life-story testimonies with in pre-and post-revolutionary Egypt are porality of traumatizaton and the empha-
young Cairene activists, this article argues best perceived through the lens of CTS. It sis on the structural political stressors that
that post-revolutionary Egypt was marked also insists that such traumatic stress—par- cause this traumatization (Straker; Straker
by Continuous Traumatic Stress (CTS). ticularly the lack of justice and formal and Moosa). CTS hence advances a spe-
CTS is a phenomenological term that recourse—provided a fertile breeding cifically political conception of traumatic
accounts for the structurally traumatic ground for revenge and social polariza- stress that is constituted by a violent, cor-
nature of political repression. It empha- tion, which was directly incited by coun- rupted political and judicial system (Eagle
sizes the continuing temporality of such ter-revolutionary actors (such as the mili- and Kaminer; Straker). In contexts of CTS,
pervasive traumatizaton and the struc- tary and Muslim Brotherhood leadership), traumatic injustices are systemic and per-
tural political stressors that underpin it. thereby sadly further contributing to the vasive: the political authorities that were
CTS thus entails a specifically political (seemingly endless) continuous cycle of supposed to protect the people are the
conception of trauma, according to which continued traumatic stress. direct perpetrators or at best colluding in
traumatic stress is in fact constituted by a the abuses. Hence, in CTS, there is no
violent, corrupt, unaccountable political Keywords: Egypt, Trauma, Polarization, recourse to the judicial or reconciliation
and judicial system. This article argues Injustice, Revenge processes. Rather, “the law is part of the
that the traumatic experiences of activists problem rather than potentially part of the

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solution” (Straker and Moosa 458). CTS is Below, I will first explore the concept of context of stressor conditions, the tempo-
particularly useful since it sheds light on CTS, its usefulness, and its contribution to ral location of the stressor conditions, the
the feelings of disorientation and numb- trauma theory. I will then provide a brief complexity of discriminating between real
ing pervasiveness of fear due to the con- overview of the traumatic stresses—and and perceived or imagined threat, and the
tinuation and pervasiveness of traumatic particularly feelings of injustice—activists absence of external protective systems”
threats from which there is no respite. It experienced after the 2011 revolution. We (Eagle and Kaminer 85). CTS hence not
also notes the difficulty of differentiating will see how social polarization increased, only highlights the manner in which indi-
between real and perceived or imagined and how it sets in motion a cycle of vidual, social, and political dimensions of
threats within such situations (Eagle and revenge and emotional outlet that in fact trauma are intertwined during state vio-
Kaminer), and how in those circumstances unfortunately further aggravated people’s lence and repression, but also that in such
there are often two divergent and overlap- experiences of CTS.1 contexts the traumatic experience is not
ping coping mechanisms: namely with- located in the past, but continues to be
drawal, isolation, and disinterest in (pub- Continuous Traumatic Stress: What’s in a omnipresent.
lic) living, and feelings of increased anger, Term?
aggression, and even hatred of others The concept CTS was developed by psy- Moreover, Eagle and Kaminer argue that
(Eagle and Kaminer). chologists in apartheid South Africa and therapeutic help in such contexts should
provides a phenomenological account of not focus on symptom reduction but
In post-revolutionary Egypt, we see a the unpredictable, relentless, and perva- rather on realistic threat discrimination. In
destructive cycle of continuous traumatic sive traumatic stresses during political situations of pervasive and unpredictable
stress. As the state authorities violently repression and civil conflict (Straker and political violence, it becomes difficult to
repressed dissent and foreclosed the pos- Moosa). CTS arose as a therapeutic con- distinguish real traumatic threats from
sibilities of justice and political reform, cept to supplement existing understand- imagined or perceived future ones
activists not only became disillusioned ings of trauma, such as PTSD (Nuttman- (Straker 216). This may lead to experiences
with politics (and withdrew from the public Shwartz and Shoval-Zuckerman; Stevens of existential anxiety and fear that might in
sphere into social isolation) (Matthies- et al.). Yet, it argued against the individual- other circumstances be diagnosed as
Boon; Matthies-Boon and Head), but ist, intra-psychical tendencies within much paranoia (Eagle and Kaminer 92). Yet, CTS
anger and frustration also turned inward of the mainstream trauma literature and scholars insist that it is important to realize
on society. That is, society became increas- placed emphasis on the social and politi- that in cases of CTS, “the denial or mini-
ingly polarized, and social aggression cal contexts—i.e. the traumatic stressors— malisation of danger might be more prob-
spread like wildfire, thereby sadly further that cause the existential experiences of lematic than exaggeration, even if such
contributing to the cycle of continued hopelessness, alienation, disorientation, defences allow for reduction of anxiety”
traumatic stress and its feelings of disori- and disassociation (Straker). The four char- (Eagler and Kaminer 93). Such denial or
entation. acteristics of CTS are an emphasis on “the minimalization could directly compromise

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the individual’s safety. Furthermore, CTS collusive with informal systems of power, sions of anger and aggression. In CTS,
also highlights how in contexts of political at worst” (Eagle and Kaminer 93). Hence, individuals may “engage with the perver-
repression, one of the essential presump- there is no or very little respite from the sion of the good, and the breakdown of
tions of trauma therapy—namely therapeu- continuous threat of violence, and the cul- systems […] by assuming control them-
tic safety—cannot be guaranteed (Straker). ture of fear and suspicion spreads through selves in violent or threatening ways”
Importantly, they also point out that within society. Individuals may experience not (Eagle and Kaminer 94). As Eagle and
contexts of CTS, the social contract only a sensation of hyper alertness but Kaminer explain, the adaptation towards
between the state and the individual is also a deep sense of vulnerability, a sense structural dehumanization in CTS might
entirely broken, which means there is no of impotence or loss of control over one’s instill a sense of paranoid defensiveness
path of official recourse for addressing the own life, and an altered sense of reality but also the desire for hatred and revenge,
traumatic violence inflicted (Eagle and that makes it difficult to comprehend as well as the clinging to prejudices (Eagle
Kaminer). This includes structural abuse by experiences. and Kaminer 96). Structural continuous
the security state and its cronies, such as traumatization, and particularly its lack of
physical violence, but also other forms of CTS may thus instill a sense of nihilistic res- legal or other recourse, hence provides a
systematic destructions of life, such as life- ignation in some, through disinvestment fertile breeding ground for the spread of
threatening poverty in contexts of political in living and a minimization of exposure further aggression and revenge (Eagle
corruption. through avoidance (Eagle and Kaminer and Kaminer 94). This happened in post-
94). CTS can lead to withdrawal from pub- revolutionary Egypt, where anger and
Hence, one of the main contributions of lic life as people become “withdrawn into frustration—encouraged by the counter-
CTS for our purposes here is the recogni- a protective envelope, a place of mute, revolutionary forces of the military and the
tion that the authorities charged with the aching loneliness, in which the traumatic Brotherhood leadership, and stirred on by
protection of people are not only infor- experience is treated as a solitary burden” the polarizing Egyptian media—turned
mally embroiled but are the main perpe- (Erikson 195). As I highlighted elsewhere inward on society and turned people
trators of traumatic violence (i.e. the threat (Matthies-Boon), due to a lack of positive against each other. Social polarization
to life and bodily integrity). This aggra- revolutionary outcomes and socially spread like a wildfire because of the situa-
vates the traumatic impact since violations embedded coping mechanisms, such a tion of CTS wherein so many people
are accompanied by “resignation, collu- withdrawal had deeply depoliticizing dwelled. Yet, whilst social polarization is an
sion, nonretribution and licence for further impacts in Egypt. It resulted in (re)atomiza- expression of CTS, it also further contrib-
violation at a systemic level” (Eagle and tion: the deliberate isolation of each indi- utes to it, thereby closing the counter-rev-
Kaminer 94). Or rather, “systems designed vidual “from all his peers through the olutionary circle of repression.
to create a sense of accountability and to machinations of the regime” (Glasius 348).
minimize harm to citizens are ineffectual However, this article focuses on the other
and overstretched, at best, or corrupt and possible reaction to CTS, that of expres-

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FO C U S 92

Interlude: Theoretical Similarities and these in its systemic political contexts, that left a large section of Egyptians strug-
Divergences whereas complex trauma focuses more on gling for life. The neoliberalization of the
Before continuing I will first explore how the sequencing of interpersonal trauma economy empowered the corrupt,
CTS differs from and contributes to trauma (e.g. sexual and childhood abuse) (Eagle untouchable business-cum-political elite,
theory, notably complex or social/cultural and Kaminer; Nuttman-Shwartz and whilst forcing millions into poverty, since
trauma. Like other concepts, CTS holds Shoval-Zuckerman). CTS also diverges the so-called trickle-down effect never
that trauma breaks the symbolic order of from the notion of cultural trauma materialized (Joya; Mitchell; Soliman). As
the world (Kirshner, 1994), how people (Alexander; Sztompka), which explores this interviewee remarked:
bring meaning into and make sense of the how particular cultural groups mobilize
world. What happens in trauma is a shat- around traumatic experiences—see for People are left to rot and survive in the
tering of one’s dwelling in the world—one’s instance minority rights movements. informal economic sectors. All Muba-
sense of being-in and being-with others in Cultural trauma not only potentially reifies rak did was to secure his own people,
the world (Bracken; Stolorow). The world social or cultural groups; it also presumes and play us out against one another.
and one’s social surroundings appear that groups are able to mobilize in the (Interview 38)
alien as trust in the justice of the world public arena. Yet, in CTS it is precisely the
breaks down – leaving one hanging in a public arena that is at best systematically Mubarak used his brutal security state
void of nihilistic groundlessness. Trauma compromised and at worst entirely apparatus—which reigned with impunity—
thus2 exposes the brutality of life, and fre- destroyed. Sztompka’s insight that social to repress any social unrest (Ismail). The
quently invokes anxiety and meaningless- trauma entails a rupture or a breakdown use of informers was rife as people were
ness that may be expressed through sen- in social relations that poses an obstacle either willingly or unwillingly co-opted
sations of numbing, avoidance behaviour, to creative and collective becoming into the regime’s security apparatus.3 And
hyper-arousal and alertness, and difficulty remains relevant for CTS (Sztompka). For, so, we see the classical expression of CTS,
sleeping. in such situations, creative social becom- namely one of (justified) paranoid anxiety
ing and collective pursuit of justice are and fear that permeate everyday life:
As stated earlier, the concept of CTS dif- indeed severly hampered, and may in fact
fers from that of PTSD due to its explicit itself aggravate conditions of CTS. There was a lot of fear, and you cannot
focus on the structural political stressors express yourself because you fear eve-
of continuing traumatic stress rather than Social Polarization as Continuous ryone around you. You know that we
the individual’s (intrapsychic) responses to Traumatic Stress in Post-Revolutionary have a very strong intelligence security
a past event. It thus also differs from com- Egypt and you are expecting all the time that
plex-PTSD in that CTS recognizes the Mubarak’s rule fits the classical image of you speak that this guy or this woman
recurrence (or sequential layering) of trau- CTS: unbridled and unaccountable secu- is going to inform about you – and stuff
matic experieces and explicitly locates rity state violence and structural poverty like this. (Interview 32)

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Yet, even this fear and suspicion can never After Mubarak’s resignation and the have experienced the worst and you
fully repress the potential for new creative Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF) live with death inside of you every day.
social becoming. During the 2011 revolu- takeover, we see a deliberate attempt to (Interview 37)
tion, people collectively expressed their break this spirit of collectivity and maintain
frustration, anger, and depression, and the established political and economic Like him, all respondents who were tor-
directed it towards Mubarak and the secu- order (HRW). SCAF violently dispersed tured relayed how it ruptured their social
rity state (Matthies-Boon and Head). protests (shooting, maiming, and killing relations and left them with a deep sense
Interviewees recalled how they saw a new protestors), publically stigmatized protes- of alienation (from both themselves and
Egypt: brave people were fighting injus- tors (as being prostitutes, spies, and others).
tices, and they believed that poverty and thugs), and insisted it was time for security
state abuse would be eradicated. It was a and stability (playing on people’s already These are just some of the examples of
time of social utopia and extreme hopeful- heightened fears for economic survival). grave physical force that was used by the
ness. Suddenly previously atomized peo- During SCAF’s rule, we also see the torture security forces in 2012 to suppress political
ple would talk to each other: of street children, virginity trials, and orga- protest. Overall, the violence experienced
nized mass sexual assaults against women by all respondents between 2011 and 2014
You see the Salafist person sit next to during protests. Female respondents has been grave: twenty-six commented
the most liberal person. […] You see explained how these mass assaults made on the pervasiveness of death in their
the poor classes with the crème de them extremely fearful of going to pro- lives, twelve interviewees were tear-
la crème and you see them sitting to- tests, and when they did they were hyper- gassed, eleven were directly injured,
gether enjoying a civil conversation alert. Another tactic used to instill fear into seven were detained (and beaten), four
and it was beautiful and so simple. (In- protestors was the systematic use of tor- were tortured, four were sexually abused,
terview 10) ture. Torture is an effective tool for political and three experienced near-death.
repression since it instils a complete exis- Furthermore, twelve had friends who died,
Though the revolution was of course satu- tential helplessness and uncanny loneli- twelve had friends who were injured, nine
rated with counter-revolutionary violence ness at the hands of the other, and thus had friends who were detained, and seven
from its inception, it was the connection severs our trust in our shared social world. had friends who were tortured. Also, seven
between people—and its potential for cre- As this young man remarked: had family members who were injured,
ative social becoming—that posed the three had family member who were
gravest threat to the established political You cannot describe what you lived in detained, two had family members who
order. It drew people out of their atomized these moments. You cannot put it in died, two had family members who were
shells and made them collectively target words. You live in different world than tortured, and one had a family member
the state’s institutions. other people. Once you have experi- who nearly died. The threat of violence
enced what I have experienced, you

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was hence everywhere, continuous and This feeling of sinister injustice became by either the security forces or Brotherhood
ever pervasive. further imprinted on respondents as they vigilante groups after security forces had
saw politicians act in their self-interests disappeared from the street. Moreover,
What aggravated the traumatic nature of rather than for the common good. One protestors were again castigated as char-
this pervasive violence was its perceived such example is the secret handover deal acters with questionable morality: thugs,
injustice. One young man narrated how Muslim Brotherhood leadership struck prostitutes, and spies that sought to tar-
during Mubarak’s years he had not hoped with the military in September 2011. This nish and bring down the nation. Security
for any justice, but the revolution instilled deal guaranteed the secrecy of the mili- forces killed, tortured, and detained pro-
a deep ethical commitment in him to fight tary’s budget whilst ensuring quick elec- testors en masse with impunity. Notable
for the rights of those who died. Yet, “when tions that the Brotherhood would no here is the Port Said massacre in February
we discovered that none of the people doubt win (which it did in December 2011 2012 that killed 74 members of the Al Ahly
who killed where punished, we discov- and January 2012). Subsequently, the football club supporters (Doward).
ered that the worst part of it is the injustice, Brotherhood leadership called for its Furthermore, on the formal political stage
the violence, yeah” (Interview 38). It was members not to join the protestors during the Brotherhood stigmatized and
hence not only that people were killed but the violent Mohamed Mahmoud clashes excluded the political opposition. Social
the lack of political accountability and in November 2011. This left a deep sense violence was further encouraged by, for
change that angered people. As this per- of betrayal and injustice: instance, driving buses of Brotherhood
son remarked: supporters to sites of oppositional pro-
I will never forget and tolerate what tests. This included the Presidential Palace
My real sentiment is that I am infuriated the Brotherhood did at that moment… protest in December 2012, where protest-
by injustice. […] basically I don’t want I can tolerate the police as we expec- ers objected to Morsi’s presidential decree
people to be unaccountable. My idea ted this of them but never the Brother- in November 2012 that granted him immu-
is that if something happens, the per- hood… they did not only remain silent, nity against any legal challenge and called
son no matter who he is, gets called on they incited against us… the Brother- for a constitutional referendum on an
it and has to answer for it. […] That’s the hood wasted a historical chance for this overtly Islamist constitutional draft. Whilst
key thing for me. I am not infuriated­— country to become a real democratic until this point political violence had been
for example if something happens to country when they had their deals with directed at the state authorities, now civil-
someone, I’m not very compassionate the SCAF. (Interview 7) ians physically fought each other:
in terms of ‘poor thing’. I’m just infuri-
ated for that person. That’s my notion When the Mohamed Morsi then became I’m always used to conflict and violence
of… not being able to get away with President after elections in June 2012, the from the police, from the army, but
something sinister. (Interview 11) political situation did not improve. Protests what I saw around the palace in De-
were frequently and violently dispersed cember 2012 was traumatic, shocking,

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so ehm... I mean I... It is very hard to see those politically opposed to them. What intensified when civilian security forces
one of your friends, or those who used particularly weighed on them was the lack withdrew from the street:
to be your friends... I won’t say that they of structural, revolutionary progress, and
are shooting us or anything like that that protestors had been killed precisely At the social level […] we have a lot of
because very few of them were using for the people they were now arguing fights, and because the police is not
weapons, but almost every one of with. The overwhelming absence of justice like playing a role so people started
them was throwing stones, being vio- left a bitter taste, which for many triggered actually to… eh... bypass the law and
lent with us... so imagine that anyone of the desire for revenge. One respondent get their own right by their own hands,
them could be your friend, your neigh- remarked how the violence of revenge so… yeah. (Interview 6)
bor, your brother even. And what made had become an emotional outlet:
me more shocked that I... I always used Social violence spread like a wildfire
to be a pacifist, peaceful... After the Is- Revenge makes you go after your… throughout Egyptian society, with civilians
lamists were attacking us, I started atta- and you forget about the fact that you or vigilante gangs now even engaging in
cking back, throwing stones back and I are not making enough money, the fact public practices of torture:
was shocked at my reaction afterwards. that you don’t have a job, that the fact
I went back home, wondering how I that your health care system is…is … is It was a bit of shock, because we were
did that. (Interview 1) blah. All of that you‘re forgetting about used to the policemen doing torture,
that and you‘re focusing on revenging the army doing torture... the politicians
These clashes tore Egyptian society apart. yourself from some people. (Interview doing torture like military police also
Friends, colleagues, and relatives now 2) for intelligence or whatever but for
openly fought each other as relations normal people like here in the streets
became polarized along anti- and pro- Others also explained how during such torturing people who they think are
Brotherhood lines. Interviewees remarked violence they felt a release, a relief even, thugs or whatever, different from them,
how during the spring of 2013 social ten- which was however compromised after dehumanizing people by other people
sions increased and heated verbal and the event by the realization that they were is really shocking. (Interview 22)
physical fights became a prominent fea- embroiled in a cycle of violence that had
ture of the everyday on the street, inside become difficult to stop. They felt increas- Social tensions reached their peak on June
homes, or on public transport. They also ingly alienated not just from themselves 30 when millions demonstrated on the
explained how due to frustration with con- (“how could I have become this person?”) streets after the successful tamarrud (rebel-
tinued injustice and lies, they became but also from their social surroundings as lion) campaign,4 which called for early
increasingly impatient and aggressive basic social trust plummeted. This modus elections. The military provided Morsi with
with their social surroundings: they of extreme polarized violence further an ultimatum and deposed him on 3 July
became unable to hear the opinions of 2013. Brotherhood supporters organized

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Vivienne Matthies-Boon the Ennahda and Rabaa sit-ins, which were ing in the streets, due to random physical First the system of Mubarak will be
violently dispersed by the Egyptian secu- fights, verbal scuffles, and even acid more and more and more stronger, and
is an Assistant Professor of International rity services in August 2013, resulting in at attacks. They narrated finding dead bodies the poor will be poorer more than now.
Relations of the Middle East at the least 817 dead. This massacre left a deep on the side of the street (and no one car- The rich will be richer and more than
University of Amsterdam. Her primary ambiguous imprint on all activists. Those ing), dead bodies being thrown out of driv- now. There will not be any freedom,
interest is in the phenomenology of who were present described scenes of ing vans (again without anyone caring), any justice—justice only if you are rich
trauma and counter-revolutionary horror: one young woman narrated how, and people being beaten to death by and in power, then you will have justi-
suffering in Egypt. She has written inside a nearby mosque, the smell of wad- passersby as hatred and dehumanization ce. If you are poor, no way. And no one
articles for the Journal of Global Ethics, ing through a thick layer of blood mixed reached a boiling point. The threat of vio- will feel like a human, just everybody
Journal of North African Studies, and with ice water (as the bodies were covered lence was pervasive and instilled in many will just be looking for food and drink
Journal of International Political Theory, with blocks of ice since it was over 40°C ) the tragic existential realization that life is for his family. No one will care about
amongst others. She has also written for and seeing all these dead, mutilated bod- cheap in Egypt. As one person remarked: anything. They will live a bad life more
popular outlets such as Aswat Masriya, ies made her feel sick, as she was trying to than now I think. No one will care about
OpenDemocracy, and MERIP, as well help relatives find their loved ones. And It’s not like these people are monsters— anyone. Step by step… this country is
as newspapers. Her forthcoming book another person recalled how his father, this is how it happens, this is how it going to go down. (Interview 12)
Life, Death and Alienation: Counter- cousin, and Quran teacher had been killed happens. You’re living in this deep shit
Revolutionary Trauma in Egypt will be right in front of him. Even those who were and you feel like that threatened and Conclusion
published by Rowman and Littefield. not present—and in fact politically opposed you feel like, you know—lives are cheap This article argued that CTS is a useful con-
email: [email protected] to the sit-in—expressed their deep concern in Egypt. And people are aware of that. cept to make sense of post-revolutionary
and ambiguity towards the event and its It’s a very brutal thought. Life here is experiences in Egypt. It provides a lens
political aftermath. They were angry with superfluous and people here are awa- through which to comprehend the feel-
the people—including loved ones—that re of that. It is a really brutal thought. ings of disorientation that result out of the
attended the sit-in and expressed deep (Interview 19) relentless traumatic stress that is part and
disappointment with their political choice. parcel of a deeply violent and corrupt
At the same time, however, they were con- They also asserted that this omnipresence political order. In the case of Egypt, this
cerned with how this massacre was legiti- of intense violence solidified the Egyptian violence also provided fertile breeding
mized through hate speech in the media, political landscape into two oppositional ground for revenge and social polariza-
and how it intensified the bloodthirsty ten- camps—the military and the Brotherhood— tion that was directly incited by counter-
dencies they saw emerging around them. which left no alternative space. As one revolutionary actors (the military and
They narrated how since Rabaa, death and young man put it: “the two big elephants Muslim Brotherhood leadership). It
violence had become even more of a per- are fighting, and we are grass that is being thereby sadly further contributed to the
vasive feature in Egyptian public life. They trampled” (Interview 38). Or, in the almost continued reproduction of traumatic
were fearful of going outside, even walk- prophetic words of this young person: stress.

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Notes Works Cited Glasius, Marlies. “Dissident Interviewee 12. Personal Matthies-Boon, Vivienne.
Writings as Political Theory interview. Between October “Shattered Worlds: Political
1 CTS is not a necessary Alexander, Jeffrey. Trauma: A on Civil Society and 2013 and February 2014. Trauma Amongst Young
reason for social polarization, Social Theory. Polity, 2012. Democracy.” Review of Activists in Post-Revolutionary
but rather that where it is International Studies, vol. 38, Interviewee 19. Personal Egypt.” Journal of North
encouraged by powerful Bracken, Patrick. Trauma 2012, pp. 343-364. interview. Between October African Studies, vol. 22, no. 4,
political actors (such as the Culture, Meaning and 2013 and February 2014. 2017, pp. 620-644.
military and the Brotherhood Philosophy. Whurr Publishers, Human Rights Watch.
leadership) it provides a 2002. “World Report 2012: Egypt Interviewee 22. Personal Matthies-Boon, Vivienne
fertile breeding ground. - Events of 2011.” HWR, interview. Between October and Naomi Head. “Trauma
Doward, Jamie. “Egyptian 2012, https://www.hrw.org/ 2013 and February 2014. as Counter-Revolutionary
2 We should note that Police Incited Massacre world-report/2012/country- Colonisation: Narratives from
trauma is one of the few at Stadium, Say Angry chapters/egypt. Accessed 3 Interviewee 32. Personal (Post)Revolutionary Egypt.”
concepts that includes its Footballer.” The September 2018. interview. Between October Journal of International
own etiology, as it refers to Guardian, 2012, https:// 2013 and February 2014. Political Theory, 2017, pp.
both the experience and www.theguardian.com/ Interviewee 1. Personal 1-22. Doi: doi/full/10.1177/
the consequences of that world/2012/feb/05/egypt- interview. Between October Interviewee 37. Personal 1755088217748970.
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arab-spring. Accessed 27 2013 and February 2014. Mitchell, Timothy. “No
3 See Salwa Ismail’s work. September 2018. Interviewee 2. Personal Factories No Problems: The
interview. Between October Interviewee 38. Personal Logic of Neoliberalism in
4 Tamarrud, a Nasserist and Eagle, Gillian and Debra 2013 and February 2014. interview. Between October Egypt.” Review of African
Old Regime (pro-military) Kaminer. “Continuous 2013 and February 2014. Political Economy, vol. 26, no.
alliance, successfully Traumatic Stress: Expanding Interviewee 6. Personal 82, 1999, pp. 455-468.
mobilized large sections the Lexicon of Traumatic interview. Between October Ismail, Salwa. Political Life
of Egyptian society to Stress.” Peace and Conflict: 2013 and February 2014. in Cairo’s New Quarters: Nuttman-Shwartz, Orit and
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vol. 19, no. 2, 2013, pp. 85-99. Interviewee 7. Personal State. U of Minnesota P, 2006. “Continuous Traumatic
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––› Stevens, Garth, Gillian

Eagle, and Debra Kaminer.
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On Cultural Trauma

Towards a New Master Narrative No matter how numerous the victims of a

massive trauma are or what the nature of
of Trauma: A Reading of Terrance their suffering is, neither the occurrence of
the event nor the realization of its harrow-
Hayes’s “American Sonnets for ing nature would make it a cultural trauma.
“Events are not inherently traumatic”
my Past and Future Assassin” and (Alexander 8). History abounds with exam-
ples of extreme suffering that were not
Mustafa Ibrahim’s “I Have Seen transformed into cultural traumas. One
such case is that of the German people in
Today” WWII. They suffered the death, injury, and
anguish of millions of soldiers, the death
of civilians, the rape of women, and the
destruction of cities and towns. However,
such traumatic experiences did not auto-
Sahar Elmougy matically become a cultural trauma
because it would have conflicted with the
The Egyptian revolutionaries, who in 2011 gers. In Terrance Hayes’s “American trauma construction in postwar Germany,
called for “bread, freedom and social jus- Sonnets for My Past and Future Assassin,” which centered on the communal harm
tice,” witnessed the shattering of their the election of Donald Trump as US pres- inflicted by the Germans on others (Heins
dream and suffered the pain of being ident is the trigger to the older trauma. and Langenohl 3).
abandoned by the masses and silenced Comparing Ibrahim’s poem to Hayes’s
by the post-revolution regime in Egypt. aims at underlining the tools used by the What transfers a trauma from the sphere
The aim of this article is to explore indica- Egyptian revolutionaries to create “a new of individual suffering to the cultural level
tions of the creation of a “cultural trauma” master narrative” of trauma (Alexander, is a socially mediated process by means of
(Alexander, “Towards”) for the Egyptian “Towards” 12) that could reconstruct the which “collective actors ‘decide’ to repre-
revolutionaries through a reading of collective identity and redirect the course sent social pain” (Alexander 10). The inten-
Mustafa Ibrahim’s poem “I Have Seen of political action. tional creation of cultural traumas “occurs
Today.” In order to accomplish this task, when members of a collectivity feel they
this paper will first examine how the cul- Keywords: Cultural trauma, Master narra- have been subjected to a horrendous
tural trauma of African Americans tive, Poetry, African American, 2011 event that leaves indelible marks upon
(Eyerman, Slavery) responds to fresh trig- Egyptian Revolution their group consciousness, marking their

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FO C U S 100

memories forever and changing their decades of the nineteenth century members of the audience of the trauma
future identity in fundamental and irrevo- (Eyerman, “Cultural” 61). The memory of representations experience an identifica-
cable ways” (1). If the collective actors suc- slavery and its representation in speech tion with the victimized group? d) Who is
ceed in representing the trauma as inerad- and artworks grounded African American the perpetrator? (12-15)
icable, “the memory does in fact take on identity and permitted its institutionaliza-
the characteristics of indelibility and tion (61). The formation of this identity had From the slave narratives, dating back to
unshakeability” (Smelser 42). To achieve taken different routes, which involved the eighteenth century, to the writings of
such a goal, the gap between event and “openness to new forms of identification the twenty-first, African American “carrier
representation should be bridged so that and the attempt to leave others behind” groups” have been wrestling with these
“a compelling framework of cultural clas- (Eyerman, Slavery 4). For instance, after questions. The ongoing nature of the
sification”, i.e. the telling of a new story, is the failure of the Reconstruction Era to African American trauma process sheds
undertaken (Alexander 12). The success of integrate freed slaves and their offspring light on the young experience of the
this act of storytelling involves the persua- into American society as full American Egyptian revolutionaries in terms of the
sion of a wider audience that they, too, citizens, the ideas of returning to Africa or time they need and the questions they
have been traumatized by a particular immigrating to the northern states and have to address in order to create a new
experience or event (12). Canada were debated and seriously con- master narrative of their own cultural
sidered before eventually being dropped. trauma.
One example of an effective metamor- Meanwhile, W. E. B. Du Bois’s description
phosis of individual trauma into a collec- of the “double consciousness,” of being It should be noted that the acts of the
tive, cultural trauma is that of African both African and American (4), was articulation of trauma, which have been
Americans. The gap between event and adopted. taking place since 2011, have been pro-
representation, which Alexander calls “the duced under repressive conditions. The
trauma process” or the process of “mean- Alexander states that for a new master nar- generations of Egyptian youth that led the
ing making,” was bridged by the efforts of rative to succeed, the process of collective 25th-January demonstrations against
the “carrier groups,” those who a) have the representation must provide answers to Hosni Mubarak’s regime and were hailed
ideal and material interests, b) are situated four questions: a) What is the nature of for their creativity and courage by both
in particular places in the social structure, pain? What happened to the particular Egyptian authorities and international
and c) have the discursive talents for artic- group and to the wider collectivity to voices are now “languishing behind bars”
ulating their claims in the public sphere which it belongs? b) What is the nature of (Amnesty 2). The 2015 report by Amnesty
(11). In the African American case, “the cre- the victim? What group of persons was International states that “today mass pro-
ation of trauma as a new master narrative” affected by the traumatizing pain? c) What tests have given way to mass arrests, as
(12) has been undertaken by black intel- is the relation of the trauma victim to the 2011’s ‘Generation Protest’ has become
lectuals, activists, and artists since the late wider audience? To what extent do the 2015’s ‘Generation Jail’” (2). The report

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documents and condemns the Egyptian sures to public statements” (Wilkinson). articulation then acceptance on the part
authorities’ crackdown on political oppo- Literary readings were held. Newspapers’ of those it was meant to incorporate”
sition and the sweeping arrests of youth culture pages and literary websites pub- (“Cultural” 76). Written in response to
from across the country’s political spec- lished artists’ reflections on the meaning Trump’s presidency (Sealey), “American
trum (2). It is thus, in a sense, a battle of of resistance at that particular time Sonnets” represents this collective iden-
contested memories between the (Wilkinson). The Huffington Post posed tity and contributes to the articulation of
Egyptian regime and the revolutionaries. the question of “What it Means to be an the experience of African Americans in
If the regime wins, it will ensure that the Artist in the Time of Trump.” It called upon the here and now. Since oppression is still
young generation will not challenge it in artists “as activists, optimists, truth-tellers a reality, the poem addresses the same
the future. But if the revolutionaries man- and revolutionaries, to resist the normal- questions for which the trauma process of
age to transform their individual suffering ization of hate and prejudice [and] to African Americans had to provide answers
into a cultural trauma, their new master stand up for the communities that have since its inception, namely: the nature of
narrative can well include and necessitate been marginalized” (Priscilla and Brooks). pain, the nature of the victim, the relation-
trials of perpetrators, demands for repara- The responses of the artists interviewed, ship of the victim to a wider audience, and
tions, and control over the future. of many ethnicities and genders, pooled the attribution of responsibility (Alexander
down in one big river, namely: resisting 13-15).
To examine how Mustafa Ibrahim’s poem white supremacy, alerting the community
“I Have Seen Today” lays the foundations to the experience of marginalization, Sonnet One situates the reader vis-à-vis
for a cultural trauma, this paper starts with countering the darkness that rose to the the nature of pain and the identity of the
a reading of Terrance Hayes’s “American surface with Trump, and resisting xeno- victim. It establishes the vulnerability of
Sonnets for my Past and Future Assassin.” phobia, sexism, and racism. the self in long, Whitmanesque lines (run-
Standing upon the solid grounds of the on lines characterized by catalogues in the
African American cultural trauma, how African Americans are among the many tradition of Walt Whitman), which list exis-
does the poem respond to the presidency groups threatened by Trump’s aggressive tential threats such as cancer, disease, and
of Donald Trump? and racist policies and rhetoric. However, “the grim reaper herself” side by side with
the uniqueness of this group is derived dangers specific to the African American
Sustaining a Master Narrative from a long history of oppression that condition: bullets, bullwhips (reminiscent
Trump’s presidency has stirred up a storm resulted in the formation of a distinctive of the time of slavery), and Archie Bunker,
of worry, anger, shock as well as calls for collective identity. Eyerman stresses the the All In The Family 1970s TV character
resistance in American artistic and intel- importance of noting that “the notion of who exercised his bigotry against the
lectual circles. Around the time of his inau- ‘African American’ is not itself a natural African Americans, amongst others. All of
guration, “[p]rotesting artists [...] proposed category, but rather a historically formed this and more “kill me,” the poetic persona
everything from boycotts to museum clo- collective identity that first of all required declares (Hayes). Sonnet Two registers the

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persona’s smooth movement from the col- your name Love trumps power or blood to trump
lective to the personal to the collective Is a gate opening upon another gate power
once again. The vulnerable collective self […] (Hayes) Beauty trumps power or blood to
reveals another aspect, a liveliness shown trump power
in “Our uproarious breathing and ruckus. The absence of punctuation marks denies Justice trumps power or blood to
Our eruptions/our disregard for dust” the perpetrators individuality. They are all trump power (Hayes)
(Hayes). The image of dust eventually one: those who assassinated King and
leads to the “last hoorah” of the persona’s Lincoln, the white terrorists who bombed The play on the word “trump” shifts from
sister and the horror of beholding her the 16th Street Baptist Church in 1963, and an affirmation of noble values to a threat
head on the pillow. The refrain “For a long the Jim Crow laws that enforced racial of blood beating power off. Pain breeds
time the numbers were balanced. The segregation in the southern states after anger and the anger here is transformed
number alive equal to the number in the Reconstruction Era. It also collapses into challenge, as the persona reminds
graves” underlines the pain deeply rooted the temporal element. These scars of old those in power that it is either that love,
in the collective memory. It foregrounds wounds belong to the present because beauty, and justice win or else blood will
the “we,” which is essential to the act of they have become part of the live identity “trump power.” In speaking of the higher
representation, since it is this collectivity of a people. Furthermore, the trauma is values, the poem establishes a relation to
that faces danger and endures suffering relived with each new trigger. the wider audience. Alexander states that
(Alexander and Breese xiii). at the beginning of a trauma process,
The affect of anger is foregrounded in the most audience members see little or no
Cataloguing the names of assassins above lines. The successive plosive allit- relation between them and the victimized
invokes the collective memory, which ori- erations of the b’s and p’s load the perso- group. “Only if the victims are represented
ents and unifies the group “through time na’s language with an anger embedded in in terms of valued qualities shared by the
and over space” (Eyerman, “The Past” 161): the collective memory. Smelser states that larger collective identity will the audience
“experiencing the language of negative be able to symbolically participate in the
I pour a pinch of serious poison for you affect is a necessary condition for believ- experience of the originating trauma” (14).
James ing that a cultural trauma exists or is threat- Far from it being “at the beginning,” the
Earl Ray Dylann Roof I pour a punch of ening” (41). Such affect creates connec- African American master narrative still
piss for you tions between the African American needs to address the wider audience.
George Zimmerman John Wilkes trauma and the wider audience capable of
Booth Robert empathy with a particular group’s ordeals. The tone of challenge in Sonnet Four is
Chambliss Thomas Edwin Blanton Jr The anger builds up towards the following directed against the perpetrator, the
Bobby Frank lines: assassin of the earth of “my nigga eyes,”
Cherry Herman Frank Cash Jim Crow the deep well of “my nigga throat,” the

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tender balls of “my nigga testicles,” “my stering, especially when justice is not actu- this creative output. The poem, published
tongue” (Hayes). The anonymous alized. in Arabic in a poetry collection entitled
addressee is not a person. It is the white The Manifesto, excerpts of which are
culture that the persona challenges: “Still Inscribing a New Narrative translated in this paper, was written by
I speak for the dead. You cannot assassi- Examining the case of the Egyptian revo- someone who was an active participant in
nate my ghosts” (Hayes). Here, Hayes lutionaries through the lens of the African the 2011 uprising. He states how, like his
builds on an already existing figuration of American trauma process yields some fellow revolutionaries, he was chased and
trauma in the ghost. In his analysis of Toni basic insights. First, it reveals the lack of tear-gassed by the state police and how
Morrison’s Beloved as a text which helped temporal distance. Seven years is too he witnessed the killing of protestors,
establish some of the basic narrative con- short a time to frame a narrative. The some of whom he only got to know after
ventions of trauma fiction, Luckhurst pin- African American master narrative went their murder, as in the case of Mohamed
points the centrality of the ghost. It through many different phases, each pos- Mostafa, whose death is depicted in “I
“embodied the idea of the persistence of ing its perils as well as the creative means Have Seen Today” (Ibrahim).
traumatic memory, the anachronic intru- to overcome them. In this light, the oppres-
sion of the past into the present” (93). sive conditions under which Egypt’s revo- When juxtaposed to Hayes’s “American
Ghosts carry the history of untold violence, lutionaries have been operating since 2011 Sonnets,” “I Have Seen Today” reveals a
the stories of the “sixty million and more” represent only one phase in a longer jour- striking similarity in the way it grapples
to whom Beloved is dedicated. Hayes’s ney towards justice. Furthermore, a read- with the questions for which a new master
ghosts come from the same collective nar- ing of the cultural trauma of African narrative of trauma needs to provide
rative and share the same twofold func- Americans underlines the need for the answers. The poem takes off from a similar
tion: tracing the stories of the unnamed, accumulation of a literature capable of point to Hayes’s text. In the quartet epi-
and speaking for an entire community convincing the wider audience that they, logue, Ibrahim identifies the victim:
(94). too, have been traumatized. To this end, a
massive aesthetic body has been pro- If you say we are small bunch, we’ll tell
Drawing from the reservoir of collective duced since 2011. The act of representa- you we’ll even get smaller
memory, foregrounding the “we” who face tion is evident in poetry and fictional We are sifting dirt in order to offer it up
the danger, feel the anger, and dare the works, theater and storytelling perfor- to you
perpetrator, “American Sonnets” still mances, and movies and visual documen- People leave us in the sun to stay in the
addresses the fundamental questions tation of the state’s atrocities. There is a shade
African Americans have been engaging revolutionary narrative awaiting a change And al-Hossein, our master, has never
with since the end of the Reconstruction of conditions in order to gain prominence cared for number. (Ibrahim 120)
Era in 1877. Even successful master narra- in the public sphere. Mustafa Ibrahim’s “I
tives of cultural trauma need constant bol- Have Seen Today” intimately belongs to

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The victim is the smaller group that held offered “alternative choices and new become a cultural narrative of revolution
its ground and persisted when aban- approaches” (71). (75).
doned by the many. As in the case of
“American Sonnets,” the “we” that faces Unlike Hayes, who builds on an existing Loss and defeat bind the stories of al-Hos-
danger and endures suffering is con- cultural trauma, Ibrahim is aware of the sein and Egypt’s revolutionaries. However,
structed (Alexander and Breese xiii). This lack of a collective memory specifically for in the collective memory, the tragedy of
“we” is a prerequisite to the framing of a the revolutionaries to use as a frame of Karbala was transformed into triumph.
narrative since “[s]uffering collectivities… reference. Hence, he chooses to connect Defeated and killed, al-Hossein was resur-
do not exist simply as material networks. to a culturally significant narrative of revolt rected into an eternal rebel whose story
They must be imagined into being” (xii). against tyrannical political figures, martyr- captures the paradox of moral victory and
In a poem entitled “The Prophets are dom, infanticide, and the rise of good in political failure (Dabashi 83). This transfor-
Many,” Ibrahim describes this collectivity the face of evil. Ibrahim resorts to a trauma mation of tragedy into triumph, which is
as “a generation who parents itself in a etched on the collective Arabo-Islamic one of the common processes of cultural
fake time/ their clothes smell of vinegar memory, that of the betrayal and martyr- traumas, is a strategy for overcoming loss
and yeast/ not good at dictation, they are dom of al-Hossein (Prophet Muhammad’s (Eyerman, “The Past” 161). This is why the
writing the sira (history of prophethood)” grandson), in order to resonate with the allegory of al-Hossein not only provides a
(55). When asked what he meant by “a wider audience the poem intends to cultural link between the present moment
generation who parents itself,” Ibrahim address. and the collective memory, but also yields
talked about his generation that grew up a way for making sense out of the revolu-
in the cultural void of the Mubarak era The murdered young revolutionary in tionaries’ suffering.
and neither received guidance nor were 2011 is likened to al-Hossein, who was
provided with good enough role models killed while thirsty in the desert of Iraq in The poem starts off with the scene of the
by their elders. In her analysis of the radi- 680 CE. Encouraged by a large crowd of historical trauma, the killing of al-Hossein.
cal change effected by younger genera- supporters to go to Kufa (Iraq) to oust It then oscillates between the allegory and
tions in the definition of the intellectual in Yazid bin Muʿawiya, the corrupt Umayyad the present moment. The cinematic tech-
post-revolutionary Egypt, Abulelnaga ruler (r. 680-683 A.D.), and claim his right- niques of montage, zoom in, and fading
states that they “did not emerge from the ful place as the Muslim caliph, al-Hossein out eventually collapse the temporal ele-
womb of the cultural or political institu- was betrayed by the very people who ment, converging the two stories in one.
tion” (70). Discarding the discourse of the pledged allegiance to him. His murder at As the poem progresses, the past
older intellectuals, many of whom have the hands of Yazid has established the becomes the present not only through the
been tamed by the cultural institutions, Battle of Karbala as a definitive historical employment of motifs from the allegory—
the new intellectuals expressed their trauma in Shiism (Dabashi). Eventually, it the chase, the abandonment, and the
opinions in both art and activism and broke free from the religious frame to thirst—but also because during the escape

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of the revolutionaries we no longer see the camera zooms in on the khaki clo- linguistic pace, is ironically juxtaposed
Cairo. It is Kufa that is the setting of the thes, with what happens hours after the killing:
traumatic scene. It is Yazid who stands on two rows of army soldiers, lined hori-
the balcony surrounded by his soldiers. zontally, suddenly appear, The Camera shows a young man so-
Pointing “his sword” towards the revolu- The tiles of the pavement are taken out, aking his hands in blood,
tionaries (Ibrahim 123), they disperse: broken, In tears, his friend passes by,
The storyteller begins in a shaken He is saying something, repeating it, as
I don’t know who of us was crucified, voice: if memorizing:
who was beaten, I hold Mohamed Mostafa on the Bid your friends in the night battle
Who hid in the minaret, who was th- ground. goodbye
rown from above it I cry as I turn him from his shoulder to and in the morning show their blood to
Or even who got lost and was killed by his back, the passersby,
thirst. we quickly carry him, I hold him from to the buses carrying people to their
All streets a trap, all houses a trap. his armpits, work. (137)
Kufa is asleep even before night time. my fingers feeling his heart
She put her fingers in her ears and left with every beat fading out, Similar to how “American Sonnets” names
us outside her door his blood not dripping, the perpetrator as some entity bigger than
To die. (123) it was pouring, Trump (white culture), the perpetrator in
the doctors later said 2011 is not only the tyrannical political
While anachrony (disruption of narrative What was cut is an important artery. (Ib- leader. Just like how the Shiite community
time) is not rare or modern, Luckhurst rahim 134-135) was implicated in al-Hossein’s killing by
states how a late body of visual and writ- abandoning him, the masses who rose
ten stories involving trauma has played Since dealing with the nature of pain is against Mubarak and then walked out on
around with narrative time (80). Anachrony essential for the trauma process, “American the revolutionaries are implicated as well.
in the poem allows a re-enactment of the Sonnets” reiterates the refrain, which Angry at them, the persona warns al-Hos-
cycle of revolt; hence, when the time, reminds the wider audience that “The sein to “go back/ Those for whom you
place, and name of the murdered revolu- number alive [are] equal to the number in want to struggle and sacrifice/ Are con-
tionary are specified, the present is lodged graves.” Ibrahim, on the other hand, traces tented slaves/ And in the last scene you
in the older narrative: the nature of pain through reliance on the will die alone” (Ibrahim 133). The Language
senses: the sounds of chanting and the of negative affect, a necessary condition
The sound of protest chanting, sirens, feeling the heartbeats dying down, for the audience to believe that a cultural
interrupted by the sirens of ambulance. and the color of blood. The sense of trauma exists (Smelser 41), is evident in
[…] urgency and horror, embodied in the fast Ibrahim’s poem as it was in Hayes’s. But

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Sahar Elmougy while “American Sonnets” addresses the Every time he gets killed, he lives. (Ib-
perpetrator with the angry voice of the rahim 138)
An assistant professor of American group, the primary concern of Ibrahim is
Studies and English poetry at the to persuade an audience who does not To conclude, since cultural traumas involve
English Department, the Faculty of Arts, realize yet that the revolutionaries’ trauma an intentional act of creation, master nar-
Cairo University, Elmougy’s academic could be theirs as well. ratives in the making could benefit from
interests include feminism, Jungian knowledge of the trauma process. Reading
psychoanalytic theory, performance The act of witnessing, present in the title, Mustafa Ibrahim’s poem through the lens
theory, trauma theories, and memory in the way the poem is narrated as a testi- of the African American cultural trauma
studies. mony of what happened, is hammered offers insights into the triumphs of
She is also a published novelist whose upon in the final lines of the poem. In a Egyptian revolutionaries as well as the
novel Noon won the 2007 Cavafis prize. twofold move, the repetition of “I have challenges awaiting them in the creation
Her latest work, Mesk Eltall (The Musk of seen today” is a preservation of the revo- of their own cultural trauma. By laying
the Hill), was published in 2017. lutionaries’ memory and an invocation of claim to a wound and a defeat which were
email: [email protected] the rebellion of al-Hossein. The challenge not the revolutionaries’ alone and by etch-
is embedded in the promise that as long ing their suffering onto the Egyptian col-
as tyranny exists, so will revolt. This is the lective memory, “I Have Seen Today”
Karbala legacy: attempts to reconstruct the collective
identity. It is through writing the past that
I have seen today the picture at a dis- the collectivity seeking “bread, freedom
tance and social justice” could re-direct the
I have said today al-Hossein is to be course of political action. The challenge
killed many times however, is that the creation of a cultural
I have seen today as in a revolutionary trauma is a long and arduous endeavor of
dream: many individuals who manage to imagine
soldiers crowded over al-Hossein’s a collectivity into being and frame a story
corpse that persuades the wider audience that
beating him with sticks every time he they, too, have been traumatized—an
tries to rise up. immense feat indeed.
[…]
I have seen today blood on army belts
I have known today that al-Hossein is
us

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Works Cited Amnesty International. Frank, Priscilla, and Katherine “Interview with Terrance
“Generation Jail: Egypt’s Brooks. “What it Means to Hayes.” You Tube, uploaded
Abouelnaga, Shereen. “The Youth Go from Protest be an Artist in the Time of by Megan Sealey, 7 Apr. 2017,
New Intellectual in Egypt’s to Prison.” Amnesty Trump”. The Huffington https://www.youtube.com/
Revolutions.” Egypt Beyond International, June 2015, Post, 17 Nov. 2016, www. watch?v=Bu8-7KGfAqQ.
Tahrir Square, edited by https://www.amnestyusa. huffingtonpost.com/entry/ Accessed 10 January 2018.
Bessma Momani and Eid org/wp-content/ artists-respond-president-
Mohamed. Indiana UP, 2016, uploads/2017/04/2015-06_-_ trump_us_582c785ee Luckhurst, Roger. The Trauma
pp. 63-75. generation_jail_with_pictures. 4b0e39c1fa743a0. Question. Routledge, 2008.
pdf. Accessed 1 May 2018. Accessed 4 January 2018.
Alexander, Jeffrey C. Smelser, Neil J.
“Towards a Theory of Cultural Dabashi, Hamid. Shi’ism: A Hayes, Terrance. “American “Psychological Trauma and
Trauma.” Cultural Trauma and Religion of Protest. Harvard Sonnets for My Past and Cultural Trauma.” Cultural
Collective Identity, Jeffrey UP, 2011. Future Assassin.” The Trauma and Collective
C. Alexander, Ron Eyerman, American Poetry Review, vol. Identity, Jeffrey C. Alexander,
Bernard Giesen, Neil J. Eyerman, Ron. Cultural 46, no. 4, 2017. aprweb.org/ Ron Eyerman, Bernard
Smelser and Piotr Sztompka. Trauma: Slavery and the poems/american-sonnet-for- Giesen,
U of California P, 2004, pp. Formation of African my-past-and-future-assassin.
1-30. American Identity. Accessed 3 October 2017. Neil J. Smelser and Piotr
Cambridge UP, 2001. Sztompka. U of California P,
Alexander, Jeffrey C. and Heins, Volker and Andreas 2004, pp. 31-59.
Elizabeth Butler Breese. ---. “The Past in the Present: Langelhol. “A Fire That
Introduction. “On Social Culture and the Transmission Doesn’t Burn? The Allied Wilkinson, Alissa. “Why
Suffering and its Social of Memory.” Acta Sociologica, Bombing of Germany Artists’ and Writers’
Construction.” Narrating vol. 47, no. 2, 2004, pp. 159- and the Cultural Politics Inauguration Protests
Trauma: On the Impact of 169. of Trauma.” Narrating Are Important.” Vox, 16
Collective Suffering, edited Trauma: On the Impact of Jan. 2017, www.vox.com/
by Ron Eyerman, Jeffrey C. ---. “Cultural Trauma: Slavery Collective Suffering, edited culture/2017/1/12/14250514/
Alexander and Elizabeth and the Formation of African by Ron Eyerman, Jeffrey C. writers-artists-inauguration-
Butler Breese, Paradigm American Identity.” Cultural Alexander and Elizabeth protest-j20-strike-joyce-
Publishers, 2011, pp. xi-xxxv. Trauma and Collective Butler Breese, Paradigm carol-oates-dissent-trump.
Identity, Jeffrey C. Alexander, Publishers, 2011, pp. 3-26. Accessed 2 January 2018.
Ron Eyerman, Bernard
Giesen, Neil J. Smelser Ibrahim, Mostafa. The
and Piotr Sztompka. U of Manifesto. Translated by
California P, 2004, pp. 60-111. Sahar Elmougy. Bloomsbury
Qatar Foundation, 2013. (CC BY 4.0)

---. Personal interview. 25 ISSN: 2196-629X

December 2017. https://doi.org/10.17192/
meta.2018.11.7788

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Obstacles to political democratization in

Therapeutic History and Algeria and Morocco, when considered

in longer time frames, should include the
the Enduring Memories of Violence countries’ violent pasts and their contin-
ued legacies. Two significant episodes of
in Algeria and Morocco political violence have caused a break-
down of a national consensus in contem-
porary history: in Morocco, the “Years of
Lead” (sanawāt al-raṣaṣ) from 1965 to the
1990s, and in Algeria, the Civil War, also
known as the “dark decade”, from 1991 to
2002. During these two periods, the state
carried out systematic and violent repres-
sion against opposition forces—military
putschists and leftists in Morocco, and
Idriss Jebari Islamists in Algeria. The respective security
apparatuses “disappeared” opponents
This article examines the experience of a result, has delayed healing, forgiveness, and systematically tortured or unlawfully
transitional justice and its relation to col- and national reconciliation. This article detained those accused or suspected of
lective memory of authoritarian repres- highlights the limits of two overpoliti- unlawful acts. Ordinary Algerians and
sion in Morocco (1965-1992) and the Civil cized processes of transitional justice in Moroccans lived through these periods
War in Algeria (1991-2002). It confronts the Maghreb and their limited conception under fear and silence.
and compares to the two states’ thera- of what it meant to “come to terms with
peutic historical discourse produced to the past.” However, it finds optimism in Both countries have since addressed
heal the national community after these the ongoing efforts by new historiogra- these violent episodes through processes
periods of violence and its impact on the phy and cultural actors to confront the of transitional justice. From 2004 to 2005,
countries’ historians, journalists, filmmak- lasting traumatic aftermaths outside of Morocco’s Truth and Justice Commission
ers, and novelists from 2004 to 2017. The official definitions and on their own terms. (Instance Equité et Reconciliation, hence-
article argues that Algeria and Morocco’s forth IER) was tasked with determining if
rigorous definition of the “victim” during Keywords: Maghreb, Collective Memory, and how the state was responsible for vio-
these two episodes (the imprisoned and Therapeutic History, Transitional justice, lent acts from 1955 to 1999, and with pro-
disappeared) excluded the way commu- Authoritarianism posing adequate remedies. In 2005,
nities suffered during this period and, as Algerians voted overwhelmingly in favor

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of a referendum on a “Civilian Concord,” narrative that makes sense” is put under histories” centered on a specific concep-
which offered amnesty for Islamist insur- strain after trauma because trauma com- tion of victimhood that failed to grasp how
gents in exchange for their peaceful sur- plicates “the easy flow from experience, to collective communities have suffered dur-
render. These experiences were launched thought then to word” (Salberg and Grand ing those two periods. The authorities
during two delicate political transitions of 246), forcing individuals to fragment or claimed that the symbolic process of tran-
power and helped craft a consensus deny their memories. Therapeutic history sitional justice and official recognition
among the political elite and the Army by offers a remedy after past perpetrators were enough to put an end to claims of
restoring the state’s legitimacy.1 have accepted responsibility for past collective trauma. This has been politically
crimes, by offering public apologies and convenient but extremely limited. A small
The political elite produced a new histori- restitutions, and telling the history of past category of victims have been vindicated
cal narrative of these periods to heal the violence (Hamber and Wilson 144-45; and rehabilitated, namely the Algerian
population’s wounds by replacing a narra- Barkan 323; Tileaga 350; Moon 72). In Islamist fighters, and Moroccan leftists and
tive of repressed memories, silence, and addition, it refers to the centrality of his- military putschists. Meanwhile, other sto-
resentment with one of forgiveness and torical myths for nation-building (Smith 6). ries of suffering during this period have
“moving on.” They took inspiration from Within Middle East studies, increasing been relegated, while these members
other experiences in the Global South, attention is devoted to the politics of continue to struggle to remember, share
including the South African experience, by memory between the state and civil soci- their stories, and grieve publicly.
creating a national theatrical stage to for- ety, academia, journalism, and the cultural
mally recognize the past, offer a symbolic sphere. In Turkey, Duygu Gül Kaya In the past years, several historical and cul-
commemoration of victimhood, and allow addresses the politics of memory around tural productions have tackled the lasting
the community to overcome their pain the 1915 Armenian Genocide and how manifestations of collective trauma. They
(Lanegran 116, 119). While it is conventional Armenians, Alevis, and Kurds have sought are distinctive for their efforts to make
to assess their democratizing impact, for a rewriting of the Kemalist-driven narrative sense of the past’s impact on the present,
which the verdict is pessimistic (Vairel 230; of Turkish history and the AKP govern- rather than merely depicting life and vio-
Joffé 223, 225), this article considers social ment’s resistance (Gül Kaya 682). lence during these two periods. Their
and cultural responses to this historical authors hope to portray collective stories
discourse and its impact on trauma and With a similar focus on the politics of and experiences that could ultimately
national reconciliation. memory in the aftermath of transitional enrich the national narrative. Despite this
justice experiences in the Maghreb, I initial pessimistic assessment regarding
The production of a “therapeutic history” explore how the states’ recognition of past therapeutic history’s limited ability to con-
after violence represents an essential violence has impacted collective traumas front collective trauma, these cultural pro-
means to rebuild a divided community. among Algerians and Moroccans. This ductions offer a way to address its limits by
For Jill Salberg, “the human need for a article argues that the two “therapeutic enriching the storytelling and reaching

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out to broader audiences. Additionally, lations, struck during the anti-colonial These measures, merely a reconfiguration
they can help transform Algerian and struggle against France.2 The states’ vio- of power, grew in scope when Hassan II
Moroccan political cultures by promoting lence against their populations broke this passed away in 1999. His son Muhammad
notions of forgiveness, pluralism, and bond, and the therapeutic historical dis- VI came to power to continue this dynamic.
state accountability. course was meant to mend this relation- Moroccan civil society pressured the state
ship, mostly by reiterating its terms and to launch a transitional justice based on
This article will read and discuss a sample dismissing the episode of violence as an truth-seeking about the Years of Lead. In
of influential and representative works of abnormal event. I argue that neither gave 1999, Moroccan human rights activists and
memory in relation to the state-led thera- sufficient space to the cathartic expression former political prisoners established the
peutic historical discourse. I will assess the of painful remembrance nor did they Forum Vérité et Justice (engl. Forum for
historiographical outcomes of the cre- encourage new histories based on collec- Truth and Justice, henceforth FVJ), which
ation of archives in Morocco following the tive experiences of the violence. organized sit-ins in strategic locations
IER recommendations, with Leila Kilani’s (Vairel 231-2). The new king’s advisors
2008 documentary Nos Lieux Interdits The Moroccan transitional justice was began working with the FVJ leadership,
(engl. Our Forbidden Places) and Fatna El launched alongside regime political including former political prisoner Driss
Bouih’s prison testimony as counterpoints. openings after three decades of Hassan Benzekri, to establish the IER in 2003.
Finally, I will review the amnesty’s negative II’s rule, which had been characterized by
impact on Algerian historiography before repressive state policies and economic The IER’s work helped the monarchy refur-
bringing in new forms of writing and rap- inequality. The historically persecuted bish its image as a reformist and benevo-
port to memory, namely Adlene Meddi’s socialist party was welcomed back into the lent actor, especially after its prior legacy
novel 1994. In both cases, these works will political system, and the King launched a of violence. The IER carried out its truth-
be read with regard to their social impact range of liberalizing measures that seeking task earnestly: Benzekri’s team
from individuals to the broader national included a commitment to human rights traveled across the country interviewing
community. protection and the “cleaning-up” of the Moroccans who had submitted claims and
country’s nepotistic political system (Sweet amassed an important collection of oral
Therapeutic History, Collective Trauma 22-5). Hassan II also ordered the release of testimonies. Unfortunately, it suffered from
and the Nation political prisoners and publicly acknowl- pre-fixed limits. Only two heavily edited
To assess Algeria’s Civilian Concord and edged the existence of secret prisons public sessions of testimonies were even-
Morocco’s Truth Commission, especially such as Tazmamart, which he had persis- tually aired on television, and no state
their historical narrative’s ability to replace tently denied before, before affirming it actors were named or accused. While the
trauma and amnesia with a healthier rela- was a “page that has been turned” (Miller final report recognized the state’s system-
tionship to the past, we dive at heart of the 202-4). atic political use of violent methods (IER
symbolic “pact” between state and popu- Report), the authorities were keen to close

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this affair quickly, and the question of torical focus integrating oral testimonies, Bouteflika spoke passionately and was
criminal responsibility and legal redress the volume’s chapter on the post-inde- embraced as the savior figure that would
was not pursued. Instead, the IER recom- pendence period merely discussed the heal the nation, justifying his actions
mended reparations and the investigation struggle between the monarchy and the repeatedly “bi- ʾismi l-chaʿb” (In the peo-
of disappeared Moroccans, and it called nationalist movement, with the addition of ple’s name) (Bouteflika “Projet de Charte
for the creation a national archive compil- the political repression against the left, the pour la Paix et la Réconciliation Nationale”).
ing administrative documentation and for- army, and leftist movements (Kably 664-9). However, the 1999 Law only targeted indi-
mer victims testimonies (around 16,000 Victims outside of these groups are totally viduals who had “stop[ped] these criminal
files) (Mohsen-Finan 332). ignored, showing the process’s glaring activities” and wished to “be reintegrated
limitations and limited outcome. in society” (art.1) but had not committed
To understand its historiographical impact, heinous crimes.3 Thus, the state drew a
we must consider how the Moroccan tran- Algeria’s nationalist historical myth was path toward national forgiveness by
sitional justice process was limited by founded on the union between its popula- choosing peace and oblivion over
clear political considerations. It was tion and leadership during the anti-colo- accountability.
designed for “restructuring the exercise of nial struggle, and it was severely under-
state power in Morocco” and promoting a mined by the Civil War massacres. Initially, In the second stage, after Bouteflika’s
new type of elite. The monarchy’s involve- the Algerian leadership pursued national 2005 re-election, Algerians sanctioned a
ment in human rights violations and repair forgiveness primarily to end the fighting. referendum on the Charter for National
also limited its effectiveness (Vairel 230). In Abdelaziz Bouteflika campai­gned during Reconciliation that enshrined the princi-
fact, the IER’s work was actively advertised the 1999 presidential elections on a plat- ples of amnesty and banned religious
as evidence of the monarchy’s reformed form of amnesty for insurgents who laid political parties. The Charter also dealt
and reformist qualities (Mohsen-Finan down their weapons, building on secret with the state’s responsibility for violence
327). Unsurprisingly, the country’s post-IER contacts with their leaders (Joffé 215-6; and continued to sideline civilian suffering
official historiography continues to portray Ruedy 258-70). To justify pardoning from its narrative. The Charter’s last provi-
it as the country’s central actor and the Algerians guilty of civilian massacres, sion celebrated the security forces efforts
main agent of change, while occulting the Bouteflika’s carefully crafted narrative to “safeguard the nation” and their “patrio-
popular experiences of violence during affirmed that the principle of raḥma (engl. tism” and banned any investigation or liti-
the Years of Lead. In 2011, the esteemed clemency, mercy) was a key component of gation against them for “the actions they
historian Mohamed Kably edited Histoire Algerian culture and society (Joffé 215; carried out to protect people and goods,
du Maroc: Réactualisation et Synthèse Martinez 245-50). He toured the country to safeguard the Nation and the institu-
(engl. History of Morocco: Update and extensively and told his audience that the tions of the Algerian Republic,” equating
Synthesis). Rather than usher in a new his- Algerian nation was forgiving and wiling it with efforts to “dishonor those serving
toriographical content and a social his- to consent to sacrifices for the higher goal. agents or tarnish Algeria’s image” (Art.

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44-6). In return, the state granted financial and Algeria’s civilian concord from the about the missing person’s fate and
reparations for victims of state repression, public’s perspective, and their responses reopening old wounds.
including to families of the disappeared, to these limitations.
which exonerated the state from further The documentary shifts our perspective
responsibility (Art. 37-8). Morocco: The Incomplete Archive by capturing the process by which painful
The IER amassed a rich archive of testimo- memories are exhumed and, in turn, how
Algeria was accused of “burying secrets nies and documentation and created a “ordinary Moroccans” have carried with
under the rug” by human rights organiza- hopeful expectation for a constructive them this heavy past. One case shows a
tions for abandoning accountability and relationship to the past. Leila Kilani’s 2008 young woman engaging her grand-
transparency (Mundy 152; HRW; Bustos documentary Nos Lieux Interdits was pro- mother, Roqia, about the disappearance
119-21). Major questions remained unan- duced in collaboration with the IER and of her grandfather, Said, a trade union
swered over the army’s role during village represents a fascinating resource that activist, around the May 1st protests, prob-
massacres in 1996-97, questions fueled by reflects on the work of memory, but it also ably in 1972 or 1973. Instead of answers, all
military whistleblowers encapsulated in depicts the “failure” of the archival project they have is an old picture of the group of
the slogan “Qui-Tue?” (engl. Who Kills?). (Pierre-Bouthier 12). Subsequent events activists. The intergenerational conversa-
The Charter also silenced a narrative of have confirmed Kilani’s early pessimism. tion at first goes nowhere, and the younger
national suffering and expected families The documentary contains several crucial woman is frustrated by Roqia’s incomplete
to reiterate their trust toward the state and moments for the overall process and and reluctant answers. Badgered by the
move on. fleshes out the range of postures four granddaughter’s desire for precise details
Moroccan families have adopted in reac- (dates, names, places), Roqia retreats
Despite these limitations, the 2005 tion to the disappearance or loss of a fam- behind excuses of ignorance, probably
amnesty helped install peace, reintegrate ily member. From their intimate living rehearsed over the years as a defense
Islamist fighters, and reduce the army’s rooms, they spoke openly. Several former mechanism: “I am uneducated”, “I do not
omnipotence. In both countries, therapeu- prisoners in the documentary adamantly know these things,” and “your grandfather
tic history was a means to restore national defend the need to achieve symbolic clo- wouldn’t tell me.” Later in the documen-
unity rather than to directly address sure and recognition of their ordeal, which tary, Roqia and her daughter eventually
responsibility over past violence. The pol- is consistent with the principles of the meet an IER investigator who commits to
itics of memory left Algerians and Moroccan prison literature as a “narrative helping them find the truth about Said.
Moroccans unable to express their own of resistance” (Slyomovics 85; El Guabli Another family member, talking to Said’s
painful memories after 2005 and without 170; Moukhlis 354-55). Overall, however, old friends, learned that he was part of a
enough common basis for communities to the majority express the pervasiveness of secret leftist cell. When asked to confirm
move on. The next section explores the silence, resignation, and fear. Often times, this, Roqia acts as if she did not hear. The
aftermath of Morocco’s truth commission relatives are even opposed to learning question is repeated a few times until she

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concedes: “I knew… but what could I say? The most encouraging historiographical rights archive” by following the journey of
They knew each other and why they were developments since the IER have come former political prisoner Fatna El Bouih
getting arrested, exiled and killed, it was from outside academic circles, according (1977-82), who testified to the IER. Later,
because of that.” The main characters to Sonja Hegasy. A younger generation of she asked to look at her file, but faced con-
finally reconcile themselves with the truth emboldened journalists and historians siderable administrative hurdles to access
and a consistent narrative. building on the new archival “apparatus” the archive, in which one must already
The generational element drives the exca- have been writing in an intermediary know about content’s existence, rather
vation of memory by involving family genre (Hegasy 87). This includes the his- than discovering new content through
members with their own search for truth, torical magazine Zamane, established in archival research (by definition, the pur-
around them and with the IER institutions. late 2010 in French and 2013 in Arabic, pose of an archive) (Slyomovics 27-34). El
The grandmother is made to reflect which has frequently published front-page Bouih was disappointed to find her file did
beyond the defensive excuses she erected articles on various aspects of the Years of not contain any description of her activi-
and the impact of her husband’s disap- Lead: on Hassan II, former Interior Minister ties as a young militant (the cause of her
pearance (loss of income, fear of retribu- Driss Basri, the military putsches, and the arrest) (Barrada Interview with Fatna El
tion, etc.). The new story of this period is Moroccan opposition. For Hegasy, this Bouih). In order to complete the archive’s
more accurate, including the grandfather’s publication represents a “transformative flawed file, the wrote her own account in
involvement in an underground leftist cell, memory” made possible by the IER Une femme nommée Rachid (engl. A
which explains his disappearance.4 The archives and broader institutional machin- Woman Called Rachid .
work of recollection is slow and uncertain, ery (Hegasy 102). However, there are rea-
but it has set a useful dynamic in motion. sons to caution against her optimism. El Bouih’s trajectory shows how the thera-
Additionally, these testimonies look Zamane’s creation owed more to the peutic journey yielded the greatest results
beyond the usual victim, Said, and shed Moroccan public’s pent-up curiosity about when she went beyond the IER archives.
light on Roqia, traditionally neglected by this taboo past rather than a sustained his- She has since emerged as an important
the “prison literature” genre. toriographical interest, as its declining public actor. In a recent interview on
A decade later, the country’s historiography sales and quality of content attest. 2M’s influential show Mais Encore, she
has failed to live up to its initial promise. went over her trajectory from her arrest,
Instead of a rich, plural, and socially-inclu- Another range of criticism has been prison life, and reintegration. El Bouih was
sive account of the Years of Lead, as Kably’s addressed by the former leftist militant arrested in 1978 as a 20-year-old for her
synthesis volume showed, academic histo- and prisoner Fatna El Bouih and the involvement with the leftist group 23 Mars
rians have failed to produce a new research anthropologist Susan Slyomovics regard- and spent 5 years in the infamous Moulay
agenda (despite the establishment of a ing the operability of the Moroccan Derb Cherif prison in Casablanca. She
Center for “Present Time” in Rabat’s archives. Slyomovics dampened this explained how only a few women were
Muhammad V University). enthusiasm over the “promises of a human imprisoned at the time which caused dis-

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comfort for the male prison guards, who narrative those victims who have helped met with state refusal and urged to “for-
referred to her as “Rachid 35” rather than themselves. The Moroccan archive give” for the nation’s sake (Dutour 146).
Fatna. She reminisces about the eight remains incomplete, and history’s thera-
strong women who never divulged any peutic role is underwhelming for the wider Despite the weakness and decay of
information, even if it meant staying in community. Algerian NGOs (Liverani 47), Nassera
prison, as opposed to their male counter- Dutour gives voice to a silent majority
parts. Her narrative of female resilience Algeria: Social Remembering Out of within Algerian society. For the anthropol-
and subversion of the male-dominated Amnesia ogist Abderrahman Moussaoui, the wider
repressive apparatus is absent from the Since the 2005 Reconciliation Charter, problem lies with the disconnect between
more established Moroccan prison litera- Algeria has maintained peace. Algerians, state’s conception of repentance and vic-
ture, which often depicts personal oblit- however, have lived under a latent sense timhood, and different groups’ collective
eration under torture. of social fragmentation and continued memories. Moussaoui argues that the
distrust for the authorities. Evidence memory of the Civil War is “fragmented
El Bouih is a success story of reintegration suggests that the collective memory of into various sides each claiming the status
and has established several civil society the dark decade enhanced these social of victim”: the Islamists following their sto-
initiatives to help other former women feelings. len election in 1991, and the political
prisoners in their transition. In the absence Civil society objected to Bouteflika’s “civil- authorities who accuse unruly youth of
of more inclusive mechanisms or histori- ian concord” for pursuing amnesty for failing to appreciate their sacrifices for
ographies, unconventional prisoners are Islamists and shielding the army from independence, while the civilian popula-
left out of the official narrative, the IER’s scrutiny while denying civilian suffering. tion resent “terrorists” and the authorities
provisions, or the state’s institutional Several associations of the families of vic- for failing to protect them from massacres
machinery. El Bouih’s case shows that the tims, including Djazairouna through its (Moussaoui 36). For Moussaoui, to “con-
process of transforming archives into a founder Cherifa Kheddar, and the solidate memories” would amount to
new narrative remains dependent on car- Collectif des Familles de Disparu(e)s en “defining a new consensus […] a consis-
riers of memory themselves. A decade Algérie and its spokesperson Nassera tent commemorative project and rebuild
after its initial promise, the Commission’s Dutour, were very vocal and active in the social ties” (Moussaoui 38, 61).
results have been limited. The process is initial years (Joffé 219-220). Dutour lost Due to a prevailing inertia in the country,
hampered by a rigid definition of past vic- her 21-year-old son, who was “kidnapped Moussaoui’s call for a new historical narra-
tims (military putschists and leftist mili- on January 30 1997 by the police,” not tive is unlikely to materialize. The Algerian
tants) who spent years in jails and recov- knowing, ten years later, whether to want ruling political class continues to embrace
ered their human existence thanks to the him alive in a prison or dead and at peace the historical myth of the Algerian war of
IER process (and the monarchy’s enlight- so she can mourn (Dutour 144-5). independence and the memory of the
ened intervention), excluding from the Algerians with questions like hers were glorious martyrs of 1954 to establish the

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regime’s legitimacy, unbothered by the with a wall of silence, anger, or despair. the following generation, who matured
fact that youth already rebelled against Daum noted the increased religiosity during the Civil War, possess a different
this paradigm during the Algiers riots of among Algerians, even those whose fam- memory.
October 1988 (Evans, 102). In 2012, Algeria ily members were killed by Islamists. The
celebrated the 50th anniversary of its urban and secular Algerians lament that Adlene Meddi provides a telling example
independence by doubling down on its “the Islamists lost the war but won the in his novel 1994. Meddi, a journalist for
historiographical importance as the minds,” and that religion here plays the al-Watan, wrote this book partly from his
founding and continual collective myth role of a powerful, addictive “pain-killing experience and interviews, and his novel
(Branche and Djerbal 162). Unfortunately, drug,” convenient for the authorities as it has benefitted from important coverage
Algerian historians have failed to chal- saves them the effort of a genuine collec- and interest. It depicts the war and daily
lenge the myth and offer revisionist and tive therapy. Meanwhile, the imperatives terrorism from the vantage point of four
plural histories (Djerbal Personal of the present, made more difficult by teenagers in East Algiers, in the run-up to
Interview). There is little appetite to chal- soaring costs of living, youth unemploy- their decision to form a secret commando
lenge the many taboos around the nine- ment, and political uncertainty continue to unit to track and kill both Islamists and the
ties, especially considering continued ter- relegate the past to oblivion (Martinez and police they accuse of terrorizing society.
rorism in the Algerian peripheries, such as Rasmus 1-15). The novel contains insightful descriptions
the Ain Amenas attack (January 2013), or a of life around the regular attacks and man-
fear over unleashing “monsters [from] the Faced with the calcified politics of mem- ages to recreate an atmosphere where
cupboard” (Mundy 145-50). ory in Algeria, novelists and filmmakers anyone is at risk of being mistaken for a
have explored new forms to remember guilty part by the security apparatus, the
Talking and writing about the dark decade the dark decade. This new wave of pro- “srabess” (in spoken Algerian, from the
in Algeria still represents a significant red duction has emerged after the 2005 law French “service”) who perform their secu-
line, and society continues to struggle to and differs from its predecessors who rity mission with impunity.
live with its legacies. In July 2017, the viewed the Civil War as an abnormal and What sets this novel apart is its rapport
French publication Le Monde alien moment in the country’s history, such toward the past: it is about the act of over-
Diplomatique published a harrowing arti- as Merzak Allouache’s movie Bab el-Oued coming amnesia. Ten years later, two of
cle on Algeria “twenty years after the mas- City (1994), or the novels of Assia Djebar the four friends, Amin and Sidali, look
sacres” which was banned in the country. or Maissa Bey, who, for Meryem Belkaid, back at this period to understand how
The journalist Pierre Daum traveled to the wrote as a “refusal of denial, amnesia and their present-day difficulties stem from
towns that suffered attacks and massacres falsification” (Belkaid 132). These fascinat- events that took place in 1994. Their pain-
during the Civil War. He spoke with ing productions still consider the Civil War ful memories are layered and pushed
Algerians who lost friends and family as an abnormal event and write as a means down, only to unravel and drive them to
members, and his conversations were met to return to the “ordinary Algeria”. Instead, the brink. Amin, the main protagonist,

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breaks down when his military father iting his victim’s grave from 1994, then victims who would benefit from repara-
passes away. His repressed feelings gush breaks down in tears. tions in Morocco or amnesty in Algeria,
to the surface and send him into a violent which obscured the collective suffering of
spiral and psychological internment. Cultural actors like Adlene Meddi can communities during these two periods. A
Sidali, who languished in exile since 1994, observe society and mobilize creative common national narrative cannot
returns to save his friends and reconnect forms to show Algerian society in its strug- account for every citizen’s experience, but
with the past that led him to escape to gles with unaddressed trauma. Compared it must at least provide enough of a com-
France. to other productions on the Civil War, this mon narrative to allow individuals to rec-
novel explores the source of Algerian col- oncile themselves with the past they
By describing the incidence of the past on lective trauma, and envisages a resolution remember and send a powerful signal for
the present, this novel uniquely resonates by portraying how individuals restore con- an inclusive community.
with Algerian readers. Meddi called it a tinuity and achieve personal closure. In
“restitution of an atmosphere” rather than sum, cultural productions have the poten- Faced with the historical discourse’s limits,
a factual account of events (Hamrouche, tial to address the shortcomings of the historians and cultural actors in both soci-
Interview with Adlene Meddi). The four official history, not only by offering a com- eties have been stifled by the contours of
teenagers were meant as “a metaphor for plementary testimony, but by revisiting official historical narratives or official
my generation […] which I have felt was a the past and processing these memories. amnesia. They have occasionally experi-
wasted one in the process of production Unfortunately, Meddi’s novels and other mented with hybrid forms, as was the case
of Algeria”. Due to the destruction around cultural productions would need to branch with the Moroccan Zamane magazine.
them, when this generation was construct- out from their usual audiences, namely However, the most successful efforts to
ing themselves, they become “ill-adapted urban and secular Algerians, by being excavate collective memory came from
to life” (Hamrouche, Interview with Adlene integrated into the state’s official history. writers and filmmakers who could truly
Meddi). The novel envisages a positive subvert the borders and content of official
resolution when Sidali finishes retelling Conclusion history, as Fatna El Bouih and Adlene
the story of the murder and reaches an This article sought to answer the question Meddi’s works attest. In Algeria and
epiphany about the feelings of resent- of what happens to collective trauma after Morocco, these examples foreshadow a
ment from his generation’s Algerians. They limited transitional justice experiences. growing desire for the acknowledgement
blamed their parents, the “nationalist Producing a historical discourse that of their experience as part of the country’s
heros,” whose guiltless enjoyment during merely acknowledges past violence has historical narrative, more than judicial
the sixties and seventies led to the events been insufficient to help Algerians and punishment or financial compensation.
of the Civil War “without thinking about Moroccans achieve closure and national
their children who would grow in their reconciliation. Each country adopted a The key to “breaking the cycle of hatred”
apocalypse” (Meddi 303-4, 315). Sidali, vis- specific and restrictive definition of the after political violence becomes possible

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FO C U S 117

Idriss Jebari when victims forego their claim to retribu-

tion (Minow 17). The Algerian and
is currently the Andrew Mellon Moroccan decision-makers assumed that
Postdoctoral Teaching Fellow in Middle victims would forget and move on for the
East History at Bowdoin College (2017- nation, yet the failure to integrate a more
19). His research and publications deal inclusive conception of trauma and mem-
with the social origins of critical thought ory has hollowed the two attempts for
and the politics of memory in the national reconciliation, which is symptom-
modern Maghreb. atic of how authoritarian regimes deal with
He obtained a DPhil in Oriental Studies their societies. Thinking ahead to current
at the University of Oxford in 2016 with a conflicts in the Arab world, including
dissertation on the lives and intellectual Libya, Syria, and Egypt, the North African
projects of Abdallah Laroui and Hichem transitional justice experience should give
Djaït. He held an ACSS Postdoctoral us pause (Fisher and Stewart 4; Sriram 6).
Research Fellowship in 2016-17 at the Any serious and viable path toward post-
American University of Beirut (AUB) conflict reconciliation should recognize
to study the dynamics of circulation that unaddressed or poorly constructed
and reception of intellectual debates dominant historical narratives that are
between the Maghreb and the Mashriq. inconsistent with collective memories of
email: [email protected] this violence jeopardize national recon-
ciliation. Therapeutic history, therefore,
will only work if it is generous enough to
be attached to most people’s stories.

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Notes Works Cited Bouteflika, Abdelaziz. “Projet Dutour, Nassera. “Algérie: Hamber, Brandon and
de Charte pour la Paix et la de la Concorde Civile à la Richard A. Wilson. “Symbolic
1 Mohammed VI replaced Advisory Council on Réconciliation Nationale”. Charte pour la Paix et la Closure through Memory,
his father Hassan II in 1999, Human Rights. Main Report: El-Mouradia, http://www. Réconciliation Nationale: Reparation and Revenge in
and Abdelaziz Bouteflika was Follow-up Report on the el-mouradia.dz/francais/ Amnistie, Amnésie et Post-conflict Societies.” The
elected President during the Implementation of Equity and infos/actualite/archives/ Impunité.” Mouvements, vol. Role of Memory in Ethnic
Civil War with the powerful Reconciliation Commission chartereconciliation.htm. 53, no. 1, 2008, pp. 144-149. Conflict, edited by Cairns Ed
military’s approval. Report. Kingdom of Morocco, Accessed 15.08.2018 and Micheal Roe. Palgrave
December 2009. El Guabli, Brahim. “The Macmillan, 2003, pp. 144-168.
2 The Algerian armed ---. A. Bouteflika extrait du ‘Hidden Transcript’ of
struggled lasted from 1954 to Aouragh, Miriyam. discours sur la concorde Resistance in Moroccan Hamrouche, Ghada.
1962 (McDougall 195) and the “L-Makhzab al-‘Akbari: Civile. Dailymotion.com, Tazmamart Prison Writings.” Interview with Adlene Meddi.
Moroccan campaign lasted Resistance, Remembrance undated, https://www. Arab Studies Journal, vol. 22, Huffington Post Algerie. 5
from 1944 to 1956 (Miller and Remediation in dailymotion.com/video/ no.1, 2014, pp. 170-207. November 2017.
151-56). Morocco.” Middle East x69zmo. Accessed 15.08.2018.
Critique, vol. 26, no. 3, 2017, Evans, Martin. Algeria: Anger Hegasy, Sonja. “Transforming
pp. 241-263. Branche, Raphaelle and Daho of the Dispossessed. Yale UP, Memories: Media and
3 “People who have
Djerbal. “Regards Croisés 2007. historiography in the
committed or participated
Barkan, Elazar. The Guilt sur le 50e anniversaire de aftermath of the Moroccan
in crimes leading to death,
of Nations: Restitution l’indépendance de l’Algérie.” Fisher, Kirsten J., and Robert equity and reconciliation
collective massacres,
and Negotiating Historical Cahiers de l’Histoire. Revue Stewart, editors. Transitional commission.” The Social Life
explosive attacks in public
Injustices. John Hopkins UP, d’histoire critique, vol. 122, Justice and the Arab Spring. of Memory: Violence, trauma
spaces, and rape; article 7.
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Introduction

Theorizing Intergenerational Trauma The creation of Tazmamart secret prison

camp in Morocco was a direct response to
in Tazmamart Testimonial Literature the failed consecutive coups d’état against
King Hassan II’s regime in 1971 and 1972.
and Docu-testimonies Sentenced by a military tribunal to serve
prison terms ranging between three years
and life for allegedly participating in one
of the coups, sixty-two officers and sol-
diers were serving their jail time in an offi-
cial maximum security prison when they
were kidnapped and taken to an unknown
location in August 1973. Thanks to the
combination of the disappeared soldiers’
agency and the bravery of some sympa-
thetic guards, both the location of
Tazmamart secret prison and the inhu-
mane conditions of the soldiers’ detention
Brahim El Guabli were only revealed to their families months
later. However, the Moroccan state would
Drawing on testimonial writings by the words in the presence of the children and continue denying the prison’s existence
wives of Tazmamart prisoners and two during which Tazmamart was not a matter for nearly twenty years until the release of
documentary films (docu-testimonies) of public discourse in Morocco. This theo- the twenty-seven survivors in 1991.
about this notorious disappearance camp, rization of intergenerational transference Symbolizing Morocco’s collective memory
I argue that Tazmamart-induced traumas of traumatic experiences will shift schol- of the Years of Lead (1956-1999),
are intergenerational. Approached as a arly attention from individual experiences Tazmamart disappearance experiences
continuum, Tazmamart-induced traumas to the collective memory of the “Years of would later shape the development of
reveal the intergenerational transference Lead” in its intergenerational dimensions.1 Moroccan testimonial literature (El Guabli).
of trauma from mothers to children in the
pre-discursive period. In this article, I spe- Keywords: Trauma, Tazmamart, Inter­ I argue that testimonial literature (particu-
cifically focus my analysis on the pre-dis- generational, Memory, Transmission, larly prison literature) and docu-testimo-
cursive period—a time when families did Years of Lead, Women, Children nies (testimonial documentary films)
not articulate their traumas in spoken reveal the intergenerational transmission

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of Tazmamart-induced traumas between generations of its victims. I begin with the Tazmamart. Aïda Hachad’s half of Kabazal,
the mothers’ and the children’s genera- sudden eruption of the coups d’état in which I analyze here, is a first-person nar-
tions in pre-adulthood years. Analyzed 1971 and 1972 and conclude with the lib- ration of the brutal unraveling of her fam-
from an intergenerational perspective, eration of the disappeared soldiers from ily’s life in the aftermath of Colonel
Tazmamart ceases to be the story of the their protracted disappearance in Amekrane’s coup against Hassan II in
fifty-eight soldiers who ended up in the Tazmamart. Here, I will investigate the August 1972. Opération Boraq F5: 16 août
Saharan jail for eighteen years. It rather ways in which Tazmamart-induced trau- 1972, l’attaque du Boeing royal (Opération
emerges as a traumatic experience that mas were passed on from mothers to chil- Boraq), also a mixed memoir, carries the
has deep intergenerational and even dren in the period before this transference names of Ahmed El Ouafi and his wife
transgenerational ramifications visible in was articulated or discussed in the wider Kalima El Ouafi. Kalima El Ouafi’s half of
testimonial literature and docu-testimo- society. This, in turn, lays the groundwork the memoirs recounts the dramatic turn
nies. Because Morocco has not witnessed for a substantive engagement with this her family life took after her husband’s
the formation of organized second-gen- intergenerational transmission of trau- arrest and disappearance to the secret
eration memory stakeholders’ groups, matic memory, occurring and developing Tazmamart prison camp.
the study of intergenerational trauma as these children come of age.
articulated in testimonial literature and Tazmamart’s fascinating cinematographic
docu-testimonies is even more crucial for Tazmamart Testimonial Literature and potential has also drawn the attention of
our understanding of the intergenera- Docu-testimonies documentary filmmakers. Leïla Kila’s Nos
tional dimensions of the Moroccan Years The professionalization of Tazmamart tes- lieux interdits brings out the complexities
of Lead. timonial literature between 2003 and of Tazmamart from the perspective of a
2005 resulted in innovative writing strate- mother (Rahma), her son (Saʿid), and their
Taking into consideration the Freudian gies, including the publication of women- unnamed uncle. Filmed as part of Leïla
concept and its discontents, I use trauma authored memoirs as well as mixed mem- Kilani’s commission to archive the work of
in this context to refer to a continuum of oirs. Tazmamart côté femme: Témoignage, the Equity and Reconciliation Commission
psychological, somatic, social, and spatial Rabea Bennouna’s woman-only memoir, is (ERC) and released in 2008, Nos lieux
consequences of a transformative, over- a third-person narration in which she tells interdits documents conversations with
powering, and sudden accident that dis- of her long journey from the arrest and different generations of victims of the
rupts the normalcy of the traumatized sub- disappearance of her husband, Abdellatif Moroccan Years of Lead. Juxtaposing
ject’s life and disintegrates their lifeworld Belkbir, to her filing for financial repara- memories of different generations of
(Caruth). In theorizing Tazmamart-induced tions from the state in 1999. Kabazal: Les Moroccans, Nos lieux interdits is a rich
trauma as a continuum, I open up the pos- emmurés de Tazmamart (Kabazal) by embodiment of the intergenerational
sibility of analyzing the embodied trans- Salah and Aïda Hachad is a mixed memoir memories of the traumas caused by state
mission of Tazmamart trauma among two recording its co-authors’ experiences of violence. Although technically less sophis-

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ticated than Nos lieux interdits, Yunus political context that has consequences even beyond Tazmamart survivors—whose
Jannuhi’s documentary film Al-Ṭarīq ilā for Moroccan collective memory. Third, identities were shaped or re-shaped by
Tazmamart focuses exclusively on the experiences recounted in these Tazmamart-induced traumas and the inter-
Tazmamart victims. Al-Ṭarīq ilā works reveal the necessity of rethinking generational transference of its memories.
Tazmamart’s features three wives of for- and expanding the notions of victimhood Within each Tazmamart familial unit, there
mer Tazmamart detainees: Sharifa and disappearance to other categories are three generations: the grandparents,
Dghughi, Rqiyya al-ʿAbbasi, and Halima of Moroccans who had survived a related who mainly accept Tazmamart as fate, the
Bin Bushta. While their husbands were de facto disappearance even as they parents, predominantly the mothers who
imprisoned, each of these three women lived in society. were left to struggle alone after the hus-
eventually migrated elsewhere—the for- band’s disappearance, and the children,
mer to Libya and then the U.S., the second Tazmamart Families as Loci of Inter­ many of whom were too young to grasp
to Italy, and the third between different cit- generational Trauma the gravity of the changes that occurred in
ies in Morocco. Unearthing a new aspect Arguing for the intergenerational nature their lives.
of Tazmamart’s traumatic effects, Jannuhi’s of Tazmamart-induced traumas requires
docu-testimony places geographical dis- a distinction of the different genera-­ Grounded mainly in Holocaust studies,
placement at the heart of this traumatic tions involved. German sociologist Karl intergenerational trauma scholarship
experience. Jannuhi’s film thus has a fun- Mannheim developed three crucial criteria examines the passing down and inheri-
damental role to play in the revelation of to determine what constitutes a genera- tance of older generations’ experiences
the gendered nature of Tazmamart- tion: first, the members of a generation marred by violence, genocide and repres-
induced trauma and its fuller, intergenera- share a “generation location,” which means sion (Schwab; Hirsch; Achugar; Atkinson).
tional implications. that—to varying degrees—constituents of While much research has focused on sto-
the same generation share the same his- rytelling and discursive practices as media
Viewed together, these testimonial writ- torical experiences; second, people form- of transmission (Fried; Achugar), Daniela
ings and docu-testimonies share three ing a generation have a conscious aware- Jara underlines the fact that, in the inves-
important traits. First, these works record ness of their shared culture as a generation; tigation of intergenerational transmission
and illustrate traumatic experiences that and third, generations come in “genera- of memories of political violence, a focus
were not articulated in spoken words tion-units,” which are groups of individuals on the family shows that “the passing on
within the family unit, thus inciting us to who belong to the same generation and of such experiences is not necessarily con-
investigate the transmission of intergen- whose shared identity as a generation is nected to speaking” since transmission
erational trauma within the family in forged by their responses to “common can happen independently of verbaliza-
forms other than narrative. Second, the experiences” (292; 306). Mannheim’s defi- tion and narrative (66). In fact, Tazmamart
traumas of these women and children are nition of generation allows us to discern testimonial literature and docu-testimo-
interconnected and related to a wider three distinct generations of Moroccans— nies prove that between silence and nar-

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ration there exists a wide spectrum of tions, such as parents and their children Inducing feelings of loneliness and soli-
embodied alternatives through which the (Levey 7). Postmemory of Tazmamart- tude, social exclusion exacerbated the
intergenerational transmission of this induced traumas is at work in the way in mothers’ generation’s traumatic loss of
trauma-laden experience can take place. which the younger generation of their husbands and social status. Kalima El
Tazmamart victims internalize and grapple Ouafi, for instance, wrote that “when the
My theorization of Tazmamart-induced with traumas they never experienced misfortune struck, I found myself com-
intergenerational trauma between the directly. In light of these theoretical works, pletely helpless, alone, with my two chil-
mothers’ generation and the children’s is I will draw on testimonial literature and dren to raise” (113-114). The sudden realiza-
illuminated by Jan Assmann’s robust and docu-testimonies to theorize how the tion that the women had no social safety
influential distinction between “communi- mothers’ generation’s Tazmamart-induced network to help absorb the shock of their
cative memory” and “cultural memory,” traumas were manifested in their children socioeconomic downfall brought a devas-
and Marianne Hirsch’s notion of “post- despite the mothers’ diligent endeavors tating and abrupt end to a happy family
memory.” Communicative memory, which to spare them such knowledge. life. Even when the marriage was unhappy,
is both autobiographic and intergenera- as in the case of Rabea Bennouna and
tional and extends over up to three gen- The Mothers’ Generation’s Tazmamart- Abdellatif Belkbir, the memoir records the
erations, is my focus here. This is where I induced Traumas destructive effect of the absence of a
find the familial, non-discursive transfer- 1 The Disintegration of the Families’ social network, which led Bennouna to a
ence of Tazmamart-induced traumas. Lifeworld “lonely traversing of this portion of her
Cultural memory, which is transgenera- Both testimonial literature and docu-testi- life” (44). The power of isolation was such
tional and more institutionalized and exte- monies about Tazmamart depict the sud- that it evoked a state of strandedness
riorized, is more relevant to questions of den disintegration of the families’ life- within society. This social exclusion had a
canonization and commemoration world as a traumatic shock. As soon as direct impact on the families’ daily lives.
(Assmann 110-111). Postmemory describes their husbands were arrested for allegedly Aïda Hachad, for instance, stressed the
the relationship of members of a “post- plotting the downing of the king’s plane, fact that social ostracism was such that
generation” (the generation that came detainees’ wives and children began to be even the milkman “had changed his itiner-
after) to traumas they themselves did not held accountable for the consequences of ary, thus avoiding the households of the
experience but which are connected to their husbands’ supposedly treasonous officers implicated in the coup d’état”
“the personal, collective, and cultural act. Social apartheid—that is, social ostra- (205). This societal response was the first
trauma of those who came before” (Hirsch cism or exclusion—was the first trauma- in a long series of traumatizing experi-
4-5). Although postmemory describes the inducing measure that followed from the ences that stemmed from the coup, and it
memories of the generation born after, coup d’état in 1972, and with it came the had sudden and dramatic consequences
scholarship has extended the concept, as loss of social status and the suspension for these implicated families.
I do here, to include overlapping genera- of families’ privileges.

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Women’s responses to their traumatic displacement, loss of community, and ing even more circumstances for the chil-
social isolation varied. While some wives gender-based repression (3). dren to appropriate these embodied trau-
were able to survive social ostracism by mas as theirs at a time when they were not
living with their immediate families in Social apartheid and constant surveillance expressed in any discursive form.
Morocco, others who were less fortunate took a toll on the mother’s physical and
worked through their traumas in geo- mental health. Bennouna furnishes the 2 Ḥugra as State-Sanctioned Trauma
graphic dislocation. The film Al-Ṭarīq ilā clearest example of the intertwinement of Ḥugra, the Moroccan state’s vindictive mis-
Tazmamart presents us with two interest- physical pain with the traumatizing pres- treatment of these families, bred feelings
ing cases of women who emigrated dur- sure the Moroccan state exerted on of unworthiness and powerlessness, which
ing their husbands’ disappearances and women. Bennouna writes that as a “direct have been a traumatizing force in the
reunited with them afterward. When her consequence of the frightening mental mothers’ generation’s memoirs. Ḥugra,
husband Dris Dghughi, a pilot at the fatigue,” doctors diagnosed a “cyst in her which can also be described as contempt
Kenitra Air Base, was arrested, Sharifa breast,” urging her to undergo surgery for other people’s dignity, can be seen at
Dghughi was barely twenty years old. immediately (44). In her crisp and frank work in situations where the distribution of
Connecting her suffering to her young style, Bennouna adds that the “daily injus- power is uneven. Furthermore, ḥugra is a
age at the time, Dghughi told the film- tice” inflicted on her was too overpower- flagrant abuse of power that involves dis-
maker “I suffered. I suffered a lot. I saw a ing to not have taken a toll on her body crimination against a person, unjust grant-
lot in my life.” We discover that Sharīfa’s (44). Indeed, unable to bear the constant ing of favors, and intentional reminding of
suffering involved living in Libya for a mental and social stress, Bennouna suc- the victim of ḥugra that they have no voice
while, then emigrating to the United Sates. cumbed to her deep paranoia and even- and can do nothing to redress the injustice
Transplanted from her own society, Sharīfa tually attempted suicide (97). El Ouafi was done to them. An emblematic example of
fled the source of her trauma. Similarly, no different in the transformation of her the traumatizing effect of ḥugra is
Rqiyya al-ʿAbbasi seized an opportunity to Tazmamart-induced traumas into described in Aïda Hachad’s reaction to the
leave the country supposedly for eco- preferential treatment M’bark Touil
nomic reasons, but the truth was that the profound depression, which translated received in Tazmamart thanks to his wife’s
lack of social support was too overpower- into repetitive insomnia, cephalagia American citizenship. Thanks to Nancy
ing for the mothers’ generation to face and frequent moments of weakness Touil’s advocacy in the USA, Touil was
alone. Atkinson’s powerful observation (134). allowed to spend time in the sun, take
that trauma is “gendered, raced, classed, walks in the prison yard, have a mattress,
[and] economized” illuminates the larger Tazmamart-induced trauma, in this sense, and even receive La Vache Qui Rit cheese
Moroccan context in allowing us to see is a composite continuum that affected the wedges, while his colleagues in the same
how Tazmamart-induced trauma included mothers’ generation socially, mentally, block were deprived of everything.
physically, and even spatially, thus creat-

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The Moroccan state’s discriminatory for foreigners and their spouses, and hell tics of intergenerational trauma is its
behavior in Touil’s case struck a very sensi- for Moroccan citizens (242). inheritance through social and embodied
tive chord for the other disappeared sol- practices that transfer the experiences to
diers and their wives. Aïda Hachad, spe- Having received no response from the younger generation without their
cifically, could not hide her shock at the Princess Meryem, whom she implored to experiencing it directly. Consequently,
news that Mbark Touil enjoyed rights that intercede on behalf of her husband, it although the mothers’ generation
other disappeared prisoners were denied. became all too clear to Hachad that avoided discussing their suffering with or
In Hachad’s mind, this traumatic ḥugra Moroccan officials had fulfilled Touil’s in the presence of their children during
generates crucial questions about citizen- needs because, as an American, Nancy the disappearance of their husbands,
ship as it relates to the Moroccan state’s Touil “was by definition a citizen: a human Tazmamart’s full traumatic significance
obligation to respect an American citizen’s being who is recognized in her rights” was passed down to the children.
partner even as it ran roughshod over the (260). The ineluctable comparison Inheriting the mothers’ generation’s anxi-
rights of Moroccan citizens. Outraged and between citizenship and a lack thereof eties, unsteady moods, and unexplained
scandalized to learn that “M’bark Touil pushed Hachad to conclude, in more gen- sadness, children used their agency to
benefitted from a special, favorable regi- eral terms this time, that “Moroccans are make their mothers’ wounds their own,
men while the others perished slowly,” merely subjects with no rights because the which later manifested itself in their
Hachad condemned state-sanctioned, regime never considered us to be human changes in behavior at home and in the
citizenship-based discrimination (242). beings” (260). The feeling of their nothing- outside world. Rabea Bennouna observed
Furthermore, Hachad formulates a well- ness instilled feelings of abjection and that at school her son “rarely participated
thought-out explanation for this flagrant worthlessness, which deepened women’s in play with his peers, confining himself to
disrespect for the most basic norms of fair- anger and defiance, which they redi- a seat in the covered part of the play-
ness, which she attributes to the fact that rected, in many cases, to drive their social ground during the merciless recess time.”
Moroccan women and professional success. (69) Alluding to her son’s indirect inheri-
tance of her own trauma, Bennouna wrote
were worth nothing. We were nothing Children Acting Out Mothers’ Traumatic that, despite her son’s lack of “conscious-
but insignificant “petty subjects” subject Legacies ness of his father’s tragic fate,” its “dra-
to tallage and exploitable at will. Faced 1 Traumatization by Osmosis in Tazmamart matic effluvia” were present in the air for
with such contempt, I swore to myself to Testimonial Literature him to breathe (69). This secret took on a
show our officials what Moroccan women I now turn my attention to investigating more tangible, behavioral form as was
are capable of. I repeated everywhere [I how the children’s generation manifested evidenced by the little Belkbir “[having
went] and to everyone the shame endu- its internalization of their mothers’ gen- gone] through a stage of unexplained
red by Moroccan families: segregation eration’s Tazmamart-induced traumatic rejection of everything in the familiar sur-
even inside prisons, a special regimen experiences. One of the main characteris- roundings” (69). Because of the father’s

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absence from the home, Kalima El Ouafi’s dilemma, then, for El Ouafi was “[h]ow to mother suspend her efforts to obtain his
younger son almost never talked, and explain to them that their [former] life was father’s release. The children kept to them-
“communicating with him becomes even finished and that they have to erase it, let selves in school and displayed signs of
more difficult every day,” whereas her go of it?” (115). Interestingly, this tension social aloofness, which Rabea Bennouna
older son’s response to the trauma of the between the mother, who tried hard to characterizes in her son as a tendency to
father’s absence was such that Kalima El hide the troubling reality that turned their exhibit “reserved or even taciturn behav-
Ouafi was afraid that he had become life upside down, and the children’s critical ior” (69). Therefore, without overriding
autistic and might need medical treat- awareness of the abnormality of their situ- their agency, it could be concluded that
ment (118). ation created conditions for transference feelings of uncertainty and distrust among
of this unnamed event that submerged the children’s generation is another mani-
While an invented story could explain their lives in unspoken suffering. festation of their inheritance of their moth-
away Captain Ahmed El Ouafi’s absence ers’ traumas.
from his children’s life, the deterioration of Deep fear, especially regarding the loss of
their living conditions, which worsened the remaining parent, is yet another mani- 2 Houda Hachad: A Child’s Recounting of
drastically and continuously over time, festation of the inherited Tazmamart- Tazmamart Intergenerational Trauma
conveyed the repressed, never-addressed induced intergenerational trauma. In an If testimonial writings of both Bennouna
problem to the children. Kalima El Ouafi extremely revealing passage, Kalima El and El Ouafi report on their children’s
has drawn attention to their altered cir- Ouafi describes how her youngest son internalization of Tazmamart-induced
cumstances in her juxtaposition of a time was haunted by the idea that, whenever havoc in their lives, this intergenerational
when they could “order food from the she went to Rabat to follow up on her trauma found its clearest expression in
American store and acquire high quality requests for the father’s release from Houda Hachad’s testimony in Kabazal. This
products” with a later time when everyone Tazmamart, she might disappear as well. chapter, entitled “Houda Hachad,” is an
had to “fasten their belts in a drastic way” Because of the particular nature of the cir- explicit illustration of the way Tazmamart-
(115). For El Ouafi’s children, this deteriora- cumstances in which he grew up, induced trauma was transmitted from the
tion of their comfortable living situation Redouane, El Ouafi’s younger son, sur- mothers’ generation to the children’s.
was experienced as the embodiment of a mised that his mother’s advocacy was dan- After her father’s release, Houda tells her
secret related to their father’s absence. A gerous for her life. At a pivotal point in his mother that “[s]he was looking for neither
reaction as simple as a tantrum, in this con- coming of age, Redouane had gained comfort nor answers to her questions.”
text, signals the child’s awareness of a dis- enough consciousness to internalize his She only wanted to “confide, to talk about
ruptive occurrence transforming their father’s disappearance as a modus ope- herself and the ‘problem’ that has colored
lives. El Ouafi’s youngest son always won- randi in the country. The scary knowledge in our existence with black.” Aïda informs
ders “[w]hy the breakfast was not similar to that he had acquired in unclear circum- her readers that, in her need to express
when [his] father was around.” The stances pushed him to demand that his her pain, “she [Houda] chose […] her

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mother to listen to her wound say what it alone. You were a sad woman. Even if meeting an Equity and Reconciliation
had to say” (296). After all the years that you tried, you were not able to hide Commission delegation. Meeting with the
they had spent together avoiding this your sadness from us. I have linked visitors in the family’s modest living room
secret that had overshadowed their exis- this sadness to the absence of fami- are Saʿid, his mother Rahma, and a new-
tence, the time had finally come for Houda ly, to the absence of moral support. born infant—most likely Saʿid’s baby—held
to confront her mother. […] I understood that you were a wo- by his grandmother (Rahma). As Salah
Unexpectedly, Houda Hachad’s testimony man whose destiny was marked by a al-Wadiʿ, an ERC member, explains the
is a reversal of the traditional model of huge trial. […] But my brother and I ERC’s mission to the family, the camera
intergenerational trauma. Here the child did not know the nature of this tra- zooms in closely on Saʿid, Rahma, and the
from the younger generation serves as a gedy (297). infant, thus declaring the intergenera-
mirror for the mother’s generation, reflect- tional theme that underlies Nos lieux
ing the trauma the mother inadvertently Thus, what Aïda assumed had been hid- interdits. The symbolism of this unnamed
passed down to her. Contrary to what den from her children had actually been baby’s presence is powerful in the sense
many of the mothers’ generation assumed passed on to them. Whether Houda that s/he is already witnessing the older
about preventing their children from gained access to truthful information generations’ discussion of a thirty-year-
knowing about Tazmamart, Houda reveals about Tazmamart does not matter as much old problem that will nevertheless have a
to her mother that she knew from an early as her use of her agency to figure out that bearing on his/her own future, as we real-
age that their family was hiding a big her family harbored an unsettling secret ize that the baby’s life has been set up to
secret involving her father, and that her that was the source of their abnormal sta- inherit this past from her/his grandmother
mother was in fact the one who imparted tus in society. Houda, thus, shows that she and father.
this knowledge to her. Not only did Houda not only knew what was happening, but
hear from one of her classmates about her she also articulated the secret her mother Saʿid al-Haddan, now in his thirties, is the
father’s disappearance, but she also harbored for many years in order to allow son of pilot ʿAllal al-Haddan, a soldier who
searched her mother’s belongings to find herself and her mother to bring this trau- died in the early years following his trans-
out what really happened to the father. matic experience to the discursive realm. fer to Tazmamart. When the 1972 coup
Furthermore, Houda reveals that she was d’état erupted, Saʿid’s parents had not
able to decode her mother’s embodied 3 Saʿid al-Haddan: An Adult Who Seeks been married for long, and Saʿid himself
trauma, deciphering that her mother’s to Re-bury His Childhood Traumas had not even been born when his father
solitary suffering was a sign of the prob- ʿAllal al-Haddan’s family story illustrates was disappeared to Tazmamart. Although
lem connected to the absent father: the future-oriented nature of the intergen- Saʿid had never had a tangible relation-
erational transmission of Tazmamart- ship with his father, his requests to the ERC
You lived alone; you worked alone. induced trauma. In one of the scenes, Nos include uncovering the truth about his
You were raising your two children lieux interdits films the al-Haddan family father’s death, securing his reburial, and

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transforming Tazmamart prison into a site appropriate. In his interview with an ERC Conclusion
of memory. Slowly, the film uncovers that psychiatrist, Saʿid gives some revealing In this article I argued that testimonial lit-
throughout his childhood, Saʿid’s mother answers: erature and docu-testimonies provide
not only kept silent on his father’s where- crucial clues for the theorization of the
abouts, but she also erased his connection ERC psychiatrist. The image you have transmission of Tazmamart-induced trau-
to him through a name change, thus of your father is fragmented? […] Are mas between mothers and children in the
explaining Saʿid’s fixation on the reburial you overwhelmed by all of this? period before children’s awareness of
of his father’s remains’ according the Saʿid. Overwhelmed, I have always Tazmamart. I based this analysis on writ-
Islamic rites of death. These impulses are been overwhelmed. ings by the wives of disappeared soldiers
the crucible in which his unaddressed ERC psychiatrist. How so? What do you and two docu-testimonies that make an
childhood traumas are manifested. In fact, mean? essential contribution to the conceptual-
his irrational need to rebury his father is his Saʿid. All of this is caused by the ab- ization of intergenerational and gendered
last chance to overcome the fact that he sence of my father […] I have always traumas of state violence and its memory.
“ha[s] never seen [his] father and [his] rela- felt that I was looked at as “son of a trai- This analysis charts a new path for future
tionship with him remained […] imagi- tor” and I struggled to prove that that study of the Years of Lead and their long-
nary” (Kilani). was not true. (Kilani). term implications for collective memory
and for the formation of individuals’ iden-
Saʿid’s compulsive need to know his When asked if he regained his confidence, tities and subjectivities. One might be
father’s death story and rebury his remains Saʿid tells his therapist that he had not and tempted to think—as indeed the Moroccan
is an endeavor to achieve some closure for confesses that insecurity has become his state and the ERC do—that the ERC pro-
his childhood trauma. The father’s reburial second nature. As his therapist reassures cess, which culminated in the publication
would have afforded Saʿid the opportu- him that his confidence would be recov- of a final report and the payment of hand-
nity to revisit the source of his inherited ered, Saʿid defensively and curtly wonders some reparations checks to the victims,
trauma to make sense of his own, inter- if “forgetting my father?” was the price for are in themselves sufficient to turn the
nally shattered existence. However, ERC recovery. He immediately answers with a page on the Years of Lead. Testimonial
adduced religious considerations to reject defiant “I refuse.” In this sense, he refused literature and docu-testimonies, however,
his demand to reconnect with his father to forget a father he never knew, but also demonstrate that the implications of
through his remains. When informed of a father whose very absence has been Tazmamart-induced traumas transcend
ERC’s decision, Saʿid cries in front of the cemented into years of traumatic experi- the direct victims. In fact, they are trans-
camera, indicating his disappointment at ences that he inherited from his family and inter-generational traumas that resist
the ERC’s process, which denied him his despite silence and lack of direct commu- any facile attempts to limit the impact of
right to work through his intergenerational nication about this trauma within the fam- Tazmamart (and the Years of Lead) to one
trauma in the manner he thought was ily during his childhood. generation alone. Now that a significant

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Brahim El Guabli amount of credible, testimonial accounts

established what happened during the
completed his PhD in Comparative Years of Lead, it is high time we grappled
Literature at Princeton University. He is with how these traumas and their memo-
Assistant Professor of Arabic Studies ries have impacted generations of
at Williams College, where he teaches Moroccans.
courses on Maghrebi and Middle Eastern
literatures. His work probes questions
of archives, memory, and strategies of
rewriting history in contexts of mass
violence in the Maghreb and the Middle
East. His journal articles have appeared
in Interventions, Arab Studies Journal,
and The Journal of North African Studies,
among others. Brahim is the author
of published and forthcoming book
chapters, including “Testimony and
Journalism: Moroccan Prison Narratives.”
email: [email protected]

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Notes Works Cited El Guabli, Brahim. “Testimony Jara, Daniela. “The Aftermath
and Journalism: Moroccan of Violence: The Post-Coup
1 This is a condensed version Achugar, Mariana. Prison Narratives.” The Social Second Generation in
of Chapter V of the author’s Discursive Processes Life of Memory, edited Chile.” Peripheral Memories:
dissertation. El Guabli, of Intergenerational by Saadi Nikro and Sonja Public and Private Forms of
Brahim. Other-Archives: Transmission of Recent Hegasy, Palgrave Macmillan, Experiencing and Narrating
Literature Rewrites the Nation History: (Re)making Our Past. 2017, pp. 113-144. the Past, edited by Elisabeth
in Post-1956 Morocco. Palgrave Macmillan, 2016. Boesen, Fabienne Lentz,
Dissertation, Princeton El Ouafi, Ahmed. Opération Michel Margue, Denis
University, 2018. “Al-Ṭarīq ilā Tazmamart Boraq F5: 16 août 1972, Scuto, and Renée Wagener.
min intāj télé maroc.” l’attaque du Boeing royal. Transcript Verlag, 2012, pp.
YouTube, uploaded by Tarik, 2004. 51-67.
Télé Maroc, 30 September
2017, https://www.youtube. Fried A., Gabriela. Kilani, Leïla, director. Nos
com/watch?v=JRh_ “Private Transmission of lieux interdits. INA Films and
E9UoOmg&t=10s. Accessed Traumatic Memories of the Socco Chico Films, 2008.
23 August 2018. Disappeared in the Context
of Transitional Politics Levey, Cara. “Of Hijos and
Assmann, Jan. of Oblivion in Uruguay Niños: Revisiting Postmemory
“Communicative and Cultural (1973–2001): ‘Pedagogies of in Post-Dictatorship Uruguay,”
Memory.” Cultural Memory Horror’ among Uruguayan History and Memory, vol. 26,
Studies, edited by Astrid Erll Families.” The Memory no. 2, Fall/Winter 2014, pp.
and Ansgar Nünning, Walter of State Terrorism in the 5-39.
de Gruyter, 2008, pp. 109-118. Southern Cone, edited by
Francesca Lessa and Vincent Mannheim, Karl. “The
Atkinson, Meera. The Druliolle, Palgrave Macmillan, Problem of Generations.”
Poetics of Transgenerational 2011, pp. 157-177. Essays on the Sociology of
Traumas. Bloomsbury Knowledge, edited by Paul
Academic, 2017. Serhane, Abdelhak, Salah Kecskemeti. Routledge and
Hachad, and Aïda Hachad. Kegan Paul, 1972, pp. 276-
Bennouna, Rabea. Tazmamart Kabazal: Les emmurés de 322.
côté femme: Témoignage. Tazmamart; Mémoires de
Al-Dār al-ʿĀlamiyya li-l-Kitāb, Salah et Aïda Hachad. Tarik, Schwab, Gabriele. Haunting
2003. 2004. Legacies: Violent Histories
and Transgenerational
Caruth, Cathy. Unclaimed Hirsch, Marianne. Generation Trauma. Columbia UP, 2010.
Experience: Trauma, of Postmemory: Writing (CC BY 4.0)
Narrative and History. Johns and Visual Culture after the
Hopkins UP, 2007. Holocaust. Columbia UP, ISSN: 2196-629X
2012. https://doi.org/10.17192/
meta.2018.11.7791

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The crisis of representation in/around the

Ruptures and Their Afterlife: Middle East challenges us to re-examine

the limits of clinical and anthropological
A Cultural Critique of Trauma inquiry and to revisit what we mean by
“mental health.” What is absent from most
debates is an engagement with the frag-
mented nature of experience as well as
the multiplicity of existing pedagogical
and cultural discourses across different
parts of the region (and within each). In
what follows I use an interdisciplinary
examination of particular psychological
and social experience of youth in post-
revolution and post-war Iran as a case
study to provide a cultural critique of the
Orkideh Behrouzan concept of “trauma,” its uncritical usage in
scholarship and lay discourses, and its
This paper provides a cultural critique of negotiated, not temporally, but based on contested usefulness in evaluating psy-
the concept of trauma by examining the the political and emotional stakes of how, chological wellbeing. The broader aim is
generational narratives of toromā in the and what, one remembers, thereby to revisit prevailing conceptual and meth-
Iranian context and the psychologization informing the identity politics of young odological assumptions in public health,
of memory in the aftermath of the 1980s. Iranians and generating new socialities psychiatry, anthropology, and psycho-
It examines memory-work as a cultural and cultural forms. The paper approaches analysis.
and political resource for witnessing and the psychological afterlife of social ano-
historicizing the otherwise muted dis- mie as both a clinical and a cultural/polit- The conceptual underpinning of this piece
course of the Iran-Iraq War and the ano- ical experience and raises questions stems from the theoretical context
mie of the 1980s Iran. The paper elabo- about the ethics of engagement with the explored in my 2016 monograph, Prozāk
rates on the concept of rupture, as an two constructed concepts of “mental Diaries, which investigates the psycho-
alternative to trauma, for its recognition health” and the “Middle East.” politics of wellbeing in Iran and problema-
of the complexity, multiplicity, and diffu- tizes the translation of complex histories
sion of historical conditions and their Keywords: mental health, war trauma, and lived experiences to the universal
afterlife. These narratives of rupture show rupture, Iran Iraq War, psychiatry, Middle notion of “trauma” without contextualizing
how generations are constructed and East, memory-work, generational memory it in its own much-contested historical tra-

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jectory in the West.1 Using anthropological with the two constructs of “mental health” The war and the Cultural Revolution trans-
and psychoanalytical frameworks, the and the “Middle East.” formed Iranian society by engendering
book analyzes the generational memories new forms of civilian life, the significant
of the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq War, the 1980-83 Iran’s experience provides a reflexive impact of which on children and adoles-
Cultural Revolution, and the political and opportunity, primarily because the pas- cents has been largely overlooked.
cultural double-binds of 1980s Iran. It illus- sage of three decades since the end of the
trates how self-identified generations such conflict has allowed for the long-term For children of the 1980s, much of collec-
as the “1980s generation” continue to complexities of anomie to come to the tive memory is shaped, depending on
remember, process, and work through cul- surface. Iranians’ experiences of the war their age, by their childhood experience
tural and political shifts that quietly itself and its cultural and psychological of double-binds and internalized anxiet-
inscribed ruptures in their experiences of legacies provide insight and raise timely ies in the face of not only war conditions,
the self and the world around them. In questions about the afterlife of ruptures but also contradictory obligations, moral
their generationally organized memories across the region in the coming years. policing, ideological imperatives (in
and subjectivity-work, I located emerging school, educational paradigms, the
languages, cultural forms, and genera- Remembering is Our Gift: The 1980s and media, and the public sphere), and sig-
tional aesthetics that were acutely its Memories nificantly, witnessing their parents’ hur-
informed by psychiatric and clinical dis- Thirty years since it ended, the Iran-Iraq ried transition into the new era; whether
courses. In their works of art, literature, war continues to shape Iranians’ sense of forced or fervently celebrated, in the
and/or other cultural productions, online the world around them. The longest trench child’s eye, the transformation of grown-
and offline, they refer to some of war of the 20th century, officially dubbed ups’ lifeworlds remained an impenetrable
their  experiences as toromā, a Persian “Sacred Defense,” resulted in over one experience (Behrouzan, Prozak Diaries).
term hardly translatable to the individual, million deaths on both sides. But to reduce As sweeping tides drew ideological and
singular, and universal concept of “trauma” the anomie of the 1980s to war experience culture wars throughout and after the
as understood in Western scholarship. The would be myopic. I have elsewhere shown 1980s, the ensuing double-binds were
experience of the double binds of ordi- how the Iran-Iraq War was situated in hardly lost on children.
nary life in 1980s Iran, for example, is not broader experiences of postrevolutionary
easily translatable to individual trauma. anomie and the 1980-83 Cultural Similarly, even though the physical aspect
Rather, it can be captured in the concept Revolution that transformed public life by of the war was contained to border prov-
of rupture,2 which recognizes the com- ideological propaganda, the institutional- inces, its experience was extended into
plexity, multiplicity, and diffusion of his- ization of new gendered and gendering the nation’s ordinary life via an omnipres-
torical conditions and their afterlife. I will moral order and Islamic codes of dress ent media campaign, school teachings,
elaborate on the concept and share some and conduct, and consequential shifts in higher education policies, and a visible
thoughts on the ethics of engagement cultural policy (Behrouzan Prozak Diaries). presence of imageries in urban spaces as

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well as institutions, not to mention waves Significantly, we have failed to incorporate memories against the construct of trauma
of internal displacement. During the so- such postwar sociopolitical and cultural in order to underscore the limitations of
called “War of Cities,” too, civilians in transformations in our debates on mental the concept.
twenty-seven Iranian cities experienced health. These invisible wounds escape the
intense episodes of missile raids, particu- quantitative and diagnostic measure- Several generational identities have
larly between 1984 and 1987 (Khaji et al.). ments of the  Diagnostic and Statistical emerged in Iran with exclusive references
Even for children who were physically dis- Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM).4 In our to the 1980s, creating an emotionally
tant from bombing sites, missile attacks, evaluation of war casualties, for example, charged identity politics manifest in young
the brutal use of mustard gas and nerve we often rely on statistics of certain psychi- Iranians’ use of labels and memorabilia.
agents on the city of Sardasht, and the atric diagnoses (Behrouzan, “Medica­ Persistent self-identification with, and con-
reverberations of war propaganda in the lization as a Way of Life“).5 But these statis- testation over, labels such as “the 1980s
media and in educational agendas con- tics need to be interpreted critically with generation,” “Children of the 1980s,” or the
tinue to occupy a central place in their col- attention to what they cannot reveal: the “burnt generation,” raises questions about
lective adult minds.3 Meanwhile, wartime cultural meanings that shape individuals’ the fluid demarcations of these identities.
creation of compensatory structures and experiences of diagnostic categories and The label daheh-ye shasti-hā, or “the 1980s
identity categories such as jānbāz (dis- of the standards based on which they are generation,” for instance, is claimed by
abled veteran) had consequences in the constructed. youth of various ages: rivalries exist as to
postwar era: while providing recognition whether the label identifies those who
and care for some veterans and their kin, In the psychological afterlife of social rup- were born in the late 70s and early 80s and
these labels continue to receive conflict- tures, alternative histories of loss are writ- thus somewhat remember wartime, those
ing interpretations. Many veterans ten. These alternative histories and emo- who were born in the late 80s with no
returned to society only to experience tional states create cultural forms that immediate experience of the war but
resentment, neglect, or grief for bygone outlive wars and social crises. One such identifying with its legacies, or those who
revolutionary ideals; others might be cultural form is the creation of genera- were older children in the 80s with vivid
denied eligibility for compensation (espe- tional identities that outlast the crisis and memories of its tensions. It is precisely this
cially as years pass) or are reluctant to continually inform a society’s sense of ambiguity that calls for attention to the
claim stigmatized compensatory benefits. wellbeing. I focus on the complexities of affective nature of this identity politics and
Some found themselves ideologically dis- these generational forms and on specific its relation to a very specific period of ano-
tanced from their children and a society internalized memories of childhood that mie. Today’s prominence of these genera-
that has fast moved on from wartime val- have a persistent presence in young tional identifications in Iranian public dis-
ues of austerity, stoicism, and egalitarian- Iranians’ lives, in nightmares, in cultural/ course urges us to investigate the
ism toward neoliberalization (Behrouzan, artistic expressions, and/or in symptoms psychological and political significations
Prozak Diaries). of pathology. I examine these childhood of the 1980s.

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The 1980s generation has created a par- children’s minds. So did memories of loss These returns and flashbacks create anxi-
ticular generational aesthetic around and mourning, when collective solidarity ety, helplessness, and at times PTSD-like
1980s cultural symbols and material mem- and grief for the nation’s martyrs often symptoms. While enacting psychoanalyti-
ories (Behrouzan Prozak Diaries). The evoked a deep sense of melancholy and cal notions of repression, displacement,
return of these conflicted pasts can be perplexity among children. Sometimes dissociation, and belated retellings, they
traced in cultural expressions as well as in these flashbacks come and go unexpect- also convey a historically grounded intu-
toromāik nightmares, both of which serve edly, as one self-identified dahey-e shasti ition that shapes people’s sensory percep-
to show how “trauma” as a framework fails put it: “If I think hard, I can remember tions and emotional states. Several gen-
to capture the nuances of such deeply some of these scenes or sounds in real erationally recognized references to the
wounded contexts and subjective experi- life, or from television, or from school. The 1980s return and reflect the embodied
ences. Recurring dreams are common, “of war was always around us. Our generation cultural sensibilities of each generation.
crashes, airplanes crashing into our is who it is today because of growing up Such cultural embodiments are not always
house,” and of episodes of fleeing or during the war.”6 conscious, but can reveal the historical
being stuck. As are hearing screams, grounds of distress (Behrouzan Prozak
sirens, or explosions, “most commonly, The quick transition from “I” to “we” is a Diaries). Not unlike their cultural produc-
loud cries of a big crowd; chaos, chaos” or common feature in these narratives. Such tions, this generation’s flashbacks and
“waking with a racing heart, sweating, and pluralization helps to ground one’s experi- dreams are filled with cultural references:
a feeling of panic.” In these flashbacks the ence in a shared history and thus give it e.g., war anthems and wartime sirens that
war is only one of the several identifiers of meaning. Generalizations about nasl-e mā still awaken visceral reactions and autono-
anxiety. Many, across ideological divides, (our generation) signify an unspoken mous reflexes in the body. They are indeed
recall anxieties in the face of the morality know-what about a shared experiential situated in waking life, and traces of them
police, e.g., “being arrested for a loose identity. However, they are far from mono- are widely found in rapidly circulating
headscarf,” or “losing my father in the lithic and are ideologically and socioeco- blog and social media posts, YouTube vid-
battlefield,” or “memories of mourning nomically diverse, at times even opposing, eos, and other creative and cultural
ceremonies in school,” or even the more and yet what unites them is their rooted- expressions.7
seemingly trivial double-bind of following ness in the psychological significations of
pious teachings in school while knowing, a particular temporality. It is precisely the Significantly, generational recollections
for instance, that one’s parents’ posses- shared nature of this toromā that should mobilize various strategies such as humor
sion of alcohol or music cassettes at home make us resist the temptation to patholo- and irony as common narrative strategies
could have dire consequences. Even gize and reduce these experiences to that not only create new generational ver-
though revolutionary tides subsided in medicalized artefacts. naculars, but also underscore the cultur-
the following years and their grip on social ally generative capacity of so-called
liberties loosened, they left their mark on toromātik memories. This is significant.

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The abundance of jokes found on Iranians’ remains (Behrouzan Prozak Diaries), each cally and politically charged. Remem­
1980s-themed blogs and social media provoking a host of feelings, from nostal- bering, in other words, is intertwined with
groups reminds us of the dangers of myo- gia, anxiety, and fear, to a compelling the politics of voice and legitimation. But
pic pathologization and the importance of sense of the uncanny: one would not want this remembering is not merely retrospec-
understanding psychological and linguis- to go back to the reality of the 1980s, but tive. Even though this generational iden-
tic processes that individuals mobilize in one cannot resist the pull of nostalgia tity politics draws on the 1980s, its genera-
acts of remembering and meaning-mak- either. tional ethos remains forward-looking and
ing, especially when the remembered becomes part of the ongoing construction
past is rendered absurd. Narrative strate- It is tempting to interpret this persisting of distinct generational aspirations, hopes,
gies like humor are significant for their memory-work as mere self-indulgent nos- and desires. And in this identity politics, it
psychological functionality, as is the psy- talgia; sometimes even such indulgence is the mundane, the ordinary, and the
choanalytical notion of dissociation, for can itself be ethnographically and psycho- seemingly trivial material relics that speak
example when remembering intense logically significant. However, through volumes.
experiences “as if we were not there.” objects and imageries, these mini-gener-
The (cultural) details of experience, too, ations are also writing alternative histories Most compellingly, during the 2009 upris-
are important in these recollections. of a decade of anomie that they perceive ings in the aftermath of the presidential
Cultural symbols from the 1980s are as unaccounted for in official discourse. elections and the emergence of the Green
increasingly circulated in cultural produc- This urge for keeping alive one’s own, mar- Movement, many members of the “1980s
tions and the media inside and outside of ginalized, version of history is at the heart generation,” now wearing green wrist-
Iran, each demarcating carefully orga- of these recollections. Creating new forms bands and joining street protests, changed
nized generational aesthetics. They of kinship, this communal memory-work is their Facebook profile pictures to the
include material reminders of wartime a call for recognition and accountability. image of the infamous Darugar shampoo
austerity and sanctions or the moral polic- These aspiring “diagnosticians and histo- bottle, a reminder of who they were (chil-
ing of the 1980s (e.g., ration coupons, rians”8 performatively engage in memory- dren of austere war times, sanctions, and
changing school uniforms, or the domes- work, online and offline, contributing to culture wars) and a token of deep solidar-
tic shampoo brand Darugar, the latter broader psycho-political processes of rec- ity with a new generation of “martyrs”
holding a special place in sensory mem- ognition for different generational experi- whose lives were taken during the crack-
ory for its deep yellow color and distinc- ences (Behrouzan Prozak Diaries). The down of the 2009 protests. Even the term
tive smell) as well as sounds (e.g., the siren politics of this collective, at times contra- “martyr,” which until then belonged to the
reminding of missile raids, or religious dictory, historicization should not be over- official and state-sanctioned vocabulary of
chants routinely recited in schools). I have looked: it extends cultural negotiations the Iran-Iraq War and thus belonged to a
elsewhere provided a sensory reading of and contestations over unspoken mem- particular generational and political sensi-
these evocative objects and material ory-wounds that are by default ideologi- bility, was now vehemently recycled by

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young Iranians across revolutionary and and how the language of pathology (i.e., To move beyond trauma as a singular, uni-
secular ideological divides, gaining new toromā) becomes a cultural and political versal, and individual entity requires a
meanings in reworked wartime anthems resource. It also becomes a channel conceptual framework that captures the
and revolutionary songs, online and on through which to interpret and articulate multiplicity and fragmentation of subjec-
the streets. The much-circulated last emotions and memories that were per- tive experiences as well as the infusion of
Facebook status of one of the young mar- plexing in the child’s mind and/or silenced psychological ruptures into ordinary life.
tyrs of the 2009 protests summed it up: by institutional dogma. Locating pathol- Iranians’ renditions of toromā show that
“To those who are not survived by their ogy in the individual brain (in clinical con- this inscription of historical loss into daily
wills but by their Facebook pages.” The cepts like toromā) and thus seemingly de- life (Das Life and Words; The Act of
“will” is a reference to the battlefield letters politicizing historical experience, these Witnessing) and the embodiment of its
of the Iran-Iraq War’s soldiers, heartfelt renditions of toromā nonetheless create a cultural symbols cannot be captured by
confessions of faith and last wishes new generational politics that is commit- the universalizing framework that over-
addressed to their loved ones. Now, the ted to justice, while simultaneously looks the creation of new cultural dis-
Facebook generation that had long faced endeavoring to work through, and make courses ( Kleinman; Kitanaka; Scheper-
the accusation of distancing itself from sense of, the past. Hughes; Fischer). Indeed, macro-events
revolutionary ideologies was re-instru- such as the war are invoked in people’s
mentalizing the semantics of the decade The Afterlife of Ruptures interpretations of their psychological
that gave birth to them. It was the 1980s The paradigm of trauma falls short in cap- states. But the long-term infusion of
that united them and gave them a sense turing generational experiences and broader losses (of lives, of childhood, of
of what they did (not) want. memories of the 1980s, partly because it ideals, of moral integrity) into daily life
individualizes loss and detaches it from its escapes a diagnostic category like PTSD;
The Persianized term toromā cannot be sociocultural meaning, and partly because nor can it be boxed in historical meta-nar-
assumed to be a direct translation for it universalizes trauma and takes it for ratives. Regardless, such diagnostic cate-
trauma, even though it is informed by the granted, and thus privileges only certain gories continue to guide how profession-
public psychiatric discourses of the 1990s.9 forms of therapeutic intervention. A purely als and institutions assess psychological
The toromā that the 1980s generation clinical outlook defines (individual) nor- wellbeing, even though the diagnosis of
refers to is constructed in the intimate mative stages, demarcates “normal” and PTSD is itself contested for being situated
space shared by the “I” and the “we.” It is “pathological” reactions to an event, and in a specific cultural and ideological his-
hardly locatable in a single traumatic aims to get rid of excessive disturbing tory.11
event. It is culturally significant for guiding memory. This outlook is hardly sufficient
how generations construct themselves, when individuals insist on remembering Several scholars have critiqued the global-
how history is psychologically imprinted and historicizing their collective (or gen- izing forces of psychiatry that, often in the
and reconstructed in the collective mind, erational) memories of ruptures.10 context of war humanitarianism, universal-

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ize or individualize trauma and privilege standing the historical and emotional tra- the compulsive revival and mobilization of
certain forms of knowledge.12 However, jectories of their affective structures in the 1980s cultural relics facilitates active
these critiques are themselves situated in relation to Shi‘ism and mysticism (Good et historicization and witnessing to a decade
their own cultural contexts. Firstly, they risk al.; Fischer, Iran; Fischer and Abedi; of toromā that “took away” a generation’s
overlooking both the enormity of psycho- Beeman), as well as more recent histories childhood and to losses for which mourn-
logical pain and the agency with which of post-revolutionary anomie and double- ing was largely forbidden. Chief among
people may internalize and mobilize diag- bind (Behrouzan Prozak Diaries). Finally, those losses was the massacre of thou-
nostic categories in order to inhabit their when problematizing the dominance of sands of political prisoners, an unspoken
experiences of loss. Secondly, they often “trauma” in mental health discourses, tragedy that took over two decades to
assume a top-down biomedical apparatus scholarship has hardly provided alterna- enter public discourse and that contrib-
imposing itself on people’s interpreta- tive frameworks that can speak to both uted to yet further generational forma-
tions. Iranian public discourses of mental clinical realities and cultural particularities. tions among the survivors, many of whom
health, however, were not merely the out- This is where anthropological and psycho- were parents to the 1980s children. These
come of hegemonic biomedical interven- analytical listening can complement each contexts are utterly significant. In her Act
tions upon passive recipients, but grew other in examining Iranians’ generational of Witnessing, Veena Das argues that
out of a long history of Iranian psychiatry narratives of past toromā, as these narra- while individual lives are defined by their
and historical conditions and institutional tives demand close attention not only to contexts, “they are also generative of new
(medical, psychiatric, and governmental) content, but also to modes of sharing and contexts” (Das: 210). These acts of remem-
discourses that were performatively and interpretation as well as the intense emo- bering created dynamic cultural contexts,
actively mobilized by people toward spe- tional reactions they evoke. Understanding online and offline, in blogs and works of
cific political and clinical ends (Behrouzan their cultural symbolism is as important as art, in dreams and waking life, where
Prozak Diaries). There is little room in pre- understanding psychological [coping] recursive processes of remembering or
vailing critiques of trauma for such perfor- mechanisms (Behrouzan, Prozak Diaries). forgetting continue to produce new con-
mative mobilization of clinical discourses Key here is the necessity of a marriage texts, language forms, and generational
by ordinary people. between the psychological and the politi- sensibilities.14 This contextualized mem-
cal; i.e., the recognition of the very real ory-work reveals the situatedness of both
These critiques also risk overlooking the psychological burden of experiences that trauma and toromā in their particular cul-
complex ways people pragmatically com- are nonetheless socio-politically config- tural and historical trajectories.
bine various cultural resources and episte- ured.
mologies that are far from mutually exclu- Trauma theories (primarily North
sive. A cultural investigation into the Psychoanalysis maintains that unrecog- American) often assume trauma is an
symbolism that underlies Iranians’ inter- nized losses could be followed by hyper- essential, singular, or total event. The influ-
pretations shows the importance of under- remembering.13 Among young Iranians, ential work of Cathy Caruth (Caruth

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Unclaimed Experience), for example, fol- In my work on listening to the compulsive and room for cultural analysis.17 The
lows Freud in arguing that psychic trauma repetitions of generational memories and Laplanchian and object relations psycho-
is not locatable in one’s past, but rather “in the re-traumatizing effect of remembering analytic theories, for example, shift the
the way that its very unassimilated nature… (particularly in dreams), psychoanalytical focus away from the traumatic event and
returns to haunt the survivor.”15 She main- frameworks have been extremely helpful. towards processes of remembering and
tains that trauma manifests in belated But a solely psychoanalytical focus would meaning-making (Laplanche and Pontalis).
rearticulations of the traumatic event in have failed in capturing two significant While for Caruth (or Freud) it is the trau-
one’s language and actions, in order to features. The first is the culturally genera- matic event that returns and traumatizes
work through the incomprehensibility of tive capacity of such retellings—i.e., the and is eventually meant to be re-assimi-
what was not fully grasped at the time of generational, historical, political, and cul- lated and recovered in the analytical pro-
its occurrence. This delayed narrative, in tural meanings that individuals assign to cess, for Laplanchian and British theories,
turn, becomes traumatic; turning into “…a their narratives and the cultural and politi- it is the belated processes of association
wound that cries out, that addresses us in cal forms they create out of them. This that render memory traumatic. This
the attempt to tell us of a reality or truth argument is not a matter of normative approach allows us to situate the experi-
that is not otherwise available” (Caruth judgement, nor is it undermining the psy- ence in the social context in which remem-
Unclaimed Experience: 4). The theory also chological burden of experience; rather, it bering is enabled, forced, or forbidden.
argues that there is an urge, an “inherent is about recognizing the complexity of a (What happens, for example, when grief
necessity,” for belated repetitions of expe- metaphorical grey zone and inhabiting endures over time for one whose child
rience that can in turn be further traumatiz- the black and the white at once. Secondly, was executed in prison but whose death
ing. The reconstruction of traumatic mem- beyond unconscious repressive mecha- cannot be publicly acknowledged or
ory will thus require a delayed dialogue, nisms, Iranians’ memory-work was also mourned three decades later?). This
with the therapeutic aim of liberating the subject to other forms of inarticulation and approach is thus complementary to
victim from the silence imposed (on lan- silencing in the 1980s and belated articula- anthropological insight into the context of
guage) by the unspeakability of the expe- tion since the 1990s (particularly in the vir- traumatic experience and memory-work
rience. There is shared ground here with tual space). For them, the psychoanalytical (Das The Act of Witnessing; Life and
anthropology’s awareness of the impos- belatedness of articulation was inter- Words).
sibility of history as a grand narrative.16 twined with the silencing of censorship,
However, anthropology remains acutely culture wars, and intra- and intergenera- Moreover, this approach underscores lin-
sensitive to the cross-cultural interpreta- tional politics of legitimation or suspicion guistic and cultural symbolics and there-
tions of this therapeutic encounter and (Behrouzan Prozak Diaries). fore the incommensurability of experi-
inherent power relations between the so- ences across different factions of a
called victim’s voice and the listener. Other psychoanalytical theories of trauma generation. It thus helps to de-universalize
offer commonalities with anthropology trauma, providing another point of com-

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plementarity with anthropological schol- infusing itself into the present and the socialities, communities, language forms,
arship that explores the cultural contexts future. Persian vocabularies such as and cultural aesthetics. What differenti-
of mental illness (Kleinman Culture and toromā, khoreh-ye ruhi (psychological ates them from a purely pathologized
Depression; Kleinman Illness Narratives; canker-like wound), āsib-e ruhi (loosely, understanding of trauma is also the fact
Good). Finally, by focusing on the inter- “psychological damage”), zarbeh-ye ruhi that, while they undoubtedly disrupt life
pretations and meanings forwarded by (blow to the soul), and feshār-e ruhi (dis- and create psychological pain, they also
narrators themselves, it allows their voices tress and pressure on the soul/psyche) paradoxically carry the possibility of
to emerge (in all their complexity and con- emerge within their own psychological working through themselves due to the
tradictions) within their own cultural gram- grammar (Behrouzan Prozak Diaries). The cultural and political forms they can har-
mar and local contexts. This shift of focus concept of rupture conveys the diffused ness. This is additionally significant in
to performativity provides a useful conver- nature of these psychological experiences terms of their representational ethics: “we
sation with anthropology. And it is in this that are rooted in disturbing historical are not victims,” young Iranians ada-
conceptual conversation that I situate the conditions and their aftermath. Ruptures mantly remind us.
concept of rupture (as opposed to trauma) manifest through cultural references,
for understanding toromā. Conceptually, emotional themes, and, significantly, new These generational re-articulations help to
trauma is deemed universal, individual, language forms with which disturbing anchor oneself in time and distinguish
and singular. Rupture captures the particu- experiences are performatively internal- oneself from those who do not share their
lar, shared, and fluid nature of memory- ized and interpreted. Understanding experience, thus mapping broader social
wounds; it takes our focus away from the ruptures therefore necessitates under­ and political discourses that shape one’s
external “event” and toward the conse- standing the cultural, linguistic, and subjectivity. As if an attempt to make tem-
quent processes of sharing, remember- psy­cho­logical significations of the histori- porality intelligible as non-linear, incohe-
ing, and working through memory- cal legacy they belong to. sive, and eruptive, they make a historical
wounds that are otherwise muted by claim toward a decade that marks for them
either institutional memory or clinical clas- Trauma is assumed to be experienced by the beginning and the end of times.
sifications. the individual; ruptures, however, are Anchoring themselves in time is not a mat-
intersubjectively interpreted, negotiated, ter of chronology or eventfulness (or
The historically informed modes in which legitimated, and reconstructed, ultimately trauma for that matter); rather, it is about
Iranian youth reconstruct experiences of informing generational demarcations. the pull of the evocations, the inner tur-
toromā underscore political and cultural Ruptures continually seep into the social moil, projections, transferences, and dis-
hermeneutics. Toromā is hardly about a mind. Being shared is their condition of placements that a particular moment in
single traumatic event; it is scattered possibility. While trauma is assumed to be their shared past evokes in them and cre-
across historical occurrences and relays psychological and pathological, ruptures ates a community of avid rememberers.
how history is psychologically lived by can be culturally generative, creating new

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No word captures the viscerality of rup- compelled to make sense of history and Moving Beyond Trauma and Towards New
tures better than the Persian word khoreh to work through the pains of the past while Representational Ethics
(canker), the usage of which is situated in moving toward the possibilities of the That the “Middle East” is increasingly mis-
a particular literary and historical context. future. represented and often reduced to studies
The idea that ruptured pasts invade the of conflict or trauma has political and clin-
present like a “corrosive wound” or canker Iranians’ diverse articulations of memory- ical ramifications. Institutional narratives of
is often brought up by Iranians with refer- wounds illustrate that toromā  turns the both politics and public health often grav-
ence to the oft-quoted words of Sadegh seemingly de-politicizing and de-socializ- itate towards binaries of heroism and vic-
Hedayat in his seminal novella Blind Owl ing notion of psychological trauma on its timhood, of “trauma” and “resilience.”
(Hedayat: 1). “There are certain wounds in head by rendering memories cultural and Lived experiences, however, surpass time
life that, like a canker (khoreh), continue to political resources. Compulsive and col- and space and reside somewhere in
gnaw at the soul and eat it away in soli- lective remembering, online and offline, between. The place to locate them is the
tude.” The word khoreh is also an old serves as a historicizing call for justice and messy grounds of ordinary life, in unend-
name for leprosy and is sometimes used accountability, while also re-socializing ing negotiations and choices that emerge
to describe the invasive nature of cancer. and re-politicizing the otherwise silenced out of the mundane. These experiences
Khoreh is not a scar, but a zakhm (open critical discourse of the Iran-Iraq War and are continually interpreted and re-inter-
wound); not a lifeless remnant of catastro- the anomie of the 1989s (Behrouzan preted, escaping total representation.
phe, but a consuming and venomous Prozak Diaries). Narratives of rupture also What ethics of engagement does this rep-
lesion, evoking Veena Das’s concept of show how generations are constructed resentational impasse engender?
“poisonous knowledge,” i.e., embodied and negotiated, not temporally, but based
knowledge of the past that cannot be on the political and emotional stakes of In 2014, I started the initiative “Beyond
unknown and that descends into one’s how, and what, one remembers. They Trauma”, a collaborative project for a cul-
present (Das The Act of Witnessing). For inform the identity politics of young tural critique of current mental health dis-
young Iranians, the poisonous knowledge Iranians and generate new socialities and courses in the region. It aims to address
of the 1980s ruptures are incommensura- cultural forms. The psychological afterlife problematic assumptions in scholarship,
ble across generations; they are diffused, of social anomie is thus both a clinical and research, policy, and practice, and to seek
fragmented, unpolished, and incomplete, a cultural/political experience; investigat- situated approaches to wellbeing
at times perceived as unacknowledged, ing it is therefore situated in a crisis of rep- (Behrouzan “Beyond Trauma”). It focuses
unrecognized, and unaccounted for. The resentation. on the representational assumptions of
growing circulation of their recollections terms such as “Middle East” and “mental
is driven in part by the inherent psycho- health,” the psychologization and de-polit-
logical necessity of retelling, and in part by icization of conditions that are rooted in
a dynamic generational voice that feels political disorder, the scarcity of interdisci-

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Orkideh Behrouzan plinary work due to rigid conceptual and Scholarship and practice of mental health laborative, and comparative work across
methodological boundaries, and the primarily focus on the individual and the different parts of the region, and a serious
is a physician, medical anthropologist, dominance of specific clinical frameworks inner pain; social sciences and humanities engagement between arts and humani-
and the author of Prozak Diaries: in public health debates. It underscores, underscore the outer, the sociopolitical, ties, social sciences, and psychiatry and
Psychiatry and Generational Memory through collaboration among scholars, the collective. In a nuanced investigation psychological sciences (Behrouzan
in Iran (2016, Stanford University policymakers, and practitioners, the of psychological wellbeing, neither focus “Beyond Trauma”).
Press). She teaches at SOAS University diverse ways in which psychological well- should come at the expense of the other.
of London and leads the collaborative, being is conceptualized across the region Combining clinical and cultural sensibili- A culturally situated critique of the con-
multi-cited project Beyond “Trauma”: and encourages bottom-up qualitative ties can enhance both inquires. This struct of mental health necessitates an
Emergent Agendas for Understanding research in historical, cultural, and clinical requires understanding the variety of interdisciplinary exploration of cultural
Mental Health in the Middle East. domains.18 available cultural and/or clinical resources, forms, historical trajectories, psychoana-
The initiative underscores the in each cultural context, for creating a lytical insights, localized psychiatric and
compelling role of diverse cultural Commonly, “mental health” in the region meaningful life. psychological knowledge, local pedago-
practices, historical conditions, moral is evaluated in terms of individual diagno- gies, and globalized knowledge-forms
contexts, and medical pedagogies in ses such as PTSD. Such an isolated clinical Of course, the psychiatric medicalization including neuroscience and epigenetics.
shaping psychological wellbeing and outlook reduces psychological wellbeing of social anomie has already been the It also requires a commitment to justice,
the afterlife of social ruptures. to the absence of mental illness, obscur- subject of critical analyses in various disci- recognition of moral complexities, and
email: [email protected] ing the sociopolitical reality of ruptures, plines, including medical anthropology.19 innovation (in both research and practice)
and reifying social memory into a clinical But such critique has yet to grow in rela- in the face of uncertainty and precarity.
symptom that ought to be cured and tion to Middle East Studies. “Beyond The first step is to listen intimately and with
cleansed. It pathologizes memory at the Trauma” aims to place Middle East Studies ears stripped of disciplinary assumptions.
expense of other various aspects of expe- in a conceptual and methodological con- I hope the conceptual implications of my
rience that not only generate new forms of versation with critical studies of science, work on narratives of toromā will prove
life and cultural prospects, but that can health, and medicine in order to explore useful beyond Iran, and that they will be
also lead to new therapeutic potentials. historical, cultural and clinical conceptual- complemented –or challenged-- by contri-
The point here is not to undermine the izations of psychological wellbeing. Part of butions from other parts of the region.
burden of the pathological, but to better this endeavor is to critically examine theo-
understand it by situating it in its broader ries of trauma that are uncritically adapted
political context and to challenge a black- in Middle Eastern contexts, to revisit disci-
and-white representation of pathology plinary assumptions, and to interrogate
itself. the ethical and political stakes of mental
health care research, practice, and policy
in the region. This requires multi-sited, col-

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Notes 5 Existing estimations and 9See Behrouzan’s Prozak 13 See Summerfield for his 18 In Chapter 5 of Prozak

mortality reports for the Diaries, Chapter 4 critique of international Dairies I have discussed
1 The following sections of Iran-Iraq War, for instance, organizations offering the trajectory of prevailing
this paper are specifically are constantly contested 10 See chapter 4 of programs for “posttraumatic American trauma theories
informed by the findings of and vary across sources. Behrouzan’s Prozak Diaries stress” in war zones. Fassin based on the clinical
the larger project discussed Murray and Woods; Chubin on top-down mental health and Rechtman too provide a experiences of the survivors
in Prozak Diaries (Behrouzan), and Tripp; Khoury provide awareness campaigns of Foucauldian analysis of how of traumatic memories, the
particularly chapters 4, 5, insightful historical overviews. the 1980s as well as the trauma victims, certain modes establishment of PTSD in the
and 6, support for which is Iran’s Martyrs Organization bottom-up and performative of truth production, and DSM, as well as connections
acknowledged in the book. reports the existence of emergence of psychiatric constructions of individual with the neuroscience of
over 550,000 jānbāz (war- subjectivities among youth trauma emerged (Fassin and memory (Radstone; Van
2See Behrouzan’s Prozak disabled veterans) and over since the 1990s. Rechtman). der Kolk; Kolk et al.). In
Diaries, chapter 5. 42,000 former prisoners this school of thought, the
of war in Iran, 120,000 of This section is informed
11 14For more on hyper- ungrasped traumatic event
3See Behrouzan’s whom being chemically by a detailed discussion remembering, see Clewell. ought to be re-integrated
Medicalization as a Way injured veterans, 43,000 of trauma theories in into the consciousness by
of Life for an analysis of documented jānbāz-e a’sāb Behrouzan, Prozak Diaries, 15 For a detailed discussion of way of the analytical process.
relational PTSD, and Prozak va ravān (psychologically Chapter 5. scholarship on memory, see French (Laplanchian theories
Diaries, Chapters 4, 5, and inflicted veterans), and the conclusion of Chapter 5 based on formulations of
6 for a detailed analysis of 7,200 veterans with serious 12 See Young’s historical in Behrouzan’s Prozak Dairies. Laplanche and Pontalis)
how life was transformed psychiatric disorders, and analysis of the political and British (object relations)
during the 1980s from the a growing number of economy and ideological 16Caruth’s work relies schools of psychoanalysis
perspective of children and immediate kin experiencing contexts within which on re-readings of Freud, have challenged this
adolescents. the psychological symptoms PTSD was constructed in whose earlier work defines approach by underscoring
of depression and anxiety. the aftermath of World the traumatic event as the unconscious processes
4 Elsewhere, I have discussed For more, see Behrouzan, War II and the Vietnam external, while his later of producing associations
normative debates on Prozak Diaries, chapter 6. War (Young). Also see work focused on a theory with traumatic memory
postwar mental health Fassin and Rechtman for of trauma as the origin of (Radstone). They call for
that focus on clinical 6For more on toromatik a historical trajectory of consciousness. Lacanians, attention to culturally shaped
measurements of veterans’ dreams, see Behrouzan and ‘trauma’ discourses and their on the other hand, approach spaces of mediation between
and civilians’ individual Fischer; Behrouzan, Prozak limitations. On the paradigm recollection in terms of the the narrator and the witness/
trauma, and have argued Diaries. of PTSD in psychiatry, see impossibility of responding therapist.
that the psychological Rechtman. to the destruction caused
ramifications of social and 8 For a detailed analysis by the traumatic experience 19See the 2015 Special Issue
political ruptures include, of these reconstructions (Laplanche and Pontalis). Also in Medicine Anthropology
but cannot be reduced to, of memory in the see endnote 15. Theory (MAT), published
clinical symptoms (Behrouzan Iranian blogosphere after the first Beyond Trauma
“Medicalization as a Way of or Weblogestan, see 17See Crapanzano; Fischer, Workshop: http://www.
Life”; Prozak Diaries). Behrouzan’s Prozak Diaries, “Ethnicity and the Post- medanthrotheory.org/issue/
Chapter 5. Modern Arts of Memory” vol-2-3/.

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––› 20 See Footnotes 13 and 14. Works Cited Caruth, Cathy. Trauma: Fassin, Didier, and Richard Good, Byron J. “The Heart
Explorations in Memory. Rechtman. The Empire of of What’s the Matter The
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Anthropology.” Culture Trauma, Narrative, and pp. 25–58
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216–243. 1996. “Ethnicity and the Post- Hedayat, Sadegh. The Blind
Modern Arts of Memory.” Owl. Sepehr, 1971.
Behrouzan, Orkideh. Chubin, Shahram, and Writing Culture: The Poetics
“Medicalization as a Way of Charles Tripp. Iran and Iraq at and Politics of Ethnography, Khaji, Ali, et al. “Civilian
Life The Iran-Iraq War and War. I.B. Tauris, 1988. edited by James Clifford Casualties of Iranian Cities
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Anthropology, Theory, vol. Crapanzano, Vincent.1980. Return(s) to Subjectivities.” Martyrdom, and
3, 2015. Tuhami: Portrait of a Subjectivity: Ethnographic Remembrance. Cambridge
Moroccan. U of Chicago P. Investigations, edited by Joao UP, 2013.
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Iran, 2016. Das, Veena. Life and Words: in Japan: Psychiatric Cures
Violence and the Descent Fischer, Michael and Mehdi for a Society in Distress.
Behrouzan, Orkideh, and into the Ordinary. U of Abedi. Debating Muslims: Princeton UP, 2012.
Michael MJ Fischer. “Behaves California P, 2007. Cultural Dialogues in
Like a Rooster and Cries Postmodernity and Tradition. Kleinman, Arthur. Culture and
Like a (Four-Eyed) Canine: ---. “The Act of Witnessing: U of Wisconsin P, 1990. Depression: Studies in the
The Politics and Poetics of Violence, Poisonous Anthropology and Cross-
Depression and Psychiatry Knowledge, and Subjectivity.” Good, Byron J., et al. “The Cultural Psychiatry of Affect
in Iran.” Genocide and Mass Violence and Subjectivity, Interpretation of Iranian and Disorder. U of California
Violence Memory, Symptom, edited by Veena Das et al., U Depressive Illness and P, 1986.
and Recovery, Health and of California P, 2000. Dysphoric Affect.” Culture
Clinical Psychology, edited by and Depression: Studies ---. Illness Narratives:
Devon Hinton and Alexander in the Anthropology and Suffering, Healing and the
Hinton, Cambridge UP, 2014, Cross-Cultural Psychiatry of Human Condition. Reprint
pp. 105–36. Affect and Disorder, 1985, edition, Basic Books, 1989.
pp. 369–428.
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Suffering, Healing, and the Death Without Weeping: The
Human Condition. Basic Violence of Everyday Life in
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Kolk, Bessel A. van der, et Summerfield, Derek.

al., editors. Traumatic Stress: “A Critique of Seven
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and Society. The Guilford Programmes in War-Affected
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Laplanche, Jean, and 1999, pp. 1449-62.
Jean-Bertrand Pontalis. The
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Karnac Books, 1988. Body Keeps The Score:
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c lo s e u p

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Introduction

Basma Abdelaziz – A Portrait I saw Basma Abdelaziz for the first time on
March 15th, 2018. She was discussing her
book Huna badan (Abdelaziz). Since that
day, over a period of four months, I have
read five of her books. I have also started
following her Facebook page and reading
her weekly newspaper column. Each one
of her works added to my knowledge
about a certain subject, made me think
about an issue from a different point of
view, or made me feel the pain of a certain
group of people. I hope that by drawing
this portrait of her, I may introduce her to
new readers who may benefit from her
writings as I did. Aside from this personal
reason that may seem quite subjective,
many objective reasons make me want to
present her work in this portrait.

First, there are very few studies in the

Arabic language about torture and the
trauma suffered by its victims, and the
same applies to studies about Arab vic-
tims. Second, this research (Abdelaziz
Dhākirat al-qahr) is done by a person who
had firsthand experience with torture vic-
tims when working with the Nadeem
Centre in Egypt in providing help to these
Sam Nader (pseudonym) victims. Third, the educational background
of Abdelaziz made her better qualified to
Keywords: Basma Abdelaziz, Torture, PTSD understand the trauma from a medical
Trauma fiction, Human rights’ activist, point of view and to describe it in accurate

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terms. Finally but importantly, her literary 1976 Born in Cairo

2000 Earned BA in Medicineand Surgery
skills made her present the topic in a lan-
2002 Joined the General Secretariat of Mental Health
guage that is readable by a wide audi- 2002 Joined the Nadeem Center for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Violence and Torture
ence. Why are these reasons important? 2005 Earned MS in Neuropsychiatry
Because they result in exposing the sub- 2007 The book Mā warā’ al-taʿdhīb (Beyond Torture) was published
2008 The book ʿAshān rabbunā yusahhil (May God Make it Easy) was published
ject of torture to Arab society. This society
2008 The book Al-walad alladhī ikhtafā (The Boy Who Disappeared) was published
is to a great extent ignorant about the 2008 Winner of the Sawiris Cultural Award
topic; it does not have clear answers for 2008 Winner of the General Organisation for Cultural Palaces Award
the following questions. 2009 Winner of the Ahmed Bahaa-Eddin Award
2010 Earned Diploma in Sociology
Which acts are considered torture? 2010 Started writing a weekly column in Al-Shorouk newspaper
Who does it and why? 2011 The book Ighrā’ al-sulṭa al-muṭlaqa (Temptation of Absolute Power) was published
How did the international society fight it 2013 The novel Al-Ṭābūr (The Queue) was published
2014 The book Dhākirat al-qahr (Memory of Subjugation) was published
so far?
2016 The book Saṭwat al-naṣṣ (The Power of Text) was published
These and many other questions are 2016 Melville House published an English translation of The Queue
answered by her studies. And probably 2016 Named one of Foreign Policy’s Leading Global Thinkers
what is more important is that her writings 2018 Named by The Gottlieb Duttweiler Institute as one of Arabic public opinion’s top influencers
2018 The novel Huna badan was published
make Arab society, which unfortunately
tolerates a certain degree of torture, more Table I : Biography, based on an interview with Basma Abdelaziz

aware of the trauma suffered by the vic-

tims and therefore more sympathetic to the trauma that results from it. If the reader about her body of research and literary
these victims. is not a scholar, simply by understanding work in general.
these issues, she may play an important
For the non-Arab reader, the writings of role as a citizen to pressure the creation of How did it start?
Abdelaziz will give a better understanding laws that fight torture and the regimes that
of the torture mechanisms used in this practice it. The following is the story told by Abdelaziz
region of the world, who the perpetrators about how she started working with tor-
are, what their motives are, how the differ- In this essay, I will give a short biography ture victims and about her personal expe-
ent civil society organizations fight back, of Basma Abdelaziz, will then try to shed riences while doing so.
etc. If the reader is a scholar, he or she will some light on her life as an activist and as
have more information about a region that a doctor who plays an important role in After graduating from medical school, she
is understudied. And perhaps this scholar helping torture victims, and will end this decided to specialize in psychiatry, and
will get more insights about what is univer- part with a short interview done online wanted to work with torture victims. In
sal and what is particular about torture and with her. The second part of the essay talks 2002, she decided to join the Nadeem

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c lo s e u p 148

Center for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Her activities included visiting victims trauma of watching the man’s horrible pic-
Violence and Torture because it was the wherever they are and protesting in front tures, and knowing that despite the
only NGO working in this domain, on pro- of a custody or police station where a intense tries done by doctors of
fessional bases, with a well-qualified team detainee is being tortured. Of course this Al-Nadeem to save his life, he died, I
composed of psychiatrists and lawyers. It did not happen without a price to pay. She decided to work in this field. I also decided
was an important experience for her was denied the post of a staff member in to campaign against torture and to help its
because she met many victims, from Egypt the Faculty of Medicine at Ain Shams victims as much as I can.
and other countries, such as Sudanese University because the national state secu-
refugees who were trying to find their way rity office interfered and refused to let her You have worked directly with Egyptian
to resettlement. She saw with her own get this post. and Sudanese torture victims and have
eyes the devastating effects of torture and studied, as part of your research, torture in
how its victims, as patients, represent a Online interview many other countries. Did you find any
class apart: A torture victim with severe To better understand Abdelaziz’s views on particularity in the Egyptian case?
psychological symptoms resists improve- torture, I have conducted a short online
ment on all types of medications and ther- interview with her. Here are my questions Torture methods are nearly similar all over
apies, and this until his torturer is punished and her answers. the world but some differences may exist
somehow. Only then does the victim feels based on the nature of the country. For
redressed, and shows complete cure, What made you focus on the topic of tor- example, Sudanese who had experienced
even without medication. ture and the trauma that ensues? torture reported being suspended from
trees while having their hands and legs
After working at the Al-Nadeem Center for When I was a student in the medical tied, with honey covering their bodies.
more than 10 years, she left at the end of school, I saw a booklet, with the cover car- They were left in this position for hours,
2012 to engage in her postgraduate stud- rying the picture of a totally burnt man. sometimes days, to allow mosquitos and
ies (sociology at Poitier University-France). The man was a farmer, accused of stealing other types of insects to nourish on their
She became more involved in campaign- a goat as I remember. But he denied all blood.
ing against torture during this time. She charges, so he was subjected to extreme
believes that a victim who feels shattered, torture in custody. They threatened to Sexual harassment, which may precede
broken, and humiliated, regains his/her burn him, and this is what they did literally. rape, is considered to be one of the most
feeling of dignity when he/she sees that The officer set fire to his body while he was effective torture methods in Egypt for
people start defending him/her and start asleep. Ninety percent of his whole body both men and women. The stigma of
standing against torture. This constitutes area was burnt. This booklet was pub- being raped in the society would push
an essential part of the therapeutic pro- lished by two NGOs. El-Nadeem Centre anyone to make any confession he is
cess for a victim. was one of them. After overcoming the asked to—even for things that he has never

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c lo s e u p 149

committed. And this is just to avoid this “It is very difficult to treat torture victims work, we would definitely need the aca-
lifelong stigma. and it would be great to make the society demic view to help us.
aware of the horrors of torture.” Do you
The way the Egyptian society recognizes agree with this statement? If you do—even The writings
torture is very far from what we have been partially—what methods would you sug- Abdelaziz is a doctor, activist, researcher,
taught from the international definitions. A gest to raise this awareness in the Egyptian writer, and artist. Each of these qualities
slap on the face, an obscene word, or a society? has enriched the others and benefited
serious threat of harming loved ones from them. I believe that a big part of the
would never be looked at by anyone as Treatment of torture victims is not that dif- truthfulness in the two novels that I read
torture. Actually it is torture. The culture of ficult. However, it is never complete with- from her, Huna badan and Al-Ṭābūr, is a
our society, however, accepts a certain out the full understanding and support of result of her research work (Abdelaziz).
degree of violence, and approves it to be the society. So, raising awareness about Also, being a visual artist made her very
daily practiced. torture burden, explaining to people that careful to make each of her books look
“torture” is not a kind of legal punishment, aesthetically beautiful, starting from the
Many torture victims are deeply terrified in and explaining that everyone deserves a cover to the internal drawings accompa-
such a way that they would never talk fair humanistic treatment would help nying the text. In this section, I will give a
about their experience. Honestly speak- much in reaching the state of healing and short preview of the books that I have read
ing, they may have the right to stay silent, cure. from her. Dhākirat al-qahr will be put in its
because no one is able to guarantee their own section as it is the book that talks
safety. Sometimes even they face second I guess that endorsement by public fig- about torture (Abdelaziz).
detention and undergo a second phase of ures would help much especially since our
torture to prevent them from making an society is not a reading one, so famous Al-Tabūr
official complaint. people talking against torture would have Al-Ṭābūr is a smart and witty novel. It cre-
a good impact. To a lesser extent, short ates a rich world and efficiently captures
Recovery depends much on the surround- documentaries and movies revealing how most of the elements that characterize a
ing environment, whether supportive or this practice would affect the victim and country ruled by a deposit regime. In addi-
not, whether blaming the victim or not. It the whole community may be much more tion—and this is what it makes it feel so
also depends on the degree of protection helpful than other tools and methods in real—it shows how the people have
and sympathy that the society and family raising awareness. This is not to say that accepted the illogical and meaningless
are offering. That is to say, medications writings, research, and studies are of no rules and adapted their lives to them
only are never enough. use. They are, but on a different level of (Abdelaziz).
action. When we come to the step of fixing
and modifying the way the perpetrators

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c lo s e u p 150

I have found that Abdelaziz was coura- an environment that tolerates torture, as text, enumerating the different techniques
geous—and this where the activist shows explained in Dhākirat al-qahr. Abdelaziz used by Al-Azhar, and deducing what was
her face—to produce this novel with its does a very good job in explaining how a the intention of using them.
clear insinuation. I believe that people like police agent, who has this abuse of power
her who are not afraid to express their behavior, is made. And based on the Huna badan
opinions and who are talented in putting knowledge acquired from her research, In the imaginary world of this novel,
these opinions in a form that is easy for she portrays in the novel Huna badan Abdelaziz is able to present different mod-
other people to comprehend and to iden- some of these techniques and how they els of different characters who took part in
tify with will help in increasing public are applied to the newly recruited security the Egyptian Revolution and the events
awareness and understanding of political agents (Abdelaziz). that followed it. Even though she repre-
and social issues—probably much more sents the events in a neutral way—or maybe
than a speech given by a politician. I must say that what I admire most in this because of this—I felt sympathy for most of
book is that the activist who has experi- the characters of the novel, even those
Temptation of Absolute Power enced police atrocities firsthand (I mean who were on opposing sides. As I said,
The book contains very good and com- by seeing and hearing from their victims) these characters are not necessarily on the
prehensive research work on the abuse of did not compromise the integrity of the same side, and many of them do not share
power by the police institution, its reasons, researcher who was still able to produce my values or my political opinions, but
and its implications. It also ends with very an unbiased scientific study. because they are presented as humans, I
interesting conclusions. Even though it felt this sympathy. Through the reading of
was written before 2011, it is a very good Saṭwat al-naṣṣ the book, one starts to understand the cir-
read for anyone who wants to study why In this book, Abdelaziz applies critical dis- cumstances that made such a person a
the January 25th Revolution happened in course analysis techniques to analyze the killer, what made another person want to
the first place. It even ends with a proph- discourse made by Al-Azhar, arguably the risk his life, what made a third person takes
ecy: “Would these incidents lead to some- most influential religious institution in the this side instead of the other opposing
thing similar to what happened in 1977?” Sunni Muslim world, during the power side, and so on Huna badan).
This is what actually happened in the 2011 struggle in Egypt in the second half of
revolution (Abdelaziz, Temptation of 2013 (Saṭwat al-naṣṣ). I believe that readers This book is the most recent of Abdelaziz’s
Absolute Power: 127). would be more interested in following the work. I feel that it has benefited the most
analysis arguments and would understand from the writer’s experience in the differ-
Abdelaziz observes in the book that unfor- more the analysis techniques because ent domains. All of the novel’s elements
tunately the great majority of Egyptians they are applied to important incidents are well written and accurate: the manipu-
believe that a criminal does not have the that happened in very recent history. The lation of bodies and minds by the ruler,
right to be treated humanely. This creates book does a great job in analyzing the the influence of religious discourse on the

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c lo s e u p 151

Sam Nader masses, and the diversity of the individu- • The role of medical professionals in A final note, as Abdelaziz rightly wrote in
als in the novel and their motivations, helping the torture victims and unfor- the book, is that Egyptian society in its
email: [email protected] beliefs, and behaviors. tunately, in some cases, in helping the majority accepts torture. This is why I think
perpetrators. that this book and other similar studies are
Dhākirat al-qahr The book also asks a number of interest- very important in making people know
The book is written in a language that is ing questions: how bad torture is and in helping victims
simple yet accurate. This makes it a good • Are dogmatic regimes more inclined not to feel ashamed, excluded, or less
read for a specialist as well as a non-spe- to commit torture? than others because of what happened to
cialist. It covers many of the topics related • Are some people by nature willing to them.
to torture: participate in torture? Or would any
• What is torture? What is its purpose? population be influenced by a propa- Conclusion
What are the techniques used? How ganda that incites fear of an apocalyp- I believe that Basma Abdelaziz’s non-fic-
does it differ from legal punishments? tic alternative and would participate tion writings give the reader a very good
What is its history and what is the con- in—or at least not object to—torture to understanding of many of the political
text in which it was practiced? avoid such an alternative? and social issues like abuse of power, tor-
• What is stress? Causes of stress? • Can torture victims fight back? And ture, and religion’s role in the Arab region
Torture as a shocking event. can they be cured? and especially in Egypt. Her novels that
Adaptation to stress and to torture. probably make her ideas reach a much
• Shock as a direct cause for psycho- I find that the book contains material that wider audience complement this research
logical disorders. Torture as a cause of is very useful for researchers of this topic, work.
Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). people working in the domain of helping
• A very detailed field study on torture torture victims, or the victims themselves.
victims that includes PTSD symptoms, I even find it a good self-help book. For
treatment, situation in prisons, politi- example, the part that explains how tor-
cal versus non-political prisoners, tor- ture victims adapt/fight back is very useful
ture syndrome, and testimonials. and inspiring at the same time. Probably
• The torture perpetrators: who benefits the methods they use do not always suc-
from torture? How are the actual per- ceed for torture victims, but they could be
petrators convinced/pushed to do more successful in less severe situations in
this? What are the techniques used? normal life for non-torture-victims
What is the role of the non-participat- (Abdelaziz Dhākirat al-qahr).
ing public?

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c lo s e u p 152

Works Cited

Abdelaziz, Basma. Beyond

Torture. Merit, 2007.

---.May God Make it Easy.

Merit, 2008.

---.The Boy Who

Disappeared. General
Cultural Palaces
Administration in Egypt,
2008.

---.Temptation of Absolute
Power. General Egyptian
Book Organization, 2011.

---.Al-Tabūr. Dar Altanweer,

2013.

---.Dhākirat al-qahr. Dar

Altanweer, 2014.

---.Saṭwat al-naṣṣ. Sefsafa,

2016.

---.Huna badan. Dar Al

Mahrosa, 2018.

(CC BY 4.0)

ISSN: 2196-629X
https://doi.org/10.17192/
meta.2018.11.7826

Middle East – Topics & Arguments #11–2018

 04

ANTI/ T H E S I S

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A n t i/ T h e s i s 154

Violence and human suffering have long

Anti-Thesis No Such Thing occupied an important place in scholar-

ship on the Arab world. Notions of indi-
as Society? vidual and collective trauma would seem
to lend themselves to the analysis of cul-
A Critique of tural products from Moroccan prison lit-
erature to Lebanese post-civil war visual
Hegemonic art as well as the social and political con-
texts in which they are produced. Indeed,
Notions of we have seen the development of a sub-
stantial body of research in this field over
Trauma in the past twenty years. What is seldom

the Research questioned in these accounts are the

assumptions about the relations between

on Cultural the individual, the social, and the political

implicitly carried by the trauma paradigm.
Production As I will argue in the following, the
espousal of an essentialist, naturalized
notion of trauma puts much research in
the humanities at risk of uncritically per-
petuating a trauma paradigm that depo-
Felix Lang liticizes human suffering and marginalizes
non-hegemonic ways of dealing with
The notion of trauma is widely used in such a notion of trauma is problematic as experiences of violence. Taking the lead
contemporary research on literature, film, it depoliticizes human suffering and mar- from the social sciences and scholars like
music, and other forms of cultural produc- ginalizes non-hegemonic ways of dealing Jeffrey Alexander (Alexander et al.), Didier
tion in the Arab world. Building on a tradi- with experiences of violence. In order to Fassin, and Richard Rechtman (Fassin and
tion of trauma studies in the humanities, address these problems, I propose to turn Rechtman), I want to propose a social con-
much of this work is predicated on an to social constructivist approaches to structivist approach to trauma as a basis
essentialist and naturalized notion of trauma. for a self-reflexive use of the term in our
trauma as developed in the seminal work research.
of the literary scholar Cathy Caruth, Keywords: Cultural Trauma, Literature,
among others. In this article I suggest that Film, Arab World, Trauma Studies

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A n t i/ T h e s i s 155

In the most current notions of trauma in as such that trauma acquires a crucial role who deal with it professionally, such as the
the humanities, such as Caruth’s psycho- in individuals’ lives. Through social recog- humanitarian aid organizations on which
analytically informed work (Caruth), nition as trauma, suffering becomes legit- Fassin focusses, and of course artists
trauma is the result of an event so gravely imate—and it becomes so as the result of themselves, contribute to the traumatiza-
interfering with basic human needs for political struggles of women’s groups, tion of events and experiences in two dif-
safety, order, and love that it cannot be Vietnam veterans, and many other groups ferent ways. On the one hand, scholars are
integrated into a person’s existing con- (Fassin 77-97; Leys 5). That trauma came to claiming for a certain group of victims the
ceptual framework. In other words, the be understood as the effect of an extraor- legitimacy of trauma by tracing its effects
experience cannot be processed and the dinary event on an ordinary person, rather in cultural products. On the other hand,
truth of the event is hidden in the uncon- than the response of a somewhat deficient where artists themselves make use of the
scious and only surfaces in the form of individual to otherwise ordinary events, aesthetic repertoire connected to trauma,
symptoms. Trauma appears as a direct (Fassin and Rechtman 86) in the early scholars act as self-appointed spokesper-
response of the individual to a particular 1980s is not so much a greater approxima- sons—indeed, much of the appeal of the
type of event, a kind of psychological tion of some objective truth about rela- concept of trauma for the humanities
reflex. This naturalist or essentialist notion tions between violence and human suffer- seems to stem from the moral urge to
of trauma brackets out the social—except ing as a moral re-evaluation of the make heard the voices of those who are
as a stimulus. This is all the more surprising phenomenon. marginalized and to confirm a shared
when we take a look at the definition of humanity through the universality of
post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), the When bracketing out the social seems at trauma.
official diagnosis which became the heir least questionable on the individual level,
of traumatic neurosis in the early 1980s (cf. it is on the level of collective traumata that Recognizing the agency of artists and
Fassin and Rechtman 77-97). The lists of an essentialist notion of trauma becomes scholars in these processes is the first step
potentially traumatic events and symp- untenable. As Alexander has shown towards a critical and self-reflexive
toms potentially related to traumatic expe- (Alexander), cultural traumata do not approach to trauma that avoids the “natu-
riences streche over two pages in the cur- come into being in a direct and non-reflex- ralistic fallacy” (8).1 To be clear, my inten-
rent edition of the Diagnostic and ive response to a historic event but are the tion is not to dispute that the experience
Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders product of what he terms the trauma pro- of violence can produce human suffering.
(American Psychiatric Organisation 275- cess through which a certain event However, as soon as a system of classifica-
276). In other words, psychiatrists present becomes recognized as traumatic by a tion for the objectively observable symp-
us with a system of classification in which social group. toms is developed, it becomes a social
trauma groups together diverse forms of construct. Once we acknowledge the
human suffering. This classification, as all Scholars of the humanities with a research social dimension and the social uses of
classifications, is a social product, and it is focus on trauma, just as many other actors trauma, the artists and scholars‘ decision

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A n t i/ T h e s i s 156

to traumatize works of art is open to the power relations that characterize the of trauma becomes problematic: it limits
debate. Far from being a neutral clinical status quo. the ways political grievances can be artic-
diagnosis, trauma becomes an instrument ulated and trades recognition of trauma
and stake in social and political struggles, Initially, the most alluring feature of trauma for recognition of the causes for human
in which researchers and artists inevitably theory in its essentialist guise is probably suffering in social inequality, political
position themselves—a fact that is of par- the notion that the universality of trauma power struggles, and economic interests.
ticular importance when dealing with a offers a way of fostering understanding Accepting as a given the existence of trau-
part of the world which finds itself in a and solidarity across cultures. When the matizing events, it functions to contain the
dominated position in the global field of traumatic event and the response of the threat posed to the power structures by
power, such as the Middle East and North individual became the focus of attention those who have suffered and continue to
Africa. with the redefinition of traumatic neurosis suffer from the violence they produce.
as PTSD in 1980, hierarchies of suffering
Trauma, as it used in much of humanities were abolished: the suffering of the The dialectic that turns a notion of trauma
research today, is editing out the social. Holocaust survivor, the Vietnam veteran, that emancipated victims from the moral
On the individual level, it does so by pos- the child abuse victim, and the Syrian refu- judgment of society into an instrument of
iting an autonomous individual con- gee are equally legitimate. However, the the political disempowerment of social
fronted with stimuli from its environment. question of how the conditions in which groups in dominated positions is also evi-
On the collective level, it constructs a traumatic situations arise have come dent in the marginalization and devalua-
social body—a collective individual, if you about in the first place appears of minor tion of ways of dealing with human suffer-
will—whose responses to the outside importance. Particularly when we deal with ing that do not conform to the hegemonic
world are modelled on individual trauma. trauma as a result of warfare and repres- trauma paradigm. The importance of
While the psychiatrist finds the symp- sion of authoritarian regimes, as in the bearing witness to traumatic experiences,
toms of PTSD in the individual’s behavior, case of the Middle East, abstracting from and the necessity of their recognition as
the humanities scholar diagnoses whole the structural inequalities that lie at the such for overcoming their effects, on an
social groups and societies with trauma heart of man-made violence and trauma individual and collective level, is an inter-
based on their symptomatic cultural leads to an obfuscation of the political esting case in point. For instance, Kidron
products. This focus on the traumatizing stakes involved. This problem is exacer- compares children of survivors of the
event and the traumatized subject leads bated by the fact that the dominance of Cambodian Khmer Rouge regime in
to a de-contextualization of human suf- the language of trauma in articulating Canada and second generation Holocaust
fering. Such de-contextualization rele- human suffering offers the role of the vic- survivors. In Khmer families, the silence
gates to the background social, political, tim as the only possible role for entering surrounding the experiences of the geno-
and economic (structural) reasons for the political arena (Fassin and Rechtman cide is not experienced as oppressive. The
human suffering and helps to stabilize 211-212). This is precisely where the notion parents’ experiences, no doubt traumatic

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A n t i/ T h e s i s 157

Felix Lang in the DSM classification, are not being instance post-civil war Lebanon with its
traumatized in the community’s discourse memory cultures fragmented along com-
holds a PhD in Arabic Literature and and fail to produce the expected symp- munitarian lines, are frequently con-
Culture from the University of Marburg. toms, a fact that Kidron puts down to a set demned on moral grounds. On the other
He is a postdoctoral research fellow in of social, religious, and economic reasons hand, an initiative like the Equity and
the department of Arabic Literature and (Kidron, “Silent Legancies”; “Alterity”). The Reconciliation Commission, which dealt
Culture at the University of Marburg, parents’ silence, in this case, is not experi- with human rights abuses during the Years
coordinator of the Figures of Thought enced as unsettling by the children; it is of Lead (1959-1999) in Morocco and ulti-
| Turning Points research group (DFG- seen as a sign of strength. While such non- mately served to legitimize an authoritar-
Leibniz), and author of The Lebanese hegemonic ways of dealing with human ian regime, is met with approval by the
Post-Civil War Novel: Memory, Trauma, suffering are routinely pursued on the international community. Making trauma
and Capital. level of the individual and smaller social the prism through which human suffering
email: [email protected] groups—albeit without being recognized as a result of socio-political conflicts is per-
as legitimate—the state of affairs is very dif- ceived opens the door to imposing a way
ferent on the level of society. Here, wit- of dealing with the past that serves the
nessing and testimony have become cen- interests of the dominant players in the
tral elements in the process of dealing field of power, in particular the states of
with human suffering on a collective level, western Europe and the US, for instance
which has become a global norm for deal- by ignoring socio-economic reasons for
ing with the violent past in post-conflict conflict.
societies. Truth commissions, such as the
South African Truth and Reconciliation That said, my argument should not be mis-
Commission and other transitional justice construed as summarily rejecting trauma
mechanisms, including international crim- as an idiom for articulating human suffer-
inal courts (e.g. Rwanda and the former ing. Neither do I claim that non-hege-
Yugoslavia) that have been developed monic ways of doing so are necessarily
from the 1990s onwards (see Simić for an less problematic. But whatever idiom we
overview) make clear how the notion of chose to talk about human suffering in its
trauma is projected on the social plane many guises and forms, we need to be
and used to implement a hegemonic aware that this choice is a political one.
memory regime, which, incidentally, side-
lines socio-economic questions (Miller;
Nagy). Deviations from the norm, as in for

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A n t i/ T h e s i s 158

Notes Works Cited Kidron, Carol A. “Silent

Legacies of Trauma.”
1 The established critique American Psychiatric Remembering Violence:
of trauma as a Eurocentric Association. Diagnostic and Anthropological Perspectives
concept still adheres to a Statistical Manual of Mental on Intergenerational
naturalistic notion of trauma. Disorders. 5th ed., American Transmission, edited by
It aims to extend the notion Psychiatric Association, 2013. Katharina Schramm and
of trauma to include, and Nicolas Argenti. Berghahn
thus recognise as legitimate, Alexander, Jeffrey C. Books, 2010, pp. 193–228.
modes of suffering restricted “Toward a Theory of Cultural
to minorities and postcolonial Trauma.” Cultural Trauma and ---. “Alterity and the Particular
subjects. See Andermahr for Collective Identity, Jeffrey Limits of Universalism:
a recent overview; also Craps. C. Alexander, Ron Eyerman, Comparing Jewish-Israeli
Bernard Giesen, Neil J. Holocaust and Canadian-
Smelser and Piotr Sztompka. Cambodian Genocide
U of California P, 2004, pp. Legacies.” Current
1–30. Anthropology, vol. 53, no. 6,
2012, pp. 723–54.
Andermahr, Sonya.
“Decolonizing Trauma Leys, Ruth. Trauma: A
Studies: Trauma and Genealogy. U of Chicago P,
Postcolonial Studies - 2000.
Introduction.” Humanities, vol.
4, no. 4 2015, pp. 500-505. Miller, Zinaida. “Effects of
Invisibility: In Search of the
Caruth, Cathy, ed. ‘Economic’ in Transitional
Trauma: Explorations in Justice.” International Journal
Memory. Johns Hopkins UP, of Transitional Justice, vol. 2,
1995. no. 3, 2008, pp. 266–291.

Craps, Stef. Postcolonial Nagy, Rosemary. “Transitional

Witnessing: Trauma out of Justice as Global Project:
Bounds. Palgrave Macmillan, Critical Reflections.” Third
2012. World Quarterly, vol. 29, no.
2, 2008, pp. 275–289.
Fassin, Didier, and Richard
Rechtman. The Empire of Simić, Olivera. An (CC BY 4.0)
Trauma: An Inquiry into the Introduction to Transitional
Condition of Victimhood. Justice. Routledge, 2017. ISSN: 2196-629X
Princeton UP, 2009. https://doi.org/10.17192/
meta.2018.11.7790

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First, of all, let me just say that I agree with

Anti-Thesis Towards a much of what Felix Lang has written. And

so, this anti-thesis is not so much an anti-
Critical Trauma thesis as a call to take his essay a few steps
further. Or dare I say, it is an attempt to
Studies: move it towards a self-reflexive political
radicalization of trauma studies. By that, I
A Response to mean the deliberate attempt to question
(and thereby change) the social structures
Felix Lang and political values of trauma studies as
well as the realities that trauma studies
engage with. I argue that those of us work-
ing within trauma studies (however loosely
defined) should undertake a self-reflexive
examination of the political biases of our
knowledge production and explicitly aim
towards a critical theoretical interpreta-
tion of our practices. I believe that by
drawing inspiration from Frankfurt School
of critical theory, we can 1) take a stance
against the reification and objectification
Vivienne Matthies-Boon of trauma, 2) pay attention to the political
power dynamics within which trauma
In this response, I agree with Felix Lang and argue against the reification and studies is enmeshed, and 3) argue for an
about the need to problematize trauma objectification of trauma. It also allows for intersubjective (re)interpretation of trauma
studies’ prevalent and underlying an intersubjective (re)interpretation of that explicitly links the self to the social
assumptions. However, I suggest that we trauma that explicitly grounds the experi- and political world(s).1 Frankfurt School of
should go a step further, namely towards ences of trauma in social and political critical theory, in its varied forms,2 has
a phenomenological account of trauma contexts. above all taught us that theoretical knowl-
rooted in Frankfurt School of critical the- edge production and socio-political prac-
ory. Such an approach enables us to pay Keywords: Trauma, Critical Theory, Politics, tices are inherently intertwined. And the
attention to the political power dynamics Phenomenology aim of critical theory is to offer a (never-
within which trauma studies is enmeshed, ending and self-reflexive) critique of the

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A n t i/ T h e s i s 160

established political status quo—in which Radstone has pointed out, the eventism diagnostic criteria but rather to note how
individual, social and political realms are inherent in mainstream conceptions of traumatic suffering—including repression
interconnected—with the explicit aim of trauma also illustrates its Westocentric and deprivation—might be existentially
emancipation and liberation from diver- underpinnings (Radstone): trauma is an experienced, thereby opening trauma
gent modes of alienation. abnormal overwhelming event (or short studies up to distinctly philosophical and
series of events) rather than the structural phenomenological analyses. Particularly
In terms of trauma studies, this means first underpinning of life itself (see Craps). For when such a phenomenological under-
of all recognizing that trauma as such is instance, as Steph Craps remarked, in standing of experiences of, for instance,
not a neutral, objective diagnostic con- Sierra Leone the “normal experience is an unsafe and unpredictable world, is
cept, but rather that the very notion of one of oppression, deprivation and linked with the critical and explicitly politi-
trauma may entail an objectification and upheaval; freedom, affluence and stabil- cal writings on continuous traumatic stress
reification of divergent experiences and ity—the Western standard of normality—are (CTS), the door is opened towards a more
expressions. As Felix Lang and others the exception rather than the rule” (Craps political, phenomenological, and reflexive
before him (see Bracken; Craps; Hacking; 4). Western trauma interventions were conception of trauma. The term CTS was
Young) have argued, the concept of hence sharply criticized by the local popu- developed by anti-apartheid activists in
trauma—commonly linked to PTSD—is not lation: “You call it a disorder… We call it South Africa (Straker) and explicitly argues
politically neutral but a direct result of a life” (Craps 4) against the eventism of trauma studies
particular political struggle—namely the through the insistence that in much of the
Vietnam War veterans’ lobby—which risks Having said all this, if we do want to pur- world traumatic experiences are relent-
projecting onto history and others a uni- sue a more critical notion of trauma that is less, structural, and continuous (Eagle and
versalist conception of trauma that poten- not blinded to its biases and diversity of Kaminer; Nuttman-Shwartz and Shoval-
tially erases differences of experience and expressions, we do not have to (re)invent Zuckerman; Pat-Horenczyk et al.; Stevens
expression. In doing so, and through its the entire wheel. There is scholarship that et al.; Straker). Importantly, trauma is also
diagnostic categories, trauma studies val- we can draw on. Particularly noteworthy often directly perpetrated by or at least
idates and invalidates certain experiences here are the philosophical and phenom- informally tied up with the established
of trauma. Not only that, but the diagnos- enological undertakings on trauma by political orders who frequently reign with
tic and medicalizing tendency in much of Patrick Bracken and Robert D Stolorow— a sense of impunity and unaccountability,
the trauma studies literature also poten- unfortunately absent from Felix Lang’s thereby aggravating traumatic stress. In an
tially stigmatizes the abnormal trauma- considerations—which enable us to con- anti-diagnostic stance, the activists also
tized Other, whilst reducing philosophical sider the different ways in which trauma insist that the different expressions of trau-
questions of meaning and the soul to entails the (attempted) breaking of our matic stress are not a pathological but a
issues of malfunctioning brain-wiring meaningful engagement with the world. normal response to political repression,
(Bracken 34). Moreover, as Susannah The point here is explicitly not to develop human rights violations, and other forms

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A n t i/ T h e s i s 161

Vivienne Matthies-Boon of radical unsafety—from which therapeu- knowledge production itself. The ques- enabled an elucidation of the political
tic safety cannot be guaranteed. CTS thus tion here is: who has a political voice? (counter-revolutionary and strategic) pur-
is an Assistant Professor of International urges us to re-evaluate the particularly Whose voice is articulated and whose poses behind the emotional and physical
Relations of the Middle East at the Westocentric underpinnings of the domi- voice is heard, and by whom? What does destruction, social atomization, and tactics
University of Amsterdam. Her primary nant conception of trauma, and the hierar- it mean to have a political voice, and is the of polarization and dehumanization expe-
interest is in the phenomenology of chies of suffering and alienation it imposes. witnessing that trauma studies calls us to rienced by activists (Matthies-Boon and
trauma and counter-revolutionary do always emancipatory (Caruth)? Or can Head). Whilst, vice versa, phenomenolog-
suffering in Egypt. She has written Felix Lang is correct to note there is a flat- it itself lead to further repression and ical analyses of existentially traumatic
articles for the Journal of Global Ethics, tening of trauma, in the sense that much silencing through in- and out-group cre- experiences can lead to a clarification as
Journal of North African Studies, and of the mainstream literature on trauma ations? to how the destruction of a person’s or a
Journal of International Political Theory, regards these traumatic experiences (from group’s social and political world contrib-
amongst others. She has also written for Rwanda to Syria) to be the same as it pays It is indeed time that we recognize the utes to particular processes of alienation
popular outlets such as Aswat Masriya, scant attention to the vastly different power dynamics at play within trauma and political (de)mobilization—and are
OpenDemocracy, and MERIP, as well social, cultural, political contexts and studies itself: trauma is not a neutral con- thus important for our critical theoretical
as newspapers. Her forthcoming book meaning-making practices. Yet, whilst struct, but one whose knowledge produc- social and political undertakings (Matthies-
Life, Death and Alienation: Counter- there is a flattening, there is also a hierar- tion is tied up with social, economic, and Boon). Critical theoretical conceptions of
Revolutionary Trauma in Egypt will be chization of trauma that exposes its own political power (like other fields of scholar- trauma allow us to link the phenomeno-
published by Rowman and Littefield. political biases. For instance, much of the ship). One good starting point is, I argue, logical experiences of personal estrange-
email: [email protected] existing trauma studies literature takes the to create links between trauma studies ment and distress to processes of political
Holocaust as being the most unique and and the critical political theory of the alienation and social destruction, thereby
ultimate pinnacle of trauma. This is not to Frankfurt School, thereby seeking to avoid deepening our analysis. Hence, the study
take away from the gravity of the Holocaust the tendency of reification of trauma as a of trauma is a clear political act, but one
and the systematic destruction of human neutral category and highlighting its dis- that must be situated in a mode of never-
life as such, but when we consider the tinctly political manifestations and implica- ending self-reflexive radical critique­—one
relative absence of serious considerations tions. Linking trauma more closely to criti- that does not provide easy answers but in
of the slave trade or indeed the Nakba cal theory enables us to explore the fact continuously raises radically uneasy
(Sayigh) in the theoretical trauma studies dimensions of alienation, reification, and questions.
literature—as well as the fact that many of political power imbalances and injustices
the international centers of trauma exper- in varied forms. For instance, in the case
tise are located in Israel (rather than say of Egypt, directly linking the existential
Gaza or the West Bank)—one cannot help traumatic experiences of activists in post-
but wonder about the political orienta- revolutionary Egypt with Jurgen
tions and purposes of trauma studies Habermas’s colonization of the lifeworld

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A n t i/ T h e s i s 162

Notes Works Cited Matthies-Boon, Vivienne Sayigh, Rosemary. “On the

and Naomi Head. “Trauma Exclusion of the Palestinian
1 Unfortunately, in the space Bracken, Patrick. Trauma as Counter-Revolutionary Nakba from the “Trauma
of this response I do not Culture, Meaning and Colonisation: Narratives from Genre” Journal of Palestine
have sufficient capacity to Philosophy. Whurr Publishers, (Post)Revolutionary Egypt.” Studies, vol. 43, no. 1, 2013,
develop the more precise 2002. Journal of International pp. 51-60. Doi:10.1525/
outlines of a Frankfurt School Political Theory, 2017. Doi: jps.2013.43.1.51.
conception of trauma, but Craps, Stef. “Beyond doi/full/10.1177/
this is the subject of my Eurocentrism: Trauma Theory 1755088217748970. Stevens, Garth, Gillian
forthcoming book Life, Death in the Global Age.” The Eagle, and Debra Kaminer
and Alienation: Counter- Future of Trauma Theory: Nuttman-Shwartz, Orit and “Continuous Traumatic Stress:
Revolutionary Trauma in Contemporary Literary and Yael Shoval-Zuckerman. Conceptual Conversations in
Egypt. Cultural Criticism, edited by “Continuous Traumatic Contexts of Global Conflict
Gert Beulens, Sam Durrant, Situations in the Face of Violence and Trauma.” Peace
2 Please note that with and Robert Eaglestone. Ongoing Political Violence: and Conflict: Journal of
Frankfurt School critical Routledge, 2013, pp. 45-61. The Relationship between Cts Peace Psychology, vol. 19, no.
theory I include the diver- and Ptsd.” Trauma Violence 2, 2013, pp. 75-84.
gent thoughts and works of Eagle, Gillian and Debra Abuse, vol. 17, no. 5, 2016, pp.
the different generations, Kaminer. “Continuous 562-570. Doi:10.1177/ Straker, Gillian. “Continuous
including (but not limited to) Traumatic Stress: Expanding 1524838015585316. Traumatic Stress: Personal
Theodor Adorno, Max Hork- the Lexicon of Traumatic Reflections 25 Years On.”
heimer, Erich Fromm, Jürgen Stress.” Peace and Conflict: Pat-Horenczyk, Ruth, Lisa Peace and Conflict: Journal
Habermas, Axel Honneth, Journal of Peace Psychology, Asulin-Peretz, Yuval Ziv and of Peace Psychology, vol.
and Nancy Fraser. vol. 19, no. 2, 2013, pp. 85-99. Daniel Brom. “Relational 19, no. 2, 2013, pp. 209-217.
Doi:10.1037/a0032485. Trauma in Times of Political Doi:10.1037/a0032532.
Violence: Continuous Versus
Hacking, Ian. Rewriting the Past Traumatic Stress.” Young, Allen. The Harmony
Soul: Multiple Personality Peace and Conflict: Journal of Illusions: Inventing Post-
and the Sciences of Memory. of Peace Psychology, vol. Traumatic Stress Disorder.
Princeton UP, 1995. 19, no. 2, 2013, pp. 125-137. Princeton UP, 1997.
Matthies-Boon, Vivienne. Doi:10.1037/a0032488.
“Shattered Worlds: Political
Trauma Amongst Young Radstone, Susannah. “Trauma
Activists in Post-Revolutionary Theory: Contexts, Politics,
Egypt.” Journal of North Ethics.” Paragraph, vol. 30, no.
African Studies, vol. 22, no. 4, 1, 2007, pp. 9-29.
2017, pp. 620-644. (CC BY 4.0)

ISSN: 2196-629X
https://doi.org/10.17192/
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O f f - to p i c

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Introduction

Negotiating Life in Times of Crisis: Until the 1990s, studies on return migra-
tion emphasized the need to consider the
The Transnational Return Migration return of migrants to their countries of ori-
gin a “second migration” (Wolbert 19) due
of Refugee Adolescents and to the challenge to the return and reinte-
gration process posed by unrealistic
Young Adults from Germany to the expectations and idealized, mythical
imaginations around the country con-
Kurdistan Region of Iraq cerned on the part of the re-entrants.
Some scholars went as far as regarding a
return—in the words of Unger a “special
case” (30) within movements of migra-
tion—as more conflict-laden than the initial
migration (Markowitz and Stefansson). In
the view of Gmelch and others, a return
was the definitive end point of the migra-
tion process.
Simon Moses Schleimer In the 1990s, an approach centering on the
concept of transnational migration has
In this article, the concept of transnational children, adolescents, and young adults greatly expanded theories of migration
migration serves as a foundation for ana- who have returned with their families and return migration, taking into account
lyzing the perspectives of children and from Germany to Iraqi Kurdistan. The arti- the nature of the phenomenon as diverse
adolescents on family movements of cle shows that, in light of the conflicts aris- in its dynamics, emerging through
migration, their transnational practices, ing for the interviewees in the experience repeated migrations, symbolic transna-
and their sense of belonging. The article of transnational return, a special empha- tional ties, or transnational practices of
discusses, on the basis of a case study, the sis on education can aid their integration daily life:
critical situations children and young peo- into the new society.
ple encounter in the context of transna- We have defined transnationalism as
tional migration and education. Drawing Keywords: Transnational migration, the processes by which immigrants
on Lorenzer’s methodology of hermeneu- Return migration, Iraqi Kurdistan, Crisis, build social fields that link together
tical cultural analysis, the researcher con- Education their country of origin and their count-
ducted a set of interviews with refugee ry of settlement. Immigrants who build

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such social fields are designated ‘trans- The article at hand offers a view on the attitude appear in what Park termed the
migrants’. Transmigrants develop and transnational approach to migration that “marginal man” and Oberg’s concept of
maintain multiple relations – familial, proceeds from education science and “culture shock.” The predominant view on
economic, social, organizational, reli- brings a psychosocial perspective to bear migrants characterized them as uprooted
gious, and political – that span borders. on the issues. It discusses, on the basis of and torn between different cultures. The
Transmigrants take actions, make deci- a case study, the experiences of Kurdish1 concept of transnational migration has
sions, feel concerns, and develop iden- children, adolescents, and young adults revised this limited perspective and intro-
tities. (Glick Schiller et al. 1f.) who have returned with their families from duced the idea that migrants switch cre-
Germany to Iraqi Kurdistan. The interview- atively and autonomously between coun-
Likewise, researchers informed by the ees developed ties to Iraqi Kurdistan sev- tries, regions, and cultures (Glick Schiller
transnational approach assert that the eral years before they returned with their et al.). A consequent emphasis within cur-
concept of return migration has to be families and are involved in diverse trans- rent migration research is migrants’ poten-
“broadened and considered as a transna- national practices; their identities appear tial to make use of migration-related
tional process rather than a one-way occa- mutable in accordance with the environ- resources, competencies, and opportuni-
sion” (Eastmind 17). A return features a ment they are living in, and most of them ties.
distinctive turn-over dynamic and may be consider their return to be only temporary
followed by further migrations. and plan to migrate back to Germany or The concept of transnational migration
to another country in the future. The anal- has also gained considerable attention in
The mainstream of international migration ysis will focus on the interviewees’ indi- research studies in educational science.
studies prior to the advent of the transna- vidual experiences and on the role of edu- Of especial note is the study conducted
tional approach “can be guilty of masking cation within the process of return; a by Fürstenau on young adults who repeat-
[...] the experience of children and young specific emphasis on challenges, contra- edly migrate between Germany and
people” (Hatfield 244). They were seen as dictions, and crises emerging from the Portugal. The author shows that continu-
“baggage” (Orellana et al. 588) within fam- experience of return migration will seek to ous migration between two education sys-
ily migrations and as “vulnerable, needy cast light on an area hitherto neglected in tems is more of an enrichment than a chal-
and powerless” (White et al. 7). The pres- transnational migration studies. lenge for the migrants. The study by
ent-day discipline of migration studies Sievers, Griese, and Schulte focuses on
accords them the status of active partners Transnational Migration and Education migrants who have developed transna-
in familial migrations, with interests, expe- International discourse on migration once tional activities between Germany and
riences, and wishes of their own. However, featured a prominent focus on the prob- Turkey; its authors illustrate the capacity of
their specific experiences and perspec- lems, conflicts, and difficulties experi- transnational migration to present an
tives remain under-researched (Hunner- enced by migrants in relation to their opportunity to overcome the discrimina-
Kreisel and Bühler-Niederberger). migration; iconic manifestations of this tory structures of Germany’s education

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system. Research by Goeke has demon- concomitants of transnational migrations. found and lasting effects and manifesta-
strated that transnational migration plays This contradiction and complexity are tions (Grinberg and Grinberg).
a positive role in boosting educational aspects which the discourse on transna-
success for the adolescents within his tional migration should not shy away from This psychosocial perspective on transna-
study in both their countries, Germany including and exploring. tional migration can serve as a basis for
and Croatia. Additionally, German raising new questions that, though yet to
research from the 1980s and 1990s has From a psychosocial point of view, all attract the focal interest of research in this
shown that placing emphasis on educa- forms of migration are conflictual experi- field, are key to our understanding of the
tion and educational success can be an ences associated with feelings of separa- ambiguity and complexity of transnational
important strategy for reintegrating chil- tion and sorrow (Rohr et al. 8). Researchers migrations. It is imperative in this context
dren and adolescents from so-called have characterized migrations as a to determine whether transnational migra-
“guest worker” families into their or their “shock” or as a traumatic experience, tions can also cause crises to arise when
parents’ countries of origin after their even where these effects are not evi- they are not single and permanent, but
return there from Germany (cf. Wolbert). dently visible (Grinberg and Grinberg 9; multiple and in each instance temporary.
Akhtar).2 The article at hand assumes that
Transnational Migration and Crises every migration is accompanied by a cri- Return Migration to Iraqi Kurdistan3 and
The current discourse on transnational sis. Filipp and Aymanns define a crisis as Education
migration may risk creating the impression a critical life event that challenges an indi- In the early 1990s studies on Kurdish chil-
that migrants can adapt effortlessly to dif- vidual’s self-concept. The literature dren, adolescents, and young adults in
ferent conditions in several countries and asserts that a crisis is a normal situation Germany indicated that transnational
expand their room for maneuver in such a every migrant has to cope with practices have not been inherent to their
way as to avoid discrimination and disad- (Kronsteiner 329f.), precipitated by the lives. Şenol, who conducted the first study
vantage (Gesemann 12). It casts transna- loss of people, objectives, places, lan- on Kurdish children and adolescents in
tional migration as almost exclusively guage, culture, and/or traditions Germany, highlights complex identity cri-
positive, rather than as a process that may (Grinberg and Grinberg 28). Garza- ses as part of the processes by which these
give rise to contradictions and crises. Only Guerreo points to the mourning of these young people integrate into German soci-
a few researchers emphasize the challeng- losses as one of the major challenges in ety. The study describes its subjects’ inabil-
ing aspects of transnational migrations. overcoming the crisis. Throughout this ity to align their families’ expectations with
Rohr has contributed significantly to the process, migrants can rebuild their iden- those of their societal surroundings. In
discourse by investigating children and tity and the migration can become an consequence, many of Şenol’s interview-
adolescents’ transnational lives in Ecuador experience of innovation and renewal. If ees felt rejected by one or the other.
and finding that broken promises, unful- the process goes less positively, migrants Kızılhan found that most of the Kurdish
filled hopes, and disappointments may be may develop chronic conditions with pro- adolescents interviewed for his study did

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not feel properly part of German society Askari; Emanuelsson; Keles; Salam; points out, as a further catalyst to societal
because of the lack of official recognition Schleimer).4 transformation (279).
of the Kurds’ ethnic identity. Implicit in
this finding is an either-or approach: The children, adolescents, and young According to Salam, returned migrants
either the adolescents are Kurdish or adults investigated in the study at hand hope both to support the developments
they are German. Schmidt and Skubsch returned between 2003 and 2013 to the in Iraqi Kurdistan in order to promote its
disagree with this apparent binary oppo- highly dynamic society of Iraqi Kurdistan. independence and to profit from the man-
sition in their studies, published in the Since the US liberated the Kurdish region ifold development processes currently in
late 1990s. They point out that Kurdish in the northern part of Iraq in 1991, turning progress in the region. Askari states
adolescents with experiences of migra- the region into a semi-autonomous area accordingly that many Kurds returned due
tion develop an identity that allows them after a long history of violent conflicts, to “new political and economic possibili-
to adapt to both societal and familial Iraqi Kurdistan has been engaged in a ties” (193). However, while they receive
expectations. However, most of the ado- “dramatic and […] on-going transforma- acknowledgement among some sectors
lescents interviewed for their studies tion process” (Salam 2). Economic growth of Kurdish society as valuable contributors
wish to integrate into the German society. due largely to oil production, socio-politi- to the processes of transformation and
Since the widespread use of the internet cal and cultural developments, and higher pluralization currently underway, returned
and social media, along with political and levels of stability and security, especially migrants face hostility from other quarters
social changes which have ushered in subsequent to the establishment after because of the experiences and lifestyles
new opportunities for regular visits par- Saddam Hussein’s fall in 2003 of a new they had enjoyed abroad (Salam).
ticularly to Iraqi Kurdistan, Kurdish chil- constitution for Iraq defining Iraqi Returned children, adolescents, and
dren and adolescents living in Germany Kurdistan as an autonomous region, have young adults may equally be confronted
and other European countries have precipitated processes of change and lent with suspicion from members of society
acquired the opportunity to come to them momentum. In the context of this who do not value transnational identities,
know their family members in the Kurdish study, changes in the significance of edu- practices, and realities and are instead
regions and familiarize themselves more cation within Iraqi Kurdistan acquire spe- keen to maintain “old values” and “tradi-
closely with the Kurdish language and cific import. Yakub Othman has suggested tion,” as King puts it.
traditions and practices of daily life. In that most of the Kurds in Iraqi Kurdistan
addition to these symbolic transnational did not attach great importance to educa- Research Methodology
practices and temporary mobility, an tion during times of conflict and war. The qualitative research study at hand
increasing number of Kurdish families However, since the beginning of the explores the question of how Kurdish chil-
have decided to return permanently or above-described processes of change, dren, adolescents, and young adults with
temporarily from various European coun- education has gained great precedence experience of transnational migration
tries to Iraqi Kurdistan since 2003 (cf. as a value in the region and, as Salam cope with their families’ return from

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Germany to Iraqi Kurdistan, and specifi- educational system, some of them viewees do not explicitly express. The
cally analyzes the role of education in the attained school-leaving qualifications in interpretation of the interviews com-
return process. During field research car- Germany, and all of them continued their menced with the collection of “first impres-
ried out between 2011 and 2013, the education after their return. sions” (Salling Olesen and Weber 21), fol-
researcher conducted a total of 32 in- lowed by an exploration of specific
depth interviews with returned Kurdish The interviewees showed a distinct desire sequences with the aim of validating,
children, adolescents, and young adults to communicate, which was of importance revising, or refuting the initial approaches
aged between fourteen and twenty-five. and benefit to conducting a narrative to the text’s understanding. The interpre-
The strategy for the selection of interview- interview. However, some of them were tation process additionally sought to infer
ees was based on the “snowball effect” unfamiliar with the narrative form of the the significance of education to the ado-
(Reinders). The interviews were conducted interview and did not respond to a story- lescent returners. Concluding, the use and
in the three largest cities in Iraqi Kurdistan telling prompt. The interviewer therefore arrangement of further sequences
in locations determined by the interview- discussed the opening question with all enabled the researcher to present the
ees, such as schools, universities, at the interviewees before the start of the inter- findings in the form of a single case analy-
interviewees’ homes, or in public places view, in addition to using further stimuli, sis, thus elaborating a holistic and realistic
such as cafés or parks. such as alternative versions of the opening view of the interviewee’s reality. While this
question, during the interview in order to method does not generate quantitative
All interviewees were born in Germany or elicit more narrations. The structure of the findings, it does allow the formulation of
moved there with their families to various interviews was designed to prompt self- certain generalizations by identifying
different regions and cities at a young reflection, meaning that their narrations aspects common to all single case analy-
age, during either the first Gulf War (1990- foregrounded their personal thoughts ses (Geertz 37).
1991) or the intra-Kurdish conflict (1994- and memories.
1998). They returned with their families to In pointing out that hermeneutical inter-
one of the three biggest cities in Iraqi Analysis of the interviews took place on pretations are always culture-bound,
Kurdistan after the fall of Saddam the basis of Lorenzer’s method of scenic Chakkarath raises the question of whether
Hussein’s regime. All of them developed understanding, which is based on a meth- it is even possible to understand and ana-
transnational practices during their time odology of in-depth hermeneutical cul- lyze interviews or texts whose interlocu-
in Germany, which emerged on the basis tural analysis and seeks to understand the tors or authors are located in different cul-
of lasting and profound relationships with multiple layers of meaning within inter- tures (272). He suggests critical discussion
family members and friends in Iraqi views and texts. The use of the method and reflection of different interpretations
Kurdistan supported by modern means of permits the identification of social pro- as essential for avoiding the falsification of
communication and regular visits to the cesses, relationships, and realities that are understandings and interpretations. The
region. They passed through the German not immediately visible and that the inter- researcher sought to do justice to this

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injunction by embedding the interpreta- fled to Germany several years before his future and that she wants to keep all her
tion process in the context of two interdis- wife and his children. All members of the options open.
ciplinary groups consisting of members family have taken German citizenship.
from diverse methodological and disci- Firmesk was unaware of the reasons for The way in which Firmesk talked about her
plinary backgrounds and concluding the her family’s migration to Germany and life before migrating to Germany was par-
interpretation of each interview in a psy- stated that she “has never asked.”6 She ticularly striking. She described her child-
choanalytical supervision meeting. assumed that her father had migrated as hood in chronological order, concentrat-
a guest worker, and did not know that ing on facts without adding thoughts or
Case Study labor migration from Iraqi Kurdistan to reflections or discussing matters in emo-
Yin considers that even a “single case Germany was not possible. tional terms. She referred to her grand-
study can be the basis for significant mother as the most important person in
explanations and generalisations” (6). This Firmesk attended a comprehensive school her childhood because she had raised her
article will therefore present only one case and had planned to study education-ori- and her siblings while her mother worked
study, which will act as an example of the entated social work after leaving, but to provide for the family after her father’s
interviewed children, adolescents, and failed to win a university place, after which migration to Germany. However, she
young adults’ lives in Iraqi Kurdistan after her parents decided to return perma- would not be drawn out further on her
their return from Germany. Its selection nently to their old home town in Iraqi time with her grandmother:
derives from its incorporation of two Kurdistan so that she might continue her
aspects shared by most case studies in the education. Returning in 2012, she com- As I told you before: I was at my
sample: the way the interviewees experi- menced a course of bachelor’s degree grandmother’s house very often and
enced their return and the role of educa- studies in humanities at a public university, she sang songs to me. It was a nice
tion in the process. and has returned temporarily to Germany time. I had a nice childhood. […] Yes, I
on several occasions for practical place- was […] a good child.
Firmesk5 was 23 years old at the time of ments and summer schools.
the interview in 2013. In 1996, at the age of She mentioned her grandmother only
six, she fled with her mother, her sister, Although she has been asked to work as a once more, while describing the period
who is four years younger than her, and lecturer at a university in Iraqi Kurdistan, immediately after the family’s arrival in
her brother, who is five years younger, Firmesk still plans to return to Germany to Germany:
from their home town in the south-east of continue her studies there. She hinted in
Iraqi Kurdistan to a city in North Rhine- the interview that her return to Iraqi Suddenly we were away from grandma.
Westphalia in Germany. Her youngest Kurdistan may not be the last migration in We had been with her every day, every
brother, who was four years old in 2013, her life, and also commented that she night. Yes […] I was alone in Germany
was born in Germany. Firmesk’s father had does not yet know where to settle in the and my parents had other things to do.

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They wanted to have a new life and find To be quite honest: it is hard. Some- newspapers online, and watching German
schools for us and [they wanted] us to times … I don’t feel understood and I television. It appears, then, as if she is able
be successful and have better oppor- don’t know what to do. When I talk to to integrate her experiences in Germany
tunities. But I had my old life. Suddenly my parents they are mad at me or they and Iraqi Kurdistan into her daily life and
it was gone and I was supposed to talk fear that I won’t finish my studies. So tap into the full potential of the transna-
in German all the time because it was I don’t tell them. […] I tried to talk to tional practices she performs. A driving
important to my parents. Then I forgot my mother. She told me ‘We are here factor for Firmesk’s active pursuit of a
how to talk in Kurdish because I was so again, it’s different. Do concentrate on transnational way of life appears to be her
busy learning German. your studies.’ I am successful in my stu- education. Her international mobility, in
dies … Fortunately! That is why they enabling her to continue working towards
Firmesk said very little about her life in cannot say anything. But everything her objectives in another country, helps
Germany. After talking about her parents is chaotic [here in Iraqi Kurdistan] and her to overcome or work around the edu-
and their desire for her and her siblings to everyone trusts their gut. But I get used cational limitations imposed by circum-
succeed in the German education system, to it quickly. I had to. What shall I say? stances elsewhere, in this case her inabil-
she focused on descriptions related to her I miss Germany a lot and would like ity to secure a university place in Germany.
return migration to Iraqi Kurdistan. She to be there. And when I am there … I Firmesk describes her ongoing migra-
referred to having constantly struggled have no place at a university although tions and border-crossing practices as a
with disapproval from the people now I did wait for one for a long time. […] natural and personally non-challenging
around her, but added quickly that she has It’s okay. I will stay [in Iraqi Kurdistan] part of her life.
not let their opinions influence her life and if I get the good job at the university
behavior. She complained of rejection by they promised me. Not a single person However, from a psychosocial perspec-
some of her fellow students and lecturers: understands it. I don’t even understand tive, the interview with Firmesk reveals a
myself. […] I always say: ‘I am both’ number of conflicts and challenges. It
But there are some boys who do not [Kurdish and German]. seems as if it is almost impossible for her
want to accept that a girl is more suc- to talk about crises, which emerged in the
cessful than they are. They are like that. At first sight, Firmesk appears a typical context both of her migration to Germany
It hurts them when a girl is more suc- representative of the transnational and of her return migration to Iraqi
cessful! […] They always say ‘You are migrant as depicted in current research. Kurdistan. She hints at them, but essen-
way too German!’ I feel unwanted. She incorporates both Germany and Iraqi tially either reinterprets them or places
Kurdistan into her life, physically by being them, to a substantial extent, under what
When I asked her how she handles situa- mobile as well as symbolically by remain- might be called a taboo. One reason for
tions of this kind, she confessed: ing in contact with family members and her reluctance or inability to talk about the
friends in Germany, reading German crises, conflicts, and challenging and emo-

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tional aspects of her experience of migra- tional lifestyle because she knows that a life stage of the interviewees and the con-
tion may be the weight of parental expec- return to Germany will only be realizable texts in which they live. Firmesk, for
tation in regard to her and her siblings’ if her educational success is sufficient to instance, did not become more transna-
education. Firmesk in particular, whose admit her to a university there. Moreover, tionally active until after her family’s return
stagnating educational career was one of educational success provides her with to Iraqi Kurdistan. She started moving
her parents’ reasons for returning to Iraqi self-confidence, which in turn generates a between Germany and Iraqi Kurdistan in
Kurdistan, is subject to the expectation to sense of stability in her new environment the context of her studies at the university
subordinate all else in her life to the after her return migration. It is a stability in Iraqi Kurdistan. The primary transna-
achievement of educational goals. To this not seriously undermined by the conflicts tional practices in which she engages on
end, the expectation upon Firmesk is that she describes experiencing with fellow a day-to-day basis are of a symbolic nature
she migrates and return migrates without students and other members of Kurdish and aimed at maintaining ties to her for-
experiencing—or expressing—any difficul- society due to her transnational identity mer life in Germany.
ties, focuses wholeheartedly on her stud- and lifestyle. Indeed, educational success
ies after migrating, and becomes educa- offers her a defense for her way of living In a manner again representative of all
tionally successful by making use of the and increases her acceptance by her interviews, Firmesk’s case study indicates
resources a transnational lifestyle pro- social environment. that despite their involvement in transna-
vides. Firmesk’s statements in the inter- tional practices, the young people’s trans-
view reveal that she does not want to be a Discussion national return from Germany to Iraqi
burden to her family and therefore con- As a case study representative of all inter- Kurdistan is more than simply a return to
stantly and ambitiously attempts to fulfil views, Firmesk’s story shows that the inter- their or their parents’ country of origin.
her parents’ expectations, which includes viewees do not consider their return from Instead, the children, adolescents, and
the denial or suppression of any migra- Germany to Iraqi Kurdistan as permanent, young adults experience the return as a
tion- and return migration-related experi- but instead as a return in a transnational new migration, with attendant conflictual
ence of crisis. sense; they keep their options open with- experiences. The apparent ease of the
out committing themselves to one con- border-crossing activities engaged in by
Firmesk’s acquiescence to this exclusive text. The interviews, as exemplified by these young people belies the multi-lay-
focus on education helps her to handle Firmesk’s case, also demonstrate the occa- ered, complex, and potentially crisis-gen-
the crises arising through her experience sional transnational activity and mobility erating nature of the turning point marked
of migration and return migration by pur- the returned children, adolescents and by the return. Delcroix found that discus-
suing her educational goals as a distrac- young adults tend to show. These transna- sion of the migration among families is an
tion from confrontation with the crises. tional activities and practices, and their important factor in coping with migration-
Educational success offers her a basis for focal point—on either Germany or Iraqi related crises. However, like most of the
the further development of her transna- Kurdistan—differ in accordance with the interviewees, Firmesk did not talk with her

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family about their migration to Germany A further finding of Firmesk’s case which is success, help the interviewees to over-
or the reasons behind it, nor about their exemplary for the wider sample relates to come crises arising from the experience of
return to Iraqi Kurdistan or that region’s the status of educational success for both return migration by supporting their psy-
history; neither did the family discuss the the parents and their children, with the for- chosocial stability and general wellbeing,
migration-related crises that arose. A rea- mer expecting the latter to attain or con- giving them aims for the future, allowing
son for the apparent taboo on these topics tinue to attain it after returning to Iraqi them to maintain a transnational lifestyle
may lie in the trauma resulting from the Kurdistan. The interviews show that educa- and transnational practices of daily life,
systematic persecution of the Kurds by tion takes on a range of functions in the and enabling them to integrate into soci-
Saddam Hussein’s regime and/or in fami- interviewees’ lives. First, achieving or ety in Iraqi Kurdistan without committing
lies’ experiences during their flight from maintaining educational success is, for themselves fully to it.
Iraqi Kurdistan. Differences within families most of them, the only way to continue
in attitude towards returning to Iraqi their transnational practices and lifestyles. Conclusion
Kurdistan may be another factor; the inter- They plan to return to Germany, at least The qualitative study at hand has investi-
viewees’ parents often identify strongly temporarily, after completing their school- gated a number of issues that had previ-
with Iraqi Kurdistan, and most of them ing or graduating from university in order ously not been the focus of close attention
returned with the intent of remaining there to continue their education. Educational in recent discourse on transnational migra-
permanently. They consider Iraqi Kurdistan success affords them the additional tion. While most studies in the mainstream
their home, from which they had been opportunity to expedite their integration of this discourse continue to concentrate
separated (cf. Ammann). Their children into and acceptance in Kurdish society. on adults/parents as the principal actors
take a contrasting view: to them, Iraqi Accordingly, transnational identities that of migrations, this study pays attention to
Kurdistan is not their sole locus of belong- appear, in the interviewees’ accounts, to the experiences of children, adolescents,
ing, and their families’ return is part of an cause conflict with some sections of soci- and young adults. Most of the young peo-
ongoing, reversible, and transnational ety tend to meet with greater acceptance ple interviewed for the study had no
migration (cf. Baser). The parents, how- when their bearers are educationally suc- choice but to follow their parents’ deci-
ever, expect their children to fully accept cessful. In this context, I note an additional sion, yet we would do them a disservice if
their decision to return permanently and practical advantage of a transnational we were to characterize them as passive;
appear to impose taboos upon doubts educational pathway in the shape of they develop their own transnational prac-
and upon discussion of challenges improved opportunities to live and work tices and dynamics, which may differ from
encountered in relation to the return, in either Germany or Iraqi Kurdistan. More those of their parents. Transnational prac-
uneasiness around their new life in Iraqi broadly, the multiple opportunities that tices, especially those related to educa-
Kurdistan, and any sense of crisis the are concomitants of educational success tion, also fulfil functional roles. Educational
return has occasioned. in Germany and Iraqi Kurdistan, and the and academic success in both Germany
focus on education that precipitates this and Iraqi Kurdistan appears to help the

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Simon Moses Schleimer, interviewees to navigate their transna-

tional lives and opens up multiple oppor-
staff at the German School Academy; tunities for their futures in either or both
PhD in Intercultural Education at countries.
University of Marburg, 2015; First State
Examination for teaching German and One focal point of interest in this study has
geography, 2010. He has held posts as been the analysis of crises occasioned by
a research assistant at the Faculty of transnational migration. It is evident from
Education at the University of Marburg the findings that the interviewees’ transna-
and as a researcher at the University tional return can trigger such crises, even,
of Leipzig and at Friedrich-Alexander strikingly, where another migration is
University Erlangen-Nürnberg. In already planned and the situation of living
2013, he taught German at Salahaddin in one country is only temporary. Focusing
University-Erbil/Iraq. He has undertaken on education can help the young people
research stays at Hebrew University of to overcome these crises. It fulfils a stabiliz-
Jerusalem and Universiti Sains Malaysia. ing function by strengthening their capac-
His primary research interests are ity for self-perception, their transnational
transnational migration, return migration practices and lifestyles, and their opportu-
and intercultural education. nities to integrate into Kurdish society,
which values educational success.
email: [email protected] However, the case study has shown that
these processes cause crises and are full
of friction.

In investigating transnational migration

from a psychosocial perspective, this arti-
cle has demonstrated the complexity of
transnational migration as a phenomenon
and an experience, and in so doing com-
plements existing research and highlights
another important and currently neglected
facet of the concept.

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O FF -TOPIC 174

Notes
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