Preface

PREFACE

Kata KULAVKOVA
(Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts)

An Arabesque for the Black Arab, Bolen Dojcin and

White Angelina
Our research into the subject of The Black Arab as a (Balkan,
Mediterranean) Figure of Memory, conducted within the framework
of the European project Interpretations managed by the Macedonian
Academy of Arts and Sciences, was aimed at initiating a new mode of
thinking and perception of Slavic and non-Slavic Balkan cultures. This
mode of thinking might not be completely new in the general sense
of the word, but it is new within the framework of the contemporary
Balkan social constellation. For this constellation has long been char-
acterised by mutual negations; animosities; exclusive interpretations
of the past; immoderate appropriations of the spiritual legacy of neigh-
bouring cultures; denials of the right of others to partake in a shared
cultural and historical heritage; indicative explications of ethnic cultural
identity through the application of historical paradigms; a fixation on
history; adoration of ancient ‘scripts’ of culture; the politicization of our
shared spiritual heritage; revision and negation of identities; cultural
xeno-skepsis; and the increased prevalence of ethnic or bi-ethnic prin-
ciples in the constitution and functioning of states.
Our mode of thinking starts from the belief that, at the beginning
of the 21st century, in an atmosphere of global crisis and threatened
prosperity, the peoples of the Balkans are in need of a scientifically
based, multi-focal interpretative methodology which will observe his-
tory as an intersection of autochthonous and shared constituents. The
contemporary hermeneutics of history should be founded upon a com-
parative and inclusive epistemological model. To a great extent, the

xi Black Arab
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cultural heritage of various peoples and states is understood in this

model as a shared spiritual legacy. This shared legacy is imprinted in
the memory of plural ethnicities (it is of a dual, or, more commonly, mul-
tiple affiliation) and cannot be the exclusive right of only one culture,
nor an exclusively ethnic category. Cultural heritage exceeds ethnic
differentiations; our spiritual legacy is a matrix that includes Balkan,
Mediterranean, European and universal aspects. Some figures of
memory are socio-cultural actualizations of ancient universal patterns
(archetypes) or substitutes for some older figures of remembering. Our
spiritual legacy, strongly characterised by collective interests, is not the
exclusive possession of any single nation; it belongs to contemporary
nations and cultures to the extent to which it has been preserved in
their collective memories. Through its multiple affiliation, this legacy
delineates the space of the shared contemporary culture and the gen-
eral cultural substrate of all Balkan peoples—and not only of theirs but
also as a cultural treasure of all humanity.
The practice of policies exercising a non-exclusive (shared) right
to the communication, commemoration, identification and celebration
of existing historical facts is a legitimate priority in the resolution of
disputed issues in the Balkans. This new mode of perception of the
past will operate as a guarantee of an unbiased and non-conflictual
perception of contemporary reality, which is a prerequisite for the pain-
less integration of Balkan states within the European Union. Such an
unbiased attitude towards historical reality will resolve, on a scientific
basis, the misunderstandings and the conflicts continually generated
in the more recent history of Balkan states. It will serve as a response
to arbitrary appropriations and mythicizations of our spiritual legacy. It
is the role of humanistic, societal and culturological discourses to offer
an interpretative key which will serve to permanently thwart the factors
that generate zones of irresolvable interpretative conflict, xenophobic
anxiety and widen the gap between dominant and minority cultures,
integrated and non-integrated states.
The project The Black Arab as a (Balkan, Mediterranean) Figure of
Memory aims primarily: (1) to be a symbolic forewarning highlighting
resistant conflict zones in the Balkans which are supported by a cer-
tain appropriative consciousness through markedly invasive cultural
politics; (2) to provide an additional method of argumentation in the in-
terpretation of cultural-historic artefacts and ethnic-identity dominants;
and, finally, (3) to announce the transcending of ethnocentric and eth-
nophobic interpretative strategies. By doing so, it will create a gener-

Black Arab
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ally acceptable, systemic prerequisite for the revision of ethnologic and

exclusivist interpretations of the present/future through the past and
will rebuild spiritual bridges between the peoples of the Balkans.
Our project starts from the belief that, even at the beginning of
the 21st century, strategies of interpretation of the mythical, folkloric
and historical cultural heritage which obstruct communication between
peoples are still practiced within Balkan states. These interpretative
models have become institutionalized models in the course of the last
two centuries; as such, they cannot be treated as accidental and tran-
sient collective misconceptions, but as the outcome of conceptualized
and instrumentalized cultural policies with implications for relations be-
tween states. A diabolic vicious circle of mutual negations, appropria-
tions and manipulations of our spiritual legacy has been generated and
history has been interpreted from the angle of current (political and in-
stitutional) interests, whereby ethnocentric historical truths have been
constructed which frequently ‘divorce’ history from truth.
With regards to this appropriative ethnoculturalism in the Balkans,
a series of questions have been raised whose interest is focused on
the possessive perspective in the interpretation of cultural history.
Unfortunately, they have been left with no relevant scientific response.
We will cite only some of them: Why is it necessary to negate the right
of the other/neighbour to recognize themselves as part of the Balkan
cultural-historical heritage and to communicate it in their own specific
way? Why is it necessary to erase (both from collective awareness and
science) the fact that the peoples of the Balkans were, from Antiquity
to the 19th century, integrated within shared empires and that, con-
sequently, they share the same right to the memories of certain no-
table cultural-historical facts? Is historiocentrism the only legitimate
approach to reality and the sole argument in favour of national con-
structs? Is ethnocentric historicism, as a variant of ethnophobic his-
toricism, the only perspective from which to observe Balkan history?
Has it been forgotten that there exist historical distances and historical
differences (interpretative distances and interpretative differences)? Is
an objective evaluation of the greatness of an ancient cultural sys-
tem possible through the exclusive employment of the parameters of
a completely different system (that of the contemporary nation-state)?
Is there nothing which can be identified as a Balkan spiritual heritage
which does not recognize rigid ethnic divisions? If there exists a shared
spiritual heritage, why should that not become the subject of detailed
multidisciplinary and comparative research? Why should there not be

xiii Black Arab

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a comparative hermeneutics of Balkan cultural history? Is it not true

that science is immanently and morally obliged to participate in the
explication of the shared pragma and figures of memory of the Balkan
peoples, thus becoming a certain kind of corrective to radicalized and
slanted interpretations of our cultural heritage?
Offering a scientifically-based methodological pattern for the inter-
pretation of cultural history and spiritual heritage, the project The Black
Arab as a Figure of Memory can be perceived as a response to open
questions concerning appropriative Balkan historiographies and as an
attempt to restitute a positive stereotype of the Balkans. The actualiza-
tion of a stereotype of the Balkans as a centre of civilization can func-
tion as a reference for substantiated interpretation of shared events,
places and figures of memory (mythical and historical). In this manner,
those zones which amount to a hypersensitive Balkan Achilles’ heel
could be transformed—for the very reason that they are an inherited
locus communi of Balkan cultures—into a substrate of a trans-ethnic
strategy of interpretation of cultural histories at local, European and
international level.
It cannot be denied that these motives for initiating a scientific
research project also involve certain social-cultural implications.
Nevertheless, cultural hermeneutics is immanently interdisciplinary
and inter-discursive. For this reason, the Interpretations project is fo-
cused on an area of interest which goes beyond the limits of literary
hermeneutics. This is the area of shared mythical, folkloric and his-
torical figures of memory, figures/constructs which exist in the cultural
memory of the Balkan peoples and which have their analogues among
Mediterranean peoples, among Slavic peoples, and other cultures of
the contemporary world. At the very onset of this project, one issue im-
posed itself as a priority: that of the three enigmatic figures of the Black
Arab, Bolen Dojčin and Lepa Angelina as a tripartite structure of figures
of memory which has undergone stages of mythicization, historiciza-
tion and mystification.
Memory practices in the Balkans (languages, myths, legends, folk-
lore, art, history) demonstrate that specific, nationally-defined Balkan
cultures bear their own internal and particular characteristics, as well
as supranational, regional and even universal anthropological dimen-
sions. In this sense, we can distinguish a certain recognizable Balkan
system of cultures, a certain Balkan ‘alliance’ of ethnicized memories,
founded upon a shared memory substrate. Higher than divergent col-
lective memories, there exists something that transcends them and

Black Arab
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unites them within one Balkan cultural idiom. Differences and similari-
ties of memory are constituents of Balkan cultures. This research into
the topic of the Black Arab has a dual intention: to document the differ-
ences and indicate the similarities between Balkan cultures.
Through our research on the topic of the Black Arab, yet another
Balkan paradox has been genuinely demystified. This concerns the
commemoration and idolatry of the defeat of one’s enemy. The sys-
tem of ethnocentric values which prefers the concept of ethnic antago-
nisms actually enthrones Evil as a value, as a central anthropological
notion in a polarized vision of the world. Thus we arrive at an ironic
civilization which performs metatheses and alterations of values by
driving to the periphery the personification of its own good (the saviour,
epic hero, defender), while setting in the foreground ‘its own’ simulated
personification of evil (chthonian energy, darkness, plague, disease,
death, black man, antihero, destruction of the bridge/city, peril, siege,
slavery). For this reason, the memory of the Black Arab (the symbolic
foreigner) is more alive than that of Bolen Dojčin (the symbolic fellow
man). This kind of memory undoubtedly instigates corresponding politi-
cal and cultural practices which not only affect the reduced pre-Great
Flood, pre-ethical perception of the world abstractly and metaphysi-
cally, but also influence the current social reality of the Balkan peoples
and states. This is an influence which stimulates negative drives and
energies and promotes pathetic xenophobic rhetoric and conflict prac-
tices (threats, obstructions). This influence generates new ethnic and
religious isolations, alterations of borders, fragmentations (so-called
Balkanization) and new conversions. In such circumstances, the one
who suffers is the smaller, disorientated and unprotected party, the one
who lies outside the protection of legitimate integrative institutions of
an international character.
The research carried out within the project The Black Arab as a
Figure of Memory confirms that it is possible for a seemingly (political-
ly) innocent mythical-folkloric figure to operate as an evocation of the
driving forces behind cultural trends. In this sense, it has been dem-
onstrated that the figure of the Black Arab is a figure of an immanent
vision of the world and the prototype of a dominant Balkan interpreta-
tion of the historical reality. This is sufficient reason to perceive the
figure of the Black Arab as a metaphor for the contemporary Balkans
confronted with the abyss of its own misconceptions, obsessions and
fixations. Emancipation from this obsessive fixations is a prerequi-
site for progressing to a culturally higher form of consciousness and

xv Black Arab
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self-awareness. Comparative hermeneutic analyses (in the sphere of

history, the history of art, history of literature, archaeology, ethnology,
regional linguistics, folkloristic, mythology, history of religions, cultural
studies and poetics) become legitimate tools for overcoming crises and
for establishing the foundations of a new worldview and consequently,
a new reality.
I have no intention of producing in this preface a meta-summary
or some kind of super-summary of the summaries of all the studies
published in this book. The concept of Interpretations is such that it
offers an opportunity for a concise reading of the key findings of its
authors by publishing summaries of their papers both in English and in
Macedonian, together with a glossary of the most important concepts
employed by the authors. I would like only to stress that all research
is complementary, both when it indicates similarities and when it high-
lights differences in perceptions and interpretations of the controversial
polysemic figures of memory of the Black Arab, Bolen Dojčin and Lepa
Angelina. The semantic polyvalence of the figure of the Black Arab
indicates its palimpsest-like memory quality and discursively syncretic
form. It also reveals this figure’s relational quality and the historicity
of its values, which demonstrates that the ritual, archetypal, mythical,
epic and historical constructs of collective memory are susceptible to
revalorization in different socio-cultural constellations—showing that
they are still influential and operative factors/instruments in contempo-
rary culture and art and that, as such, they remain a legitimate subject
for new research.
The memory complex of the Black Arab confirms the paradoxical
finding that collective stereotypes are not only constructs which per-
form significant social functions and have great cultural capacity, but
also that, as bearers of deep and not always transparent but always
fascinating collective memory, they have the power to redefine devel-
opment strategies at regional and international level. Consequently,
the stereotypes of the Black Arab, Bolen Dojčin and White Angelina
are imagological projections of the dominant ideologemes of a society.
Observed from a historical perspective, they are variables of several
universal constants (cosmic and cultural). The contemporary Balkans
enjoy optimal cultural freedom to select which stereotype to actual-
ize and which development strategies to employ. Figures of memory
forewarn us that human civilization is not one-dimensional but always
multi-dimensional and that it cannot be reduced to a single function or
a single value, whether archetypal, mythical, epic-folkloric, aesthetic,

Black Arab
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or historical. Aesthetics cannot function without history; nor history

without aesthetics. Values are constituted in particular social-cultural
circumstances and, for this reason, circumstances should sometimes
be recomposed in order to restitute true cultural, anthropological and
aesthetic values.
At this point we should stress that the project Interpretations,
through its research into the topos of the Black Arab as a Figure of
Memory, demonstrates that the process of humanization is a process
of permanent humanization of all humanity (of the individual, of the
citizen, of the intellectual and, especially, of political and business lead-
ers). Humanity cannot be humanized once and for all, but undergoes a
continual process of humanization. Violation of this process can disturb
the stability of civilization. This justifies our hope that the European
research project Interpretations can be a factor in the restoration of the
Balkans into a contemporary cultural centre instead of a periphery.
This MANU publication, supported by the UNESCO Program for
participation of 2008/9, as well as by the National Commission of
UNESCO for Macedonia, published under the final title The Black
Arab as a Figure of Memory, contains important studies by eminent
European scholars. Some are internationally renowned experts in their
fields. others are less well-known, younger researchers in the field of
folkloristics, Balkan studies, Oriental studies and linguistics, mytholo-
gy, ethnology and history of art, literature and theatre. However, it is for
certain that the research of all these authors, without exception, is of
exceptional importance for the project and its intentions. All authors in-
volved in the third volume of Interpretations have studied, each in their
own manner, and for the first time in a collective work, the diverse as-
pects of the figure of the Black Arab as a figure of linguistic and cultural
memory par excellence among the Slavic, Balkan and Mediterranean
peoples. Around one shared figure of memory, this project has united
authors/researchers from several states and many research centres:
Albania, Bulgaria, Germany, Romania, Russia, Serbia, Turkey, Croatia
and France. The following authors were involved: Tatjana Civjan, Rade
Božović, Gabriela Schubert, Gjacumu Tier, Hande Birkalan Gedik,
Nikos Čausidis, Tomislav Oroz, Lidija Stojanović Lafazanovska, Ljiljana
Stošić, Nikolai Vukov, Rigels Halili, Joana Ruxandra Fruntelata, Sonja
Zogović and Radmilo Petrović.
The project included researchers from a number of institutes for
folklore and Balkan Studies within the academies of science of Russia,
Bulgaria, Macedonia, Romania, and Croatia, as well as from univer-

xvii Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
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sity research centres in Belgrade, Zagreb, Istanbul, Corte, London,

Skopje, Sofia, and Tirana. The research performed within this project
employed different methods, starting with linguistic and literary theo-
retical, then semiotic and narratological, mythopoetic and folkloristic,
as well as ethnological, theatrological and anthropological, and con-
cluding with comparative Balkan, Southern Slavic and Mediterranean
cultural and hermeneutic studies. This project has produced significant
findings and additional useful results with permanent effects can real-
istically be expected as a result of this project.
The project Interpretations does not aim at an ultimate interpreta-
tion of the hermetisms of polyvalent figures of memory such as the
Black Arab, White Angelina and Bolen Dojčin. Its intention is rather
to create an ambiance for non-stereotypical and (ethnically) unbiased
research and to build an acceptable orientational model of interpreta-
tion of mythical, aesthetic and historical legacies within the Balkan,
Mediterranean, Slavic and the broader European context. The findings
publicized in this volume are scientifically legitimate; hence our confi-
dence that they will be invaluable to future research within Balkan stud-
ies and that they will be referenced in expert, university, educational,
creative and intellectual circles.
Finally, as a leader of this project in my capacity as editor of the
publication The Black Arab as a Figure of Memory, I would like to
express my gratitude to UNESCO and the National Commission of
UNESCO for their moral and material support for this project. I would
also like to express my gratitude to all contributors to this project and
their institutions for their direct and indirect support of the research re-
alized in this project of the Macedonian Academy of Arts and Sciences
in 2008 and early 2009. In this context, I would also like to express
my gratitude to the Macedonian painter Vladimir Georgievski who, es-
pecially for this project, produced a drawing inspired by the thematic
complex of Black. Without the support of the authors, contributors and
institutions, the will and qualities of the initiator of this project would not
have been articulated as well as they are now articulated in this book.

Black Arab
xviii
as a Figure of Memory
 From a Black God to a Black Arab:
different mythical and historical actualizations of the universal matrix of Black

Kata KULAVKOVA (Skopje)

From a Black God to a Black Arab:
different mythical and historical actualizations of Key words:
the universal matrix of Black • actualization
• mythicization
*****
• historization
The memory figures of the Black Arab, Lepa (White) Angelina • theatralization
and Bolen Dojčin are a paradigm of shared figures of memory with • archetype of Black
Slavic, Balkan, Mediterranean, and perhaps, universal connotations.
The variations in their names, embodiments and personifications only • archetype of the
serve to confirm the perception of these figures as universal arche- White
types adopted in the Balkan-Mediterranean regions as early as an- • GoodEvil
cient times and which, since then, have undergone several different • prefiguration
appropriations (Robert S. Nelson 2004, 208-224). This implies that,
in different social-cultural circumstances, these figures of memory • antagonisms
have undergone various re-figurations. Each new social-cultural con- • personifications of
textualization of universal archetypes is a form of actualization. If we otherness
perceive Black as a universal archetype (proto-pattern), then we may
• figures of memory
presume that, in each new set of social and cultural circumstances,
this archetype will have been submitted to a new interpretation within • BlackGod
the predominant cultural and linguistic code. Each new interpretation • Black Arab
of the archetype of Black constructs a specific vision of Black within
the given local historical set of circumstances. These interpretations • Bolen Dojčin
can be predominantly mythical at some times, or markedly historical • Lepa Angelina
at another, while at times they can fade into the silence of collective • Balkan
oblivion; yet they always legitimize a new actualization of the arche-
type. Actualization is a form of appropriation and naturalization of an • Mediterranean
already semi-forgotten archetype into linguistic signs that are cultur- • Macedonia

21 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Kata KULAVKOVA

ally recognizable. In the course of time, the readability of the linguistic

representations of the archetype of Black may again be reduced to a
minimum. This eventual minimum, which every culture anticipates and
upon which all research is based, functions as a foundation for the
constitution of the trans-historical palimpsest of Black, perceived as a
series of vestiges of its linguistic, mythical, ritual, aesthetic and histori-
cal actualizations. A careful reading of these palimpsest vestiges would
reveal the exceptionally complex semiotics (semantics, syntax, praxis)
of Black. This entails a delicate interpretation of Black and its particular
social-cultural appropriations, involving the application of several com-
plementary interpretative strategies (mytho-poetic, historicist, folklor-
ist, comparative, anthropological, philosophical, culturological).
Perceived as such, the actualizations of Black in the figure of the
Black Arab cannot be analyzed in an isolated manner, but always in
correlation with the other two, or at least one of the figures of the triad
consisting of the Black Arab, Lepa Angelina and Bolen Dojčin. The ar-
chetype of Black has the archetypal textures of White inscribed within
itself, actualized either in the figure of Lepa Angelina, or Bolen Dojčin.
Lepa Angelina and Bolen Dojčin are different, even though comple-
mentary appropriations of White. This White is a fragile synthesis of
several dualized perceptions of Black—from the perspective of light
and day; from the perspective of the male and female principle; from
the perspective of the healthy and sick, powerful and powerless; or
from the perspective of the familiar and distant; of this world and the
underworld; of death and life; of chaos and cosmos; and finally, from
the perspective of domestic and foreign (the racial, ethnic, religious and
cultural other). On the basis of these two principles of Black and White
(Dark and Light), which are initially constituted as concrete linguistic
visualizations of Night and Day, many other corresponding references
with a polarized value connotation are later generated, frequently of
ethical character, delimiting good from evil, defensive from conquering,
just from wrong, friendly from unfriendly...
Despite all these polarizations of the energy principles of exist-
ence, epitomized in the infinity of birth and death, we can still note
traces of the opposite figure in the other, traces of black in white, of
male in female, of animal in human, of sick in healthy, of powerful in
powerless, of good in evil, of divinized in demonized ! Therefore, the
ethical polarizations of White against Black are a symptom of the en-
thronement of later, historicized, interpretations which introduced the
codex of good and evil, of good-for-me and evil-for-me, and which de-

Black Arab
22
as a Figure of Memory
 From a Black God to a Black Arab:
different mythical and historical actualizations of the universal matrix of Black

lineated the boundary between the good Bolen Dojčin or King Marko
and the bad Black Arab, Turk or Arnaut. These historicized perceptions
of Black and White are the ones which install on the cultural scene a
controversial ethical differentiation of good and evil along the lines of
ours and foreign—a differentiation which codifies into a stereotype and
becomes a template for all later polarizations in the world, especially
those concerning the issue of war and peace (the distinctions between
just and unjust war, acceptable and unacceptable terror, legitimate and
illegitimate intervention, capitalism and communism)... This is where
we locate historical shifts in the definition of the boundaries between
primitive and developed civilizations, between the barbarous and civi-
lized world—boundaries which still stigmatize humanity and generate
numerous distorted imagologies of the other, dubious constructions of
the truth and closely controlled conflicts, and which ultimately gener-
ate the tragic hubris of contemporary humanity, generally hurled as
an anathema upon the back of non-integrated states with potentially
ample energy and human resources—that is, with potential power!

*****
Collective figures of memory, however much aestheticized, always
retain vestiges of their pre-aesthetic existence. Their cultural function
is related to their aesthetic function, even though it is not fully identified
with it. It is so because these figures of memory penetrate deeply into
all spheres of society—from ethnic and racial, to religious, gender, fa-
milial, custom, political and pragmatic spheres... This is a sufficient in-
ducement for the development of a special hermeneutics of the figures
of the Black Arab, Bolen Dojčin and Lepa Angelina. The three figures
submitted to interpretation (the Black Arab, Bolen Dojčin and White/
Lepa Angelina) are referred to in accordance with the dominant ethno-
logical and cultural-memory terminology of Slavia Balcanica in the last
three centuries. An excellent representative of this mythical-historical
triad is undoubtedly the Black Arab and it is for this reason that the
functions of this formulaic character (Rade Božović) occupy the central
position in this research, even, symbolically, in its title. The name of the
central figure of otherness—the Black Arab—is a parable of an original
function whose name is not fully known to us, and its confirmation with
definitive arguments is difficult. The question as to whether this is in
truth the name of Black or the name of Death or Chaos will long remain
open, however much we deem it probable, possible and logical! At a
certain moment in the interpretation of the Black Arab as a Balkanized

23 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Kata KULAVKOVA

variant of actualization of the universal archetype, we are left with the

impression that it is ultimately irrelevant what the real name of the origi-
nal was because, whatever it was, it will always retain a certain ‘local’
connotation! As soon as a name is established, it acquires a certain
historical connotation. The being of Black on the other hand, will re-
main in the sphere of pre-cognitive knowledge and beyond nominali-
sation. It is important, therefore, to identify the essence (ontos) which
precedes the personifications, whether they are codified as the Black
Arab, Black God, or as a Three-headed Lamja...
Names have changed frequently throughout history in dependence
on the cultural code of the subject who named the phenomena; thus
they cannot be considered an indisputable scientific foundation, even
though they can serve as a useful orientation for research. They prove
that the ontos/essence of the world, perceived as a matrix (function,
actant), constantly transforms within the structure of current social-
cultural circumstances and is continually personified in new figures
(characters, actors), more ritualized at times, at others predominantly
mythicized or historicized. These frequent transformations create an
illusion that the function (the role, actant) is disintegrated; in fact, how-
ever, the systemic essence of Black/White is an indivisible universal
substrate. This great capacity for transformation, characteristic of the
archetype Black, signalizes that the archetype survives only through
its own re-figurations and that its essence is dual: systemic (constitu-
tional, functional) and historical (variable, adaptable, substantial). The
essence of Black/White is fundamentally contradictory: it is faithful to
its essence (hence we can recognize its identity), but simultaneous-
ly it deviates from that essence, adopting various phenomenological
and imagological forms in different epochs and civilizations. For this
reason, the name Black Arab does not refer to some concrete, even
less to some contemporary African or Arab world; it does not imply
Arabophobia, but is simply considered to be one of the most symp-
tomatic preserved names of the phenomenon ‘Black Arab’. The other
two names—those of Bolen Dojčin and Lepa Angelina (White)—are
referred to in the same manner. We use them principally as paradigms
and only later as names of characters with a recognizable historical
identity. In some of their variant forms, these archetypical figures ob-
tain the names of some historical persons; but even in such cases,
they still retain the power to connote their original archetypal matrix.
Every symbolical name is in actual fact semantically plural and ambig-
uous. The archetype indicates its historical variants, and the variants

Black Arab
24
as a Figure of Memory
 From a Black God to a Black Arab:
different mythical and historical actualizations of the universal matrix of Black

imply their archetypal constant. This duality is of essential importance

in understanding the phenomenon of Black/White (Evil/Good), a phe-
nomenon which we also recognize as an oxymoron ‘EvilGood’.
To reiterate: we do not know the true, original and real name of
the Black Arab, as we do not know the original and real name of Bolen
Dojčin and Lepa Angelina. They are figures with many names; they
are functions personified in many characters and persons in different
constellations of tradition, cultural memory, myth and history. Each new
contextualization constitutes new concrete names which, in the course
of time, transform into symbolic names and enter history and the phe-
nomenology of EvilGood. Each radical change in the image of the
world and its system of values instigates a change in the nominal and
semantic repertoire. In this system of changes, in this process of ex-
change of evil with good, in the process of transformation of Good-now
into Evil-tomorrow, in the process of re-installing (dethroning and en-
throning) new governments and rulers, new values, new social orders,
new sources of evil, the vestiges preserved in the cultural memory are
modified as well.
At this point, there arises the need for a certain clarification of the
referential and value span between the matrix and the form (the actant
and actor)—the span which marked the figures of the Black Arab, Lepa
Angelina and Bolen Dojčin. They constitute a triad of figures belonging
to the cosmic, mythical, historical and aesthetic memory of humanity.
What would be a reasonable assumption as to the final destination
in our going back in time and civilization as far as this ‘holy trinity’
of figures remembered by both Slavic and non-Slavic peoples of the
Balkans is concerned? What are the most indicative transformations
which this original threesome has undergone in different constella-
tions of a cultural character acquiring mythical, historical, metaphysical
and aesthetic dimensions? Have all three figures existed in a tripartite
structure of relations from beginning to end? Or was there also a binary
structure of opposites? Is it a valid thesis that the tragic dramatic situ-
ation of human civilization is created by this very inclusion of a third
figure in the existing dual structure? Is it true that the aesthetic configu-
rations of these three figures are those which bring us closest to the
archetype of black darkness and white light?

*****
The unbiased and multi-disciplinary interpretations of the phenom-
enon of ‘the Black Arab’ realized within the Interpretations project dem-

25 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Kata KULAVKOVA

onstrate that this figure of memory is not an ordinary ethnic and his-
torical figure—that this is not only a regional, Balkan or Mediterranean
figure but a universal figure of collective memory which, in the given
social, cultural, folklore and linguistic circumstances, was shaped in a
specific Southern Slavic, Balkan and Mediterranean manner, in a spe-
cific Macedonian, Bulgarian, Serbian, Croatian, Romanian, Russian,
Corsican and Turkish manner. We shall highlight here several of the
most frequent interpretations and definitions of the Black Arab:

• The figure of the Black Arab contains both universal and local char-
acteristics. However, since this figure simultaneously remembers
and forgets, it evokes different contents in different epochs. This
figure is not only a palimpsest record of inscribed and erased texts
of cultural history. It does not only include vestiges of older systems
of thinking and worldviews from the perspective of racial, religious,
ethnic and cultural otherness. It does not only contain traces of the
pre-notional interpretation of the world through concrete colours,
forms and images. It also continually shifts the impregnated marks
of cultural memory from the foreground to the background and, by
doing so, it continually reevaluates them, actualizes and de-actual-
izes them. It is a figure which naturalizes forgotten, perhaps even
degraded, signs and meanings, transferring them from a universal
into a local context, from a mythical into a historical context, from
a chthonian into an earthly context, from a celestial into a profane
context.
• The Black Arab is a slippery phenomenological variable, a discreet
representative of evilgood and an indiscreet representative of evil
(in this particular case, appearing later in history as a personifica-
tion of the Arab-Byzantine wars and the Turkish invasions in the
Balkans). It is only one of the manifestations and only one of the
names of the transcendental subject of evilgood, of the constitutive
cosmic forces, of the immanent drive for radical changes in the
system of the world (of humanity, society, values).
• The figure of the Black Arab can incarnate in contradictory forms:
those of a tyrant, enemy and foreigner (of a man from a differ-
ent race and continent, from a different country, from overseas);
those of a an unbridled libido and violence, of the concrete but dark
energies of the human being; but also those of the good deities
and time (actualization of Khronos, Chronos). For this very rea-
son, the figure of the Black Arab should not be satanized. It is not

Black Arab
26
as a Figure of Memory
 From a Black God to a Black Arab:
different mythical and historical actualizations of the universal matrix of Black

a simplified actualization of ancient imagological practices of the

racial, ethnic and religious other, but rather a testimony to different
parameters in the evaluation of differences and an indicator that
nothing should be interpreted as black or white or stereotypical.
As a figure of necessary evil, the Black Arab forewarns that in the
human, far-from-ideal world, a highly developed awareness, cul-
ture and practice of ethical-humanistic values, accompanied with
a system of individual and collective priorities, is indispensable to
prevent the advent of irreparable chaos and to avoid the domina-
tion of destructive chthonian forces.
• The figure of the Black Arab is one of the historical and social-
cultural actualizations (appropriations, naturalizations and visu-
alizations) of the archetypal proto-pattern of evilgood/the arche-
type of beyond evil and beyond good (agon, unity of oppositions,
evil, disease, plague, violence, daemons, darkness, nothingness,
chaos, entropy, destruction, death, terror, underworld, dissimilarity,
foreignness, tyranny, invasion, pillage, war, conflict, duel, decisive
battle of life and death, jet-black horse1). For this very reason, the 1. The syntagm Black Arab
is today widely used to refer
Black Arab functions as a double of a much older mytheme, the to a markedly black breed
mytheme of Black, death. The Black Arab is one of the characters of horses.
of this mytheme of Black, perceived primarily as a counterbalance
to White (light, life) and devoid of differentiated moral semantics.
We find it difficult to understand the meta-ethical notions of life and
death, perceived as whiteness and blackness (light against dark,
visible against invisible). However, the probability is high that in
different cultural circumstances with different perceptional param-
eters, the image of the world was not constructed on the basis of
the dualism between good and evil.
• The Black Arab is, therefore, a character of the function of BLACK
and exists only in correlation with WHITE. Both black and white are
relational, structural categories, constituted one against the other
and obtaining their semantic importance and value, and subse-
quently their ethical importance, only through mutual relationship.
Thus the Black Arab is dependent on Bolen Dojčin. The Black Arab
cannot be understood if not observed in correlation with Bolen
Dojčin (Dažbog, Milky Way). Nor can the figure of the Black Arab
be understood without insight into the figure of White Angelina.
Angelina is the semanteme of original whiteness and light, of the
angel (Angelina), of the female principle of home, of the self, of the
first notions about one’s own country, of the first notions about a

27 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Kata KULAVKOVA

native land (motherland, later fatherland) ... It is not unfounded to

believe that the ancient pair of opposites was that consisting of the
Black Arab and White Angelina. Bolen Dojčin becomes a hero-sav-
iour of the native land/home when urged by Lepa Angelina, at the
moment when she becomes aware that it is her turn to be raped by
the Black Arab, to be conquered by the Black Arab, to be estranged
by the Black Arab...

*****
The attributes black and white, as well as the determinants ours/
foreign/alien, fellow man/foreigner, are deictic with a minimal imma-
nent meaning, with many more semantic functions than semantic char-
acters, as they semanticize and define their referential content only
after having been placed within some concrete historical and commu-
nication context and consequently converted into their concrete mythi-
cal and historical transformations/masks—into the characters (perso-
nae) of Time, Chronos, Saturn, Ares, the Three-headed Dragon, the
Devil, the Plague, the Negro, the Persian emperor Darius, the Arab,
the Moor, the Semite, the Turk, the Arnaut, a person of a different
faith, etc., as personifications of Black while, when White is personi-
fied, it assumes the form of the white man, initially only pictorially and
symbolically white but later assuming the physical form of the white
man. White light is personified in conformity with the dominant cultural
codes (the theocentric or anthropocentric view of the world, orthodox
or catholic ...) into the form of an angel, holy man or saint—that is, in
the shape of a beautiful young woman, Lepa (White) Angelina, ad-
ditionally accorded the role of a mother, sister, wife, progeny, native
land, possession). The white light is probably one of the oldest cultural
perceptions of the original light-seeing light whose presence has been
preserved alive in the languages of the Slavic peoples to the present
day. A logical antithesis of Black God is White God, as the antithesis of
the Black Arab is White Angelina. In this context, the Black Arab and
White Angelina re-construct the original pair of opposites (Dažbog and
Crnbog) and corroborate one pre-historic worldview (cosmic, eschato-
logical, and then mythical) not as yet fraught with ethical, racial, ethnic
and ideological stereotypes.
The image of light and dark, originating from the universe but resid-
ing on the earth in full view of humanity and in the universal chronotopic
structure, seems most primeval. Light and darkness ARE in the begin-
ning. The birth of Man inscribes in the structure of the world the need to

Black Arab
28
as a Figure of Memory
 From a Black God to a Black Arab:
different mythical and historical actualizations of the universal matrix of Black

watch and see; it is as ‘clear as day’ that nothing is visible without light,
that there is no beauty without light, that light is immanent to human
culture, which syllogistically suggests that light—seeing light—is worth
dying for. With the very introduction of light as a value of civilization,
the earliest system of ethical and religious (pagan/polytheist, and later
Christian) values is introduced. The semantics of light are transferred
in the notion of daylight/seeing light, whereby an additional meaning
of awareness of light, of sense and discernment, is introduced. The
category of seeing is brought into play as a significant cultural step
forward. The perception of light as awareness instigates the next step
forward when awareness is understood as a form of beauty. Beauty in
sight is experienced as beauty for the soul. The multiplication of White
Angelina’s (white angel’s) attributes as a mother, sister, wife, probably
occurred later as a variant which introduced more marked and differen-
tiated ethical notional elements (incest). While the correlation of Lepa
Angelina with collective values such as community, people, native
land, native town, was introduced in additional layers in the meaning of
the original figure of the white light, of Lepa Angelina.
Thus, in the course of time, ever more new semantic layers are
added to the same substrate of light, marked mythically, historically,
ethnically, religiously, linguistically and culturally. This elaboration of
the perceptional, cognitive, communicational and ethical context insti-
gated a radical change of a mythical character, and later of an epic-his-
torical character, which introduced the figure of the hero, the national
hero, the figure which, in this case, we will call Bolen Dojčin. There is
no doubt that Bolen Dojčin is a mythical-historical personification of
the ancient role of a saviour, a role which introduces onto the stage of
human civilization the category of tragic drama, a cultural structure of
existence which requires at least three dramatis personae, three roles
accorded to three characters. The stage of the initial cosmic duality
incarnated in the binary pair the Black Arab and White Angelina was
not sufficient for civilization to produce tragic dramatic situations. They
require another, third role/figure, established through the introduction
of a whole series of semi-mythical, semi-legendary and historical char-
acters (Bolen Dojčin, St. George, St. Demetrios, King Marko). In this
expansion of the dual into a tripartite structure, numerous deviations
from the original matrix were effected: meanings were transferred, val-
ues were substituted, depending on the stance and the actions of the
subjects, on their motifs and positions (conqueror or defender, loser or
victor, the one who is menaced or the one who menaces). This kind of

29 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Kata KULAVKOVA

historical or cultural context began differentiating positive and negative

heroes, justified and unjustified evil, heroic murder and criminal mur-
der, institutional and individual terror.
We would like to refer briefly to a symptomatic phraseological com-
bination which has survived to the present day in Macedonian and oth-
er Slavic languages, the syntagm bela videlina, belo videlo (white light
or white seeing light) which generated the anthropomorphic perception
of the world in the character of White Angelina. Therefore, it appears
that the third key figure, the figure of the White Woman in the Southern
Slavic triad—and within this context, in the Macedonian triad—com-
posed of the Black Arab, Bolen Dojčin and Lepa Angelina, is in fact
the key principal figure of the archetype of the pre-notional dualistic
worldview. White Angelina is a personification of the archetype of Light/
Holiness, of Day, of feeding and nourishing rain, of everything visible, of
this world, and consequently ours, everything that in the course of time
becomes identified with our home, our land, our world, our possession.
White Angelina is the female principle opposed to the male principle,
even though there later occurred a reversal in the personification of
the two cosmic principles in the genders, and it is more frequent now
that the female principle is dark and the male principle incarnates light.
However, the matriarchal mind had many reasons to characterize light
as a bright, white woman - mother (home, this world), and darkness as
a black-skinned, dark man (foreigner - destroyer of the home and of
established harmony, the energy that devours everything, synonymous
with the upheaval and overthrow of authority, the son killing his father
and taking over the throne, new Time, new cultural code). It is highly
likely that the initial basic pair of binary opposition which reflected the
cosmic in earthly relations consisted of a white woman and a black
man, the basic figures of cultural upsurge. The Black Arab and Bolen
Dojčin are two sides of the same cultural coin, two ends and two di-
rections of the same line/road, two cheeks of one head (mythology
encompasses such heads/figures, Janus’s, for instance). It might not
be a matter of mere chance that oral literary and linguistic tradition
has preserved the image of the two-headed, that is, the three-headed
dragon.
This is corroborated by numerous elements of earlier metamor-
phoses of the Balkan Bolen Dojčin and the Black Arab containing un-
differentiated elements which led towards mutual semantic contami-
nation and mixing of attributes (characteristics, colours, functions). In
retrospect, we can observe that over long periods of time some im-

Black Arab
30
as a Figure of Memory
 From a Black God to a Black Arab:
different mythical and historical actualizations of the universal matrix of Black

portant traits of the figure of the Black Arab were transferred upon the
figure of Bolen Dojčin and vice versa. Thus, Dojčin, as an epic-heroic
substitute of White Angelina, becomes sick, that is, assumes the traits
of black, of death, ‘rising from the dead’ to enact his famous heroic
deed, to defeat in a duel the assailant and conqueror personified in the
figure of the Black Arab. Both figures are figures of war (incarnations
of the mythical Ares/Mars), but the difference in the concrete historical
situations was already drawn in accordance with the ethical system of
values of the historical cultures resulting in a strict distinction between
the hero and the anti-hero: between the hero as saviour of a city, ter-
ritory and people, and the figure of the anti-hero, the conqueror. The
mythical Bolen Dojčin and the legendary-historical King Marko are epic
heroes who transform war into a feat because they rescue people/ter-
ritory from invasion, while the legendary-historical figures of the Black
Arab and the historical figure of the Turk are negative epic counterparts
of those anti-heroes, observed from the perspective of the subject who
is conquered, enslaved, tortured, destroyed (demolished, if it is a city,
or a building). This is the actual perspective created by the epic-heroic
tradition of the Southern Slavic and other Balkan peoples, the per-
spective which realizes—that is, linguistically-artistically performs—the
actualization of the hero-saviour. In this historical context, the roles are
already split, in line with moral notions and values, into a positive and a
negative hero, into a saviour and a tyrant, into a friend and an enemy,
into ours and foreign, into a defensive and aggressive war, into a crea-
tor and a destroyer... However, in the background of this agon/duel
between Bolen Dojčin and the Black Arab, between King Marko and
the Ottoman, we can discern the figure of White Angelina, the parable
of the light and holy ideal, the reason for the battle between the two
heroes, the parable of one’s own territory, that is, fatherland, the meta-
phor of freedom and peaceful ‘beautiful life’, preserved in the idiom
‘to be oneself on one’s own’. This proves that the duel/agon between
Bolen Dojčin and the Black Arab is not an end in itself, a war for war’s
sake, but a war whose purpose is a recognizable motif with two sides:
one that desires to conquer the foreign land and enslave its foreign
people (to convert/assimilate them as one’s own); the other summoned
to defend the land and the people (to preserve the identity).
All that was once a synonym of light is retained in the character
of White Angelina for whom it is worth waging a war and dying. Bolen
Dojčin is only a defender of light; light itself is represented by the figure
of White Angelina, the ideal, the higher worth, formerly pre-ethical, and

31 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Kata KULAVKOVA

subsequently ethical and ethnic. In this context we should draw atten-

tion to the fact that the triad of characters creates a dramatic situation,
an intensive tragic dramatic situation conveyed in Balkan memories
and cultures. In order for a tragic dramatic situation to be established,
the existence of two opposed heroes is insufficient; the inclusion of a
third person is necessary, a character who will incarnate a higher su-
perhuman goal—the ideals of freedom, of love, of faith, something for
the sake of which it is worth dying. Hence, it appears that the Balkan
appropriation of the archetype of light and dark introduces the factor
of the ideal, motivation, justification—something else which lies on
the boundary between human and divine values, between the worldly
and the holy, between the banal and sacral... This triple structure of
personified roles of hero, negative hero and superior power (ideal) is
where the tragic struggle takes place in which the notion for a superior
collective interest is formed beyond the boundaries of individual drive.
For this reason, the majority of epic poems concerning the subject of
Bolen Dojčin/the Black Arab are of a balladic-dramatic structure and
resemble a transformed old drama, the drama of humanity, the drama
in which the superior ideal is the basic principle of the collective ethi-
cal code. In this context, it appears that the incarnation of Light, Lepa
Angelina, is simultaneously an incarnation of the new cultural ideal (of
the new Time, of the Spirit of the Times), that is, of collective identity,
ethnic identity closely associated with territory (one’s own city, one’s
own house, one’s own field).
The role of Bolen Dojčin is played in different cultural circumstanc-
es by the figures of Zeus, Jupiter, Alexander the Great, St. George, St.
Demetrios, Gjergj Kastrioti and others. In this sense, the personifica-
tion of White in the White Man is also of a later date, one formed in par-
ticular social-historical circumstances when notions about racial, and
later ethnic, and often religious (cultural) differences were formed. The
Southern Slavic epic, for instance, depicts Bolen Dojčin and the Black
Arab as prototypes of a Christian and a Muslim, and the battle between
them is a symbolic representation of the conflict between Christendom
and Islam.

*****
As figures of collective memory and oblivion, the Black Arab, Bolen
Dojčin and White/Lepa Angelina position the topos of Black in a so-
phisticated and dramatic triad of cosmic and cultural antagonisms.
Black is the colour of proto-matter, of the primordial unity, the colour

Black Arab
32
as a Figure of Memory
 From a Black God to a Black Arab:
different mythical and historical actualizations of the universal matrix of Black

of night, of the original chaos, of death, of the instincts and the female
principle (Jean Chevalier, Alain Gheerbrant 1969). White is not always
in opposition to black: in some traditions this place is occupied by red
or yellow (solar energy, symbol of life). The blackness of the Black Arab
in Macedonian folk ballads is described as a ‘charred log’ (Brothers
Miladinov, poem no. 154, p 226), unlike Bolen Dojčin’s yellowness indi-
cating his illness and death. However, in some inherited semantic lay-
ers, it evokes the colour of life-giving energy (fire). In Macedonian oral
literature, as well as in some southern Macedonian dialects (Kukuš,
Voden), expressions are preserved which describe the Black Arab with
an antithetical opposing of attributes: ‘the blond head of the Black Arab’,
‘the golden Arab’ (Kosta Peev 2008, Brothers Miladinov). The use of
constant epithets implies a process of stylization and these expres-
sions should thus be interpreted symbolically since they often express
an emotional approach to the subject of the poem or represent meta-
textual expressions about poetry itself. Negroid iconography conveys
an awareness of a certain essential cosmic or cultural difference (racial
and ethnic, but also moral and religious) and, to an even greater ex-
tent, a collective segregational attitude towards that difference. In this
sense, otherness in the Balkan-Mediterranean region is conspicuously
marked by obscurantism whenever the characters described are of dif-
ferent origins (Arabic, Moorish, Turkish, Arnaut, African, Semitic, even
Slavic), different religions (pagans, godless, non-Christian, Muslims),
or are ethically/culturally different (honour, valor, loyalty, avarice, vio-
lence, alcoholism, reaching for what is not yours, customs).
In the paradigm of the Black Arab in the Slavic- and non-Slavic
Balkan and Mediterranean context, several analogues of these three
figures of memory are inscribed—linguistically and culturally distinct,
but complementary in their essence. This is the case with the ana-
logue of the Black Arab, the Black Moor, Moors (in Croatian, Slovenian,
Italian and Corsican linguistic and cultural memories), the analogue of
Bolen Dojčin - Gjergj Elez Ali (within the Albanian linguistic context), as
well as the problematic analogue of Lepa Angelina - Lepa Vida (estab-
lished in the Serbian, Croatian and Slovenian context, especially when
the motif is the ‘abduction of a woman’).
Explicitly under the same names or in several variations of
the names with cultural-historical connotations, this triad of char-
acters can be located in the folklore heritage of all Balkan peoples
(Bosnian, Bulgarian, Macedonian, Serbian, Croatian, Montenegrin,
Albanian, Romanian, Turkish, Greek traditions), as well in that of the

33 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Kata KULAVKOVA

Mediterranean peoples (Italian, Corsican, French); and beyond that, it

is reflected in the linguistic and collective memory of other European
peoples (Russian, Georgian, Ukrainian). Hence, the most frequently
researched discourses of the Black Arab topic within this project were
epic poems, ballads, folktales, magical tales and other types of narra-
tive folklore, as well as some lyrical genres with lascivious and comic
content, the folk village theatre or the Karagyoz shadows theatre, the
Moorish shadow theatre from Corsica, the Sicilian puppet theatre, etc.
However, the scientific research of the Interpretations project for 2008
did not exclude pre-literary and bordering discourses such as mythical
discourse; nor could memory practices and vestiges in the language
itself and the general cultural symbolism be ignored. It is these linguis-
tic and cultural symbols that function as evidence of collective memory
and their content is enigmatic but indicative, indispensable in the ex-
ploration of subtleties in the figures of the Black Arab, Bolen Dojčin and
Lepa Angelina. These subtleties direct the research interest towards
the ancient cultural matrices of a markedly pre-ethical, pre-ethnic and
pre-religious constitution. They forewarn that various issues, which at
present and in more recent cultural history are perceived in ethnic, reli-
gious or ethical light, were previously devoid of such semantics or were
of more universal, not only anthropological but also cosmogonic and
eschatological significance. Revisiting long-gone epochs reintroduces
the interpretation of the mythological principles of thinking the world.
These principles demonstrate that the mythical worldview is sponta-
neous and integral (matter, space and time are not set apart), that
Man and the world are not split into subjects and objects (an observing
subject and an observed object), that there is no formal-logical causal-
ity in linguistic images. Within this World, time is observed as if it is
matter, so figuratively real that it appears unreal (fantastic). Metaphor
in myth is fairly concrete; symbolism is unknown to the myth-creating
mind—the mind that creates images, art, folklore, and even history. For
this very reason, mythical stories are read as a version of history (O.
Freydenberg 1987, 39-40). Mythical thinking/interpreting of the world
does not recognize abstract notions and speculations; it employs im-
ages devoid of religious and ethical connotations. This type of thinking
is characteristic of the epochs preceding Antiquity. Antiquity was a pe-
riod that introduced notional thinking. In this context, it is not excluded
that images of the Black Arab have mythical pre-history; that is, that
they were once completely concrete or aesthetic (of the senses) repre-
sentations of space, time, life, death, light, darkness...

Black Arab
34
as a Figure of Memory
 From a Black God to a Black Arab:
different mythical and historical actualizations of the universal matrix of Black

Observed from this perspective, the semantics of Black are beyond

moral laws and beyond the polarization of evil against good. The initial
system of binary oppositions between the constitutive forces of the
cosmos depict the world as a functioning structure of two principles:
the principle of creation and the principle of destruction, of life and
death, of war and peace. The cultural duality between evil and good is
a variation of the two constitutive cosmic forces. The oxymoronic figure
of evilgood implies that the identification of evil and good is a question
of interest, perspective and an observing subject. Things become good
or evil in certain cultural circumstances; they are not such in their es-
sence. Vestiges of undivided and integrated evilgood can be located in
some rituals in which the personifications of the principle of good them-
selves (Bolen Dojčin) assume characteristics of the principle of Satan/
evil (the Black Arab)—dark, black faces, figures of the monstrously
other.
Through this shift back in space-time, the three currently distin-
guishable figures, the three differentiated functions—the function of the
folk hero saviour (Bolen Dojčin), the function of the foreigner/enslaver
(the Arab, Moor, Turk, Arnaut), and the function of threatened honour
(people, home) personified in the character of the wife, mother, sister
or ‘blood sister’ Angelina—emerge emancipated of the shadow of ra-
cial, ethnic, religious, cultural and social divisions. Research reveals
semantic layers in the figures of Bolen Dojčin, Lepa Angelina and the
Black Arab which take us back to the undivided world of pre-ethical
thinking in which opposites cohabit for the very reason that they are
immanent to the cosmos, where Man and Man’s world are inseparable
parts of the cosmos and the unity of opposites is a moving force of evo-
lution. In this world there is a certain harmony between the world and
the visual, linguistic and other semiotic-symbolic representations of the
world, a harmony between the earthly human and the celestial cosmic
worlds. This harmony of representation is a constitutive principle of
human civilization. The human spirit comprehends things concretely
with the senses and intuitively; consequently, the visualization of the
world is not yet confined by the dualism of good and evil. This cogni-
tive return in time-space thrusts to the foreground memory practices of
ritual provenance which contain vestiges of the archetypal visions of
the world (the energy structure of the universe, the male and female
principle), as well as vestiges of archaic imagologies of the other man
and the other world (the black man as the other from the perspective of
the white man, the black world/underworld as otherness from the point

35 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Kata KULAVKOVA

of view of the white world/this world). Thus, the project The Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory entails not only precise folklorist, historical, ar-
chaeological and linguistic-semantic studies, but also interpretative,
mythopoetic and semiotic analyses.

*****
Judging by the relevant indicators, the figures of the Black Arab,
Bolen Dojčin and White Angelina are symbolic, syncretic and acting
roles (functions in Propp’s terminology, actants in Greimas’s terminol-
ogy). They are composed of a fascinating multiplicity of ingredients
which have left traces in both the material and non-material cultural
heritage of the Balkan and Mediterranean peoples (in literature, folk-
lore, theatre, visual arts, language and collective memory). Their syn-
cretism encompasses elements of different discursive provenance,
different genesis, even different connotations. Hande Bircalan Gedik
perceives this syncretism as a combination of fictional and projected
realities characteristic of narrative and dramatic-theatrical forms.
This syncretic structure involves the presence of diverse elements
in the same place at the same time. At this point in time, in the pre-
served textures of the figures of the Black Arab, Bolen Dojčin and Lepa
Angelina, the presence of their earlier forms is obvious and thus makes
their (current) syncretism unquestionable. Traces of their earlier dis-
cursive textures (cosmological, chthonian. ritual, mythical, theatrical,
epic, fairy-tale like/fantastic, historical, religious, ethnic-cultural) are
inscribed in their syncretism, demonstrated as appropriations of these
figures in actual social-cultural circumstances.
However, the current syncretism of theses figures of memory is not
mechanically adopted from earlier epochs and their actualizations of
these same figures. In other words, it is highly probable that the syn-
cretic intensity of the figures of the Black Arab, Bolen Dojčin and Lepa
Angelina were reduced in certain concrete, localized (in time, space
and tradition) social-cultural constellations. The more they were ‘local-
ized’, the more the meaning of the figures of the Black Arab, Bolen
Dojčin and Lepa Angelina was narrowed and their syncretism reduced.
In such cases, only one of their dimensions was separated and empha-
sized as dominant; that is, one singular reception and interpretation of
the topos of Black was, for instance, replaced by another, whereby cul-
tural conventions were shifted from the foreground to the background
of history. For these very reasons, in ancient periods when these fig-
ures were not yet historicized they cannot be perceived as mythically-

Black Arab
36
as a Figure of Memory
 From a Black God to a Black Arab:
different mythical and historical actualizations of the universal matrix of Black

historically syncretic. As we move closer to more recent history and

to the 21st century, the syncretism of these three figures of memory
becomes more marked. It is not by chance that the contemporary mind
raises the question of the genesis, structure, semiosis and functions of
these three figures of memory and considers relevant the need for their
hermeneutic and archetypological deconstruction and reconstruction.
The positioning of the three figures of the Black Arab, Bolen Dojčin
and White Angelina in different structural combinations implies a dif-
ferent genesis each time and a genesis which constitutes different se-
mantics of the same figures. It is a matter of several distinct contexts
in which the meaning and significance (role) of these figures is con-
stituted, whereby a distinction is made between their inherited/basic
meaning and their concrete thematic values or purpose. At this point,
we would like to note some specific instances of the contextualization
of these memory figures and their pertinent semanticizations and styli-
zations:

1. When the binary coupling Black Arab < > White Angelina is consti-
tuted, the mytheme of the universal agon/antagonism of existence
is dominant and the probability is high that this is a case of evoca-
tion of an archaic perceptive position which highlights the primary
cosmic oppositions in a constant process of disintegration and inte-
gration. This is the agon between light and darkness, between the
visible and invisible world, between day and night, between life and
death, between the male and female (active and passive) principle,
between the animus and the anima. This configuration preserves
the tendency towards the unity, integration and indivisibility of cos-
mic principles: differences already exist manifestly, they have been
here forever, but associated with a paradoxical drive for reuniting,
even if that be violent (abduction, fertilization, hybridization). It is a
paradigm of the ritual performance and ritualized memory related
to primordial violence and sacrifice. Therefore, we will refer to this
configuration as cosmogonical, eschatological and chthonian, and
we will associate it with ritual culture and mythical thinking.
2. The shift from ritual and mythical to folkloric and religious percep-
tion of the world is projected in the construction of the antagonized
and masculinized figures of the Black Arab and Bolen Dojčin. It is
dominated by a polarity which is partially historical and partially
mythical, reflected in the numerous Byzantine visualizations of
the agon between the Lamja and the figure of the Saviour/Saint

37 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Kata KULAVKOVA

(George, Demetrios). This configuration indicates ethical notions of

the world in which confessional, ethnic and social values are intro-
duced. It is characteristic of narrative and theatrical practices in the
folk culture of the Balkans, which initiate a distinction between sac-
ral and profane forms of existence. Introducing the cult of religious-
ethnic identity/alterity, this configuration actualizes the topos of the
duel (the heroic interpretation of salvation from the personification
of Satan, whether real-historical or metaphysical-mythical).
3. The configuration which unites the figures of Bolen Dojčin and
Lepa Angelina against the Black Arab is an attempt to open the
new ethnic-social appropriation of the figure of the hero-saviour to
the memories of earlier linguistic and visual interpretations of the
agon of genesis and survival. Memory is porous and leaks images
from the past into new constructs. Through the integration of a third
figure, memory is dramatized. Mythical and ritual stories are thea-
tralicalized. An explicit category is introduced of the ethics of the
ethnicity, of a collective ideal (territory, borders, freedom, honour),
which generates conditions for the constitution of the image of the
religious, ethnic and cultural other. In this context, we may raise
the question of the symbolism of Lepa Angelina, who is the clos-
est to the ethos of the ideal and purpose of sacrifice. Woman is a
symbolic image of humankind, of one’s genus in general, and she
is worth dying for and waging a battle which goes beyond the no-
tions of a human measure. In this sense, Lepa Angelina emerges
as a generator of the ethic code of humanity. She is the boundary
stone between pre-notional (mythical) and notional-ethical think-
ing. She introduces drama into events and supplies conflicts with
a higher purpose, transforming violence into feats, battlefields into
heroic duels, battles into the salvation of nations or humanity as a
whole... This is why her acting role is related to the ritual-tragic and
narrative-epic folkloric and literary discourses. The figure of Lepa
Angelina is a kind of a substitute for the ‘chorus’ and the voice of
the collective, which implies a value of moral duty devoid of which
there would be no superhuman duels or self-sacrifice (for protec-
tion of the honour of the loved one, or of the family, fatherland,
freedom). This higher purpose is situated on the very threshold of
the ethics of the conflict between the Black Arab and Bolen Dojčin
(there are some indications that Dojčin’s name is a hermetic an-
amnesis of the Milky Way, of the galaxy, of milk, light and life, of
breastfeeding (doenje) understood as being, especially since in

Black Arab
38
as a Figure of Memory
 From a Black God to a Black Arab:
different mythical and historical actualizations of the universal matrix of Black

some Macedonian folk songs he is referred to as ‘A Little Child’,

‘Barebellied Child’, an orphaned child, all of which are substitutes
of ancient epic-mythical figures).2
2. In the epic poem ‘The
Little Child and the Black
In this context it emerges that, for the purposes of an orienational Arab’, the role of Bolen
chronology and typology of the figures of the Black Arab, Bolen Dojčin Dojčin is played by a lit-
tle, weakly, and seemingly
and Lepa Angelina, it is possible to produce a provisional scheme of
powerless child-orphan.
their evolution determined by the dominant functions they performed
in particular social-cultural circumstances. Aware of the risk of such an
undertaking, I will offer a scheme which simultaneously refers to the
development of the genre forms in which the topos of Black has been
inscribed throughout the history of the Slavic-Balkan-Mediterranean
cultural sphere and to the changes in the dominant identifications of
Black. This scheme is an attempt at an account of the series of in-
terpretative variants of the topos of Black, which are replicas both of
the archetype of Black and of the inherited dominant cultural construct
of Black, which supplies the topos of Black with a historical dimen-
sion. The scheme can also be indicative of the elements which, in the
course of time, composed the syncretism of the figures of the Black
Arab, Bolen Dojčin and Lepa Angelina, these figures being only one
of the more recent appropriations of the topos-matrix of Black/White
(Dark/Light). Finally, the scheme of the evolution of the topos of Black
can be read as a parable for the evolution and the priorities of human
civilization, which only serves as an additional motivation to come forth
with such a scheme:

Cosmological > chthonian > ritual > linguistic > mythical > folkloric
theatrical (performative) > folkloric-literary (heroic epic, balladic, lyrical,
fictional-narrative, fairytale-like or fantastic) > religious (Christian, Muslim)
> historical (Neolithic migrations, Mediterranean migrations, pirate raids,
Macedonian-Hellenistic conquests in the Middle East, Byzantine-Arab
wars, Moorish migrations, Ottoman conquests, Muslim conquests, Arnaut
terror) > religious > ethnic-cultural (cultural other) appropriations

Notions about the mythical ‘black man’ and social-cultural position-

ing with respect to this figure go far back in Macedonian and Balkan
history. In the light of this information, the presence of the black man
on European soil—that is, on the territory of ancient Haemus (the old
name for the Balkan peninsula)—is not only mythical/imaginary, but
also historical/concrete. Archaeological artifacts concerning the black
man and his artistic representations have been excavated and doc-

39 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Kata KULAVKOVA

umented on the territory of the Republic of Macedonia, dating from

the Neolithic period (5-4th millennium BC) and from Antiquity (Nikos
Čausidis, Tatjana Civjan, Radmilo Petrović).
Obscured by the historically differentiated binary pair consisting of
the Black Arab and Bolen Dojčin is the memory of the Slavic pagan
nomenclature in its background consisting of the White God and the
Black God (Belobog and Crnobog, Dažbog and Triglav), as well as
the ancient Greek and Roman matrix (Ares/Mars and Hades/Pluto -
diurnal and nocturnal deities of war). Delving deeper into the lethargic
memory of humanity, we can discern figures divest of any ethnic affili-
ation and neutral. These figures are of no ethnic-cultural provenance,
even though humanity has remembered them through a certain, that
is, someone’s linguistic angle. We refer to the anthropomorphic and
theriomorphic personifications of Darkness and Light, of Time and
Death, of degeneration and regeneration, as well as to the pre-Great
Flood images of the uroborus (the snake-dragon eating its own tail,
ουροβόρος όφις in Ancient Greek), the Horned Ram - the Prince of
Darkness, Cronus who eats his own children, Zeus who dethrones
Cronus, and the Plague that reaps the living...
Hence we can conclude that, as mythical time is replaced by his-
tory, historical times are also sometimes replaced by mythical time;
that is, mythical and historical thinking alternate and leave traces in
each other. In some historical periods marked by a lack of prosperous
historical processes, it is highly probable for a mythic turn to occur. This
mythic turn within a certain historical epoch denotes a radical episte-
mological break which actualizes a mythical interpretation of the world
in circumstances of previously expended historical interpretations. This
mythic break portrays historical figures from a mythical angle and hy-
bridizes mythical and historical figures. It introduces a certain degree
of historical/hermeneutical aporia and enigma leading to multiple inter-
pretations and even misapprehensions.
Conversely, in periods of more stable historical circumstances, the
historical code of the Black Arab’s story is depleted. This depletion is
then compensated for by a renewal of the mythical code of the Black
Arab, or by the introduction of other, folkloric, neo-mythical and fantas-
tic re-compositions of the Black Arab’s stereotype within the folk cul-
tures of the Mediterranean, and the figure of the Black Arab is profaned
in keeping with the carnival, satirical and eroticized image of reality
characteristic of medieval folk culture.

Black Arab
40
as a Figure of Memory
 From a Black God to a Black Arab:
different mythical and historical actualizations of the universal matrix of Black

*****
The studies employing folkloristic-historicist, ethnological and cultu-
rological methodology (Rade Božović, Lidija Stojanović Lafazanovska,
Sonja Zogović) note the fact that the figure of the Black Arab was struc-
tured in folk culture and folk literature during the period of Byzantine-
Arab conflicts between the 8th and 12th centuries (780-1180), way be-
fore the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans. This figure was revitalized
in the time of the Ottoman Empire (14th–19th centuries), when the
Arab was actualized in the character of the Turk and later on the Aranut
(in epic poetry, the character of Gino Arnaut emerges as an antagonist
of King Marko) and his antagonist was recognized in the historically
hyperbolized figure of King Marko.
Despite this actualization of Black in the character of the Ottoman
Turk, the earlier term ‘Black Arab’ remains much more frequent in the
cultural memory of the Balkan peoples. This resistance of collective
memory to localize the topos of Black-White antagonism in the histori-
cal symbolizations of the Turk and King Marko indicates that ancient
mythic symbolism is more influential than the historical and that it pos-
sesses the power to transcend concrete historical traumas. This adds
to our certainty that, in the last few centuries, the name of the Black
Arab has gained the value of a symbolic name of a symbolic figure
which is more detached from historical than from mythical Time.
In principle, the establishment of a certain social-cultural stance to-
wards the Arab world was probable in Antiquity—that is, much earlier in
history than the Byzantine-Arab conflicts. Many visual representations
of the fateful battle between Alexander the Great and the Persian king
Darius are structured as variations on the same pattern which we can
trace in subsequent Byzantine and Ottoman social-cultural constella-
tions. Byzantine visual representations of the Christianized figures of
the saviour of Thessalonica and many other cities (St Demetrios, St
George) can also be interpreted as variations on the same archetypal
matrix. They actualize the religious-historical superhuman battle of the
saint with every possible incarnation of the dark forces and Satan -
the Lamja, the three-headed dragon, the sea monster, the Plague, the
Turk...
These representations permeated the ethic-centric and ethno-
centric world (whose central principle is the moral law, as immanently
human, against the cosmic law which is immanently amoral, indifferent
to moral axiology). This moral law places the representatives of evil
and good—the friend and the enemy, the ethnic/religious fellow man

41 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Kata KULAVKOVA

and the foreigner, the good and the bad hero and the protector and the
conqueror—in explicit opposition. Within this ethically divided world,
evil itself is dual and divided into good and bad (evil/violence), which
concludes with the dual image of the good and bad hero, of justified
(defensive) and unjustifiable (aggressive, expansionist, colonialist, im-
perialist) violence.
What becomes conspicuous is that the figure of the Black Arab is
historicized in one period and de-historicized in another. In this proc-
ess it is mythicized and de-mythicized, mystified and demystified. (The
historical variations of the Black Arab appear as a form of mystifica-
tion when observed from the perspective of the original figure of the
archetype of black.) When de-historicized, the figure of the Black Arab
restores the mythic matrix, referring back to the forgotten images of
ancient civilizations. When mythicized, the figure of the Black Arab re-
visits archaic (Manichean) visualizations and notions of cosmic and
chthonian energies (diabolical figures, monsters, three-headed drag-
ons, three-headed totems, three-headed deities, daemons of death,
black underworld deities). When historicized, this figure retreats from
mythical visual representations and constitutes new, historically rec-
ognizable embodiments which can vary socially/culturally in relation to
the archetypal pattern and which contemporize the figure of the Black
Arab in the characters of a black African man, a black Moor, an Asiatic
Arab (Persian), Turk, Arnaut. At a certain historical moment, the figure
is fixed in the textualized memory of folklore and oral cultural heritage
as a symbolic Black Arab, irrespective of whether the concrete histori-
cal enemy is Negroid or not.
Socio-cultural and historical appropriations of the notion of the
Black Arab vary to such an extent that we could truly refer to this notion
as an arabesque of variegated references. The mythic appropriations
tend towards a return to the archaic imagological representations with
a cosmical or other universal anthropological meaning which interprets
the Black Arab as a figure of sexual power (Gabriela Schubert), as a
figure with a sorcerer’s power, or as a figure which is not necessarily
negative but simply a borderline figure of the human subconscious, a
figure of suppressed impulsive and propulsive energy, a figure of radi-
cal upheavals in space and time, a figure of power... In actualizations
of the symbolic Black Arab we can note variations in the intensity of
interest in the antithetical personification of the archetype of black and
the archetype of white (dark and light, day and night, visible and invis-
ible world, old and new time, good and bad god, black and white sun,

Black Arab
42
as a Figure of Memory
 From a Black God to a Black Arab:
different mythical and historical actualizations of the universal matrix of Black

Crnobog and Belobog, Black Goddess and White Goddess). At times

this interest is higher, at others lower, and this affects the complemen-
tary personification of Bolen Dojčin in the culturally, racially, ethnically
and religiously marked figures of the White Man (Bolen Dojčin, King
Marko, St George, St Demetrios, Gjergj Elez Ali). By contrasting the
differences between the black and the white figures, these variations
actually refer us back to the initial unity of dark and light which can be
comprehended only within the framework of the pre-ethical worldview
which does not recognize a division of the principles into positive and
negative, only a dramatic act of movement of memory and energy in
space and time.
The evolution of this mythic-historical symbolism of ‘the Black Arab’
is reviewed and presented in the scheme of mythic-historical trans-
formations put forward by Professor Rade Božović. This scheme is
corroborated (explicitly and implicitly) by the majority of the studies in
the third volume of Interpretations: Dragon/Lamja/Monster/Karagjoz >
Crnobog/Troglav/Triglav > the Black Arab > the Moor > the Turk > the
Arnaut (and less frequent versions with a Slav or a Gipsy). The dragon
appears here as an initial model of the Black Arab, as one of the earli-
est incarnations of the cosmological topos of Black and the Black Man.
A similar scheme could be drawn analogously with respect to the figure
of Bolen Dojčin (White, the White Man). It could be presented as fol-
lows: Horseman/Child/Man/Hero > Belobog/Dažbog/Zeus > Saviour/
St George/St Demetrios > Bolen Dojčin > King Marko.
Thus the figures of the Black Arab, Bolen Dojčin and Lepa Angelina
persist in a rhythmical-schematic process of development in which their
interpretation shifts between cosmic-mythic and historical memory
practices. This renders the amplitudes between the magical-fantastic
and realistic-historical perception of the world (reality, time, masculin-
ity, heroism, fighting duels, female beauty, war, foreigner, saviour, fam-
ily, people) symptomatic and compels any interpretation to respect the
historicization of the figures of the Black Arab, Bolen Dojčin and Lepa
Angelina, as well as their arcahization and mythicization.
Neither the process of historicization nor the process of repeated
mythicization are completely finalized. In interpreting the semantic
revisions of these figures of memory, the logic of two (philosophical)
codes of memory and perception are followed: the code of historiciza-
tion and the code of mythicization (de-historicization), so that a cycle
of new historicization of the mythicized figures should start and thus
continue the historical process of development—a process which in-

43 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Kata KULAVKOVA

volves shifting values from the foreground to the background of his-

tory and vice versa. This can best be observed in the examples of the
Black Arab and Bolen Dojčin, figures susceptible to historical and epic
corrections and transformations with historical and ethnic-cultural con-
notations. These figures are only examples of the numerous variations
of enigmatic archetypes from distant pre-histories, from the periods of
the birth of civilization. In the course of time, these historicized vari-
ants, even though relatively recent in the historical sense of the word,
started being used—from a lack of generally accepted terms for their
archetypal equivalents—as synonyms of archetypal figures.
In this sense, it appears that the 20th century was a century of
subtle mythicization (de-historicization) in the absence of a new histori-
cal actualization of the archetypal figures of the Black and White deity
into some historically recognizable configurations. Perhaps the most
recent wars in the Balkans will renew this dualism, but it will most likely
be marked by the particular and fragmented perspectives of specific
Balkan ethnic experiences, taking into account the new demarcations
along the line of ours/foreign. The boundaries of otherness have been
shifted and accentuated, at least temporarily. However, on this occa-
sion there is no room for speculation and prejudgment in this direction.
In studies of Balkan folklore and culture from the 20th century, these
figures were most commonly interpreted from the aspect of their recent
historical actualization within the context of the Ottoman conquests in
the Balkans. The Black Arab in the context of traditional and already
conservative studies of folklore is perceived as a stereotypical epic
representation of the conquering Turk, while Bolen Dojčin is perceived
as a personification of King Marko in the Macedonian and Southern
Slavic heroic epic. It is a certain fact that these figures of cultural mem-
ory should be perceived as actualizations of archetypal matrices, that
is to say that they function as new imagological constructs. On the
one hand, they are social-cultural appropriations (naturalizations) of
the archetypal matrix (mythic, epic or historical); on the other hand,
they epitomize the matrix as such. They evoke the matrix itself, howev-
er much this memory is fragile, hybridized, palimpsest and deformed.
When they function within actual historical constellations, they might
retreat from the matrix, but they cannot forget it entirely (oblivio, amne-
sia). When they remember the initial matrix actively, they replicate it,
modify it, parody it or perform some (more or less impertinent) intertex-
tual remake. In this context, the figures of the Black Arab, Bolen Dojčin
and Lepa Angelina function as an eminent mythic and oral intertext in

Black Arab
44
as a Figure of Memory
 From a Black God to a Black Arab:
different mythical and historical actualizations of the universal matrix of Black

Slavic, Balkan and Mediterranean literary, theatrical and artistic prac-

tices.
It has become common knowledge that the more Balkan memory
is historicized, the more it becomes antagonized, so that in the end
it becomes obsessively focused on the adversary, on the subject of
the antagonism, translated in historical consciousness into an ethnic-
cultural enemy. This ethnic-cultural alien in the Balkans, this otherness
which changes its name according to the viewpoint, can be the imme-
diate neighbour (this is most commonly the case, because either the
others threaten the borders, or rule the country of the natives), but it
can also be a foreigner from a far away world, from overseas (‘the Arab
from overseas’). This alien foreigner is subjected in certain historical
circumstances (especially in more recent history) to xenophobic inter-
pretations and becomes a synonym of a Satanized figure of memory,
even though numerous arguments substantiate the fact that the repre-
sentative figures of the cultural other, the neighbour, are not absolutely
negative figures. In some constellations they evoke neutral and even
positive collective emotions of a more profound (totemistic) derivation
in memory—the figure of a saviour, personification of existential and
metaphysical yearning, adornment, toy, tested enemy who turns into a
friend).3
3. Olga Freydenberg, 1987,
Imagological perceptions of the other among Balkan peoples en- 91.
throne the figure of the Black Arab as the figure of a foreigner, which
in some settings is interpreted as a figure of the cultural other or a
symbolic foreigner who is not necessarily from abroad (Nikolai Vukov,
Gjacoumou Tier), but who shares the same space and epitomizes
‘our close/distant neighbour’. The Black Arab becomes a synonym
of Balkan Orientalism, of the Balkans perceived as representative of
European otherness against the Occidentalism enthroned as early as
the division of the Roman Empire into East and West and with the
establishment of Byzantium as the Oriental face of European culture.
The Black Arab actually shifts the boundaries of the Oriental foreign
in the being of European culture perceived as synonymous with the
Occidental paradigm as such. As perceptions of the Black Arab shift,
so do the perceptions of the confines of Orientalism: they were once
associated with the cultures of the Far East; then with those of the
Middle East and the Arab world; later with the European representa-
tive of Orientalism projected in the Turk; and, most recently, there have
been attempts to describe the Balkans as an exponent of Orientalism,
or as an area of a non-European character. In certain periods (the end

45 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Kata KULAVKOVA

of the 20th century), the Balkans became a synonym of European oth-

erness—and the other, from the position of ruling Western European
and EU standards, is a synonym for cultural identities and alterities.
The more the antagonized Balkan memory is fragmented and eth-
nicized, the more it becomes markedly ethnophobic (and religiopho-
bic). In this complex context of polarizations of Balkan ethnicities, reli-
gions and cultures, the Black Arab imposes himself as a synecdoche
of the ancient Balkan triad (based on the principle of pars pro toto). In
Macedonian culture, this role of symbolic representation of the triple
figure was conferred at a certain time upon Bolen Dojčin as seman-
tically characteristic for the auto-perception of the Macedonians as
heroes-sufferers who mobilize at the last hour to defeat the historical
incarnation of evil.4 In these new focalizations of the representatives of
4. It should be noted that the triple figure, there occur various re-interpretations of the individual
Macedonian contempo- figures of the threesome.
rary literature produced
important works inspired
In more recent actualizations of Balkan otherness/alterities, it is
by the subject of Bolen the antagonism between the Black Arab and Bolen Dojčin that is most
Dojčin and his historical explicitly highlighted; less commonly, the lover’s agon of the Black
substitute, King Marko. Arab towards Lepa Angelina; and even less frequently, the incestuous
Among the most emi-
nent certainly are Blaže
relationship between Bolen Dojčin and the enigmatic Lepa Angelina.
Koneski’s poems (Bolen Historical actualizations are always semantically pragmatic and fo-
Dojčin, the cycle of poems cused on the dominant social and collective interest. Hence, the eth-
about King Marko), Georgi nic-historical reception of the topos of Black suppresses in the back-
Stalev’s plays Bolen Dojčin
and Angelina, Blagoja
ground the narratives about love and incest and constitutes the figure
Risteski Platnar’s play of the other (the foreigner) in the Balkan area. The code of the cultural
Lepa Angelina 91996) and other in the Balkans is marked by the polarity between the two heroes
Slobodan Micković’s multi- and by the cult of the duel which has become a historical paraphrase
focal novel King Marko
(2003). We should also add
of Karmic finality. For this reason, the other in the Balkan cultural space
Nina Apostolova Škrinjarić’s has a shared heroic fundament (the mytheme of the negative hero)
book King Marko Cycle - and specific historical and ethnic-cultural personifications in different
One Step Away from an narrative and other constellations of memory.
Epopee (2007), which is
concurrently a study of
Macedonian heroic epic
and a selection of texts
from Macedonian classi-
cal epic poetry (Dimitrija
and Konstantin Miladinov,
Marko Cepenkov, Kuzman
Šapkarev, Vasil Ikonomov,
Panajot Gjinoski, Kiril
Penušliski, Tome Sazdov,
Marko Kitevski and others).

Black Arab
46
as a Figure of Memory
slika ovde
 Kata KULAVKOVA

REFERENCES:

Анастасова – Шкрињариќ, Нина. 2007. Кралимарковиот циклус -

На чекор до епопеја. Скопје: Табернакул.
Chevalier, Jean & Alain Gheerbrant. 1969. Dictionnaire des symboles.
Paris: Robert Laffont/Jupiter.
Durand, Gilbert. 1991. Antropološke structure imaginarnog. Zagreb:
August Cesarec.
Frejdenberg, Olga Mihajlovna. 1987. Mit i antička književnost. Beograd:
Prosveta. (1978 Москва)
Lachmann, Renate. 2002. Phantasia, Memoria, Rhetorica. Zagreb:
Matica Hrvatska.
Мицковиќ, Слободан. 2003. Крале Марко. Скопје: Слово.
Нелсон, Роберт С. & Ричард Шиф. 2004. Критички термини историје
уметности. Нови Сад: Светови.
Пенушлиски, Кирил. 1986. Болен Дојчин. Скопје: Македонска книга.
Rasel, Džefri Berton. 1982. Mit o djavolu. Beograd: Jugoslavija.

Black Arab
48
as a Figure of Memory
 From a Black God to a Black Arab:
different mythical and historical actualizations of the universal matrix of Black

Kata KULAVKOVA
(Macedonian Academy of Science And Arts, Skopje, Macedonia)

From a Black God to a Black Arab:

different mythical and historical actualizations of the universal
matrix of Black
The memory figures of the Black Arab, Lepa Angelina and Bolen
Dojčin are a paradigm of shared figures of memory with Slavic, Balkan,
Mediterranean and perhaps universal connotations. The variations in
their names and personifications only confirm the perception of these
figures as universal archetypes adopted in the Balkan-Mediterranean
regions as early as ancient times and which, since then, have been
actualized in several different personifications. These figures are found
in antagonized binary pairs or in theatricalized triads. Each actuali-
zation shifts an aspect of these figures to the foreground, an aspect
with the power to express the dominant worldview (dueling, abduc-
tion of a woman, heroism, sacrifice). The figures of the Black Arab,
Lepa Angelina and Bolen Dojčin are at present a synthesis of their
earlier encodings and cultural interpretations in accordance with the
conventions of the discourse which they represented (ritual, mythic,
religious, historical, folkloric and aesthetic). Some epochs are marked
by a tendency towards the mythicization of figures of memory; others
are marked by a tendency towards their historicization. In this process
there occurs a certain variation in the degree of their universality, that
is, localilty. The more historical they are, the more local they become.
Still, even in the circumstances of rigid historical identification of ar-
chaic figures of memory, they manage to preserve, in hermetic form at
least, their original semantic substrata.

49 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Volume No. 3

Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory

Part I
Mythic
contextualization
 On the Russian Hypostasys of The Black Arab and Its Evolution

T. V. CIVJAN (Moscow)

On the Russian Hypostasys of The Black Arab and

Its Evolution
In this paper we would like to start from certain characteristics Key words:
which have modeled the figure of the Black Arab in the European and, • cultural
above all, perhaps, the Balkan—picture/model of the world. The Black anthropology
Arab constitutes a representative of the other (lower) world which is
• model of the world
by definition adverse to this (upper), our world. The Arab is always an
outsider (metaphorically, from the other world; literally, from a country • universal semiotic
far away). In the dichotomy good/evil, life/death, etc., he represents the oppositions (white/
negative side of the opposition. To whomever this black giant is close black, this world/
in a folkloric/mythological sense, whether to the Dragon or to some real other world, life/
historical character—the latter role having been occupied by the Turk death, good/evil,
in the Balkans at a certain period of time—he falls within the category etc)
of adversaries and, in the wider sense of the word, the category of
• Arab as word
foreigners. (There are enough writings on the universal semiotic op-
position ours/foreign in the picture/model of the world to make rep- • symbol
etition here unnecessary.) The colour of the Arab’s skin unequivocally • Russian language
accentuates his strangeness to our world: he is black among whites, a
• Russian literature
fact which successfully blends into another universal opposition, white/
and culture
black, carrying all the corresponding connotations (darkness, death,
danger, etc.). • Pushkin as Russian
These are the characteristics the Arab carries with him into Russian Arab
folklore, although he is not as vivid as in the Balkan region: his respon- 1. In order to avoid the
sibilities were partially transferred to Tugarin Zmejevich, Idolische, wide corpus of writings
dedicated to the Black
Zmej Gorynych, Solovej Razboinik and, at a certain period of time, the Arab, we will have to
evil Tartars.1 It seems that the position of the Arab is at its most stable restrict ourselves only
in folk plays (above all, in the Petrushka plays, but not exclusively) and to the following lengthy

53 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 T. V. CIVJAN

‘summary’ by J. I. Smirnov, in ritual plays coinciding with the calendar holidays: on the occasions
taken from the foreword mentioned, soot-smeared faces looked most effective against a back-
to his anthology of South
Slavic epic songs: ‘… The ground of typically Russian characters.
Black Arab is the earliest However, we will not dwell on the Black Arab’s relation to Russian
epic adversary, right after folklore, which in this case is merely a shadow of his relation to Balkan
the Dragon. Among his folklore: the adoption of the character of the Arab is obvious. We pre-
attributes we can identify
ones which were earlier fer to take a culturological perspective: from our standpoint, there are
dedicated to the Dragon: some interesting and at times extremely surprising evolutions in the
his voracious appetite, his development of Arab as a word, character, and symbol in the ‘Russian
ability to spew fire, etc. view’ of language and literature (in the framework of the 19th and early
But the Black Arab is not
just a mythological being 20th century).
anymore. He is depicted The lexical definition of Arap according to Vladimir Dal’s glossary,
as a powerful but slightly which reflects the most common cultural context, gives us the mean-
dumb giant, not unlike ings of the word as follows:
Idolische. It is suggested
that the external impulse
for the creation of this ARAP [АРАП] (m). Arapka [арапка] (f). In nature, in the tribe is a
character originated in the black-skinned, black-bodied human being from warm countries, espe-
impressions of Southern cially from Africa: the Moor, the Negro. In the Court it is a position which
Slavs from their contacts can be occupied by a white servant as well: door-keeper, threshold-
with Arabs and Africans keeper. Arabchonok [aрапчонок] (m). Arapchonka [арапчонка] (f) an
even before the epoch of Arab child. Arapchik [aрапчик] (dem) Arab; | Dutch money, puchkovyi
Turkish conquests. We are
[пучковый] (from puchok strel [пучка стрел], arrow-shaft); | (low) type
inclined to assume that
these impressions were the of small, hard, dark-green apples; | in pigeon-breeding: a pigeon with a
last covering layers on the black head; | a breed of short-haired dark-skinned dogs. Arapov [aрапов],
already existing character Arapkin [арапкин], which belongs to a certain Arab. Arapskij [aрапский],
of a giant with the attributes characteristic of Arabs. Arapovatyi [aраповатый], dark-skinned, very
of a Dragon. The basis tanned, similar to Arab. Arap [aрап] cannot be substituted by Arab [араб],
for this assumption can Arabian [аравитянин], as well as derivatives: arapski [арапский], arabski
be seen in the numerous [арабский] and so on.
stories about common,
[Dal, s.v.]
i.e. faceless giants, noted
by Slavs, as well as in
the distinctive similarity The last indication of Dal is of extreme importance: in speech,
between the character of Arab [араб] and Arap [арап] coincide, which leads to the necessity of
the Black Arab and Tugarin-
Zmeevich and Idolische
differentiation (in common speech) between the White Arab and the
from bylinas. In songs the Black Arab; this situation is played with in the ‘daily-life’ pieces of A.
Black Arab often appears N. Ostrovsky, but not only by him (compare, for example, the folklore
as an epical heir of the cliché about the white hands of an Arab):
Dragon: he blocks roads,
not allowing travellers
to pass by, he abducts White Arab, White Arabia [Белый арап, Белая Арапия]. In the comedy
maids, eats cattle, etc. The by Ostrovsky ‘Festive Dream before Lunch’ [Праздничный сон до обеда]
character of the Black Arab (Act II, scene 3), among other news, the matchmaker Krasavina tells the
became especially popular merchant-woman Nichkina that: ‘… they say that the White Arab is com-

Black Arab
54
as a Figure of Memory
 On the Russian Hypostasys of The Black Arab and Its Evolution

ing after us, bringing with him two hundred million soldiers.’ To Nichkina’s in the period of Turkish rule:
question, ‘Where does he come from, this White Arab?’, Krasavina an- without fear of retribution,
swers: ‘From White Arabia’. In ‘Virgin Soil’ [Новь] by Turgenev (Chapter a Southern Slavic singer
could sing songs about the
XIX), the old nurse Vasil’evna is depicted as ‘talking of different stories
Black Arab and the cunning
in the news: about Napoleon, about the year 1812, about the Antichrist listener could easily
and the White Arabs’. ‘White Arabia’ in Ostrovsky and others, which is recognize the Turks in this
commonly regarded as the writing of ignorant fantasy, in reality is a term generalized character.’
from a common folk geography, which is sufficiently comprehended and (Smirnov, 1976)
defined. This term can be found not only in Ostrovsky and Turgenev. The
same term, perhaps not well-phrased, perhaps a little exaggerated in the
depiction of common reality, is used by Raeshnik at Levitov: ‘This, gentle-
men, is the city of Kitai in White Arabian country, situated high in the skies.’
(‘Scenes and Characters from the Village Fair’, Chapter III. Coll. Works, V.
I, p. 16, 1884.)

In folk literature of the 18th century, in the works of both Russian

and Southern Slavic folklore, we often encounter the term Black Arab,
which depicts a representative of the Negro population. Russian peo-
ple of letters and people of the world who were introduced to ethnology
and geography by travellers and who were more mobile than us were
able to make a distinction between black Arabs and white-skinned rep-
resentatives of Arab countries. The traveller from the beginning of the
17th century, F. A. Kotov, clearly speaks of people living in the Arabian
countries as ‘non-black Arabs’ [‘Izv. ORJAS’, 1907, book. 1,119].
In the book by G. G. ‘A Presentation of Strange and Curious
Marital Rituals’ [Позорище странных и смешных обрядов при
бракосочетаниях] (SPb, 1797, p. 41), it is stated that Arab Bedouins
are a white-skinned people. All this explains and rectifies the terms
White Arab and White Arabia, which most likely were heard by
Ostrovsky and other writers from the common people and translated
by them objectively.
Chernyshev 1970

It is natural to assume that the semantics of the colour black as

mostly negative could have helped in the development of the negative
meanings of the word Arab (now without the colour differentiation or
with the neutralization of the same, for priority is given to the Arab per
se, first of all in different argots, then in common usage.

Arab [АРА’П] (common). 1. Negro, black person in general. 2. Rascal,

liar, sly person (thieves’ argot). To make/build an Arab [строить арапа]
(common speech of thieves’ argot) — to lie, to cheat in order to deceive

55 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 T. V. CIVJAN

somebody. In the Arab way [на арапа] (common speech of thieves’ ar-
2. This term became got) — at random, by deception.2 To play like an Arab [Играть на арапа]
popular due to the poem (avoiding paying when losing the game because out of money).
'Thief' by Il’ja Sel’vinskij, (Ushakov 1940 s.v.)
who paid tribute to under-
world romantics and jargon:
Arab way. The bourgeois is It is noteworthy that in this item from a Russian dictionary, which has
passing by… (the fashion nothing to do with semiotics and even less with cultural anthropology,
for the underworld, dating the two independent meanings of black and liar have been pressured
from the 1930s, is blooming
now in the urban chan-
together and both terms in the dictionary of the model of the world are
son). However, the author connected by a causal-consecutive link: black=bad, which means that
of 'The Kolyma Tales', V. a person may be a rascal, liar, etc. Thus the conclusion (although an
Shalamov, who mastered assumption) that in Russian tradition the Arab, from having been the
underworld jargon in the
course of his long-term
mythological Dragon—the adversary of the Thunderer and, in general,
labour camp experience, the ‘chief villain’—was transformed into a trickster, i.e. transformed
criticised Sel’vinskij for mis- into a weakened villain (although shades of the Arab’s trickiness are
use of the terms (Mihajlov present in Balkan folklore as well).3 For example, the most independ-
2000).
ent and defined role of the Russian ‘trickster’ Arab is to be found in the
3. Although, justly speak- world of professional card-playing: here we have in mind a ‘troupe’ of
ing, it is worth mentioning
professional gamblers, whose characters (to some extent reminiscent
that in the poem by A. P.
Sumarokov “Arab” (1769) of the masks from commedia dell’arte) were developed during the 19th
the main character is de- century:
picted as an embodiment of
incorrigible evil=blackness The formation of the terminological group ‘names of the participants
which cannot be washed
in the gambling game’ dates from 1810-1820. Separate terms from the
away (not in a mythological,
but in a gnomical sense).
group emerged in the late 1820s (father-in-law, partner, banker), in the
Whose heart is evil period 1840-1860 (master, artist, liar, thief, swindler, card-cutter, etc.) The
He cannot be reformed by term shuler [шулер] gained generative capabilities: from the 1860s, the
any means <…> derivatives shulerok, shuleriha [шулерок, шулериха]; in the 1890s: shul-
I cannot transform him by erishki [шулеришки]. The formation ends in the period 1890-1910 (player,
my morality; guest player, arab). This terminological group comprises 18 terms.
In the evil soul, you cannot (Kataeva 2008, 15)
reduce evil <…>
A person worked in a sau-
na, handy at bathing. V.: On the gambling Arab in more details:
He bathed the Arab day
and night, but the Arab Arab – 1. (swindler.) In the early 20th century in Russia, during the
stayed black. most productive period of club card games, persons called Arabs were
The other day that person
those who, in the guise of offering help to inexperienced gamblers, would
took the Arab
Under the roof;
swindle them using a wide arsenal of different methods. Arabs were
He fries the Arab, considered something between a professional gambler and a swindler.
Or to speak plainly, he boils ‘Helping’ the bank, Arabs watched bets and settled bets with the winners.
the Arab When the bank was winning, they hid the bets made by their companions.
Trying to remove his black- If the bank was losing, they doubled the bets of their companions. Among
other things, they worked on the ‘prisypka’ [присыпкa], adding money to

Black Arab
56
as a Figure of Memory
 On the Russian Hypostasys of The Black Arab and Its Evolution

closed bets in case the bank was loosing. Making a bet with a bundle of ness.
bank notes, they folded the larger banknotes in half, tying them with wom- The Arab is boiling
an’s hair and, in case of losing, when giving money to the bank, they man- The Arab is sweating
And even his skin is smol-
aged to pull out the bank notes of 100 and 500 roubles. Sometimes Arabs
dering:
were simply those cheating the bank or even stealing gold from the bank, The Arab lives black and he
hiding the coins between their fingers and slipping the coins down their will die black.
backs while scratching their heads. The Russian language gained different The satire and critique is
expressions from the gamblers’ argot: Arab speak [арапа заправлять] – the same as a sauna:
to tell stories, Arab way [брать (взять) на арапа] – to achieve something When a person is marked,
by guesswork, counting on a sudden strike of luck. Examples of the usage he cannot wash himself;
of these expressions include: Among those unknown people, often you Who was born black, he will
stay black,
can see some suspicious elements, who are close to the swindlers and
The evil person has no hon-
who can justly wear the nickname ‘Arab’ (The Secrets of Card Games. A our, nor is there reason in
Description of the Rules); The bank is dealing. There is a lot of money on the dumb.
the table. The Arab is starting to move. He is counting the bets, checking
the signs (The Secrets of Card Games. Sensational Exposures); … some-
body named Vasen’ka Shtolder, either an Arab or a swindler, but in any
case a man with an enormous and dubious past. (Kuprin, Oxygen).
2. liar, swindler, crook
3. (underworld.) crook, fraudulent person, impudent, insolent person
Arab speak [АРАПА ГНАТЬ] – (gamb.) to tell lies, to be hypocritical in
a daring way, having a profit as an aim, to tell rude lies. V.: Arab (1-3).

To do as an Arab [АРАПА ЗАПРАВЛЯТЬ] – 1. (gambling) to lie, to

tangle, to muddle. The term is ambiguous. An Arab is a liar, a helper to a
swindler, the person who lures the victim, a person without conscience who
is prepared to say that white is black for money. The verb [заправлять]
is also ambiguous and most often used to denote the gaining of some-
thing by means of deception. The expression in general means: to palm
off something without honour or conscience. V. Arab. Examples: • Why you
are doing the Arab to me? (always with a perky and disapproving voice.
Nobody would use this expression about himself; nobody would do the
Arab to himself – that would be calumny). • Hey! Lower your tone for a
half-note! Stop doing the Arab! (from a song).
2. (gamb.) to avoid paying for a lost game.
3. (gamb.) to lose intentionally in order to involve the victim in the
game.
4. (gamb.) to persuade somebody of implausible things.
5. (gamb.) to lie small-time, to lie in general.
(A Dictionary of Card Terms)

The inherent ambiguity of the trickster character allows us to im-

agine the character in different tonalities, even in different hypostases.
Examples from Russian literature of the early 20th century are most

57 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 T. V. CIVJAN

interesting (among other things, it is indicative that the literature men-

tioned is either avant-garde or close to it),4 with the participation of a
4. The topic of Arab, used swindling Arab playing an important, but not innocuous role. These
by the great hoaxer Alexei examples are not numerous, but they are highly indicative. We will
Remizov (especially in the
theatre) deserves a special
point out those which, in our opinion, are most connected with the Arab
attention. cliché and, at the same time, have dramatic nuances in the Russian
context (the real as well as the metaphorical one) and perhaps in the
Russian mentality (in terms of the model of the world).
In the Romantic short story (with gothic elements) ‘The Arab from
the Club’ (1918) by Alexandar Grin, the author best known for ‘The
Scarlet Sails’, the topic of which is a card-game with a life as a bet (this
well-known European plot can be seen, among other things, in the al-
lusion of ‘The Queen of Spades’ by Pushkin), the main character, Jung,
having lost everything in a card-game falls to the level of becoming the
Arab in the club—as an indicator of the lowest level to which it is pos-
sible to fall. Being an Arab leads the character to further moral degen-
eration and ultimately his physical death. The function of being Arab
is described in detail. In essence, this is the key moment in the novel,
after which the main character is condemned (similar to the German
in Pushkin’s work who discovered the values of the ‘three cards’ at the
cost of the Duchess’s life):
The transition from restrained to compulsory gaming, and from the
last to Arabism is imperceptible, as it is everywhere when passion plays
the main role. Losing everything or being in a situation where he has no
means to find any money, the player usually starts to collect debts. This
person owes him, that person owes him, the other one owes him. These
sums can serve him for a while. The game for such a person became a
passion, its itch is deeply stuck in the soul like the itch of a gum when
people are chewing lime or nibbling on sunflowers seeds. But here we are:
all the debts are collected and lost. It is possible in this period that there
might be some strokes of luck—which makes the situation even worse.
The player regards that money not as his own but as free money. His
nerves look for soothing. He drinks, falls into debauchery, plays without
making any connection between the bets and the means available, and
in a short time he starts to make debts of his own. In the beginning he
can borrow, but lenders soon start to wrinkle their noses at him and make
excuses about their own losses; later, they begin cursing and making rude
jokes about his whining; eventually they stop lending him any money at all.
All the regulars know him and his habits—even the circle of Arabs, united
by unwritten laws, are not interested in knowing about his life, his real
name or his surname. This is the oddity of the profession which swallows

Black Arab
58
as a Figure of Memory
 On the Russian Hypostasys of The Black Arab and Its Evolution

its children! The face value here is only the visual figure5; this figure means 5. ‘Visual figure’! An estab-
less to this society than a trump hand. lished cliché which makes
it possible to incorporate
the Arab in the characters’
When all so-called moral grounds have been shattered, when the dictionary of the Russian
whole of life is being sucked out by the game, and the centers stop model of the world.
paying any attention to trifles like humiliation and offense, then the
Arab is done for. He is made from begging, opportunism and an ability
to seize the moment, buffoonery, persuasion and small crookery…
Jung became an Arab. [Emphasis by T. C.]
Vladimir Majakovsky in his poem ‘About That’ (1923) introduced
a card-playing Arab into a scene in which the main character of the
poem is standing in front of the windows of his beloved’s house. The 6. In the poem “The Night”
windows appear as cards marked by a villain—an impudent Arab. The another Arab appears to
Mayakovsky, an African
scene turns out to be tragic because the bet is on the life of the main
with savage manners:
character: Feeling the paws of the suit
Covering his mouth with the edge of his palm which calls me,
Window-pane after window-pane was pulled out from the side. I squeezed a smile in their
The whole life eyes; frightening them
Fell down to the cards of the windows — By strikes in the tin, the
The trump of the glass — Arabs were laughing,
Above the forehead
And, I will lose.
painting the cockatoo wing.
The Arab — M. V. Lomonosov (‘Ode
The swindler of mirages — on the Usage of Glass’),
Placed his markings almost two centuries earlier,
On the windows with joy. depicted an Arab, not in
The deck of glass feathers but in glass:
Like luminous festivity In the beads the Glass is
Is shining brightly in the night at the paws.6 similar to pearls,
Being loved by anyone on
Earth.
The Russian Arab is also a trickster (not only in card games), com- The people from the
bining the evil and dangerous (together with some comical actions) northern steppes decorate
could be related to drama. This is put in the limelight in Stravinsky’s themselves with it
As well as Arabs from the
well-known ballet ‘Petrushka’ (libretto by Stravinsky and Benoit, first southern shores.
performance in Diaghilev’s 1911 season in Paris) in which the plot from Cp.: 'The Peasant Poet'
the folk play ‘Petrushka’ is fundamentally changed. In the folk play, the of the 20th century, N.
competition and battles between Petrushka and the Arab are always Kl’ujev, about the other,
mythological key: 'On
won by Petrushka, who also beats his adversary with a stick. In the Skopchestvo – the Arab on
play, the classic triangle Pierrot – Colombine – Harlequin is exchanged a Fire Horse'.
for the figures: Petrushka – Ballerina – Arab, where the Arab is not only 7. In Blok, the doll
the lucky rival of Petrushka but his murderer as well (compare the allu- bleeds only doll sap – but
sions to the Blok poem ‘Balaganchik’ with the dying Petrushka).7 This is Stravinsky's Petrushka is
only a marionette doll.
the depiction of the Arab as a lazy and dumb savage in the key scene

59 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 T. V. CIVJAN

from the ballet:

The room of the Arab, with vivid exotic decorations on the walls. The
lazy Arab is lying down on the sofa playing with a large coconut. He likes
the fact that something in the coconut is making a noise and he is trying to
break it using his large curved sword. He fails and then starts to pray. The
coconut contains a supernatural power—a god for a dumb Arab. The door
opens suddenly and the Ballerina appears. She plays a jolly melody on
the cornet. The Arab is not pleased with her appearance but the Ballerina
conquers him by flirting. The Arab tries to hug her. Suddenly the door is
opened and Petrushka runs in. He runs around the room in circles. The
Arab pushes Petrushka out. The Ballerina is enchanted by the brute force
of the Arab. The sound of a grenadier’s drums.
At the end of the ballet, the evil Arab chases poor Petrushka and kills
him using his scimitar (the last detail corresponds with the classic folklore
character of the Arab).

Special interest lies in the depiction of the another hypostasis of the

Arab’s character in post-revolution political pamphlets of the 1920s by
Zamjatin (the fable ‘Arabs’) and Bulgakov (the feuilleton ‘The Crimson
Island), 1924 as well as the play of the same name staged in 1928).
We will cite a longer extract from the ‘Bulgakov’s Encyclopedia’:
‘The Crimson Island’ is a feuilleton with the subtitle: ‘A novel by
comrade Jules Verne. Translated from French to Aesopian by Mikhail A.
Bulgakov’… ‘The Crimson Island’ presents the history of the February and
October Revolutions of 1917 in parodical form, as well as of the Civil War
and possible future intervention against the USSR as seen through the
eyes of Russian emigrants - Smenovekhovcy… Smenovekhovtsy had rec-
ognized the Soviet regime, had called for emigrants to support it and to
join the Red Army in the case of attack by foreign powers on the USSR.
Many characters in the feuilleton have obvious historical prototypes. The
leader and the sovereign of the White Arabs, Sizi-Buzi, is the last Russian
Tsar, Nikolai II (1868-1918). ‘The Blatant Arab’, the drunkard and idler Kiri-
Kuki, is the head of the Provisional Government Kerensky (1881-1970).
The February Revolution is depicted as a volcanic eruption, i.e. as a face-
less natural phenomena.
Foreign interventionists in Russia are depicted as the heroes of the
novels written by the French science fiction writer Jules Verne…
Far more complex is the genealogy of the General of the Arabs, Rikki-
Tikki-Tavi. His name is the title of the story by English writer and Nobel
laureate Rudyard Kipling (1865-1936) about a pet mongoose of the same
name. Rikki-Tikki-Tavi in Bulgakov’s text is a parody of a certain general-
ised character of a White General who finds himself in exile. Subsequently,
when Bulgakov wrote a play in 1927 based on the feuilleton ‘The Crimson

Black Arab
60
as a Figure of Memory
 On the Russian Hypostasys of The Black Arab and Its Evolution

Island’, this character became General Likki-Tikki and was given the fea-
tures of the biography of White Army General Y. A. Slashchev, who served
as the prototype for Khludov in the play ‘Flee’ [Бег].
In relation to this transformation of character, the murder of Rikki-
Tikki-Tavi in ‘Crimson Island’ acquired unexpected prophetic sense, and in
many details repeated the episode of the murdering of Iuda from Kiriaph in
‘Master and Margarita’. In ‘Crimson Island’, Liki-Tiki, as well as his proto-
type Y. A. Slashchev, joins the red-skinned Ethiopians and serves in their
army, i.e. behaves like Judas correlated to the white Arabs. In January
1929, Y. A. Slashchev was killed in a manner echoing the destiny of the
feuilleton character who is receives his biography in this play.
One of the most important sources for ‘Crimson Island’ was the short
story by Bulgakov’s friend, the writer Evgenij Ivanovitch Zam’jatin (1844-
1937) ‘The Arabs’ (1920), which mocks the hypocritical morality of the
Bolsheviks in their attitude to and use of violence in the years of the Civil
War. Zam’jatin’s plot is told by red-skinned persons, who are at war with
the Arabs despite sharing the same island of Bujan with them: ‘Yesterday
morning we got one of those Arabs in the river. He was so good—so fleshy!
We made a soup, fried cutlets, with onions, with mustard, with pickles…
We were fed: God sent him to us!’ When the Arabs make skewered cutlets
from the redskin, it causes a very different reaction: ‘What’s wrong with
you? Are you not Christians? You are eating a man—a redskin. Do you
have any conscience at all?
– But didn’t you make fried cutlets out of our man? Whose bones are
those lying down there?
– You are utterly brainless! We were eating your Arab, and you were
eating our man, a redskin. Is that a possible thing to do? Just wait, and you
will be fried by devils in the other world!’
Readers of Zamjatin’s short story would have recognized the
Communist state’s implanted myth about the necessity and even benefi-
cial properties of the Red Terror as being a response to the White Terror
that deserved full condemnation. Zamjatin, as well as Bulgakov, was
aware of the falsity of this myth. ‘The Crimson Island’ carries indirect hints
of ‘The Arabs’ and of the problem of justification of Red Terror through the
demonstration of the laughableness of the pro-Soviet version of the history
of the Revolution and the Civil War.
(The Bulgakov Encyclopedia)

We will not stop at the completely predictable official reaction: the

informers’ critique pointed out the anti-Soviet intentions of the writers
and destroyed both works; within a short period of time the play of the
Chamber Theatre ‘The Crimson Island’ was forbidden by authorities.
In these texts we are interested in the choice of the character of
the Arab sub specie semioticae, in his counteraction with ‘opponents’.

61 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 T. V. CIVJAN

It is clear that we are dealing with a ‘lowered’ meaning of Arab. He is

not a trickster anymore, but a character/‘collective hero’ introduced on
the basis of an array of properties—above all, his colour. The colour
opposition is in the basis of both texts, and red is especially marked
(and underlined once again in Bulgakov’s text, where Red Island is
renamed Crimson Island). Zamjatin, who was working on his novel
‘We’ [Мы] in 1920-1921, thus preceding Orwell’s ‘1984’ by almost
three decades, the opposition is between Arabs (obviously, black) and
redskins. Bulgakov, in his feuilleton ‘The Crimson Island’ has a more
complex distribution of main characters, names and colours ( in the
play ‘Crimson Island’, white Arabs and red natives appear, although
8. Both the Zamjatin and the palette of colours leads towards black):8
Bulgakov texts take place
on an island, i.e. a place
In the shoreless spaces of the ocean—the ocean named by some
surrounded by water and
distant from our world (in jokers, most likely on account of its constant storms and high waves, The
the Zamjatin text, this is a Pacific—at … degrees longitude and … degrees latitude, there lies a large
mythological island called inhabited island. Time passed and the island was slowly settled by glorious
Bujan). tribes related to each other tribes—red Ethiops, so-called White Moors,
and some Moors of unknown colour, either black with a bit of yellow or
yellow with a bit of black. Anyway, the drunken sailors from the rare boats
visiting the island took no trouble to recognize all the hues of the aboriginal
skins and called all the island’s inhabitants black-arses.

It is obvious that the colour opposition per se was dictated by the

opposition of the colours red/white which was formulated and legalized
after the October Revolution, with special attention being given to red
(the colour of the flag, the colour of the blood heroically spilt by the
Reds—the colour of the new order in general). To this, the ‘common’ (if
we may say so) connotations of the word and character of the Arab in
Russian folklore were added: those of a black savage, who lives in a
far off land, in a foreign world.
Here we could end our short but hopefully representative review
of the character of the Arab in Russian language and literature of the
19th and 20th centuries. We can conclude the review as follows: the
Arab is separated from the ‘heroic’ role of the Thunderer’s adversary
(as in Balkan folklore) and changed to fulfil the role of a sly trickster
and, later, that of a comical character who remains foreign mostly on
account of his black colour.
As we know, however, the foreigner can become our (expected)
guest, as is shown in the enantiosemics of the Greek ξένος. In this
regard, the Russian cultural model does have a very positive role for

Black Arab
62
as a Figure of Memory
 On the Russian Hypostasys of The Black Arab and Its Evolution

the Arab, but this Arab is unique in kind—the national pride of Russia;
‘our everything’ (the expression introduced by Dostoevskij, which now
has a slightly jocular, albeit positive meaning): Alexander Sergeyevich
Pushkin.
It is well known that Pushkin's great-grandfather was an Arab
(African), Ibrahim (Abram Petrovich), who was taken to Russia
from Constantinople as a very young boy by Peter the Great. His
wife, Christina Regina Siöberg, Pushkin’s great-grandmother, was
of German origin. Thus Pushkin was eighth-part ‘Arab’, eighth-part
German, and three-quarters Russian. In the Russian ‘cultural image',
however, Pushkin—the first face of our literature (accepted from a very
young age), the epitome of Russianism—appears only as an Arab
who accepted the Russian language and traditions from his govern-
ess Arina Rodionovna (in all fairness, Pushkin’s main ‘Russian’ gov-
erness was his grandmother Marija Aleksejevna Gannibal, the wife of
Osip Petrovich Gannibal). It will suffice to cite several constant epithets
of Pushkin in the Russian cultural dictionary (most of them are de-
scribed so oxymoronically): the great Arab, the Great Russian Arab,
the Russian Moor, the doyen of Russian poetry, Arab Pushkin, the
mysterious Russian soul of the Arab Pushkin, the Arab in Russia is
more than an Arab (a play on Evtushenko’s phrase: ‘the poet in Russia
is more than a poet’), etc. V.: the item Pushkin in the contemporary dic-
tionary ‘Self-made Word’ [Самовитое слово ]: ‘PUSHKIN [Aleksandr
Sergejevich (1799-1837) – great Russian poet, v. also ALEKSANDR,
ARAB, LITTLE ARAB, ATHLETE, AFRICANS].
Interest in the personality of Gannibal and, through him, in the
Russian tradition of the 17th century onwards of having Arabs (little
Arabs) at court (and on landed estates) in the Russian cultural rec-
ognition was induced primarily, if not exclusively, by the personality
of Pushkin: ‘There is only one Arab left in our recognition – Abram
Petrovich Gannibal, popular not for his wonderful biography nor for his
service as a general, but for the fact that he was a grandfather of the
national poet of Russia.’ (Dorfman) The history of the little Ibrahim in
Russia has been reconstructed in countless works: his origin, the col-
our of his skin (was he a white Arab?), his place of birth and the causes
of his arrival to Constantinople, his genealogy, etc. In the impossibility
of finding an unambiguous solution to these issues, the situation re-
minds us of the dispute of ‘Seven Cities’ about the birthplace of Homer
and, even with all the significance of the ‘Gannibal case’, interest in it
is somewhat exaggerated.

63 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 T. V. CIVJAN

9. It is possible that this In all fairness, this interest was first promoted by Pushkin himself:
began in the childhood of ‘The destiny and character of an exotic predecessor were close to the
Pushkin, as is suggested
by the classic episode poet’s heart from early childhood’ (Yakubovich, 1979, 266) and he put
with the poet I. I. Dmitriev: a lot of effort into studies of this branch of his genealogy. In ‘Eugene
“The well-known Russian Onegin’ he speaks about the skies of my Africa (and in one remark he
writer, Ivan Ivanovich explains the sudden appearance of the African sky) in ‘My Genealogy’,
Dmitriev, visited the house
of Pushkin’s parents when and in other poetical works he is proud of his Arab origins; but his
the poet was a child. main aim in his unfinished novel ‘The Arab of Peter the Great’ is that of
Making jokes about the reconstructing the biography of his famous predecessor. Pushkin per-
unusual face of the child sistently points out hereditary lines and facial similarities, among other
and his curly hair, Dmitriev
said: What an Arab! [Какой things. This line was gladly accepted and carried on by his contempo-
арапчик!] In response, raries and it flourishes to the present day, finding its way into mass cul-
the ten-year-old grandson ture.9 For instance, one article of special interest is an internet article
of Gannibal unexpectedly about an unusual occurrence in a village in the Lipetsk area: from time
retorted: At least I am not
pockmarked [Да зато не to time (but stable) dark-skinned and curly-haired (i.e. black) children
рябчик!] One can just were born there, looking like Negros and Pushkin at the same time.
imagine the disconcertion This is being explained by the opinion that in past times the grandfa-
and the embarrassment ther of Pushkin, Osip Gannibal, used to pass through the area.10
of the people present who
understood that the boy Nevertheless, Pushkin’s appearance was not especially African (in
Pushkin had made a joke the Lyceum he was called a Frenchman, and in ‘Arzamas’ he carried
about Dmitrov’s face being the nickname The Cricket). The poet M. V. Yuzevich remembers: ‘I
pockmarked by illness. can see him right now, alive, simple in communication, an easy smile,
10. http://www.trud.ru/
issue/article.php?id=
very jovial, with wonderful big, clean and shiny eyes in which, it seems,
200504280752101; the everything wonderful in the whole of nature is reflected; white shiny
same myth is flourishing in teeth—like Byron, he took great care of his teeth. He was neither dark-
other areas connected to skinned nor black-haired as some people seek to assure us, but fair-
the Gannibals (and, above
all, Mihajlovskoe).
skinned with slightly curled light brown hair. In his youth he was blond,
just like his brother Lev. In his appearance there was something similar
11. In the popular movie
'How Tsar Peter Married the to African types, but nothing which would justify his line: ‘The ugly heir
Arab', the director A. Mitta of Negros’. On the contrary, his face was very pleasant and its general
gave the role of Gannibal expression was most sympathetic. His portrait, painted by Kiprenskij,
to the famous actor and
is flawless.’ (Yuzefovich. 1880, 434) Every memory is subjective; oth-
singer Vladimir Vysockij.
On being questioned about er polemical memoirs of Pushkin’s contemporaries speak differently
finding a black person for about his appearance and built up the principle Arab/non-Arab. In any
this role, he answered that case, our goal is not to determine Pushkin’s anthropological type.
'This role was written for
Among other things, the genesis, development and flourishing of
him especially. I wanted
to present the Arab as an the mythologem ‘The Russian poet, Arab Pushkin’ is astonishing; this
intelligent man similar to mythologem has rigidly taken its place in the secularized Russian mod-
Pushkin’s predecessor.' el of the world, and not only at the level of mass culture.11 One can pro-
The reverse chronology
duce a ‘Pushkin Arab Anthology’ which would contain di maiores and
here is interesting: the

Black Arab
64
as a Figure of Memory
 On the Russian Hypostasys of The Black Arab and Its Evolution

di minores of Russian literature, again inclined towards 20th century.12 shadow of Gannibal is not
Having no opportunities to represent this anthology in a wider man- cast over Pushkin; rather,
Pushkin’s shadow makes
ner, we will restrict ourselves only to several examples. Among them Gannibal more noble.
is the poem ‘On Jubilee’ by Majakovskij, dedicated to Pushkin, where-
12. The topic of Gannibal in
in Pushkin is called an African and an Arab challenging Derzhavin; a the novel 'Pushkin' by Jurij
dark-skinned child wandering the Tsarskoe Selo alleys by Ahmatova,13 Tyn’janov should be taken
and, a bit later, Behind the chair of Peter the Great / Will stand / The into account separately.
grey-haired Arab Gannibal / the negative image of the older Pushkin 13. The frequent use of
by David Samojlov, etc. Let us scrutinize the fragment of a poem dedi- the epithet 'dark-skinned'
cated to Pushkin and written in 1924 by a lesser known émigré poet before Pushkin as an
Konstantin Olen’in (1881–1939). This fragment is characteristic in its euphemism in marking his
skin colour.
precise formulations of our mythologem:

It happened suddenly at the beginning…

The young heir of the Arab Gannibal
Jokingly crossing the marked lines
Became the first of singers, a god of beauty
And, dark-skinned fidgeter, blue-eyed joker
Conquered Russia and made it happy.
(Olen’in 1939, 8)

There is no doubt that the primary role in temperamental per-

sistence in creating the image of black Pushkin belongs to Marina
Tsvetaeva. Even more important than her poetry (where the African
temperament of Pushkin is predictably accentuated), in our opinion,
is her short piece of 1937: ‘My Pushkin’. Through her childish impres-
sions—above all, her impressions of a portrait of Pushkin as a child
as well as of the famous Moscow monument of Pushkin—of the first
poet, the domination of Negro, Arab, African prevails, and, in turn, the
domination of black.14 A short version of ‘The Arab (African) topic’ in 14. ‘The constant symbolic
Tsvetaeva’s work is given as follows. Tsvetaeva speaks about her un- colour of Pushkin in
Tsvetaeva is black (“black
derstanding of the Arabic in Pushkin as the basis of his poetic personal-
thought, black destiny,
ity, together with stories from her mother, secret readings of Pushkin’s black life… my native
poetry and the black Pushkin Monument: darkness.' (Sedakova
1996).
… bringing back Pushkin to his native Africa, a place of revenge and
passion;
Pushkin was a Negro. Pushkin had whiskers (NB! Only Negros and
old generals have whiskers), Pushkin had hair pointed upwards and fat
lips, and black (with bluish-white) eyes – black even against all his por-
traits depicting him with light eyes (Because he is a Negro – they are
black. Pushkin was of fair hair and light-coloured eyes (N. by Tsvetaeva))

65 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 T. V. CIVJAN

Pushkin was a Negro as was a Negro in Aleksandrovskij passage…

Russian poet – a Negro, poet – Negro, and the poet was killed.
(Lord, it had happened! Which poet from the former ones was not a
Negro, which poet wasn’t killed?)
I liked the Pushkin monument because of its blackness… Even if no-
body had told me that Pushkin was a Negro, I would know that Pushkin
was a Negro;
In every Negro I love Pushkin and I recognize Pushkin – the black
monument of Pushkin of my pre-literal youth and of all Russia;
The Pushkin monument is a monument of a black blood streamed
into white, a monument of blood mixing as the rivers mix; a live monument
of blood mixing, of the nations’ souls mixing – far away nations which, at
first glance, would seem the least acceptable to mix;
Such an interesting thought of Ibrahim, to make his grandson black.
To cast him in iron, the same as the nature cast the grandfather in black
body. The black Pushkin is a symbol. Such a thought, through the black-
ness of the monument to give a piece of Abyssinian skies to Moscow;
15. ‘A Negro boy propping In this Pushkin, I liked only the Negro child.15 By the way, I consider
up his head’: a well-known this childish Negro portrait as the best of the Pushkin’s portraits, a portrait
portrait of Pushkin as of his distant African soul, which is still sleeping—the poetic one. A portrait
a child (E. I. Gejtman, with two perspectives, forwards and backwards, a portrait of the blood of
gravure on copper, 1822).
his future genius. This is a child who would be chosen by Peter, this is a
child who was chosen.
(Tsvetaeva 1980, 2, passim)

In a certain sense, this text could be seen as the explanation of

a 1931 poem from the cycle ‘To Pushkin’, which includes a stable
Russian cultural cliché: ‘A great Russian poet of African (Arab) origin,
which made him a great Russian poet.’
The poems of the cycle ‘To Pushkin’ preceded the prose piece (writ-
ten in 1931) and were built on the same accentuation of black, Arabic,
African (‘Africanation’ [афричённость]=condemnation to Africa, the
expression of Tsvetaeva’s son Mur) as the basis of the rebellious pri-
macy of Pushkin—the terms free and rebellious are mentioned by
Tsvetaeva herself:

African insubordinate
A joker for our grandfathers…
You cannot repaint black
into white – it’s incorrigible!
The Russian classic is not bad,
Who called the African skies
his own…

Black Arab
66
as a Figure of Memory
 On the Russian Hypostasys of The Black Arab and Its Evolution

and, with the barred teeth of a Negro…

(Tsvetaeva 1980,1, 293 – 294)

Tsvetaeva allows her inspiration to carry her away even further, and
in her poem ‘Peter and Pushkin’ she states that the main achievement
of Peter in Russia was not the creation of a fleet, not victory over the
Swedes, not the creation of Petersburg, but the fact that he brought
Gannibal to Russia (!):

More would be less

(God’s will, a man is not a burden!)
If he hadn’t brought Gannibal
The Arab to white Russia.
This little African kid
He took, making an example
For Russians – from the grandson
Of a Negro – the light is shining on Russia!

In the background of this pathetic celebration of Arab Pushkin, as

a conclusion we would like to stress a completely different ‘musical
harmony’: the parody and caricature which ‘turns out’ the logic and
chronology of events. But, as we know, true glory is verified by the
parody and caricature!

(Radio Echo of Moscow [Радио Эхо Москвы], 2007)

A march is in progress in Saint Petersburg to preserve the historical
look of the city. The action is being organized by the party ‘Apple’ [Яблоко].
There are about five thousand participants in the march calling for chang-
es to be made in the city’s building policies. Is it known that the building
plan most reviled by the general public is the Gazprom skyscraper.

Leading the column is Grigorij Yavlinskij (the leader of ‘Apple’) fol-

lowed by African students. They are wearing false whiskers and top hats
and their shirts are stenciled with the text: ‘The descendants of Pushkin
are for old Peter’.
(Italics added by T. C.).

67 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 T. V. CIVJAN

LITERATURE:

Bulgakov Encyclopedia [Булгаковская энциклопедия] –

Булгаковская энциклопедия//http://www.bulgakov.ru/b/bagr-ph/
Dal [Даль] – Даль В. Толковый словарь живого великорусского
языка, тт. 1-4. М., 1978 (репринт. изд. 1880—1884)
Dorfman [Дорфман] – Дорфман М. Про арабов, которые турки, и
русских, которые евреи // http://www.lebed.com/2006/art4455.
htm).
Kataeva 2008 [Катаева 2008] – Катаева И.Н. Лексика карточной
игры в русском языке конца XVIII – начала XX вв. Автор. канд.
Вологда,2008
Mihajlov 2000 [Михайлов 2000] – Михайлов.О. В круге девятом //
Литературная Россия. Архив,№10. 08.03.2002
Olen’in 1939 [Оленин 1939] – Оленин К. Пушкин // Константин
Оленин. Несколько слов. Стихотворения. Сарны – Ровно,
1939.
Self-Made Word [Самовитое слово] – Григорьев В.П., Колодяжная
Л.И., Шестакова Л.Л. Имя собственное ПУШКИН и его
производные в Словаре русской поэзии ХХ века ‘Самовитое
слово’ (*) // http://www.philol.msu.ru/~humlang/articles/h_pushart.
htm
Sedakova 1996 [Седакова 1996] – Седакова О. Пушкин Цветаевой
и Ахматовой // La Pietroburgo di Anna Achmatova. Bologna, 1996.
С. 76-84
The Dictionary of Card Terms [Словарь карточных терминов] –
Словарь карточных терминов // http://pref-game.ru/dictionary.
htm
Smirnov 1976 [Смирнов 1976] – Смирнов Ю. Вступительная статья
// Песни южных славян. Серия: БВЛ. Пер. с болг., сербохорв. и
словен. / Вст. ст., сост., примеч. Ю.Смирнова. М., 1976
Ushakov 1940 [Ушаков 1940] – Толковый словарь русского языка:
В 4-х т. / Под ред. Д.Н. Ушакова. М., 1935-1940
Tsvetaeva 1980, 1 [Цветаева 1980, 1] – Марина Цветаева. Стихи
к Пушкину // Марина Цветаева. Сочинения. В 2-х т. Т. 1. М.,
1980
Tsvetaeva, 1980, 2 [Цветаева 1980, 2] – Марина Цветаева. Мой
Пушкин // Марина Цветаева. Сочинения. В 2-х т.Т. 2. М., 1980
Chernyshev 1970 [Чернышев 1970] – Чернышев В. И. Темные
слова в русском языке // Чернышев В.И. Избранные труды. Т.

Black Arab
68
as a Figure of Memory
 On the Russian Hypostasys of The Black Arab and Its Evolution

1. М., 1970. С. 303-317

Yuzefovich 1880 [Юзефович 1880] – Юзефович М.В. Воспоминания
о Пушкине // Рус. Архив, 1880, III
Yakubovich 1979 [Якубович 1979] – Якубович Д.П. «Арап Петра
Великого» // http://feb-web.ru/feb/pushkin/serial/im9/im9-2612.
htm

69 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
слика овде
 On the Russian Hypostasys of The Black Arab and Its Evolution

Tatiana CIVJAN
(Institute for Slavic Studies, RAS, Moscow, Russia)

The Russian Hypostasis of The Black Arab and its Evolution

This paper deals with the image of Arap as it is reflected in the

European/Balkan picture/model of the world, wherein it represents the
other (under)world, dangerous to our (upper)world. Connected with the
mythological Dragon as well as with the real enemy (i.e. the Turks in
the Balkans), the Arap is always hostile and/or a stranger. A stranger
because black among whites (black with all the negative semiotic
connotations of his colour: darkness, death, danger, evil, etc.). The
Russian ethno-cultural tradition transforms the Arap from the mytho-
logical Dragon, the adversary of the Thunderer, and generally from
the “main villain” into a trickster—i.e. into the “weak villain”, a cheat,
cardsharper, comic (though insidious) figure.
The evolution of Arap as a lexeme, personage, and symbol is ana-
lysed sub specie in Russian language and Russian Literature from the
end of the 19th to the first half of the 20th centuries (Remizov, Grin,
Majakovsky, Zamjatin, Bulgakov, etc.). The appearance of a new and
very peculiar Russian mythologeme of the positive arap is marked. It
regards as “the greatest Russian poet, Arap Pushkin”, whose great
grandfather was an African (Arap of Peter the Great). The conviction
that it was precisely his African origins that made Pushkin the better
Russian poet belongs to the secularized model of Russian culture and
not only to mass culture.

71 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 The Black Man in Mythical Traditions in Macedonia

Nikos CHAUSIDIS (Skopje)

The Black Man in Mythical Traditions in Macedonia

The concept of binary oppositions, very similar to the concept ap- Key words:
plied in contemporary computer systems, is fundamental to human • black man
thinking. Within this concept, a certain category is defined through its
• black god
contrast and comparison with another category which is its opposite:
male – female, life – death, left – right, white – black, one’s own – for- • Kabiri
eign, etc. (Ivanov 1998). In this context, the white man and black man • Cadmus
represent a pair of opposing elements which, manifestly and independ-
• pygmies
ently, appears in various parts of the world. It is clear that in the cul-
tural areas of the white race, the white man operates as the real/actual • Crnobog
basis, while the black man assumes the role of his mytho-symbolic • Belobog
opposite in order to determine and reinforce the semiotic status of the
actual man. Conversely, in the cultural areas of other races, this role is • Ahriman
most commonly played by the white man himself. • Negroid earrings
Our topic raises a fundamental question: Did the black man appear
• Negroid lamps
in Europe as a result of the concept of binary oppositions or as a result
of the real existence of members of the black race on this continent? • St. John
Certain historical and archaeological facts indicate that, in certain parts • dualism
of Europe, the Balkans for example, members of this race could be
• Macedonia
found as early as the Neolithic period. Still, when observing this issue
from a semiotic perspective, we believe that the mythical black man
would have emerged in this area even if he had not existed in reality.
As it is, his real presence (directly or indirectly through the reports of
eyewitnesses) could only have had a greater impact on the shaping of
his mytho-symbolic profile.

73 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Nikos Chausidis

The very emergence of the mythical black man would attract upon
himself other components within the very same concept of binary op-
position. This entire process could be reduced to the following logical
constructions: We – the ordinary people (our folks) – live in this
world – the white world – the world of light, because we are white
ourselves. Apart from us, there are others: different people (foreign-
ers) who come from other places. They are black, which means by
analogy that they come from the black world, which is opposite to
ours and which is situated somewhere there, down, under our world
and represents a certain kind of underworld, a world of darkness, a
world of death. Therefore, these people are the opposite of us: they
are bad, unclean, unfathomable, but also powerful and capable in
a certain mystical-negative sense. Ultimately, in relation to the white
man, these black people are determined as non-human, which in prin-
ciple categorizes them as belonging to the sphere of the dead as
demons or gods.

white people – white world – this world – above – life – good – clean – hu-
man
black people – black world – other world – below – death – bad – unclean
– non-human

1. NEOLITHIC

a) A vessel with an appendix shaped as a Negroid head

(5th–4th millennium BC)
One of the oldest pictorial representations of a black person comes
from Macedonia. This is a fragment from a ceramic object—most prob-
ably a part of some kind of vessel (Čausidis 1995, 32)—discovered in
the locality of Cerje in the village of Govrlevo, near Skopje (Pl.I: 1-4).
The realistic depiction of the face (especially of the fleshy and pro-
truding lips) indicates that it resulted from direct observation of actual
members of this race. Still, it must be said this face demonstrates cer-
tain similarities to the face of an ape. Even though, to date, there has
been no direct parallel of this object, it seems very likely that this is a
fragment from a luxurious vessel used in a cult (Pl.I: 3). In the following
epochs, a face with Negroid characteristics would often be applied to
various vessels of sacred character (see Pl.IV: 1-4; Pl.V: 4-6). In this
context, the face from Govrlevo dates the initial stages in the process

Black Arab
74
as a Figure of Memory
 The Black Man in Mythical Traditions in Macedonia

of symbolization and mythologization of members of the black race to

as early as the Neolithic cultures of Europe.1 1. The aforementioned
apelike features do not dis-
There are several other examples from prehistoric Balkan cultures qualify this, bearing in mind
where a similar concept of composition and proportions was applied that the relations between
in the modelling of the features of the face. Of especial significance Negroid mythical characters
are two examples from Stara and Nova Zagora, Bulgaria (Pl.I: 5,6). and apes are common in
myths (Marazov, 1999a,
With respect to its Negroid characteristics, comparable to the frag- 38,39).
ment from Govrlevo, is another Neolithic figurine from Bulgaria (Ruse),
whose head demonstrates obvious features of the black race: fleshy
lips, a wide nose and rounded forehead) (Pl.I: 7,8,).2 Researchers have 2. Some researchers inter-
also attempted to detect features of the Negroid racial type in some pret the appearance of the
statuette with a manifesta-
Neolithic figurines from Butmir, Bosnia and Herzegovina (Praistorija
tion of illness, specifically
Jugoslovenskih Zemalja, Pl.II: 437,438). with Down’s Syndrome
The fragment from Govrlevo, together with the figurine from Ruse, (Radunčeva 2003, 147).
raise serious questions with regards to the early presence (5th–4th mil-
lennium BC) of people of the black race in the Balkans. This in turn
raises further questions regarding the character, reasons and motiva-
tion behind such a presence, as well as regarding the mechanisms
through which it was realized. As far as the Neolithic period is con-
cerned, we cannot claim any exact facts with regards to this issue due
to the absence of written records, but such information is available
from later periods. According to some writers from Antiquity, Negroid
peoples inhabited the valley of the river Strymon (Struma). Some of
them report that in the land of the Thracians there lived Pigmy people
who abandoned this region shortly before the arrival of the Romans.
In support of the veracity of these sources are certain toponyms, theo-
nyms and legends from the Struma region relating to herons, the in-
separable companions of the mythical Pigmies (Pl.IV: 1-3).3 3. Marazov 1992, 150;
Srejović/Cermanović 1987,
340; Marazov 1999, 30.

2. HELLENISTIC PERIOD

a) Earrings with Negroid heads (3rd–1st century BC)

A specific category of earrings adorned with Negroid heads has
been discovered in several necropoleis from the Hellenistic period lo-
cated in the region surrounding the Ohrid Lake (Pl.II:1-3, 5, 7). The
entire composition of the earrings leaves the impression of a sche-
matized rhyton with a protruding Negroid head. Earrings of this type
have been discovered in graves, thus leading to the assumption that
they were placed on the bodies of the dead during the burial ritual or

75 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Nikos Chausidis

placed in the graves as offerings. Their relatively fragile construction

indicates that this jewellery might not have been intended for everyday
use but primarily or exclusively for use in funerary ceremonies. Judging
by the findings to date, this type of earring is most probably a local
feature, most typical of the aforementioned region and its wider sur-
roundings: Deboj, Činarot, Opejnca and Trebeništa (Ohrid), Delgožda
(Struga) and Selce (on the Ohrid Lake in Albania). Sporadic examples
have also been discovered in neighbouring areas such as Povardarie
(Marvinci), as well as in Montenegro, Herzegovina, and some areas in
Greece, Italy and Asia Minor (Pl.II: 4, 7, 8). This jewellery is dated to
the 3rd–1st century BC. Negroid heads are also present in necklaces
4. Rendić-Miočević 1959, from this period, accompanying the clasp mechanism in pairs.4
15, 16, 25, 26; Bitrakova
Grozdanova 1987, 71-73;
Ivanovski 2006, 176-178.
b) Interpretation
How should this presence of Negroid heads in the described ear-
rings be interpreted? Should it be deduced that they were applied only
as artistic motifs inspired by current trends or by the actual presence
of Negroes in the local region? To date, this jewellery has mostly been
considered a manifestation of the artistic style of the city of Alexandria,
or more generally as a product in the spirit of the Hellenistic culture of
5. For some interpretations the post-Alexander period.5 However, certain facts indicate that this
and references concerning ‘attractive look’ and ‘exotic style’ might have been inspired by certain
this issue, see: Rendić-
Miočević 1959, 32-37;
mythological-religious models concentrated in the central character-
Bitrakova Grozdanova istic of the earrings—the Negroid heads embedded in their corpus
1987, 73. shaped like a rhyton.
A possible explanation for the presence of the Negroid heads can
be provided if they are related to the Pygmies who are represented
in sources from Antiquity as a mythical people of short stature with
black skin and Negroid facial features, extended phalluses and prolific
hair (Pl.IV:1-3). Initially, it was believed that they lived on the southern
coast of the Ocean (the mythical river which surrounded the Earth) in
the black fertile layer of the soil where the plants grow (Kataoudaioi =
6. In a certain sense, the ‘those who live underground’) or in caves. Later, they are recorded as
equivalent of the Pygmies people who inhabited the land south of Egypt surrounded by desert,
are the Ethiopians. For
basic data on these mythi-
or as people who inhabited some other, typically remote parts of the
cal people, see: Srejović/ world.6 Their black colour and their habitat symbolize their affiliation
Cermanović 1987, 340; to the ‘other world’, understood as being underground, as a world of
Мифы народов мира. Vol. darkness and death. At the same time, however, the Pygmies include
2,312; Marazov 1999a, 36-
43; Petrović (Petruševski)
a resurrection aspect, the aspect of rebirth. This aspect is encoded in
1940, 41-43. their small stature, likening them to children, as symbols of new life,

Black Arab
76
as a Figure of Memory
 The Black Man in Mythical Traditions in Macedonia

of new birth, as well as in their relatedness to vegetation (they live

in the humus layer of the soil, in caves, and they are agriculturalists).
Despite their colour symbolizing the end and death, in this very same
context it also heralds the new beginning which unavoidably follows
every ending.7 The life-giving aspect of these mythical characters is 7. For black as the final
presented in their overemphasized phalluses. stage of regressive and the
initial stage of progressive
We believe that these meanings are expressed in the iconography evolution, see: Chevalier/
of these earrings. Researchers to date have believed that they actually Gheerbrant 1987, 75,76.
represent a rhyton, a cornucopia, with the Negroid heads protruding
from inside (Pl.II).8 Agreeing with this interpretation, we can summarize 8. Rendić-Miočević1959,
that, besides its other meanings, the rhyton (and within this framework 25; Bitrakova Grozdanova
1987, 72.
‘the cornucopia’) contains a symbolic layer related to the female prin-
ciple: creation, birth and conception of life, food, fertility, wealth and
abundance. These meanings are based on the fact that the rhyton is
one of the first vessels which, as early as the Palaeolithic, was used for
storing food and liquids. These meanings are also implied by its conical
shape which, with a gradual widening from its tip to its opening, alludes
to the principle of growth, expansion and progress.9 We can trace an 9. Chevalier/Gheerbrant
indirect parallel of this relation ‘Negro-rhyton-vessel’ in a description 1987, 563-565; Мarazov
1992, 359-362; Čausidis,
from Antiquity portraying the goddess Nemesis of Rhamnous who held 1994, 94-100.
a libation vessel (phiale) in her right hand decorated with depictions of
Negroes (Pausan. I.33.3.).10 10. Petrović (Petruševski)
Thus, by associating the aforementioned meanings of the rhyton 1940, 20.
with the Negroid head protruding from its opening, we arrive at the
symbolism of revival and rebirth of the character it represents. The
meaning of growth and rebirth can be identified in the schematized
floral motifs present in these earrings (ivy, spiralling shoots, berries
grouped in clusters), but also in the gold itself used as a basic material
in the making of this jewellery.11 Its relation to resurrection is further 11. For the eschatological
augmented by the contrast between the gold and the dark colour of the symbolism of gold, see
minerals used in the modelling of the Negroid heads. Marazov 1999b, 225-249,
and for the role of the ivy in
If we accept the hypothesis that these earrings fall into the cat- mysteries, see 124-125.
egory of funerary jewellery and that they were used only, or above all,
for funerary purposes, we are presented with the prospect of linking
the Negroid heads with funerary beliefs and the cult of the dead. The
deceased were sent to the other world with jewellery which encoded
their destiny after death (Pl.II: diagram 9): the Pigmy heads symbol-
ized the deceased themselves: their souls which, upon arrival in the
other world, would identify with the mythical pre-people located there.
The black colour of these people encodes the end of life (black-death),

77 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Nikos Chausidis

their dwarfish bodies, revival (dwarf – child), while the protruding of

the head out of the rhyton encodes rebirth (rhyton – vessel – womb).
A similar semiotic concept can be detected in the golden phiale from
Panagjurište (Bulgaria 4th–3rd century BC). At its base, in concentric
rings, there are representations of acorns, followed by three rows of
Negroid heads, their size increasing in each subsequent ring (detail
– Pl.IV: 4). With reference to existing interpretations of both elements
as symbols of the ‘wild’ or ‘foreign’, we would like to stress yet another
12. Marazov 1999a, 36- aspect of their symbolism.12 The depicted composition ‘grows’: starting
43; Marazov 2001, 385- with the acorns placed in the centre of the vessel (= down), through
391. The author stresses
the phallic symbolism of
the small Negroid heads (= children) and the medium heads (= young
acorns, which corresponds men), ending with the large heads (= adults) positioned at its periphery
well with the symbolism we (= up). We believe that this gradation encodes the transformation of
propose here. the vital force from its embryonic-vegetation stage (the acorns located
in the ‘other world’) to its manifested-anthropomorphic forms (the adult
Negroes positioned on the edge, that is, on the passage to ‘this world’).
Our search for concrete manifestations of these models leads us to
the traditions and mythical characters related to the Kabiri deities. Our
rationale behind the association of the jewellery and these deities is
the important space that the characters with Negroid features occupied
in their cult and iconography. The Kabiri themselves were depicted as
black/Negroid dwarves, i.e. Pigmies (Pl.IV:1-3). Researchers explain
this through two aspects. On the one hand, we have the foreign, ori-
ental origin of the cult of the Kabiri (Semitic, Phoenician) wherein the
colour black clearly defined its bearers as ‘foreign’. On the other hand,
we have the domination of the chthonian aspects of the cult whereby
black emerges as a key symbolic characteristic of this sphere. The
names of these deities indicate this explicitly, since the word axio -,
meaning black or dark, is included in all three theonyms. In this sense,
it is also indicative that they were usually paired with three Hellenic dei-
ties of categorically chthonian character as their equivalents who often
bore the epithet ‘black’ themselves (Axieros = Demeter, Axiokersa =
13. Marazov 1994, 80-85; Persephone and Axiokersos = Pluto/Hades).13
Marazov 1999b, 119-133; We propose an eschatological interpretation of the iconography
Marazov 1992, 136-
155; Đurić 1987, 40, 41; and symbolism of these earrings, according to which the deceased
Venedikov 1992, 187-192. were equated with Pigmies so that Mother-Earth would accept them
On the epithet ‘black’ attrib- inside herself as her own children and later, in a mystic manner, rejuve-
uted to the three Hellenic nate them and revive them as plants through her womb (represented
deities, see Petrović
(Petruševski) 1940, 16, 28. through the rhyton). This interpretation corresponds well with one of
the essential concepts of the cult of the Kabiri: the endless transforma-

Black Arab
78
as a Figure of Memory
 The Black Man in Mythical Traditions in Macedonia

tion of life and death encoded in the two hypostases of these deities
represented at once as children and as old people. In fact, this is re-
lated to one of the key secrets of this cult: the birth of the mysterious
child as a paradigm of the new stage which the mystic followers of
this cult entered after the act of their induction into the new commu-
nity.14 Some arguments point directly to the important role of the rhyton 14. On this, see Marazov
in Kabiri rituals. On the silver vessel discovered in Borovo (Bulgaria), 1999, 26-42; Marazov
associated by researchers with this cult, the principal deity raises a 1994, 80-81; Marazov
1999a, 39.
rhyton in his hand. The function and symbolism of this vessel is de-
rived from, among other sources, the important role of wine in this
cult, which was realized mostly by means of such vessels.15 The other 15. Marazov 1999b, 121;
focus of the Kabiri mysteries was on the mystic marriage between the Marazov 1994, 84, 85.
Father-God (Kabir) and the Mother-Goddess (the nymph Kabiro), a
sacred act which was again associated with the transformation of the
mystic into the one chosen by the Gods (a passage preceded by ritual
death).16 Such content can be recognized in another type of jewellery 16. Marazov 1994, 80-84;
which in some necropoleis accompanied the Negroid earrings (such Marazov 2003, 241,242.
as that from Budva, Montenegro). This type of jewellery includes the
aforementioned necklaces whose ends were adorned with the head of
a Negro man and the head of a Negro woman. These two elements,
when the necklace was clasped, could symbolize the marital bond/re-
lationship (a contact of their heads, a kiss) between the two characters
representing the Kabiri divine couple.
These types of earrings are not particularly widespread in the re-
gion dominated by Hellenistic culture. The findings to date point to their
densest concentration in the area of the central Balkans and, above all,
around the Ohrid basin and the Montenegrin coast. Accidentally or not,
this core area corresponds with the last dwelling-place of the mythical
Cadmus, associated by the Kabiri with other components—above all
with Phoenicia as their shared original homeland.
The genesis of the mysterial cult of the Kabiri is yet to be fully
explained. According to various theories, it is usually linked to the
East (Phoenicians, Semites), Asia Minor (Phrygians) and the Balkans
(Thracians and Pelasgians). According to sources from Antiquity, it ap-
17. For basic information,
peared in the Archaic period when it spread to Greece via the Aegean
see Srejović/Cermanović
islands from Asia Minor. Its expansion is particularly notable in the 1987, 186. For more pro-
Hellenistic period when it grew into a trans-ethnic phenomenon com- found research and refer-
mon to the entire Mediterranean world. Its major core areas were on ences, see Marazov 1994,
80-85; Marazov 1999, 26-
the islands of Imbros, Lemnos, Samothrace and in the city of Thebes.17
42 (and other works by the
These locations have an important place in Cadmus’s mythical biog- same author quoted here).

79 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Nikos Chausidis

raphy. According to the myths, he originated from Phoenicia and, after

his arrival in the Balkans, became the ruler of Thebes. One of the four
Kabiri deities is called Cadmilus, which is a version of his name. Having
left Thebes, Cadmus departed for Lychnidos (present-day Ohrid) and
from thence to Butoa (a town on the Adriatic coast near present-day
18. For basic data on Budva), where he ruled the local Enchelians and Illyrians.18 The cult
this myth, see Srejović/ of the Kabiri has not been confirmed in these areas yet, but as we
Cermanović 1987, 187-
189. For more details, see can see, the earrings with Negroid heads are represented significantly.
Katičić 1977; and for the The important place of Macedonia in the development of this cult is
relations between the Kabiri corroborated by data according to which the Kabiri were hugely re-
and Cadmo, see Marazov spected by the entire dynasty of the ancient Macedonian rulers (includ-
2003, 240.
19. Marazov 1992, 152, ing the Ptolemy dynasty in Egypt).19 This connection gains in interest
153; Đurić 1987, 41. when we take into account that the original homeland of the ancient
Macedonians is usually located in the wider region around Ohrid and
Epirus, from whence, some time around 700 BC, they migrated to
Lower Macedonia where they created the core of their kingdom. The
Phrygian component of the Kabiri corresponds well with this theory;
that is, the assumption that the cult of the Kabiri spread to Greece from
Phrygia. Here we refer to a theory that has gained in relevance over
the last few decades, according to which the Phrygians moved from
the Central Balkans to Asia Minor in the course of the 2nd and the 1st
millennia BC, where their presence is confirmed under the name of
Brygi. Written historical records, toponyms and archaeological findings
all point to the fact that the core of their old homeland included south-
20. For more detail on western Macedonia and eastern Albania20—the same area, which,
these theories, see Petrova several centuries later, would emerge as the ‘epicentre’ of the Negroid
1996.
earrings. All these components indicate that Macedonia, or the central
Balkans, was another transit centre (and perhaps one of the sources)
of the cult of the Kabiri.

3. The Roman Period

a) Lamps shaped as Negroid heads (1st–5th centuries AD)

Human heads with Negroid characteristics emerged again in the
Roman period, this time on oil lamps (lucernae) made from bronze and
ceramics. Such bronze specimens have been discovered at three sites
in the Republic of Macedonia (Stobi, Heraclea Lynkestis and Prilep)
(Pl.III: 1, 3, 4). They were all cast in such a manner that their hollow
corpus represents the Negro head whose face is represented on the

Black Arab
80
as a Figure of Memory
 The Black Man in Mythical Traditions in Macedonia

top side. In some cases (4, 4a), the lower jaw is elongated and de-
formed so that it suits the design of the lip of the lucerna, while in oth-
ers a certain segment (a horn?) was placed upon the chin or the open
mouth to serve as a burner in whose opening the wick was placed (1,
3, 3a). The specimens from Stobi and Heraclea (1, 3, 3a) date from the
first or second century AD and are of good quality. Their style and man-
ner of manufacturing suggests their having been made in Alexandria,
a leading centre of arts and crafts which supplied the Mediterranean
with various artistically manufactured bronze objects in the Hellenistic
and Roman periods. The specimen from Prilep (4, 4a) is of a lesser
quality (perhaps manufactured locally) and different researchers have
dated it to anytime between the 1st and the 5th centuries AD.21 A similar 21. Jakimovski 2008, 432,
concept was applied in the manufacturing of ceramic lamps. One such 433; Jeličić 1959, 78-80;
Maneva 1983/84, 49, 50;
specimen was discovered in the vicinity of Kavadarci (the locality of Kuzmanov 1992, 54.
Gradište near the village of Glišić). It was manufactured locally and
rustically in the 2nd century AD (Pl.III: 5).22 The ceramic lucerna from 22. Janev/ Georgieva 2003;
Stobi (Pl.III: 2, 2a) depicts a child’s head with Negroid characteristics. Jakimovski 2008, 416.
It was discovered as an offering in a grave in the western necropolis
of the town, while another fragmented specimen was discovered in
the town itself. Such specimens have been recorded in Athens, Split,
Viminacium (Serbia), and are dated to the 3rd century AD.23 23. Mikulčić 1973, 76, 77,
The aforementioned lucernae from Macedonia are by no means 80; Jakimovski 2008 , 415-
416.
exclusive to this region, on the contrary, their type was also widespread
in other parts of the Roman Empire.

b) Interpretation
The presence of Negroid heads in the lamps from Macedonia has
until now been considered a manifestation of design rather than of
myth and religion.24 We believe that such modelling was not the result 24. Generally, on this issue,
of a random choice of motifs but was based on some older mythologi- see Snowden 1970; Hodza
2006.
cal and religious notions. The specimens originated in the Roman pe-
riod, a time of intense merging of mythological and religious traditions
in the Mediterranean, a trend accompanied by their demythologiza-
tion and desacralization. Craftsmen and artists borrowed motifs from
certain religious complexes and used them in a purely formal context
as interesting compositions whose decorativeness, exoticism and al-
lure would improve the sales of the craftsmen’s production. The es-
sential semiotic-utilitarian moment, present in the iconography of the
discussed lucernae, is the representation of a character with a Negroid
appearance with a flame coming out of its mouth. The ceramic speci-

81 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Nikos Chausidis

men from Stobi (Pl.III: 2, 2a) broadens this attitude with a version of a
Negro child spewing flames from its mouth. The search for the identity
of these characters brings us back to the Pigmies (Pl.IV: 1-3), the myth-
ical people with Negroid features whose habitat (in the underground or
behind the Ocean) and black colour endowed them with pronounced
chthonian meanings (see above).
The question that imposes itself directly is: what could have in-
duced this connection between fire, these mythical characters and the
chthonian spheres which they represent when even for the most primi-
tive peoples it must have been obvious that fire came from the sky?
In fact, fire in nature does indeed come from the sky, ‘descending’ to
Earth via sun rays and lightning. For this reason, in the mythologies of
the world, fire is most often related to various deities of the sky or with
the aforementioned celestial phenomena. Less attention, however,
has been paid to the fact that in some parts of the world, fire comes
from underground as well. Most explicitly and dramatically, this can be
observed in places where there are active volcanoes, and implicitly,
on those locations where hot water, various evaporations and inflam-
mable tar (oil) rise from the ground. All these phenomena suggested
the presence of powerful fire underground. In the context of the revival
and personalization of the subterranean zones of the universe, mythi-
cal consciousness exemplified this reality in two basic notions: one
about the fire created and then born from the womb of Mother Earth;
the other about the fire which resides in the stomach of the male chtho-
nian god and is discharged from there through his mouth. Even though
myths do not always elaborate the pre-stage of these states, in the first
case it implies a certain stage of conception by Mother Earth, while in
the second an action of some kind of swallowing fire by the chthonian
25. On the birth of fire, see mythical character.25
Čausidis 1994, 218-231; for For the purpose of our research, we certainly find the second con-
a more general concept of
spewing out of the mouth
cept of greater interest. This concept can be illustrated by several ex-
as an equivalent of birth, amples from throughout the world in which the chthonian deity appears
see Čausidis 2005, 226- as a representative, source and patron of fire. Most interesting in this
230. sense are the ancient Italic mythical characters Vulcan and Cacus.
The first functioned as the god of fire (with his own cult sites, priests
and rituals), later conflated with the Greek Hephaestus under the in-
fluence of Hellenic culture. The character of Cacus is also an ancient
deity with functions very similar to those of Vulcan. When his cult died
out, the memory of his character was preserved in mythical stories in
which he is represented as Vulcan’s son who lives in a cave and spews

Black Arab
82
as a Figure of Memory
 The Black Man in Mythical Traditions in Macedonia

smoke and fire from his mouth. The Ancient Greek Hephaestus was
also related to volcanoes and his smithies were situated at their core.
He was worshipped in particular on the volcanic island of Lemnos, re-
plete with thermal springs and subterranean evaporations. The ancient
Greek Typhon also belongs to this category. According to some myths,
Zeus threw him in the underground and crushed him with Mount Etna.
For this very reason, this mountain discharges smoke and fire, which 26. On Vulcan and Cacus,
in fact are spewed out of angry Typhon’s mouth. If we take into account see Srejović/Cermanović
the fact that the mythical dragon is one of the most common hypos- 1987, 88, 89, 189; Мифы
народов мира. Vol. 1, 253,
tases of the chthonian god, then the most obvious and most popular
611. On the fiery dragon,
example, recognizable in numerous mythologies of the world, the fiery see Славянские древ-
dragon spewing flames from its mouth, can also be incorporated in ности. Vol. 2, 332-333;
this category (Pl.IV: 9,10).26 Ivanov/ Тoporov 1974, 232-
233, 236; Српски мито-
Even though all these mythical characters are not explicitly depict-
лошки речник, 203 (‘fiery
ed as black by the sources, in many cases this went without saying dragon wolf’, which implies
since, in principle, as chthonian gods they were of black or dark colour. a relation between wolf /
This can lead to the assumption that Negroid heads were fashioned волк and volcano). On ch-
thonian fire, see Chevalier/
on the lamps from Antiquity to embody this particular hypostasis of the
Gheerbrant 1987, 738-740.
chthonian god, as a black god – creator of fire. Should the presence For theories (very exclu-
of this mythical character in these particular lucernae be considered sive, in our opinion) about
purely decorative? Even though this question cannot be answered au- the chthonian god as a pa-
tron of fire, see Golan 1994,
thoritatively, it is not to be excluded that this appearance was neverthe-
especially 188-221.
less supported by certain religious notions, perhaps experienced as
some superstition or stories at the time. If we take into account that the
Roman Vulcan was a great protector from fires,27 we can assume that 27. Srejović/Cermanović
the presence of his representation (or the representation of his chtho- 1987, 88, 89; Мифы наро-
дов мира. Vol. 1, 253.
nian equivalent) on these lamps could have played a part in controlling
the fire in them and consequently of protecting the house from fire.
And yet again this relation between Negro – Negroid child – ch-
thonian – fire – Pigmy points to the mystical cult of the Kabiri. As we
have seen, the dwarfish Pygmies were regular companions to the Kabiri
cult and were even identified with these gods. The fire association can
be corroborated by numerous traditions related to this complex. The
Kabiri are the sons, in some cases the parents, of Hephaestus the
god of metallurgy who, like the majority of ‘god-smiths’, is closely and
directly related to fire. We have already cited the theories according to
which the Kabiri cult spread throughout the Balkans from the Middle
East as a result of the migration of Middle Eastern metallurgists and
ironsmiths. This historical event was also manifested on a mythical
level by the aforementioned myths concerning the Phoenician Cadmus

83 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Nikos Chausidis

which demonstrate relations to the two spheres—that is, both to the

Kabiri and to metallurgy (see above).
One of the ceramic lamps from Stobi is modelled as the head of a
child with Negroid features (Pl.III: 2, 2a). As we have seen, the divine
child is one of the key aspects of the Kabiri cult, wherein the mythical
Pygmies are those who encode the basic idea of this belief in death
(black person) as a condition for rebirth (dwarf/child). Mythical met-
28. For instance, the allurgists are typically dwarfish and very often black.28 However, the
Scandinavian elves and colour black appears to have been an important prerequisite for ac-
dwarves (Мифы народов
tual metallurgists as well. In Europe and in India, but also elsewhere
мира. Vol. 1, 623, 624).
in the ancient world, metallurgy was a trade predestined for foreign-
ers, usually marked as members of the darker race. In Macedonia and
throughout the Balkans these people were the Roma who, as late as
the mid-20th century, represented almost the only category of people
29. For a condensed who plied these trades. The autochthonous population never took up
discussion with quoted
these trades, considering them a demonic activity related to the devil.29
references, see Čausidis
2008, 226-229; Српски The dwarfish, childlike appearance of the Pygmies follows the ba-
митолошки речник, 241, sic mythical paradigm of the process for obtaining metal. According to
456. this, mining ore from the ground was equivalent to a premature remov-
30. This concept is dis- al of the foetus from the mother’s womb, while the treatment of ore in
cussed through numerous the metallurgist’s furnace gained the meaning of returning this ‘aborted
examples (from Europe,
Mesopotamia, China and
foetus’ to the womb (artificial, this time) which, at a faster rate, will bring
Sub-Saharan Africa) in to an end the process of maturation, that is perfection, of the metal.30
Eliade 1983; Chevalier/ The same concepts were used in interpreting fire. In various cultures,
Gheerbrant 1987, 489, 490; fire was determined as a son of the God-Heavens and Mother-Earth,
Čausidis/Rahno/Naumov
2008.
whereby the act of artificially producing fire (through rubbing soft and
31. Čausidis 2008a, 20-24; hard wood, or through striking flint and steel) was identified with holy
Čausidis 1994, 218-231. matrimony, that is, with the coitus of the aforementioned divine cou-
32. Compare the ple.31 In the myths about Pygmies, fire is also encoded through the her-
Macedonian word for ons/cranes which commonly accompany the Pygmies (these people
this bird, жерав, with the are at war with the herons) (Pl.IV: 1-3). The ‘fiery’ component of these
Serbian word жеравица
(=cinders) and жар-птица birds is based upon mythical notions according to which every spring
(=phoenix, the bird which they fly over from the ‘other world’ (= underground, the land of the
combusts by itself and is Pygmies), bringing with them the vital heat which awakens nature.32
reborn from its own ashes). Originating from the Roman period, there are also other types of
For the mythological mean-
ing of herons and storks as lamps with the same or similar concept in their design: a human head
their equivalent, see Gura is depicted on their top surface, while the openings for pouring oil,
2005, 484-500; Čausidis for ventilation, or for placing the wick, are actually the mouth of the
2008, 226-229; And for their represented character (Pl.IV: 7,8). Most often, a bearded face with a
relation to the Pygmies, see
Marazov 1999b, 125-129. wide open mouth is depicted, identified with Dionysus, Silenus or with

Black Arab
84
as a Figure of Memory
 The Black Man in Mythical Traditions in Macedonia

a theatrical tragedy-mask (Jakimovski 2008, 415-423). These lamps

could provisionally be included in our research if we take into account
the arguments which point to the dark colour of the aforementioned
characters. In this case, we could claim this directly for Dionysus, re-
corded in ancient sources with two epithets which belong to the cat-
egory of ‘black’ (μελαναιγις and μελανθιδης).33 Indirectly, this could also 33. Petrović (Petruševski)
be applied to Silenus as his inevitable companion. The presence of 1940, 16, 17.
Dionysus and Silenus brings the thread of our analysis back to the
Kabiri, bearing in mind that both deities had an important place in this
cult. The link between these deities would be reinforced to such an
extent that it would lead to syncretism, the merger of the two cults and
identification of Dionysus and Silenus with the Kabiri.34 Starting from 34. Marazov 1994, 83, 84;
this position when referring back to the lamp from Heraclea (Pl.III: 1), Marazov 1999b, 120, 121;
Marazov 2003, 241, 244.
we could consider the vine leaf placed at the back of the lamp as an
indicator of this symbiosis.
As we have seen, the mouth of the characters represented on the
lucernae is in some cases identified with the opening for the wick, while
in others with the opening for pouring the oil. In these two concepts of
‘utilization’ of the iconography of the lamps, we can perceive several
ideas close to the mystical religions of Antiquity. The pouring of oil in
the mouth of the represented chthonian god can be understood as an
offering presented to his jaws, while the burning of the wick in his mouth
can be understood as the bringing about of new life or rebirth, realized
in consequence of the presented offering.35 Both acts, put together, 35. For the birth of the mys-
encode the mystery of the eternal transposition of life through the body tic, represented as lighting
fire, see Marazov 1994, 81.
of a deity who simultaneously incorporates the paradigms of an old
man and a child, of father and son, of a monster which takes life and a
parent that gives it. In this context, the question that arises is whether
the presence of objects with such iconography in the graves should be
understood as random or as deliberately designating and instigating a
positive outcome for the destiny of the deceased in the other world. We
have opted for the latter because it corresponds particularly well with
the ritual of cremation, giving it the meaning of a mystical process of
transposition of the ethereal essence of the deceased (= fire) through
the body of the deity (Pl.III: diagram 6).
The form of the lamps discussed here could also be linked to the
Kabiri through its function of ‘lighting’ – ‘giving light’, which in their cult
functions as a mystery metaphor of knowledge (enlightenment). A mo-
ment of dramaturgical culmination during mystery séances was the
blaze of powerful fire which pierced through the darkness of the night

85 Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory
 Nikos Chausidis

(Marazov 2002, 12).

The concept of the design of the lamps discussed here could be
detected within the global framework in a much older category of ob-
jects—the Bronze Age ceramic lamps discovered in Macedonia, but
also throughout the Balkans and Europe (examples – Pl.IV: 5, 6). Their
hollow spherical corpus can be recognized as the head of a human or
an animal, while the two symmetrical round openings which are some-
times positioned on the front side of the corpus could be identified as
eyes. In this context, the wide opening where the wick burned could be
recognized as an open mouth emitting fire.

4. Middle Ages

a) The Slavic Pagan Deities Belobog and Crnobog

Helmold of Bosau, one of the key sources for the pagan religion of
the Western Slavs, says that coastal Slavs ‘...perform a strange super-
stition: that is, at feasts and banquets, they drink a toast one at a time,
pronouncing (some) words, not as a prayer, I would say, but more as
a curse (addressed) to their gods, to the good and the bad god, pro-
fessing (a belief) that all that is good is dispensed by the good (god),
and all that is evil by the evil (god). Hence, in their language, they call
the evil god a devil or chernobog, that is ‘black god’ (Helmold, I , cap.
36. Translation and com- 52).’36 The authenticity of this citation and the broader Slavic charac-
mentaries: Loma 2002, ter of the described custom is supported by a Serbian epic folk song
185-187; Михайлов 1995,
89-93. from the cycle dedicated to King Marko which says: ‘When the brave
men drank their wine, / they didn’t evoke the one and only God, / but
they invoked the hated devil, / ... cursed the one and only God, / you
37. Loma 2002, 185-186 couldn’t hearken God for fear!’37 The same dual structure is reflected in
(from Vuk Karadzić’s a passage of the Gustin (Густинская летопись) annals (quotation for
legacy).
year 1070), according to which the wizards of old were convinced that
‘there are two gods: one in the heavens and one in hell’ (Afanasyev
1865, Vol. I, 93).
Helmold does not record the name of the good god, but research
on various spheres of Slavic traditions indicate that his name was
Belobog. This theonym is present in folk phraseology (especially
that of the Southern Slavs) where it most often connotes the follow-
ing meanings: day, light, heavens, great distance and abundance.
Some Bulgarian Christmas carols sing about the Mother of God (‘Бужа
майка’) гiving birth to the white God (‘бял Бог’). Some sources record

Black Arab
86
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that immigrants from Bessarabia responded to a question concerning

their religion with the following answer: ‘we worship our true Lord – the
White God’. The folklore of Byelorussia has preserved a mythical char-
acter under the name of Belun, related by researchers to Belobog.38 38. Славянские древ-
Crnobog too, both explicitly and implicitly, appears in various ности. Vol. 1, 150, 151;
Афанасьев 1865. Vol. I,
spheres of Slavic culture. In a document from Bulgaria (dated 1856), 92-95. There is recorded
the name Crnobog refers to a certain negative character coming out data that the Kabiri also
of hell, personifying the Ottoman invader. The following curse is re- were black and white.
corded in Ukrainian folklore, ‘щобъ тебе чорнiй богъ убивъ!’, where (Мarazov 1999а, 37).
the black god is again a negative character, that is, a cause of death.
The Gustin annal cites the following statement of the old wizards: ‘Our
gods live in an abyss. They appear black, winged, with tails, and fly
under the sky...’.39 39. Pančovski 1993, 28;
This dual structure is corroborated by Slavic toponomastic mate- Afanasyev 1865. Vol. I,
93-99.
rial which most commonly refers to two close elevations with a riv-
er or a dry valley in between. There are examples where one of the
elevations is called Belobog while the other and opposite bears the
name Crnobog. The most typical example can be located in Budyšin
in Lužice (poplated by Lužice Serbs in the past), where on the two op-
posite banks of the river are situated the hills Bileboh and Čorneboh
which, according to preserved legends, were the sites of a pagan festi-
val (Pl.V: 1). However, most often it is only one of the theonyms in the
pair that has remained, the other being replaced with another pagan
or Christian equivalent. Thus, Belobog is alternated with other repre-
sentatives of heavens, light and the positive principle (Perun, Vid and
their Christian substitutes St. Elijah, St. Vidus, etc.), while Crnobog is
present through different names, epithets, or theonyms of the chtho-
nian god (Veles / Volos, Triglav / Troyan) or their Christian substitutes
(St. Vlas, St Demetrios, the devil, etc.).40 40. Pilar 1931, 16 et seq.;
Peisker 1928, 55 et seq.;
Two toponyms in Macedonia can be related to Crnobog, indicating
Pančovski 1993, 28, 29;
that he was worshiped in this region in the past. One of them is the Afanasyev 1865. Vol. I, 93;
name of the village Crnobuki in the Bitola region (Pl.V: 2) and the oth- Petrović 2000a, 272, 273;
er is the name of the locality Crnoboci, near the village of Bajramovci, examples from Macedonia:
Čausidis 1994, 395-402,
Debar region (Pl.V: 3). Both toponyms are recorded as the names of
441-445.
villages in Turkish census documents from the 15th and 16th centuries,
the one in the Bitola region in the form of Crnoboki, and the one in the
Debar region as Crnobuki (Stankovska 1997, book 2, 328-330). This
change indicates a transformation of the original Crnobog to Crnobok,
which later, owing to a prohibition or simply through oblivion of the orig-
inal meaning, underwent paretymologization, that is, the introduction

87 Black Arab
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of a new meaning: in Crnobuki from the phytonym crna buka – black

beech, that is crnabuka. Stankovska does not emphasize this mythical
model, but points to a fact which directly indicates it. According to this
author, the form Crnoboci was derived as a plural from of Crnobok,
understood as a noun of masculine grammatical gender (according to
us, the theonym Crnobog). The same dual structure is also manifested
in other toponym pairs such as Bela Voda – Crna Voda (White Water
– Black Water) and Bel Kamen – Crn Kamen (White Rock – Black
41. This data is based Rock).41
on topographic maps of The black god is incorporated in yet another Slavic pagan theonym
Macedonia published by
the Military-Geographical known to us from a medieval source. This source is a history of the
Institute in Belgrade and Danish kings from the 12th century, the Gesta Danorum, which cites the
on our personal observa- name Tjarnoglofi (Charnoglav – Black Head), the god of the Ruyan
tions during fieldwork. For people (Slavic inhabitants of the Baltic island of Rügen – Ruyan), in
numerous examples, see
Petrović 2000b. whose domain, amongst other things, fell victories in military cam-
42. Translation and com- paigns (Knytlingasaga cap. 121).42 Chrnoglav (Чрьноглавь) is also
mentaries: Loma 2002, cited in a Serbian medieval document (Danilo, 112) which describes
192-193; Michailov 1995, an attack by a Byzantine army on Serbia in the second half of the
92. 13th century. Here, the name Chrnoglav refers to a commander of the
Tatar formation included in the Byzantine units. He was decapitated
after his capture and his head was impaled on a spear. It is believed
that this Slavic nomination of the Tatar commander was not due to his
real name but to two external components, the first being his Asiatic
appearance (with an obviously darker complexion), and the other be-
ing the negative attitude of the Serbs towards him. Both components
were related to still-existing memories of the mythical namesake of
this character (Crnoglav, Crnobog) with his analogous characteristics
43. Loma 2002, 193-195. (black and evil).43
Such identifications would There are several toponyms throughout the Balkans in which the
continue in the following
centuries, this time with theonym Crnoglav is preserved, such as the village of Crnoglav near
respect to the Ottomans, Neum (Bosnia and Herzegovina); the mountain peak Crnoglav (764m)
who would often be identi- on the mountain Stara Planina; the village of Crnoglavci in the region
fied with the black mythical of Shumen (Bulgaria).
character (the Black Arab).

b) The Black god in medieval dualist heresies

In the 9th and 10th centuries, several heretical teachings developed
in Macedonia and throughout the Balkans (Bogomilism, Messalianism,
Paulicianism), all of them to various degrees based upon a dualist con-
cept. According to these teachings, the world is founded on two op-
posing principles: on the one hand, the principle of good manifested

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in light and spirit; on the other, the principle of evil, represented by

darkness and the material world. Behind these two principles were two
more or less opposed deities who, as the case might be, were named
either Ormuzd (Ahuramazda) and Ahriman, or God (Lord) and Devil
(Satan).44 On the basis of findings to date, these teachings had ar- 44. For more recent refer-
rived in the Balkans from the East (Asia Minor, Armenia, Syria, Persia) ences on this topic, see
Stojanov 2003; Dragojlović
and their genesis can be traced back to Manichaeism (3rd century) and
1974; Dragojlović 1982;
Iranian dualist religions from the first millennium BC. As in the previous Angelevska-Panova 2002;
Slavic example, the colours white and black are incarnated in the two Čausidis 2003. On the ba-
opposing deities as a manifestation of their essence (light and dark- sis of an analysis of a group
of Roman tombstones in
ness). The meaning of the name of the Iranian representative of the
the Kavadarci region (The
positive principle, Ahuramazda, is interpreted by some as the ‘White Republic of Macedonia),
God’, while Ahriman, the god of darkness, was himself envisaged as it is assumed that dualis-
being of dark colour.45 Therefore, we should look for the next stage in tic heretical (in this case,
Manichean) communities
the presence of the black god in Macedonia within this framework of
existed in Macedonia as
Bogomil and other similar religious teachings which existed actively on early as the 3rd–4th century
this territory from the 9th or 10th century for some 500 years until the (Čausidis 2003, 19-87, 123-
Ottoman conquest in the 15th century. 132).
Although the predominant theory at present infers that these teach- 45. Lovmjanski 1996, 42;
ings reached the Balkans through Asia Minor, there are other theses Petrović (Petruševski)
1940, 15.
according to which the Slavs played a part in their transference. They
migrated to the Balkans from the Northern coast of the Black Sea, a
territory which in Antiquity was under significant Iranian influence. The
presence of the two opposing gods Belobog and Crnobog in Slavic
pagan traditions is considered by some researchers to have been an
early Iranian, and even heretical Christian (Manichean) influence. The
Slavs might have accepted these traditions directly from the Iranians or
through heretical missionaries who preached in the region as early as
the 3rd to 5th century. Other researchers believe that Slavic pagan dual-
ism is primeval, universal to a greater part of humanity. According to
them, this authentic and autochthonous component induced the Slavs
later to accept dualistic heretical teachings (Čausidis 2003, 91-113).
Regardless of which of these versions we adopt, it is a fact that in
the medieval culture of the Southern Slavs the phenomenon of syncre-
tism between Slavic pagan traditions and dualistic teachings became
increasingly evident. In this symbiosis, pagan mythical structures were
utilized as metaphorical and allegorical stories convenient for bringing
complex and abstract religious doctrines closer to the ordinary unedu-
cated person. There are indications that, in this symbiosis, Belobog
and his other celestial equivalents were identified with Ahuramazda

89 Black Arab
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or the heretical God, while Crnobog (= Dazhbog) was identified with

Ahriman and the Devil (Čausidis 2003, 133-139, 221-231, 327-333).
This Slavic-pagan-Bogomil syncretism can be located in some me-
dieval literary works (mostly apocryphal), in the oral folklore of the
Southern Slavs (legends, toponyms), and also in the iconography of
tombstones, in medieval graffiti and in the pictorial motifs of jewellery.
Indirectly, we find it encoded even within the framework of Byzantine
fresco-painting (Čausidis 2003, 141-279, 285-322, 327-333, 385, 386).
We believe that the fresco composition ‘Descent to Hell’ in the
church of St Mary Mother of God Eleusa in the village of Veljusa
(Strumica region, the Republic of Macedonia) contains two figures
of interest to our research (Pl.VI: 1,2). The fresco (dated to the 11th
century) contains all the elements standard for this type of composi-
tion: Christ stands above the broken gates of Hell and pulls Adam and
Eve out of their graves. What makes this painting exceptional in com-
parison to other common Byzantine examples is the fact that Christ
steps over not only one but two devils, each painted in contrasting
colours: one black (dark purple-black), the other white (greyish-white).
This makes this composition unique in Byzantine iconography (Pl.VI:
1). Taking into account that the black devil is customary in Byzantine
fresco-painting, P. Miljković – Pepek focuses the entire enigmatic qual-
46. Miljković-Pepek 1981, ity of the composition on the white devil, rightfully finding an iconologi-
21, 185-188; Miljković- cal justification for this element in the heresies of the time, above all,
Pepek 1969, 153, 154, 156.
Bogomilism.46 Since his research does not encompass a more global
47. Dragojlović 1982, 150, aspect, we have made an attempt in this paper to expand it within the
151; Angelov 1993, 314,
335, 338, 339; Čausidis
context of the Slavic pagan and Bogomil manifestations of the white
2003, 312-317. and black gods.
48. Miljković-Pepek 1981, On the basis of historical sources, we can draw the definite conclu-
21, 260. In the second sion that towards the end of the 11th century (the time of the construc-
article of his Typic, Manuil
tion and painting of the church in Veljusa), heretical movements in the
openly attacks ‘the damned
and unenlightened dogmas Balkans had reached their culmination. In response to this, in the 12th
of the heretics’, comparing century, the existing Balkan states (Byzantium, Bulgaria and Serbia)
the ‘discoverers of such would undertake the severest possible legal and repressive measures
chapters’ (anathematized
against them.47 The Strumica bishop, Manuil, took an active part in
by the heavenly fathers)
to ‘plague’ and ‘Arabian this campaign, judging by his Rule (Typikon), and the iconographic
wolves’. He than proclaims program applied in the church under his personal instruction.48 We be-
the eradication of their lieve that he ordered two devils to be painted under Christ’s feet as a
‘newfangled teachings and
metaphor of the dualist heresy, that is, of the belief of the heretics that
dogmas’ from ‘our holy ap-
ostolic church and its theol- there are two gods in the foundation of the world. In the same context,
ogy’ (pp. 259, 260, 267). we can interpret an analogous composition depicted on the casing of

Black Arab
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an icon from Georgia (Zarzima, 11th century), taking into account the
closeness of this region to the centres of dualist heretical teachings
(Pl.VI: 3). The fact that in our example one of the devils is black and
the other is white might be a manifestation of the essence of these
mythical characters and their names: one as a master of light, the other
as a master of darkness. Bearing in mind that the church in Veljusa
was located in an environment with a predominantly Slavic culture (the
Strumjani tribe?), we can assume that the depicted devils also repre-
sented the Slavic pagan gods Belobog and Crnobog, merged with their
appropriate heretical dualist mythical characters.49 49. In this sense, we find
it of particular interest that
among the typified char-
c)The black John the Baptist acters in the traditional
What captures our attention in medieval frescoes and icons of carnivals of the Ukrainian
Macedonia, but also in the broader Orthodox-Byzantine sphere, is St. ethnographic group of the
John the Baptist’s remarkably dark incarnation (examples – Pl.VI: 5, Guculi, which inhabits the
Carpathian region, are
6). It cannot be denied that this characteristic matches the instructions ‘білий чорт’ and ‘чорний
of the erminias (sacred painting handbooks), which recommended чорт’ (white and black
that this saint, being a hermit, be painted with a darker tone of skin. devil) or ‘білий дідько’ and
However, Southern Slavic folk traditions offer arguments in support of ‘чорний дідько’ (Pushik
2000, 139).
the thesis that this over-accentuation of the dark skin can be under-
stood as indicative of the saint’s symbiosis with a pagan black god
(Crnobog / Dazhbog) who remained very popular in folk culture as
late as the Late Middle Ages. Researching this topic, V. Čajkanović
concluded that the traditions of the Slavic (according to him, Serbian)
chthonian god were transplanted upon the character of this saint. The
reasons why this process was directed on St John he attributed to two
main factors: the first is the winter celebration of this saint, which
coincided with the celebration of the pagan chthonian god; the sec-
ond is the function of a godfather, which was a role apportioned to
the chthonian god (as a patron and protector of the people), assumed
by St John (the Baptist) through the act of christening Christ.50 In this 50. Čajkanović 1941, 27-
sense, it is interesting to note that, in songs from the category of ‘The 33, 34-40; Loma 2002, 156,
157.
division of wealth among the saints’, this saint was apportioned ‘ice
and snow’ or ‘bitter cold’, which are again functions belonging to the
sphere of chthonian gods (Loma 2002, 54). Some legends tell of a wolf
51. Српски митолошки
or other demonic character biting off St. John’s foot. This action, in речник, 396, 398;
other examples, is inflicted upon the devil and causes his lameness, Čajkanović 1941, 98-
another typical characteristic of chthonian mythical characters.51 The 102 (lameness); For
chthonian character of this saint, and especially his connection to the Macedonian parallels, see
Lafazanovski 2000, 124,
world of the dead, is manifested in folk traditions about ‘John’s divine 155, 186.

91 Black Arab
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52. This element deserves pass’: a gate located in heaven through which one passes to the ‘other
comparison with an Eastern world’—that is, either heaven or hell (‘All must come to John’s pass...’;
Slavic idol described in
the 10th century by Al ‘Every soul must come to John’s pass after death...’). Such sayings are
Massoudi. He was accom- particularly common in Western Serbia, while similar analogies (‘divine
panied by several ‘black gap’) have been recorded in the toponymy of Slavic regions in present-
components’: his temple day Greece (Plivitsa, Epirus). In a comparative sense, St. John (and
stood on a hill called ‘The
Black Hill’, his figure of an probably Crnobog, before him) functions as an equivalent of Haron
old man was accompanied and Vodan (in the role of a psychepomp), as well as of Hades (the
by ravens (black birds), keeper of the gates to the ‘other world’). In folk tradition, St. John’s at-
Negroes (black people) tribute is a staff, with the crook of which he drives away devils, again
and ‘various ants’ (prob-
ably ‘black insects’). In an attribute typical of chthonian gods (Čajkanović 1941, 27-32, 87).52
relation to the last, it is The chthonian and black aspect of St. John is present in tradi-
indicative that, among the tions related to another of his holy days, ‘John the Baptist’s Beheading’
Kashubians (Slavic people (29.08-11.09). Independently of Christian traditions, in the Orthodox
in Poland), the theonym
Chrnobog was preserved in Slavic areas this holiday acquired a certain cosmological – calendar
the name of a black insect meaning (the end of summer and the beginning of autumn; the ‘cutting’
- čårni bọ(č)k, to which the of the land and water; a drop in temperature; the return of snakes to
Kashubians ascribed some their underground retreats; the departure of fairies and other evil spirits
demonic powers. This god
held a staff in one of his from the waters, fields and forests). The chthonian aspect of these
hands with which he pulled features can be established in the global regression of nature. The
the bones of the dead out black component of St. John and his probable relations to Crnobog
of their graves (for all this, are reflected in the two Macedonian names of this holiday: ‘Blackday’
see Loma 2002, 192). A
very similar character (an and ‘St. John Blackrobed’.53 Death and chthonian aspects can also be
old man with a cane in his recognized in St. John the Baptist’s beheading, which coincides with
hand and surrounded by the myth of the cyclical murder (beheading) of the chthonian god as
animals) is represented in a an act of his sacrifice in favour of the renewal of nature, that is, the
releif in Shumen (Bulgaria),
dated 9th-10th century (see universe. Many-headedness is one of the most typical incarnations of
Čausidis 2003, 256-271). chthonian gods (among the Slavs, most commonly represented with
In the composition ‘Descent three heads, but sometimes only with two).54 This feature might have
to Hell’, Christ also holds a merged with pictorial representations of St. John the Baptist in which
staff in his hand.
he was depicted with two heads: one on his shoulders, the other in the
53. Славянские древ- plate he held in his hand (examples – Pl.VI: 5, 6).
ности. Vol. 2, 368-370. In The importance of St. John’s rank can be best understood through
this sense, the term ‘черни
дни’ (black days), is also of
various examples in the phraseology of the folk traditions of the
interest. In Bulgarian folk Southern Slavs (‘I swear to God and the great St. John,’; ‘... to God
traditions, this term refers in Heavens and St John,’; ‘...hallowed is God and St. John,’; ‘I cannot
to ‘black’ saints whose wage war against God and St. John on my own.’).55 On the one hand,
days fall between 6 and 18
January (Marazov 1999a,
there is an obvious tendency in these examples to equate St. John’s
41). rank with that of God, the God in Heaven; on the other hand, there is
also an evident tendency to mutually supplement or juxtapose the two

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characters. The evident chthonian character of St. John allows us the 54. Certain arguments
opportunity to assume that these structures merged with the old dual maintain that Crnobof
and Crnoglav are actually
matrix of Belobog and Crnobog, whereby the Christian God in Heaven epithets of the chthonian
took the place of Belobog, while St. John was attached to Crnobog god Triglav / Troyan (Loma
(compare this with the toasts of the Coastal Slavs and Serbs to both 2002, 187-197). On the
opposing gods). If we take into account the affiliation of the Slavic pa- two-headed variations, see
Čausidis 2003a, 46-53.
gan god Perun to the celestial spheres, and that of the god Volos /
Veles to the chthonian sphere, we can cite as a perfect paradigm of
these examples the pledges of the Russians taken in 907 and 971 dur- 55. Čajkanović 1941, 35,
36; Nodilo 1981, 325.
ing their official negotiations with the Byzantines: ‘и кляшася оружьем
своим и Перуном богом своим и Волосом скотием богом ...’ (‘and
they swear to their arms and their god Perun and to Volos, the beastly
god...’ ; ‘Да имем клятву от бога, в него же веруем и от Перуна и
от Волоса скотия бога’ (‘Let me be cursed by God in whom I believe,
both by Perun and by Volos, the beastly god’ (Повесть временных
56. For interpretations, see
лет, year 907, 971).56 Živančević 1963, 46-48;
Рыбаков 1981, 421, 422.

93 Black Arab
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 Nikos Chausidis

CATALOGUE OF ILLUSTRATIONS:

PL.I

1,2,4. Fragment of a ceramic vessel, Neolith. Cerje, Govrlevo,

Skopje, The Republic of Macedonia (Museum of Skopje). 3. Proposed
reconstruction (N. Čausidis).
5. Fragment of a ceramic ‘mask’, Neolith, Karanovo, Nova
Zagora, Bulgaria. (Gimbutas 2001, 206 – Fig. 325)
6. Fragment of a ceramic figurine, Neolithic (?), Michailovo,
Stara Zagora, Bulgaria (Petkov 1941, 311- Fig. 337)
7,8. Fragment of a ceramic figurine, Neolithic, Ruse, Bulgaria.
(Hansen 2007. Pl.I, 240: Abb.139)

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95 Black Arab
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PL.II

Earrings with Negroid heads, 3rd-1st century BC:

1,2. Deboj – Ohrid, 3,5. Crvejnca, Ohrid, the Republic of
Macedonia. (Bitrakova/Malenko 1998, XIX, XXII)
6. Marvinci, Valandovo, the Republic of Macedonia (Ivanovski
2006, 176: 4)
4. Bosnia. 7. Trebeništa, Ohrid. 8. Bettona, Italy (Rendić-
Miočević 1959, T.X: 3,6; T.IX: 5).
9. Diagram: The Negroid earrings and the resurrection of the
deceased (N. Čausidis)

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97 Black Arab
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PL.III

Bronze lamps, Roman period, the Republic of Macedonia:

1. Heraclea Lynkestis, Bitola (Georgievska 2007, 78)
3, 3a. Stobi, Gradsko. 4, 4a. Prilep (Jeličić 1959, T.IV: 10,13)
Ceramic lamps, Roman period, the Republic of Macedonia:
2, 2a. Stobi, Gradsko (Mikulčić 1973, 77 – Fig. 50)
5. Glišić, Kavadarci (Janev/Georgieva 2003)
6. Diagram: The lucernae and the resurrection of the deceased
(N. Čausidis)

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99 Black Arab
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PL.IV

Motifs painted on ceramic vases from Antiquity:

1. Thebes, Greece (Marazov 2003, 244)
2. Thebes, Greece (Marazov 1999, 30)
3. Volterra, Italy (Hodza 2006, 160 – Ris. 3)
4. Motifs from a golden phiale, 4-3 century BC, Panagjurište
depot, Bulgaria (Археологически музей Пловдив)
5, 6. Ceramic lamps, Bronze Age, Lopate, Kumanovo;
Radobor, Bitola, the Republic of Macedonia. (Водич низ археолошката
поставка, 36, 37)
7. Ceramic lamp, Roman period, Stobi, Gradsko, the Republic
of Macedonia (Municipium Stobensium, Cat. No. 111)
8. Ceramic lucernae, Roman period, Scupi, Skopje, the
Republic of Macedonia (Од археолошкото богатство на СР
Македонија, Cat. No. 447)
9, 10. Drawings from the alchemy textbook Endless Work by
Johan Conrad Barhusen, published in 1718 in Leyden. (Knjiga o zlatu,
140, 141)

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101 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Nikos Chausidis

PL.V

1. Topographic diagram, Budyšin, Lužice, Saxony (Pilar 1931,

18)
Topographic maps: 2. The village of Crnobuki, Bitola,
the Republic of Macedonia; The locality Crnoboci, the village of
Bajramovci, Debar, the Republic of Macedonia (Топографски карти
на Р. Македонија, Војно-географскиот институт, Белград)
4. Fragmented ceramic vessel, Roman period, Stobi, Gradsko,
the Republic of Macedonia (Anderson-Stojanović 1992, Pl. 65: 543; Pl.
174: 543)
5. Bronze vessel – balsamarium, 3 century, Moesia. (Колекция
„Васил Божков“, 171: 199)
6. Ceramic vessel, 6th–5th century BC, Greece, The National
Museum – Athens. (Andronicos 1979, 59: 47).

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103 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Nikos Chausidis

PL.VI

Fresco-composition Descent to Hell, end of 11th century, the

Church of St. Mary the Mother of God Eleusa, Veljusa, Strumica, the
Republic of Macedonia:
1. Sketch; 2. Photograph (Miljković-Pepek 1981, 186; sch. III; fig.
51)
3. Casing of an icon, 11th century, Zarzima, Georgia (Miljković-
Pepek 1981, 87: drawing 33)
4. Floorplan of the Church of St. Mary the Mother of God Eleusa
(Miljković-Pepek 1981, 87: drawing 10)
5. Icon of St. John with a hagiography, 16th century, The Museum
of Macedonia (Popovska-Korobar 2004, fig. 69)
6. Icon of St. John, 1854, St. Spas Church, village of Crešovo,
Skopje, the Republic of Macedonia. (Aleksiev, 1997, XV).

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105 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
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111 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
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Nikos CHAUSIDIS
(University of Ss. Cyril and Methodius, Skopje, Macedonia)

The Black Man in the Mythical Traditions of Macedonia

One of the oldest representations in Europe of a black man origi-

nates from Macedonia. Discovered at a site known as ‘Cerje’ in the
village of Govrljevo in the region of Skopje, it is a ceramic object
representing part of some kind of vessel. The vessel was supplement-
ed with a head which shows a very realistic depiction of a face with
Negroid features. This object raises serious questions concerning the
early presence of the black race in the Balkans (5th – 4th millennia BC):
questions about the reasons, i.e. the motives of that presence, as well
as the mechanisms through which it was realized. The probable cult
character of this object also raises the question of the early symboliza-
tion and mythologization of the man as a representative of the black
race.
The second focus of our research is the Hellenistic period and
a specific type of ear-rings supplemented with Negroid heads
which are most often discovered as offerings in graves from the 3rd
to 2nd centuries BC. Unlike the previous case, these archaeological
finds are indirectly connected with written sources which inform us
of the presence of black men in the Balkans (Pygmies in the area of
the River Strymon/Struma). The motives for the immigration of these
people are sought for in metallurgy, which came to the Balkan pen-
insula from the East and was performed by oriental men, i.e. people
that had darker skin. An archetype of these incoming metal workers
is the mythologized Cadmus, the leader of a not so small ‘brother-
hood’ of black mythical characters, which included the Kabiri and
the Pygmies. In this period, the conceptual mythologization of the

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black man was well developed and may be simplified as follows:

‘We, the ordinary men (our kind), live in this world – the white world
– the world of lightness, thus being ourselves white. But apart from
us, there exist different people (strangers) who come from some
other place. They are black, which analogously means that they
originate from the black world, which is contrary to our world, which
is somewhere far beyond, down, below our world, and is some kind
of underworld, world of darkness, of death. Within the framework of
this binary–oppositional concept, these people are categorized as
contrary to us: they are bad, impure, inscrutable, but they are also
powerful and capable in a mystical, negative sense’

white people - white world - this world - above/up - life - good - pure
black people - black world - that world/underworld - below/down - death -
bad – impure

Our third focus is on pagan Slavic traditions which, judging from

our present knowledge, arrived in the Balkans in the 6th 7th century
AD. Several black mythical characters or deities are well document-
ed in Slavic mythology One of these is Chernobog/Crnobog (the
Black God), while the other is Chernoglav/Crnoglav (the Black–
headed one). This theonym is confirmed in two toponyms in the
territory of Macedonia: the village of Crnoboki near Bitola, and the
location of Crnoboci near the village of Bajramovci in the region of
Debar. According to the sources and later ethnographic traditions,
these characters were chthonic and functioned as rivals to the heav-
enly god, often named in contrast to them as Belobog (The White
God). This dual structure is confirmed in toponyms where the pres-
ence of both gods is related to the names of the two opposite banks
of a river. In folklore traditions of the Late Middle Ages and later, the
black god was transformed into Crna Arapina (The Black Arab), a
mythical character of a quasi-historical nature which appears as a
negative rival to the mythical hero of epics.
Our next approach refers to the presence of the black – dark –
obscure mythical character in dualistic teachings. Here we have
in mind Bogomilism and other similar teachings (Messalianism,
Paulicianism, Manichaeism), which were present in Macedonia
during the Middle Ages and possibly even as early as Late Antiquity.
Throughout the written sources, the archaeological material, and
the traces of these teachings in later folklore, the opposition be-
tween the good and the bad gods, i.e. the black god and the white

113 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Nikos Chausidis

god, is detected (Ahuramazda, i.e. Ormuzd and Ahriman), whose

origins lie in Iranian dualism, but also in the analogous tradition
originally present in the cultures of the Slavs and the Paleo-Balkan
ethnic populations.
The last theme of our research refers to the mytho–symbolic as-
pects of the black man in Macedonian folklore tradition. Besides the
already mentioned Crna Arapina (the Black Arab), special attention is
given to three activities (utilitarian at first glance, but actually equally
mytho–symbolic) which are strongly connected to the Gypsies. We
refer to metallurgy, drumming, and some forms of treating/curing
certain diseases which only a matter of decades ago were the exclu-
sive preserve of this specific ethnic group of people.

Black Arab
114
as a Figure of Memory
 Volume No. 3

Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory

Part II
Historical
contextualization
 The Myth and the Black Arab

Rade BOZOVIC (Belgrade)

The Myth and the Black Arab

Key words:
Some forty years ago, when I began my studies of a very important • the Black Arab
character who appears in our epic poetry under the somewhat unusual
name of the ‘Black Arab’, I was greatly influenced by Propp’s important • motif
study Myth and Reality.1 From a present-day perspective, it might ap- • mythical thinking
pear that to some extent I oversaw and neglected the mythical aspect
• dynamics of myth
of the story about the archetype of the folk singer. One reason why I
might have proceeded in such a manner is that Čajkanović had long • epic wedding songs
since claimed with considerable confidence that Arabs were substi- • the acting function
tutes for demons, the gods of the underworld.2 Some might say that, of the hero
through the function of the acting hero, I engaged too fervently in prov-
ing the origins of the Arabs in our epic memory. I followed the paths of • Slavic mythology
the Russian folklorist school of Borisov and Propp, taking into account
1. Regardless of the fact
the fact that, as early as the 4th century BC, the writer Euhemerus that Matica Hrvatska, in its
of Messene had argued that the gods were derived from venerated monumentally worthwhile
characters from the distant past. This gave rise to the literary term effort to publish Croatia’s
folk poetry legacy, appropri-
euhemerism to describe the rational interpretation of myths—an ap-
ated all the poems of our
proach adopted by Olga M. Freidenberg in her valuable work Myth and once shared language as
Ancient Literature (Moscow, 1978). Indeed, I could not avoid focusing Croatian, in this paper we
on myth in the interpretation of a character so multi-layered and syn- will consider as ‘our poems’
all those recorded and pub-
cretic as the (Black) Arab. On this occasion, however, I would like to
lished in the language of
expand on the interesting and always slightly ambiguous history of the Vuk Karadzić once referred
influence of myth on our epic poetry. For we cannot ignore the serious to as Serbo-Croatian.
opinion that ‘in the relations between myth and history, myth emerges 2. Čajkanović, V., Мит и
as something absolutely primary, history as something secondary and религија у Срба, СКЗ,
derivative’ (Cassirer). My approach at the time, based, justifiably even Београд, 1973, pp. 285,
362.

119 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Rade BOZOVIC

with hindsight, on the rules and laws of poetic verbalization or objec-

tivization of the ‘bearer of the acting function’ as defined by Propp,
but also extensively supported by varied historical material, was met
with enthusiastic approval by Professor Jovan Deretić in his History of
3. Deretić, J., Историја Serbian Literature.3 Still, it is worth bearing in mind that, when we de-
српске књижевности, 4th part from reality, from the context of ordinary and profane life, and es-
ed., Sezam book, Београд,
2007, pp. 26-28. pecially with regard to our epic poems as an expression of what A. Lord
termed so beautifully a ‘singing of tales’, we enter a world replete with
stimulating challenges, but also a world of invisible traps. Therefore, in
cases like this, it is worth complying with the simple linguistic rule: all
that seems correct at first glance is wrong.
It is well known that the Black Arab is not a marginal hero in our
epic poetry and that he is present in the broader Balkan epic space.
4. В. Božović, R., Arabs Moreover, he is one of the major foreign heroes in our heroic epic
in oral folk poetry on the poetry, judging not only by the number of recorded poems (more than
Serbo-Croatian linguis-
tic territory, Monografije 220) in which he appears,4 but also on the basis that he is the most
Filološkog fakulteta, knj. elaborate literary foreign character whose biography, nonetheless,
XLVII, Beograd, 1977. was not constructed through poetry.5 One might say that this indicates
that there exist elements of polytheism in the biography of the (Black)
5. The Arab, for instance, Arab. The attribute ‘Black’ itself supports this thesis. It seems that Levi-
does not have a son, while
Marko does. However, M. Strauss was right to claim in his Morphology that, when observing
Milojević records that the myths from the aspect of structuralism, the semantics of an epithet is
Arab has a son whose more important than the story told by the myth. I will attempt to follow
name is Magdian; but inter- this line of reasoning.
estingly, the vocative form
of his name appears as It would appear that, at least in this instance, there is no need to
‘Magdiaše’. waste too many words on the meaning of the epithet ‘Black’ and that it
does not merit a special discussion. Still, it would not be misplaced to
mention that the Arabs, as Semites, are not black-skinned in the sense
in which this kind of epithet is usually understood. True, in French
epic poetry, they are ‘blacker than ink’ while their teeth are white. The
‘dark-skinned’ Arab epic heroes from heroic novels about Antarah ibn
Shaddad, the Taghribat Bani Hilal, the Sirat Sayf ibn DhI Yazan and
the Tale of Tàj al-Mulúk and the Princess Dunyà bore the attribute
‘asmar’, which means ‘brown’ in Arabic but anthropologically matches
6. Božović, R., The Folk
the connotation of the adjective ‘black’ in our language. However, their
Novel as a Specific
Expression of Arab Epic role in these heroic chivalrous works is completely different from the
(Oral) Literature, with a role played by the (Black) Arab in our epic poems and, for that matter,
Special Reference to Form in French epic poetry. The single and only partial congruence can be
- Narrative/Poetry, Зборник
detected in the character of the black-skinned Sa’dun from the novel
МСЦ, бр. 15, Београд,
1986. about Sayf ibn dhī-Yazan, that is, his mythological variant Sayf al-Tijan.

Black Arab
120
as a Figure of Memory
 The Myth and the Black Arab

This Sa’dun lives in a tower (as does the Black Arab in our poems) 7. See, for exam-
and if a person wants to win a bride they must bring his head.6 In Indo- ple, Grincer, P. A.,
Древнеиндијский эпос,
European mythological tradition, the adjective ‘black’ has a chthonian Генезис и типологиэя,
meaning.7 It appears that this adjective commands the same connota- Восточная литература,
tions in the Semitic mythological tradition as well. With regards to the Москва, 1974.
ethnonym ‘Arab’, I would prefer not to repeat my earlier exhaustive 8. Božović, R., The Folk
discussions on the subject.8 However, in this paper, with regards to Novel.
the mythological legacy in interpreting, I would like to focus on several 9. For example, the poem
structural, attributive elements related to the function of the Arab as The Black Arab, recorded
the acting character. Firstly, the Arab appears in an exceptionally im- by the ‘controversial’ M.
Milojević in the language
portant, let us say ‘biblical’, episode about the beginnings of Southern of the Mijaci, for which the
Slavic, or more narrowly defined, Serbian Christian history and culture: name of the informant is not
given on account of his be-
1. He is the terrifying monster9 killed by the hero, whose death marks ing deceased; otherwise, if
he were alive some ‘calam-
the departure from myth and the beginning of history. The Arab is, let ity’ might have befallen him,
us say, like Leviathan, the Babylonian monster of the Old Testament— is sung as follows:
or, perhaps better said, ‘our’ monster ‘Lamja’ (the Dragon), killed by the Oh, my father, let the
national hero to mark our admission into the new religion and, ultimate- chaush search the country/
To look for brave men to
ly, to history. The Arab, that is, the duel between Marko and the Black fight the Arab/But there isn’t
Arab, can be understood as our cosmological or cosmogonist story, a brave man in the whole
since it epitomizes the eternal conflict of Good and Evil. For this rea- kingdom, so the daughter
son, the small but valuable cycle of poems about the Arab and Marko, mentions Marko... (the
rest as recorded by Vuk
or the heroes that assume Marko’s acting function, and their clashes Karadzić.)
and duels, seems to be a narrative of a mythical-historical character.
10. Sreten Petrović, a phi-
And since the Arab appears in the form of a three-headed monster, losopher and a devoted
he is obviously established as a mythological character, which we will historian and collector of
discuss at greater length further on.10 At times this monster adopts the folklore, says that in some
function of the acting hero, adhering to the function of the dragon in variations the Arab ap-
pears as a three-headed
Indo-European mythological tradition: he blackmails young girls, but Arab ‘who, from a historical
does not eat them as do, for example, the black hero in the Turkish point of view, is a substi-
poems about Ali Gengis11 or the black heroes in the Arab heroic novel tute for the Turk’! (Српска
about Antara. This monster ambushes wedding processions in order to митологија, Систем
српске митологије, књ. 1,
abduct the bride, while in some poems12 he even threatens to kill the Просовета, Београд, 2000,
king of the Arabs, the Venetian Doge or Emperor Constantine—and стр, 163). We have demon-
moreover, he threatens the Sultan himself. strated, by applying Propp’s
Our hero is the victor, but in the earliest epic works, the duel is not idea about the function of
the acting hero, that it is a
always fair. This is the case in many works, from Shāhnāmé through case of a reverse historical
the Balkan epics to the romantic novels about knights. And naturally, and mythical process: The
the folk singer does all this in the positive spirit of the category of liter- Turk is a substitute for the
ary ‘particularity’ (Lukacz). Thus, in one of the legends recorded by Arab (Božović, R., The Folk
Novel).

121 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Rade BOZOVIC

11. Boratav, P., The Negro Savo P. Vuletić,13 Marko kills the Arab by stealth, not bravery. This can
in Turkish Folklore, JAF, be found in our epic poems as well. The cycle of poems where the Arab
vol. 64, No. 251, January/
March 1951. has this function is classified by our researchers as heroic poetry as
distinct from the narrower designation ‘wedding songs’ that Russian
12. Anthology of Matica folkloristics appropriately term ‘heroic wedding songs’.14
Hrvatska, poem No. 22.
2. This brings us to the Arab’s next mythical function, his important
13. See, Božović, R., The role in the aforementioned cycle of epic wedding songs15 in which he
Folk Novel. pp. 33.
attempts the abduction of a girl or bride. This role is particularly im-
14. See Grincer, portant because it echoes one of the oldest motifs in all epic traditions
Древнеиндијский эпос, from Asia to Western Europe—a motif of a distinct mythical nature. And
the chapter Похишћение и it seems that in these very poems in our legacy we can recognize the
посик жены в эпическом
сюжете is particularly infor-
acting function of the Arab: the abduction of girls—a function which is
mative. nevertheless of a later date than his initial role as a cultural hero. This
function can be recognized in the character of the dragon in many fairy
15. The role of the Arab in
lyrical folk poetry should tales and folk poems throughout the world, including many Slavic sto-
certainly be differentiated, ries and poems (in Serbia, Vuk Karadzić’s The Snake Bridegroom).16
both with regards to its Among the Southern Slavs, the name of this monster, Lamja, arrived
function and its form. from Byzantium.17 It looks as if the mythical story, the epic narrative
16. On a global level, song about Marko/or another national hero and the Arab is an account
this motif can best be of the existence of the world and its future. And on the basis of its opti-
surveyed in the diction- mistic ‘narrative’ ending in which the national hero wins, it can be clas-
ary of Aarne-Thompson.
For the Slavic epic tradi- sified as an epic fairy tale. In literary theory, the fairy tale is regarded as
tion, see Смирнов, Ю.И., a mythical epopee (‘The fairy tale is the daughter of myth,’ according to
Славянские эпические Grimm) and its connection to Serbian epic poetry is indisputable. The
традиции, Наука, Москва, relation of myth to rituals and cults is another aspect which must not be
1974. In a poem from
Kosovo, recorded by overlooked. Folklorist studies have been engaged in lengthy discus-
Jastrebov, Sava kills a sions as to whether rituals preceded myth or vice versa (Cassirer: cults
dragon to produce rain. are the pre-stages of myths). This is an old quandary of the chicken-
and-egg type; but in any case the mutual interconnectedness of these
17. See Radenković, Lj., two phenomena and archetypes of thought must be taken into account
Mythological inhabitants
of water, in the anthology
when studying myths and rituals. In this respect, it is not amiss to re-
Даница, 2000, Београд, member that myth and language have been equated from Plato to,
pp. 332-341. The author let us say, Lacan and Eric Gould:18 myth has been regarded as an ‘ill-
lists all variations of the ness of language’ (Schelling: language is a faded myth). In a different
name and the origins of the
myth.
manner, this is a repetition of the old story about the relation of myth
and fairy tales. What is more, when talking about the ‘unconscious’ in
18. Gould, Е., Мythical myths, Lacan believes that the unconscious is manifested through dis-
Intentions in Modern course. Thus, the unconscious is contained within language itself and
Literature, UP, Princeton, consequently it is understandable why Northrop Frye should claim that
1981.

Black Arab
122
as a Figure of Memory
 The Myth and the Black Arab

myth and prose have a shared source in archetypes. Nevertheless, we

would be dangerously deluded if we ascribed everything concerning
creation in folklore to archetypes, as the role of formulaic elements in
new creations, in new verbalizations and objectivizations, is of enor-
mous significance—perhaps more important than archetypal memory
itself. 19. As in nature, or for
The rules governing the interpretation of myth and its complex that matter, in building, the
structures—or the formulaic
structure19 compel us to understand each function of the acting charac- elements in our case—tend
ter correctly, and in that respect we must always bear in mind that the to maintain themselves
event and the meaning are never present in myths simultaneously.20 even though they might
Therefore, if the function of the acting character is observed diachroni- not be organized in the
best possible way. The law
cally, horizontally, it would become evident that the (Black) Arab may be of ‘mythical participation’
a possible representative or substitute of some Slavic god of the under- (Casirrer) ‘works’.
world—in other words a god of death and evil. His three-headedness21 20. Gould, Е., Мythical
is reminiscent of the old Slavic god Triglav who ruled both the upper Intentions, p. 7.
world and the underworld as well as the heavens, Earth and Hell. This 21. See Garašanin, M.,
deity may be considered the leader of the Southern Slavic pantheon.22 The Sculpture of Triglav
from Vaćan near Bribir,
Our epic poetry often uses the mythical number three (Strahinja’s op-
Старинар, XI, Београд,
ponent Vlach Alija, who also appears under different names, has three 1961. This records a leg-
hearts). However, heteromorphism appears to be a general Slavic end from Mačva about
feature and the epic singer could have easily transformed this arche- a three-headed Arab.
Three-headedness was
typal pattern into a formula. For, it is worth adding that all times
recorded by other research-
exist in the present in the subconscious (Vysheslavtsev). It is also ers as well (Čajkanović, S.
worth adding that many other gods from the Slavic pantheon had more Petrović).
than three heads (Rujevit/Rudjevit had seven, and some dragons in 22. As concluded by
Southern Slavic folklore have twelve!). Besides, the Arab’s attribute S. Petrović in Српска
митологија, Систем
‘black’ is not the only feature that indicates his relation to chthonian српске митологије, Vol. 1,
myths; there is also the fact that he is often accompanied by a horse.23 pp. 180-201.
In the mythology of many peoples (Greeks, Germanic peoples), the 23. For example, in
horse represents a symbol of the underworld, and the verbal and sym- the poem Janok Ban’s
bolic context of the poems in which the Black Arab appears as an act- Wedding: ‘and under him a
gray thoroughbred mare’;
ing character is also marked by chthonian traits. What is interesting, in the poem Two Brothers
and at the same time indicative, is the fact that this hero is ascribed a in Blood, the horse is a
‘bedevia’ (Arabic for mare) and not just a horse; while, within the same ‘forlorn slender mare’; as
poem, the folk singer does not provide the Arab with a Damascene well as in the poems Janko
Sibinjanin’s Wedding,
sword, avoiding complete historicism. It would be natural for objects Ledjan Ban’s Wedding, etc.
from the material culture of the Arab world to be related within a poem.
And yet the folk singer uses this term for a sword in some other poems.
But what we should bear in mind where the motif of the abduction
of a girl is concerned is that the (Black) Arab usually fails to abduct the

123 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Rade BOZOVIC

girls in the epic poems— that is, he is not an abductor of girls in the full
24. It is interesting that in sense of this motif.24 This function of his cannot be considered a ‘travel-
our epic poetry there oc- ling’ one (as understood by Zhirmunski) because while there are simi-
curs a substitution of the
function of the hero who lar black heroes present in Arab heroic novels, both in verse and prose,
acts as an abductor of girls, their functions on the ‘female’ front only partially converge with those
i.e. the (dragon) function of the Black Arab. What interests us here is the powerful eroticism of
of the abductor of girls is the abductor of girls, which can also be ascribed to the dragon in folk
changed into the function of
an impostor in the wedding tradition.25 This is only partially true of the (Black) Arab, while Antara
procession. and the other dark-skinned Arab epic heroes are characterized by a
25. In the poem The frivolous love life. For this reason, Hippolyte Taine compared Antara
Dragon Nikodin and to Siegfried, Roland, El Cid, Odysseus, and Rustam, while Rimsky-
the Princess Milica
(Vukanović), the dragon
Korsakov scripted Antara’s romantic life as a symphony. Only in the
wants to force himself on multi-volume novel about this hero do some episodes with black warri-
Milica, having boasted that ors appear who, having abducted and raped the girls, proceed to roast
he did the same to Miloš’s, and eat them.26 Similar episodes also appear in the aforementioned
Relja’s and Despot Vuk’s
mother.
novel about Sayf al-Tijani. This certainly should not be understood as
simple cannibalism; it is certainly a case of some kind of ritual or cult.
26. See Božović, R., The
Folk Novel, p. 153.
Abductors of women, giants and monsters with the epithet ‘black’ also
appear frequently in the anthology of fantastic tales One Thousand
and One Nights.
As a failed abductor, the Black Arab appears both in epic poetry and
oral prose legends and, at times, in a modified function of the ancient
Indo-European dragon who abducts girls for some vague reasons.
Since we can also recognize the ancient Slavic three-headed deity in
this character, the only question that remains is whether this ancient
Slavic deity is of a chthonian character. Nonetheless, I believe that we
should not dwell long on the question of whether the syncretic charac-
ter of Triglav is a solar or chthonian deity. The oldest Slavic deities are
evidently syncretic phenomena, just as the Black Arab is in epic poetry.
In many ancient and incompletely developed mythological systems, for
example that of the Arabs, gods are syncretic with dual characteristics
and antinomy. When we take into account the level of creation which
the Slavic Olympus had reached in the period when the sparse records
on Slavic mythology were made, especially in Northern Europe, and
the expansive dispersion of the Slavs in the first ten centuries AD, this
is only normal. We should also bear in mind that in primordial societies
which had yet to move towards defining their culture, deities were not
only inevitably syncretic but also often envisaged as simultaneously
male and female. Humans at this level of culture could still confuse
good and evil and a firm moral matrix of the community was yet to be

Black Arab
124
as a Figure of Memory
 The Myth and the Black Arab

established; and since there was no coercion in the name of moral val-
ues, deities were at the same time creators of both good and evil. All
this affects the ethical ambiguity, and for that matter, all other kinds of
indistinctness, of the first deities and first tribal heroes. And all this has
its origins in the initial unity of myth and culture. After all, the principle
of the concurrence of opposites was not unknown to the earliest
Christian culture. During some periods, in the folklore tradition
of various peoples, the dragon was ambivalent—simultaneously
a symbol of good and evil. Therefore, if the Arab is next in line after
Triglav, who appears as an interceptor of wedding processions rather
than an abductor of the bride, it seems more likely that he inherited the
acting function of some variant of Volos, that is to say, Vlach Alija, or
that Vlach Alija inherited the Arab’s.27 27. On the resemblance of
the name of the old Slavic
Propp and Putilov believe that the motif of the abduction of the deity, Volos, and the name
wife/bride is very old, but they interpret its essence as socio-historical, of Vlach Alija and his func-
which is particularly unusual for Propp. They date the origins of this mo- tion in the poem Banović
tif to the time of the creation of the monogamous family. This might be Strahinja, as well as that of
the Arabic mythical crea-
correct, but the genesis of the monster who actually seeks to prevent ture iblis (the root of the
the creation of such a family by abducting the bride remains vaguely word ‘bls’ from the Greek
enigmatic. Either this monster harbours some other intent or it belongs Diabolos), see R. Božović,
to some very old wedding ritual characteristic of Indo-European an- On the syncretic nomination
and function of the ‘foreign’
cient culture. Hence the belief that there are always invisible demons character in the poem
at weddings.28 Does this epic narrative about the Black Arab cloak Banović Strahinja, Зборник
some kind of ritual story, a version of the Semitic story about Tobias’s МСЦ, year, XII, No. 46,
Sarah whose seven husbands were all killed by an unknown demon Београд, 1979.
28. M. Milojević recorded
during their first married night? The Arabs, Semitic themselves, be- the following verse: ‘Do
lieve in heavens inhabited by houri untouched by humans or demons. not go to the Black Arab’s
Or perhaps the story about the Arab was derived from a ritual similar forest!’ This verse is from a
to that recorded as having been actively practiced in the vicinity of short lyrical poem in which
plant collectors are advised
Leskovac until 1952, whereby a black cockerel would be buried under- not to go the Black Arab’s
ground after a ‘silent’ procession of two groups of villagers who circled forest.
the limits of the village led by two namesakes—two Stojans.29 29. Nedeljković, Mile,
We should not ignore the fact that the folk singer is a real artist (in Annual customs of the
the Hegelian sense). He never creates with the aim of making his work Serbs, Вук Караџић,
Београд, 1990, pp. 80.
entirely resemble reality or resemble any existing work with a similar
motif as a promoter of the action in all its details. There are many vari-
ants to this wedding procession motif. Grincer submits a table of the
variants of this motif30 which does not include the version from our epic 30. Grincer, P. A.,
poetry with the special role of the Black Arab. This complex elaboration Древнеиндијский эпос,
p. 259
and variation in the elements of the motif seems to confirm Schelling’s

125 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Rade BOZOVIC

statement that Demeter and Isis cannot behave identically at the death
of a beloved person. At any rate, Meletinski and Grincer have covered
materials of a wide spectrum, from India through Turkish-Mongol tradi-
tions to Western chivalric poetry and have argued reasonably that this
31. See Grincer. For kind of poetry/narration is a ‘leading topic of archaic epic poetry’.31
German-Serbian legacy, In conclusion, we could say that the motif is not the simplest or
see T. Frings and M. Braun
(Das sertbocrotische most straightforward unit of formulaic poetry or narration, just as the
Heldenlied, Gőttingen, atom stopped being so in physics long ago. The motif itself confirms
1961. this when in one of the poems the three Arab’s heads are described as
follows:

One of his heads spews fire,

spews fire, blue flames licking,
and burning the guests’ moustaches,
their moustaches and their eyebrows,
The other blows a cold wind,
and topples the guests from their horses;
With the third head, the Arab calls.
(Ivan Crnojević’s Wedding)

The description in one Bulgarian poem recorded by the Brothers

Miladinov shows a strong resemblance:

As he spews fire out of his mouth,

he burns the leaves of the forest.

But let us not forget that fire spews out of the mouth of the Dragon
32. See, Смирнов, Ю.И., Fiery Wolf as well as out of the mouth of the hero in Russian bilini;32
Славянские эпические and yet there are a significant number of poems where these ‘dragon-
традиции, Наука, Москва,
1974).
like’ attributes are omitted. Therefore, we could amend Putilov’s and
Propp’s argument by alleging that a lack of women might have been
the source and inspiration of this motif where the role of the ‘enemy’
of the wedding is to abduct the bride. Do we then always try to find
a myth behind everything? Certainly not, but a ritual for sure. And as
rituals and myths are interconnected, the ritual could easily have been
transformed into some kind of poem in which Propp’s rule about the
hero changing his name but not his role as an acting character seems
to operate seamlessly. Research into the myth/ritual relation would cer-
tainly reinforce some arguments concerning the change of the name
of the bearer of the acting function of the hero/opponent to Marko or
other domestic hero and would also provide enhanced explanations of

Black Arab
126
as a Figure of Memory
 The Myth and the Black Arab

the attributes of this opponent known as the Black Arab. As early as

Frazer, a relation between myth and ritual was established. So, can
we discover the ritual behind this cosmogony in which the Black Arab
partakes? It seems that, in this mythical story about the struggle be- 33. See Radenković, Lj.,
tween the domestic hero and the Black Arab, we can recognize certain Mythological inhabitants of
factors appertaining to some obscure (Southern) Slavic cosmological water. It is interesting that
the Dragon is pursued by a
myth and that certain rituals, especially those symbolizing fertility and hero who manages to ac-
victory over death, might help us reveal it. It is not disputed that Marko cost it in the mountain, a
is defined as a solar hero and the very attribute ‘black’ adjoined to the location in which the Arab
ethnonym Arab indicates that their duel is about the struggle between is commonly found. See the
very interesting work by L.
light and dark. This is an old Indo-European mythical metaphor. There Stojanovik Lafazanovska,
is also the old dichotomy or binary opposition: the conflict between quoted in footnote 37.
Good and Evil. In Serbian epic poetry, Good is the habitual winner. 34. See Eliade, M., Мyth
In addition to this, the wedding is a sort of arranged chaos achieved and History, in the col-
lection Мит, традиција,
through the role of the chaush or some other character. However, the
савременост, библ.
encounter of the wedding procession with the abductor of women, the Дела-Аргументи. Нолит,
Black Arab, wherein he is defeated by the domestic hero, symboliz- Београд.
es the desire of the community for order to defeat chaos and a new 35. See Lazarević, S.,
world to replace the old in which Good has defeated Evil. Chaos is Changing the Mythical
also symbolically and allegorically represented through dragons, Pattern, ЦМС, Крагујевац,
2001, p. 155.
monsters and snakes. But Evil refuses to be defeated; it is persistent- 36. In his Crna Gora
ly reversible, constantly testing the community, relentlessly renewing and Boka Kotorska, Vuk
itself through the character of the Black Arab and his new duels with Karadzić does not record
different heroes. The thesis about a forgotten ritual related to the good/ that the chaush is covered
with soot!
evil dichotomy is further supported by the poem St. Elijah and Sava
37. According to Jovanović,
Kill Dragons (Jastrebov), in which the slaying of the dragon brings rain B., Camera Obscura
after a drought. We must not overlook all mythical structures within the of the Wedding Ritual,
shorter ritual poems about fertility and the conversion of good and evil Савременик, нова серија,
that tell of Dragons and which were sung on St. George’s Day.33 No. 7’8, Београд, 1986,
see also, Stojanovik
All this leads us to the assumption that the Serbian story of cos- Lafazanovska, L.,
mogony could have followed the scheme of Egyptian, Phoenician, Homo Initiatus, Матица
Hittite-Hurrian and Greek mythology,34 as claimed by S. Lazarević.35 македонска, Скопје, 2001.
In our reflection on the relationship between myth and ritual, we 38. V. Čajkanović resolutely
must not overlook the role of the chaush in some wedding customs and concludes that his being
covered in soot, that is,
rituals in which he appears unusually dressed and covered in soot.36 blackness, means that he
His role is not just to entertain the guests but also to introduce disorder symbolizes the ancestors!
and chaos, as is believed in theory.37 It appears that through enter- The same role is played
tainment he is to recall suppressed memories of the fatal encounter by Arabs and Gypsies in
similar rituals and on similar
with the underworld/new other world, or to serve as a talisman against occasions. p. 179, p. 14
spells.38 In addition to this, we should draw attention to the fact that and 15.

127 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Rade BOZOVIC

39. See, Gjorgjević, J., all mass celebrations contain an element of violence39 and all poems
Celebration and Society, about weddings in which the Black Arab appears are characterized by
Савременик, No. 7’8,
Београд, 1986, violence. Death is violence against life.
The wedding as a middle stage in the ‘rites of passage’ between
birth and death, during which the Black Arab attempts—albeit always
unsuccessfully—the abduction of the bride, resulting in a happy end-
ing for the bride and the parties at the wedding, is, according to us, an
attempt to recall the fact that death can be victorious. Namely, in folk
beliefs, death is contagious and one should cover one’s face with soot
to prevent possible spells (thus black emerges again, now with a clear
40. See Gjorgjević, J., chthonian character!).40 Underpinning all these stages in human life
Celebration and Society,
are magic charms whose purpose is to protect and defend the living
Савременик.
41. See Nodilo, N., The from (untimely) death and uncertain life.41 The abduction of women
Old Faith of the Serbs and is an old life story which in the past appears to have been related to
Croats, Logos, Split, the certain ritual motifs (i.e. against spells) and was thus convenient for
chapter The Religion of the
discursive objectivization into the content of any literary form, accom-
Grave.
panied by a mixing of the attributes of the motif—that is, by a sponta-
neous syncretism of the bearers of the acting function and complex
semantics. In some regions, including urban areas, the bride still takes
a symbolic jump over the threshold of the bridegroom’s home or the
bride is carried over, which, from a semantic point of view, represents
a pre-emptive spell against abduction or an establishment of a connec-
tion with ancestors, thus expressing resistance to the new in favour of
the old.
What attracts our attention is yet another variation of the motif of
abduction whose attributes are usually stable: the Arab attempts an
abduction of the bride in order to marry her. (This variation was record-
42. S. Petrović is not one of ed by M.S. Milojević—considered unreliable by some experts.)42 He is
them! Following R. Pešić’s even willing to pay for the bride.43 In the poem The Wedding of Captain
example, he accepts the
Book of Veles as an au- Ivan (Jastrebov), there is no abduction, but Ivan loses his bride when
thoritative source. she is proposed to by Ibro, who assumes the function of the acting
43. The poem The Good hero, i.e. the abductor/interceptor of brides. In Dušan’s Wedding, the
Serbian Hero, poem No. wedding ceremony is attended by seven Viziers from seven different
375 in Песме и обичаји
укупног народа српског, regions. They represent the ‘Asian side’, neither Turkish nor Arabic.
Vol. 2, Београд, 1870. This additional complication of syncretism seems to confirm the fact
that it is irrelevant whether Marko’s opponent is an Arab or a Turk;
and yet the folk singers opted for an Arab in the greatest number of
poems. Why? We hope that what we have discussed in this paper
has contributed towards illumination of this question whose clarifica-
tion is also aided by an understanding of the historical relations of the

Black Arab
128
as a Figure of Memory
 The Myth and the Black Arab

Balkan people with the Arabs. Another epic poem introduces ‘nine na-
ked Arabs’,44 all of them slain by Miloš for one thousand ducats and 44. In M. Milojević, Vol. 3.
two glasses of wine. The same collector of folklore recorded a poem
in which we come across a new opponent to Marko, Šine the Arnaut,
who—like Gjergj Elez—defeats Marko; while in the poem Marko and
Bela of Kostur, Marko in disguise informs the curious wedding guests
that Marko has been killed by the Black Arab somewhere in Anatolia.
All this variety in the actions of the acting character implies that the
Black Arab’s ‘utilization’ by folklore is a consequence of the spontane-
ous functioning of the collective unconscious, as defined in analytical
psychology, when coming in contact with historical reality. And only
thus could the (Black) Arab live in the eternal present, as long as folk
creativity had its audiences and until the advent of some important
historical changes. This collective unconscious preserves the past, but
through the past one can anticipate the coming future. This is precisely
what our folkloristic research lacks—investigation of the predicative.
Our investigation only confirms the complexity of the Arab’s char-
acter and we could also add that, with regard to the Arab’s role dis-
cussed under No. 1, in all probability it also indicates an obscured old
motif of the conflict between two different cultures: resident and no-
madic, whereby the wedding parties and their leaders who partake in
our epic poems in a duel with the (Black) Arab as a representative of
nomadic culture, are representatives of the resident culture. The at-
tributes which have led us to this conclusion, perhaps not sufficiently
expounded within the limits of this paper, are the horse (bedevia) as
a semantic symbol of the nomadic type of life and the fact that the
(Black) Arab usually accosts the wedding ceremony on a mountain. In
45. Grincer,
Turkish-Mongol epic poetry, which might have preserved the old epic Древнеиндијский эпос,
situations more accurately, the abductor is a forest creature, a bear- p. 246.
man, luik, who lives outside civilization.45
The mythological-historical key to the Black Arab lies in his 46. For instance, in the
typical wedding poem The
complex acting function, in the horizontal line of his acting function; Wedding of Stojan Popović
while anthropologically, his actions and their possible consequences (Elezović) the function of
can be explained through the reasons for his actions and intentions. the interceptor of the wed-
Finally, the horizontal line of the function of the acting charac- ding procession is assumed
by a Turk with no personal
ter (the Black Arab) could be represented as follows: Dragon/Lamja name. While in the poem
- monster > Crnobog/Troglav/Triglav > Black Arab > Turk,46 which The Old Man and Uso the
clearly illustrates how epic singing, slowly but historically incontestably, Arab (Vukanović), the lat-
moves from ritual or myth to history. As myth is concerned with a meta- ter abduct ‘beautiful girls’.
(Both poems come from
phorical expression of reality, many would like to see in it a secret lan- Kosovo).
guage as well. In this respect, in everything discussed so far about the

129 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Rade BOZOVIC

Black Arab and his acting function, we could recognize a symbolic or

hermeneutic language. Literary language is certainly inclined towards
this kind of language and we could say that any poetic language is
initially a mysterious language (M. Eliade). We should also refer to the
fact that some linguists still equate myth and language, even though
as early as Antiquity Plato instituted their philosophical and teleological
division by introducing the term logos instead of language and in doing
so declared myth to be an untrue story. Nonetheless, myth can be a
very true story, most often historically founded, if only we delve deep
enough and recognize the narrative coordinates through which we can
enter the world of reality.
However, we are still at times deeply immersed, as
Vysheslavtsev remarks, in collective unconscious—in myths, symbols
and archetypes. The character of the Black Arab encompasses all this.
He was created by the folk mind in the context of struggle against
enemies and invaders. The last opponent of the Black Arab in a duel,
substituting Karagjorgje, was Lazar Mutap, a hero of epic poetry of the
Uprisings. It appears that myth closed its book with him. It was closed
by a historical hero in a duel against a mythical Arab who, at that point,
symbolized the entire Ottoman army and its power. Through the words
of the defeated Arab, the rebels of the insurrection were granted their
acknowledgement: ‘your country and your Serbia’. Through this very
example we can recognize how one should proceed, on the basis of
Schelling’s and Cassirer’s perspectives on myth, in the interpretation of
an entire string of structural elements which sometimes operate rather
independently of the symbolism of a myth and are focused on the new
meaning of that myth ‘adapted’ to human consciousness and reality.
The Black Arab could live on in the epic consciousness of people as
long as Ottoman power existed in this territory. He was the enemy, as
much of an enemy as the gods of evil once were. It is here that we
recognize the dynamics of mythical consciousness, so important for
the survival of any myth in the current life of a community. The intensity
with which the god of evil was experienced, his reversible character,
accompanied with the continued defeats of the Serbian heroes, ap-
pears in the Serbian epic tradition and most likely in the suffering folk
mind as an ominous companion of their entire history, leaving a merci-
less mark on the people and on the generations which followed even
after Lazar Mutap. Historical time makes myth irreversible. However, at
times, the outcome is reversible: though human memory is fragile, the
unconscious is eternal and emerges in situations which are not always
under our control.

Black Arab
130
as a Figure of Memory
 The Myth and the Black Arab

Rade BOZOVIC
(Faculty of Philology in Belgrade, Serbia)

The Myth and the Black Arab

In this paper, emphasis is placed more on the moral and cultural mes-
sage implied in the myth of the Black Arab than on interpretation of
that myth. When considering the character and acting function of the
(Black) Arab from Propp’s position, the complex syncretic structure of
the character can be seen. This shows the length of its duration as well
as the importance of the function of the acting character for the epic
and the historical life of Serbian culture. Among several functions per-
formed by the character, however, two functions are distinctly mythical.
These are: the interception of the wedding procession and the duel
with a local hero arising from that interception; and the function of a
kind of evil god belonging to Old Slavic or South Slavic mythological
tradition. Black characters, though rare and undeveloped, also appear
in other epic traditions. They can be found in Arabic heroic novels as
well, but (with one exception only) they appear as knights-heroes with
a pronounced libido. Their role in the novels of heroes and chivalry is
totally different from the role performed by the (Black) Arab in Serbian
epic poems. The first function taken on by the Arab is the function of
a kind of a chthonic deity (Triglav) or a dragon/Lamia—a monster who
kidnaps wives/brides. The duel with one of the Serbian heroes is the
story of the victory over Evil and conversion to a ‘new faith’, and this
would be the Serbian cosmological story. It is precisely in this that we
recognize the dynamics of mythical consciousness which is so impor-
tant for the duration of a myth in the actual life of a community. The
intensity of experience of the deity of evil in the Serbian epic tradition

131 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Rade BOZOVIC

appears as a fatal companion throughout their whole history, leaving a

merciless trace in people and generations to come, even after the last
hero to fight a duel with the Arab, Lazar Mutap. In the second function,
the Arab is a kind of mythical monster one has to conquer, as in a bibli-
cal story, in order to convert to the new faith and thus become a part
of history. This could be the Serbian story of the cultural hero (Marko
Kraljevic) and his triumph over the age of myth.
(In this paper, the epithet ‘Black’ is put in brackets so as to highlight
the difference between the mythological and the historical layers.)

Black Arab
132
as a Figure of Memory
 Is the mythical-historical emergence of the Black Arab
in the Mediterranean related to the Caliphate or to an older matrix?

Sonja ZOGOVIC (Prilep)

Is the mythical-historical emergence of the Black
Arab in the Mediterranean related to the Caliphate
or to an older matrix?
Key words:
The human need for knowledge is as ancient as our need to un- • Semitic ethnicities
derstand the environment, together with other peoples different from
us. Therefore, we can agree with the Chinese—and similar Russian— • Mediterranean
proverb that: seen once is better than heard a hundred times. What we • migrations
see with our own eyes and experience is much more important than
• Byzantines
what we have heard retold by others, irrespective of the authoritative-
ness and truthfulness of the informants with regard to events which • Arabs
they might have witnessed or experienced themselves or heard about • Caliphate
from others. Even though neighbours have throughout history been
considered foreign, strange, and at certain moments even enemies, • Slavs
regardless of their close proximity or even kinship, still they have al- • King Marko
ways been present in our consciousness as a familiar feature in every- • the Black Arab
day communication. It is the same with close and related, or different,
ethnicities living in neighbouring or in the same geographic areas. It • foreigners
could be said that enmities, as they are understood and interpreted by
present-day standards and perceptions, were not only unknown but
almost alien to ancient peoples since, having become familiarized with
their neighbours and their way of life, they accepted them perfectly
naturally and with an understanding that led to their being perceived
and treated with no contempt or disregard—and the same treatment of
understanding and respect was expected in return. For that reason I
believe we should raise the question as to how much we know about
the Arab world today, about Arabic culture and religion, and vice versa:
what and how much do they know about us, since we have known

135 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Sonja ZOGOVIĆ

1. The author’s examples about each other for a very long time? (Božović 2007, 7-8). What did
(Kazanskij N.N.) are very this knowledge consist of in the past and what characterized the famili-
interesting because they
come from the area of arity of ancient Semitic with ancient Indo-European ethnicities? Where
language; however, the should we start with the ancient history of both sides in order to acquire
explanations point to the correct knowledge and real insight? Most probably from the first con-
religious life, which was un- flicts which were also the first contacts between the Semitic and Indo-
derstood and experienced
in the same manner by both European ethnicities.
sides, as can be confirmed The first recorded contacts between these two ethnically, lin-
by the cited examples from guistically and anthropologically different worlds, the Indo-European
both languages, where Mediterranean and the Western Semitic (consisting of the Canaan-
the expression meeting
one’s destiny—or dice, Amorite and Aramaic groups), took place on the Mediterranean coast
which semantically signi- which itself constituted, and still does, a natural contact zone. These
fies destiny both in Ancient contacts happened between the Ancient Greek and Akkadian dialects/
Greek and Akkadian—can languages and ethnicities. This encounter was, naturally, recorded in
also signify death, because
death, in a metaphoric many comparative linguistic relics, but has also been complemented by
sense, represent/ed a the findings of Akkadian seals in Hellenic regions from the Mycenaean
certain border or end of a period, as well as by the findings of statuettes of the god Resheph
path which concluded hu- in Mycenaean tombs (Kazanskij 2003, 18-19, Schiffmann 1987, 373;
man destiny. Schifmann
correctly perceived that Afanasyeva 1988, 647-653; Jarho 1987, 607).1
the real name of the god These mythical ties between Balkan-Hellenic and Western-Semitic
Rashap, later renamed ethnicities were not sporadic and did not remain on the margins of the
Resheph, was unknown to mutual cultural-historical events. Therefore, the myth about the voyag-
the believers, which was
customary for that period es of Cadmus, the founder of the Theban Cadmean dynasty, is consid-
and for the manner in which ered the most prominent example. According to Potemkin (Potemkin
religion was apprehended 2003, 26-31), these contacts were both directly and indirectly recorded
and adopted. Not unlike the as early as the myth about Cadmus. In his article, the author observes
many forbidden names of
other Western Semitic dei- that the most recent archaeological research conducted on the site of
ties which were replaced the city of Thebes in Boeotia indicates that immigrants from the Eastern
by special designations or Mediterranean penetrated this area in the late Helladic period, which
monikers, his name was can be corroborated by the findings of relics of Kassite (14th century
replaced by a moniker
which signified ‘flame’. The BC), Hurrian and Ugaritic cylindrical seals, as well as by local masters’
deity Rashap, Resheph products manufactured from imported materials. The dating of these
(rshp, ‘flame’), according to archaeological findings, according to some scholars, coincides with
Schiffmann, was revered in testimonies by ancient chroniclers concerning the arrival of Cadmus
Western Semitic mythology
as the god of fire and light- and his Phoenicians in Boeotia (Herodotus 1966, V, 57; 59-61; Strabo
ning. Alongside these core 1964, IX, II, 10; IX, II, 3; Jarho 1987, 607; Katičić 1977, 17-33; 56; 80;
attributes, this god, as well Papadimitriou 1987, 27-31; 44-47).2
as his other hypostases— Following these indications, Potemkin confirms their existence in
the Palestinian Michā’ēl,
the Muslim Michāl, the language where, as early as in Homer’s epics, he observes a clear
Indo-Arian Rudra and the distinction—or more precisely, a clear contrast—between the name of

Black Arab
136
as a Figure of Memory
 Is the mythical-historical emergence of the Black Arab
in the Mediterranean related to the Caliphate or to an older matrix?

the city of Thebes, which was always called Boeotian Thebes on ac- Hellenistic Apollo—was
count of its being inhabited by representatives of this older tribe in also represented as a de-
stroyer who sent epidemics
the area, and the name of the fortification Cadmea and its inhabit- and poverty upon people,
ants the Cadmeans who represented the more recently arrived tribal causing annihilation among
groups with their leader Cadmus. ‘Such a clear distinction between two them and throughout the
ethnonyms is testament to the echoes existing in peripheral areas of earth. Similar to his related
Indo-European Uranian-
the Homeric stories of ancient local images of the Cadmeans, foreign chthonian deities, Resheph
to Thebes, and their legendary progenitor… In later sources, descrip- was represented as the god
tions of Thebans and Cadmeans began to be used synonymously.’ of war, patron of arms and
(Potemkin 2003, 27) We must not forget, however, that in the percep- husband of the goddess
Anat or Qudshu. He was
tion of ancient ethnicities, as discussed previously, foreigners need not also revered on Cyprus and
always and everywhere have been experienced as aliens or enemies, in Egypt, which leads us to
since they could be representatives of kindred ethnicities—as was the the conclusion that the mu-
case during migrations. This is corroborated by numerous examples tual religious, commercial,
political, military and cultur-
from world history. The myth about the foundation of ancient Rome is al ties between both related
based on similar premises. There the patricians had their own habitats and unrelated ethnicities
different from those of the plebs, which in time were united into a larger in the Mediterranean were
settlement and which gradually gave rise to the city of Rome. In the established in parallel and
without any obstacles.
conclusion of the quoted paragraph, Potemkin also adds that in the These mutual relations
course of time the differences between the unrelated ethnicities, or were established gradu-
between the kindred ethnicities who perceived each other as foreign, ally, which allowed for their
were obliterated through mutual acculturation. In this manner, gradu- more permanent existence.
The scholar V. N. Jarho
ally and imperceptibly, the cultural benefits of two or more ethnicities observes that, in the myth
who lived in neighbouring areas were transferred. about the voyages of the
It must be recognized that Potemkin’s work follows many new clues mythical hero Cadmus
that help us gain new knowledge about the migrations of Western- and his duels with various
monsters, ancient narra-
Semitic tribes to the Balkans and which are based on Semitic interpre- tive motifs were preserved
tations of the names of the eponymous heroes who led either their en- as a part of the collective
tire ethnicity or smaller bands to new areas, such as Cadmus, the son consciousness as early as
of the King Agenor of Tyre (or Sidon), who set off on a quest with his the Mycenaean epoch and
these testify to the earliest
brothers to retrieve his sister Europa who had been abducted by Zeus. ties between Thebes and
On the basis of linguistic sources, the author assumes that the ancient the ethnicities of Asia Minor.
Cadmus emerged as a product of mutual acculturation between the 2. Concerning these events,
old and new populations of the Balkans (Potemkin 2003, 30-31; Jarho Herodotus says: The fam-
ily of the Gephyraeans,
1987, 607).
to which the murderers
Judging from available linguistic and archaeological sources, mu- of Hipparchus belonged,
tual ties between the populations of the Balkans and Asia Minor were according to their own ac-
even older than these (Ivanov 2003, 8-12). Nevertheless, in addition count came originally from
Eretria. My inquiries, how-
to the relations of Balkan ethnicities with those from Asia Minor or the
ever, have made it clear to
Middle East, we must not overlook their ties with Egypt. The first close me that they are in reality

137 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Sonja ZOGOVIĆ

Phoenicians, descendants relations recorded in the sources occurred between the new Indo-
of those who came with European wave of Balkan ethnicities and Egypt in the 12th century BC
Cadmus into the coun-
try now called Boeotia. when the new sea people appeared in the arena of history, arriving on
Here they received for the African and Middle Eastern shores. The manner in which these new
their portion the district Indo-European arrivals were perceived is recorded in sources from the
of Tanagra, in which they areas though which they passed. They were experienced as inciters
afterwards dwelt. On
their expulsion from this of panic, fear and confusion which, among other things, accelerated
country by the Boeotians the termination of the Bronze Age epoch in the Mediterranean. These
(which happened some Bronze Age civilizations in the Mediterranean had already suffered a
time after that of the serious crisis, and the sea people and their activities only hastened the
Cadmeians from the
same parts by the end of the existing agony and the advent of a transitional period which
Argives), they took refuge gradually gave rise to the new Iron Age (Braudel 2007, 131-185).
in Athens. The Athenians In Egypt and the Middle East, these sea peoples came into closer
received them among contact with native cultures, beliefs and ways of life whose benefits
their citizens upon set
terms, whereby they were were gradually, in the course of time, transferred to the Balkans, just
excluded from a number as Balkan cultural values were transferred to the East.
of privileges which are For the first time, in these Middle Eastern and North African ar-
not worth mentioning. eas the sea peoples came into closer contact with the religious no-
(See further: Herodotus,
V, 59-61; Strabo (IX, II, tions of the local inhabitants—and with the deities and daemons
10). On the basis of these marked as black, in particular. Starting from Egypt, we come across
reports by Herodotus and the surprising fact that the two primary deities in Egyptian mytholo-
Strabo, and regardless gy are marked as black: Usiris (Osiris)/Birth, and his faithful wife Isis/
of the real ethnic, cultural
or anthropological ori- Rebirth. (Petrović/Petruševski 1940, 7-11; Antes 1977, 70-91; 100-116;
gins of Cadmus and his Reder 1987, 568-570; Reder 1988, 267-268; Plutarch 1977, No. 3;
Phoenicians, we may con- Chevalier & Gheerbrant 1983, 54-58; 75-79; 208; 471). To ascertain
sider it a fact that there why these deities were marked as black, it is necessary to explain
were contacts, intense
exchange in fact, be- the role, significance and basic characteristics attributed to them in
tween Indo-European and the mythology and cult of the given time and mythical-historical space.
Western-Semitic cultures (Petrović/Petruševski 1940, 7; Antes 1977, 100-116; Reder 1987, 568-
in the Mediterranean, 570; Reder 1988, 267-268; Plutarch 1977, No. 3, 267-268; Herodotus
as well as contacts with
other cultures in Asia 1966, II, 5; Chevalier & Gheerbrant 1983, 54-58; 75-80;208;471). As
Minor and the Caucasus a god who ruled the productive forces of nature and consequently the
(although other theories world of the dead as well, Osiris was the elder son of the divine couple,
have been put forward the god Geb/ Earth and the goddess Nut/ Heavens, and the brother
in the meantime: Katičić,
1977, 17-19, footnote 28; of Isis (as well as her husband and father of Horus / height, heav-
20, footnote 29; 21-33; 56 ens), Nebet het (Nephthys)/ Ruler of the hearth, Seth, Sutekh (Set)/
footnote 86; 80 footnote the god of distant (foreign) lands (himself a foreigner), identified with
125; Papadimitriou 1987, the Desert, and therefore, the ruler of Nubia (and the husband of Nebet
27-31 footnote 10; 44-47,
footnote 22 and others). het/ Nephthys). The primary role of this god-demiurge and cultural hero
Then again, the informa- whose cult was widely revered—initially in Egypt and later through-

Black Arab
138
as a Figure of Memory
 Is the mythical-historical emergence of the Black Arab
in the Mediterranean related to the Caliphate or to an older matrix?

out the Mediterranean—consisted in breaking people’s customary wild tion we find in Herodotus
and simple way of life and gradually educating them to make use of the and other ancient chroni-
clers indicates the emigra-
benefits of nature, i.e. to cultivate wheat and vines, make bread, build tion of some Ancient Balkan
homes and cities, and a multitude of other skills. But above all, as the and Hellenic tribes out
god of the productive forces of nature, Osiris, like many similar deities of the Balkans and, vice
of vegetation, was born and died every year as nature rejuvenated and versa, the arrival of some
tribes from Asia Minor and
died in keeping with the seasons. As a son of the God of earth, on the the Middle East into the
one hand, and as the God of the underworld on the other, Osiris was Balkans. Strabo. IX, II,
revered also as the god of the depths of the earth, but in the course 3, also states that:. ... Be
of time, as the activities attributed to him expanded, he united both that as it may, Boeotia in
earlier times was inhabited
chthonian and Uranian attributes and was gradually promoted from a by barbarians...Then the
typical local deity to an ultimate deity of the pharaoh cult—as were, in Phoenicians occupied it,
fact, other similar chthonian-Uranian deities of other ethnicities in this I mean the Phoenicians
period (Antes 1977, 100-116; Reder 1988, 267-268; Ivanov 2003, 9; with Cadmus, the man who
fortified the Cadmeia.....,
Chevalier-Gheerbrant 1983, 471).3 The activities of his sister and wife but he does not specify the
Isis were also related to fertility, waters, winds, marital fidelity and the ethnicity of the barbarians
protection of seafaring. Thus the basic attributes of this divine couple who ruled Boeotia before
were strongly related to fertility, through which they were jointly con- the arrival of Cadmus and
his Phoenicians. The text
nected with the earth. And for this reason, in the Book of the Dead, further describes all eth-
Osiris asserts the following: I flood the earth with water and my name nicities who invaded and
is the Great Negro. In another manuscript the god says of himself: I inhabited these Balkan
am the God of flooding and my name is the Great Negro of the Lakes areas throughout ancient
history, becoming domesti-
(Petrović/Petruševski 1940, 8).4 cated and native in relation
Together with Osiris, as the god of the underworld and the master to the other ethnicities that
of the dead, his wife Isis, in the capacity of the mistress of the un- followed. This very fact,
derworld, was also marked as black—as were, in fact, the majority of regardless of these two
authors’ opinions on the
gods and goddesses whose attributes and activities were related to the ethnic origins of Cadmus
underworld. We must not forget, however, that this divine couple func- and his Phoenicians, is
tioned also as the protectors of vegetation and fertility which in ancient sufficient to convince us
Egypt were also marked with the colour black as the colour of the fertile of the constant give and
take that occurred between
soil (Petrović/Petruševski 1940, 7-10;24-25; Plutarch 1977, No. 3, 259, diverse ethnic groups in the
chapter 22; 264, chapter 33; Plutarch 1977, 3, 236-237; Chevalier & Mediterranean and beyond,
Gheerbrant 1983, 54-58; 76-79).5 on the fringes of Asia Minor
Unlike them, the fratricidal Seth/Sutekh (Set) was black because and the Middle East.
3. Antes explains in detail
he was an embodiment of evil and as such was identified with distant the procedure of the burial
(foreign) lands, which implies that he himself was a foreigner. For this ritual which united the two
reason, Nubia was determined as his realm, through which he was different traditions and from
identified with the desert because the enemies of Egypt came through which a mythical tradition
developed later in a form
the desert. The myth about the incessant war of the gods ends with the with which we are familiar
only reasonable suggestion offered by the goddess of wisdom, Neith, today: from approximately

139 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Sonja ZOGOVIĆ

1500 BC we are aware and implemented by Osiris. Skillfully and justly, he divided the world
of a funeral rite which ex- and the rule over it between his son Horus, who was awarded the
pressed the identification
of the deceased with the black country, or Egypt, and his brother Seth/Sutekh (Set), who was
character called Osiris- awarded the red country, or hostile desert (Petrović/Petruševski 1940,
grain, i.e. with the wet soil 8-10; MNM 1, 1987, 310-311; 568-570; MNM 2, 1988, 209; 267-268;
and the grain contained 429; Chevalier-Gheerbrant 1983, 55; 58; 195; 208; 471).6
in a ceramic form. The
germination of the grain In addition to Egypt, Asia Minor, the Middle East and other parts of
symbolized the rebirth of the Mediterranean at a certain level of social and economic develop-
Osiris. This rite is witnessed ment, deities marked as black were also present in the Balkans, both
in the crypts of both kings among the Hellenes and other ancient Balkan peoples. Due to their
and of their subjects. It was
performed in the last month large number, only some will be listed here in order to compare the
of the flood season, when similarities in their attributes and activities with those of deities belong-
the water level would start ing to other ethnicities in the Mediterranean basin.
to decrease. As previously cited, ties between Egypt and the Minoan-Mycenaean
(p. 105). Further on in the
text, the author observes world were established as early as the 2nd millennium BC. It must not
that in this part of the myth be supposed, however, that close contact between their cultures led
there is an obvious political to their equation, or to a complete adoption and transfer of mythical
background reflecting the outlook and religious awareness. All Mediterranean ethnicities, without
times and events significant
at the time: …which was exception, achieved their own perception, their own understanding of
attributed to the battles their own mythical-religious worlds at a certain stage in their social de-
between Horus and Seth. velopment. This can be corroborated by a series of examples about the
The adversary character activities of black deities in the pre-Hellenic and Hellenic world. These
of Seth, who ruled the
Egyptian desert lands, as deities were related not only through their shared chthonian nature
well as his similarity to the but also through the cult of the serpent. This chthonian animal, as a
Asian god of thunder, led successor/follower of the dragon of Delphi, was revered in the grove
to his identification with of Apollo in Epirus until the advent of Christianity. In his initial capacity,
Apophis (Apep… Hyksos),
who conquered Egypt however, this lunar deity appears on the one hand as the master of
around 1700 BC. Hyksos, beasts and on the other as a careful shepherd of the flocks and nur-
together with the Assyrians turer of crops. This pre-Hellenic lunar-solar god-swan-crow-rat/mouse-
and Persians who turned wolf-ram was also present in Aegean agricultural cults (Thomson 1958,
Egypt into a province
(satrapy), were identified 112; 796-805; Losev 1987, 92-96; Chevalier and Gheerbrant 1983, 18;
with Seth in retrospect. (p. 796-805).
107-108). The myth there- In addition to Apollo, Athena, the ancient Aegean-Mycenaean god-
fore reflects the historical dess of fertility and wisdom, also appears as a patron of the serpent
moment of the expulsion
of the Asian invaders from and as a goddess-serpent. In her cult the serpent appears as an em-
Egypt by the god Horus. bodiment of the souls of the dead, as a guardian of the hearth; but to
This indicates that we can date the serpent has also functioned as a mistress and protector of the
arrive through myth at ac- home in the folklore of both Greece and Macedonia (Thomson 1958,
tual historical events hailed
as an Egyptian victory 113-114; Chevalier & Gheerbrants 1983, 18; Losev 1987, 125-129).
over their Asian enemies. Another chthonian black god, who was represented as a rival to

Black Arab
140
as a Figure of Memory
 Is the mythical-historical emergence of the Black Arab
in the Mediterranean related to the Caliphate or to an older matrix?

Apollo on Delphi and as a grandson of Cadmus and son of Zeus, was Reder and especially
Dionysus (Bacchus) as god of the fertile powers of the earth, of veg- Ivanov correctly observe
that similar changes caused
etation, vineyards, a master of trees and a god who was born twice by analogous historical
and ruled with the seasonal renewal of nature. This ancient deity was processes also occurred in
represented in mythology as an outgrowth of Mother Earth, whose es- the Balkans and Asia Minor
sence was always and everywhere expressed in new life, the seed and that these events:...
had an influence on the
of the future plant and the fruit which emerged from the womb of the terminology of the ritual
earth. In keeping with his activities and duties, Dionysus liberated his and mythological texts of
mother from the underworld and elevated her to Olympus and was the Greeks, whose religion
therefore considered a liberator from the Underworld and a chtho- was under the influence of
Luwian, which is confirmed
nian god- psychopomp—the leader of the souls of the dead. His mar- by the identifications of
riage to Ariadne, an ancient Aegean deity of vegetation, especially of old Greek 
trees, implies their pre-Hellenic origins (Petrović/Petruševski 1940, 16;  as a house
Thomson 1958, 119; 121; 188; 192;216;227;252;276;460; 468; 486- of gods = hieroglyph. Luw.
parnas-as “related to a
487; 500; Chevalier-Gheerbrant 1983, 121-122; Taho-Godi 1987, 380- house” and (who,
384). according to Hesiod’s
Among all these ancient Aegean, Minoan, Cretan-Mycenaean or Theogony, carried the bolt
Hellenic black deities, whether discussed in this paper or not, the in- of Zeus)= cuneiform. luv.
piha{{a{{i{ “si&q}ij” (the
disputable representatives of the other world were Demeter and her epithet of the new God
daughter Persephone, abducted by the invisible, horrific master of the of Thunder introduced in
kingdom of the dead, Hades (Petrović/Petruševski 1940, 15-20; Taho- the new Hittite capital in
Godi, 1987, 51-52; 364-367; Losev 1988, 305-306; Thomson, 1958, Luwia by the new Hittite
king Muwatalli, who in this
123-129; 108; 190; 227; 229-230; Chevalier-Gheerbrant 1983, 112- regard could be compared
113; 497; 518-520). with Akhenaten).
Like the Mediterranean deities previously discussed, Demeter was 4. Both Petrović
in Hellenic mythology the representative and protector of agriculture, (Petruševski) and J.
vegetation and fertility, but at the same time in her attributes we can Chevalier & Gheerbrant
explain that, in ancient
detect her primeval nature as an ancient Great Goddess Mother. The Egypt and later, the colour
chthonian origins of this ancient goddess are confirmed by her name, black primarily signified
which literally signifies earth or mother-earth, as well as by her cult earth, but also space and
appellation as Chloe - greenery, sowing; Carpophoros- giver of fruit; time. In addition, everything
negative, obscure or unde-
Thesmophoros - giver of laws, the one that brings order; Sito - bread, veloped was marked with
flour. All these designations testify to her patronage of vegetation. In this colour. It is important,
her capacity as a goddess of vegetation, fertility, crops, harvest and however, to stress that the
storage of grain, she is also an embodiment of the constant and an- majority of ethnicities in
the Mediterranean experi-
cient struggle between life and death, or eternal cycle of renewal and enced darkness as a place
rebirth, since vegetation is both subject to the laws of death and those where seed germinated
of rebirth. Her chthonian attributes and activities are completed by her and which was the basis
wanderings in search of her abducted daughter. When we take into of every initial beginning,
from changes in the uni-
account all her attributes, activities and occupations, it is plausible verse to seasonal sowing

141 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Sonja ZOGOVIĆ

and harvesting. Owing to that the Eleusinian initiation mysteries were introduced in her honour.
the natural repetition of the They were celebrated over the course of nine days in the month of
seed’s development into
an ear of grain and vice Boedromion (September), during which time certain religious ceremo-
versa, this colour repre- nies were performed which expressed Demeter’s passions and her
sented a kind of symbol of sorrow for her daughter and her return to her mother. For this reason,
the continual rebirth and both the mother and the daughter were revered together in Eleusis.
rejuvenation of everything
natural. In opposition to (Taho-Godi 1987, 364-367; Losev 1988, 305-306; Thomson 1958,
the colour black, which in 123-129; 190; 227-233; Chevalier-Gheerbrant 1983, 112-113; 497;
this context represents the Petrović/Petruševski 1940, 15-20). Researching all ancient relics con-
basis of something positive cerning these two deities, Thomson (Thomson 1958, 227-233) notes
and is related to Isis and
Osiris, to the fertile soil, to that during the celebrations of Thesmophoros the women participating
the crops and vegetation, in the ritual threw the sacrificed animals in a cave called a mégaron.
is red as the colour of the In addition to the caves dedicated to these two goddesses, the same
adversary and murderer of name was used for homes, palaces and temples, as well as abysses as
Osiris, the god Set, and this
colour was considered fatal, entries or thresholds to the Underworld where Hades hid Persephone.
damned and evil. This at- It is known that, as early as the Paleolithic period, natural refuges
titude to these two colours under rocks and the entrances and corridors of caves were used by
was also held by the Arabs, ancient peoples as habitats, while the caves themselves served as
both before and after their
adoption of Islam. For them temples. With the increase of prosperity during the Neolithic period,
the colour red represented the majority of ancient peoples ceased using caves only for living and
danger, and therefore it was ‘the same edifice played the role of a vault, a storage area, and a
used to mark the rebellious crypt: grain and the spirits of the dead were placed together from the
Persians and all foreigners
in general. beginning.’(Thomson 1958, 227). In addition to natural caves and cavi-
5. In chapter 33, Plutarch ties, they continued using artificial holes for the storage of grain, and
literally says: 33. But the these can be found throughout the Mediterranean coast, including Italy.
wiser of the priests call not These artificial holes/silos were fairly commonly used. In the center of
only the Nile Osiris and the ancient Rome, for instance, a special silo was dug out whose sole
sea Typhon, but they simply
give the name of Osiris purpose was to store the first harvest. This type of silo, widely used
to the whole source and throughout the Mediterranean, was called putei by the Latin speaking
faculty creative of moisture, peoples, which means a well/reservoir/basin, but was also used as an
believing this to be the underground dungeon for slaves, while similar objects in Rome, dedi-
cause of generation and the
substance of life-producing cated to Dis Pater (Pluto) and Proserpina, were called mundus - order,
seed; ... Osiris, on the universe. Regardless of the different nominations of these objects—
other hand, according to mégaron in some places, mundus or putei in others—all of them were
their legendary tradition, used as temples and tombs as well as for underground grain storage.
was dark, because water
darkens everything, earth In the consciousness of ancient peoples, tombs were considered to be
and clothes and clouds, the homes of ancestors who directly influenced the fertilization of seeds
when it comes into contact and these fertilized seeds contributed to the increased fertility of the
with them. This alows us crops which affected the general prosperity of the people. (Thomson
a clear perception of the
basic prerequisites for 1958, 227-233; Chevalier-Gheerbrant 1983, 112-113; 497; 518-520;

Black Arab
142
as a Figure of Memory
 Is the mythical-historical emergence of the Black Arab
in the Mediterranean related to the Caliphate or to an older matrix?

Taho-Godi 1987, 51-52; 364-367; Taho-Godi 1988, 317; Losev 1988, marking deities with their
305-306). characteristic colours
(267; 39 note 129-131).
These above-ground and underground deities and protectors and Elsewhere in his work he
patrons of vegetation, fertility and abundant harvests continued to be stresses again that: ... Isis
worshipped as black, on account of their basic activities, throughout is the female principle of
Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages. In the context of what we have writ- nature ... While Chevalier
and Gheerbrant maintain
ten to this point, we would like to dedicate some space to similar Slavic that black was a symbol of
black deities. the fertile soil, but at the
Unlike developed ancient mythologies corroborated by written re- same time, also of the other
cords, the sources for Slavic mythologies are sparse, sporadic and world in which the subter-
ranean waters and the
most often written by Christian missionaries and church dignitaries rain-bearing clouds helped
with the predetermined purpose of depicting the Slavic pagans as hor- the sprouting, growing and
rible, bloodthirsty and corrupted adversaries of virtuous Christians. In development of the crops.
addition to preserved testimonies about ancient Slavic religion, many 6. As already mentioned,
mythical deities and heroes, mythological notions, ritual and cult activi- the colour black in Egypt
was a symbol of rebirth
ties were preserved in the folk culture of almost all Slavic peoples and
after death (Osiris), but
they allow us to penetrate the essence of the beliefs of ancient Slavs. also of eternal preserva-
In the works dedicated to Slavic pagan religion, the following dei- tion, identified with seeds
ties are referred to as black: Crnobog, Triglav, Crnoglav, Pribiglava, about to germinate (Mina
V. Zogović 2002, 131; 146-
Jarovit and Sventovit. All these deities, without exception, were wor-
149). For this reason, Osiris
shiped by the Baltic Slavs. All completed analyses of the available orig- entrusted his son Horus
inal material, at the moment when the chroniclers came into contact with the rule of Egypt or the
with it, point to the archaic relationship of these deities with war. This black country. The red co-
lour, on the other hand, was
is to be expected, as the Danish, Saxon and other Germanic chroni-
identified by the Egyptians
clers found the Baltic Slavs at a stage of military democracy in which with fierceness, evil and
local tribal deities were elevated to supreme deities—as the patrons of damnation. And for this
princes and their military hordes. Therefore, regardless of the names, reason the god Seth/Sutekh
(Set) was identified with this
attributes and activities of any of the aforementioned deities, ultimate-
colour and was entrusted
ly they can all be considered hypostases of the pan-Slavic Thunder- with rule over the hostile
Bearer, Perun, and his eternal rival Veles/Volos, as deities of the fertile red country, or desert. The
powers of nature, vegetation, rain, crops and, simultaneously, repre- same notion about the co-
lour red can be found in the
sentatives of the other world and the kingdom of the deceased ances-
consciousness of pre-Is-
tors/patrons of earthly prosperity. (Slavjanskaja mifologija 1995, 74; lamic Arabs. Persians were
305-306; 349; 374-375; 391; 399; Slavjanskie drevnosti 1, 1995, 204- usually represented as red,
215; B’lgarska mitologija 1994, 49-50; 259-263; Pančovski 1993, 50- as were all other foreigners
or enemies, as opposed to
96; Petrović/Petruševski, 1940, 23; Čajkanović 1994, 63-83; 181-193;
the Arabs who were identi-
290; 305-306; Lovmyanski 1996, 65-73; 77-79; 84-89;93-95; 101-120; fied with the colour black.
Ivanov-Toporov 1987, 227; Ivanov-Toporov 1988, 306-307; 420-421; This experience of colours
450-456; 524-525; 625; Loma 2002, 185-209; Zogović, 2002, 25; 53; and attitudes towards them
seems to be identical to
118-120; 123; 127-130; 132; 134; 137; 139-170; 184-185; 199; 200;
that of ancient Egypt.

143 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Sonja ZOGOVIĆ

204; 213-214).
Circumstances related to the performance of religious rituals and
cult activities were most probably similar amongst the Slavs in the
Balkans. Unfortunately, there are no sources to confirm the actual
state of affairs during this period of Slavic history. What has survived
from the period between 656 and 665 and later refers to military ac-
tivities between the Sclavinias and the Byzantine Empire, on the one
hand, and the Byzantine Empire and the Caliphate on the other. In
order to break up the homogenous ethnic Slavic body in the Balkans,
Byzantine rulers resorted to tried and tested policies of resettlement. In
this manner, the newly created themes in Asia Minor were populated
by, among others, large numbers of Slavs whose task was to guard
and defend the Byzantine border with the Caliphate. Since the Slavs
themselves were undergoing a transformation of their own social and
political order at the time, and were displeased by the general policy of
the Byzantine Empire towards them, about 5,000 Slavs fled to the Arab
side during the Arab raids and were settled around Apamea in Syria
(VIINJ I/3, 1955, 221-223). This was just the beginning of large-scale
desertion by Slavs to the opponents’ side and their active role in civil
wars within the Caliphate (VIINJ I/3, 1955, 227-229; 241;248;265;269-
272; 275). This was the first close contact between Slavs and Arabs
through which the two cultures gradually acquired better mutual knowl-
edge. However, it must not be assumed that only the Slavs were ex-
posed to these influences from the Caliphate. Byzantine culture was
also strongly influenced by Arab culture and vice versa. This resulted in
a return of transferred stories and legends back to their initial owners,
even after the arrival of the Turks; however, these had been altered to
such an extent that their original owners accepted them as loans from
the transferors, which can only serve as additional proof of the mu-
tual exchange, adaption and assimilation between seemingly diverse
Mediterranean cultures. (Ivanov 2003, 53-54).
When the Turks conquered the Balkans, they acted as the right-
ful and direct successors of Byzantine politics, ideology and culture,
continuing it and redirecting it. But they also considered themselves
heirs and successors to Persian and Arab culture. They gave rise
again to ancient perceptions of the stranger, foreigner or enemy, as de-
scendants of the otherworld, unfriendly and dark—already present in
Mediterranean cultures through the character of the three-headed and
black Arab, or just the Arab. This was a formulaic character unrelated
to any actual historical event (Božović 1977, 28-31). As his opponent in

Black Arab
144
as a Figure of Memory
 Is the mythical-historical emergence of the Black Arab
in the Mediterranean related to the Caliphate or to an older matrix?

Balkan folklore, among many others, emerged the mythical-legendary

hero of all heroes, King Marko. The space between these two ancient
and always new adversaries was provided for: ...a man who could be a
real master of the earth. This is how an ideal and morally perfect man
of Islam was created and was to be achieved in the real world. This
man had to be... from eastern Persia by origin, with Arabic religion,
Iraqi education, Jewish cunning, behaving like Christ’s disciple, as
god-fearing as a Greek monk, as proficient as a Greek in sciences, as
skilful as an Indian in interpreting mysteries, and finally he had to live
like a Sufi, an Islamic mystic... (Božović, 2007, 137). It must be noted
that a similar ideal was nurtured among other peoples of the Balkans
and the Mediterranean. At the same time, we must not forget that this
ideal contains the primeval motif of cohabitation.
Heroic features were added to this ideal composite of man and
thinker and thus we obtain the real notion of the eternal cohabitation
of the peoples of the Mediterranean, always and everywhere free of
any ethnic, ethical and religious prohibitions. This notion was often dis-
torted under the weight of historical events, though cohabitation con-
tinued in peace once political fervor subsided, and memories concern-
ing strangers, foreigners or enemies as embodied in the characters of
the Arabs, whether three-headed, black, or just Arabs, remained in the
collective consciousness of Mediterranean peoples only as memory
realms of shared cultural values.
For this reason, and with the aim of recalling this shared
Mediterranean cultural heritage, we will attempt to offer a brief account
of the Black Arab’s activities in folk heroic poems, in which we can
trace many ancient Mediterranean, Indo-European and Balkan relics.
We have previously explained the semantics of the notion black in an-
cient mythologies. This explanation of the notion black remains valid
for the emergence of the Black Arab in Balkan folklore—with minor
digressions and with the additional fact that mythical notions about the
Black Arab were intertwined with real perceptions in the conscious-
ness of Balkan peoples. He was experienced both as an imaginary
character and as a real representative of the black race, since Negroes
from Africa were brought and settled in Ulcinj and its vicinity and over
time some of these Ulcinj Arabs/Negroes became maritime captains
and owners of great ships. As clients of their former masters, they
added their masters’ names to their own names alongside the already
adopted ethnonym Arab, which initially signified a slave and only later
a Negro (Svetieva 1-5).

145 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Sonja ZOGOVIĆ

Among the first and foremost characteristics of the Black Arab in

folk epic were the notions of his duels and battles with Balkan heroes,
of which we will refer only to those with his most renowned adversary,
King Marko. The moral attributes and personal traits of the Black Arab
in opposition to King Marko are explained in the poem Marko Kraljević
i Arapin (Serbian Folk Poems 2, 1976, 277-287; Djurić, 1954, 148-
159; Penušliski 2003, 171-260; Penušliski 2005, 7-111). The motifs in
the poem are standard: The lonesome hero and renowned duelist, the
Black Arab, in the tower he built himself:

By the wide blue sea;

wants:

With a beloved girl to stroll;

and not just any girl but the Sultan’s daughter; and if the Sultan
refuses the Arab’s proposal, he is to face him in a duel. In accordance
with ancient mythical rules, the Sultan looks for a suitable substitute for
the decisive battle with the Black Arab. Similar to the epic Gilgamesh,
where a dream announces the hero Enkidu, the Sultan’s wife has a
dream which prophesies that Marko is the only one who can rescue
them from their misfortune. For this reason she addresses the hero,
but is refused as Marko is not reluctant to admit that he is afraid of
such a great hero. The Sultan joins in his wife’s entreaties, but Marko
remains unmoved, citing the same reason:

When he takes my head off my shoulders,

What need will I have of three loads of riches?

Only when Marko is addressed by the Sultan’s daughter as a

Christian and in the name of God and St. John does he fail to find any
more excuses to refuse, regardless of what he feels:

Poor me, my dear sister!

It’s bad to go, even worse not to:

Marko arrives in Istanbul and arranges with the Sultan’s daughter

to attack the Black Arab when he is departing with the bride and the
wedding procession. That is what transpires, but now:

Black Arab
146
as a Figure of Memory
 Is the mythical-historical emergence of the Black Arab
in the Mediterranean related to the Caliphate or to an older matrix?

When the Black Arab saw

that Marko would conquer him,
he turned his springy mare
and escaped through the market.

But Marko is a braver hero and:

The Arab fell, and Marko accosted him

and cut off the Arab’s head...

which is a regular occurrence in all duels in epic poetry (Božović

1977, 31-33).

This epic poem includes another motif deserving attention and that
concerns the Sultan’s daughter’s disappointment when she believes
that Marko has not come to her rescue:

There came the Turkish girl.

.........................
When the bride reached the lake,
She bowed to its green waters
And started conversing with it:
‘God help us, green lake!
God help us, my eternal dwelling!
The rest of my days will be spent inside you.
I’d rather have you, than the Arab.”

We believe that this ancient motif, present in a series of epic po-

ems, can be related to the previously discussed beliefs that waters,
wells, holes, abysses and rocks are the contact zones between this
and the other world and entrances which lead to the Underworld
where Tammuz/Dumuzi/Adonis substitutes the goddess Inanna/
Ishtar for one half of the year and where Gilgamesh descends first to
meet Utnapishtim and later Enkidu. From such a place Hades brings
Persephone to his kingdom and Odysseus descends into the kingdom
of the dead to meet his mother and also meets Achilles and many other
heroes who died in battle. This is corroborated by a series of toponyms
throughout the Balkans which confirm the same mythical matrix (Loma
2002, 195).
The entire cycle including the poem Marko Kraljević and 12
Arabs (Serbian Folk Poems 2, 1976, 268-270; Božović 1977, 80;

147 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Sonja ZOGOVIĆ

Penušliski 2003, 171-260; 2005, 7-111) treats the same topic of duels,
Marko’s bravery and the liberation of the enslaved girl. This motif re-
fers to the battle between light, positive heroes and dark, black forces
of evil—a motif also present in the poems dedicated to Bolen Dojčin
who, despite being bedridden for years, manages, when the honour of
his home is threatened, to recover and gather all his strength to kill the
foreigner, the Black Arab (Penušliski 2003, 89-170; 2005, 7-111).
In the aftermath of the Balkan wars, many of the Arab/Negro fami-
lies, who were to be remembered among the people only as Arabs,
moved out of the Southern Slavic areas together with the Turks.
However, some families stayed for a longer period of time, especially
around Thessalonica and Enidze Vardar. Regardless of the length of
their inhabitation of these areas, they preserved and continued practic-
ing their old customs. At a designated time of the year, in Thessalonica,
they gathered around the great maple tree near Aynar Bahche and
performed ritual dances. According to the legends, this was the site of
the last duel between Bolen Dojčin and the Black Arab. In Ulcinj, on
a site called the Arab Field, the local Negroes/Arabs practiced their
old custom in a similar fashion. The authenticity of facts recorded in
the legends is corroborated by the name of the village Arapli, which
is situated in a close proximity to the site of the last duel between
Bolen Dojčin and the Black Arab. A series of appellatives throughout
Southern Slavic areas preserved to the present day are valid evidence
of their presence in the Balkans (Svetieva, 1-5).



In this paper I have not contemplated the correlation of the entire

Mediterranean ethnic, ethical and cultural heritage sublimated in the
character of the Black Arab. Nor have I attempted to collect and unite
ancient inbuilt memories and notions about the Arab and by doing so
disturb their internal power and efface them or violate their integrity. I
have approached the subject with the intention of portraying selected
black deities of the Mediterranean through their attributes and activi-
ties and as suitable guardians/sustainers of the overall memory and as
active factors in its enrichment. Despite our critical approach to the ve-
racity of the available data, we should admit that if we were to analyze
them as ancient memories and visions of ancestors, we might prove
fortunate in deciphering their essence.
If we start from the fact that, in the beginning, both gods and

Black Arab
148
as a Figure of Memory
 Is the mythical-historical emergence of the Black Arab
in the Mediterranean related to the Caliphate or to an older matrix?

people were equal and mortal, then the Greek proverb clearly con-
veys ancient memories of that period: When people were more divine,
and gods more human. And by relying on the ancient cultures of the
Mediterranean, on the meaning of black deities in the lives of people
at the time, and by transferring their general and still valid messages,
we will recognize that their tested experiences facilitate an insight into
many contemporary phenomena which we have tried to explain with
all the means available to us today, unaware that we need only have
looked into the ancient scriptures which explain many of the phenom-
ena which enthuse us today.
By virtue of their Uranian-chthonian nature, the black deities were
representatives of both worlds, guardians and patrons of earthly pro-
duce and wealth—embodiments of the fertile soil. It can be observed
that, regardless of the culture in which they originated, there is no
essential difference between them except in their names. Even the
colours symbolic of their activities and attributes remain the same
throughout diverse Mediterranean cultures, irrespective of the tempo-
ral or spatial distance between them. The colour black as a symbol
of mother-earth at the same time represents its interior/depth where,
according to ancient beliefs, there resided the ancestors/protectors of
the same earthly produce and riches ruled over by the ancient gods
of vegetation. When social and political circumstances altered, these
gods were elevated to the level of supreme deities, Thunder-Bearers
and gods of war, which seemingly led to discontinuation with regards
to their previous attributes and activities. Not that this was always pre-
cisely the case, since the Thunder-Bearer caused rain which was ben-
eficial for the crops and helped continuous renewal.
The other archaic motif related to the journeys of certain gods and
heroes to distant lands again leads us to the Black Arab as both an
ancient and contemporary agent in their feats. We have only touched
upon the myth about Cadmus, but we believe that his feats and trans-
formations are sufficient to clarify the behaviour of the Black Arab in
our epic poetry. Cadmus and Harmonia fled to the Enchelians and to-
gether they defeated the Illyrians; as Illyrian rulers they transform into
serpents. As serpents, they came to Dalmatia and lived in a cleft in the
ground near Epidaurus. According to a different version, Cadmus was
expelled from Greece and headed for Dalmatia, where he became a
powerful and fierce pirate who ambushed sailors and oppressed the
powerless. In some of his traits, this Cadmus can certainly be consid-
ered a pre-source of the Black Arab.

149 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Sonja ZOGOVIĆ

Consequently, if we assemble the notions about all ancient deities

and heroes, their attributes and activities, we can gradually construct
an image of the character who in Balkan epic poetry embodies the
eternal foreigner and enemy and his ancient hypostases—the Black
Arab.

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literatury;

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as a Figure of Memory
 Is the mythical-historical emergence of the Black Arab
in the Mediterranean related to the Caliphate or to an older matrix?

Vizantijski izvori za istoriju naroda Jugoslavije. 1955. Posebna

izdanja Knj. CCXLI. Vizantoloski Institut Book 3. Volume I.SAN.
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raniot sreden vek. Prilep. Institut za staroslovenska kultura.

153 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Sonja ZOGOVIĆ

Sonja Zogovic
(Institute for Old Slavic Culture, Prilep, Macedonia)

Is the mythical-historical emergence of the Black Arab in

the Mediterranean related to the Caliphate or to an older matrix?
When depressed but also stimulated by everyday events, we of-
ten travel back to an imagined or invented heroic past because the
present we live in is quasi-heroic and quasi-historical. The arrival of the
Arabs in the Byzantine Empire and therefore the Slavic world, as well
as their Semitic predecessors, was accepted with no invented preju-
dices either in war or during negotiations, when trading or living along-
side each other. This paper aims to stress the mutual cultural-historical
influences of both sides and their mutual benefits. Until the advent of
Islam, the greater part of the Arab world and the cultures under their
influence lived side by side with the Hellenistic-Roman world, imbibed
their culture and utilized the achievements of their civilization, offering
theirs in return. The relations of giving and taking and the exchange of
cultural goods between the Byzantines and the Arabs did not change
after the advent of Islam in the Arab world. On the contrary, with the
emergence of the Slavs, their relations only deepened and were en-
riched, as the Slavs through acculturation introduced their own culture
into both of these cultures and accepted and reshaped theirs as their
own—and in doing so became a part of the wider Mediterranean cul-
ture.

Black Arab
154
as a Figure of Memory
 Volume No. 3

Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory

Part III
Ritual
contextualization
 The Turk on Lastovo – Social Memory Preserved in the Legend of a Catalan Attack on the Island

Tomislav OROZ (Zadar)

The Turk on Lastovo – Social Memory Preserved in
the Legend of a Catalan Attack on the Island
Key words:
INTRODUCTION • Lastovo Poklad

Research for this article was conducted in two stages: the first • Turk
stage on the island of Lastovo during carnival period in February 2008; • culjanje
the second stage during subsequent contact with the literature and the • social memory
people of Lastovo, which problematized different aspects of the carni-
val period on the island. In the course of this research, and for the pur- • Catalan attack
pose of the Interpretations project, my intention was to identify specific
social memories of the Catalan attack on the island in the 15th century
as presented in the narratives of islanders during carnival week.
My informants understood the names given to the doll that is burnt
on the Tuesday of the carnival, Turčin and Moro, as synonyms for all
attackers of Muslim confession. In this case, religious denomination
was more significant than ethnic affiliation in shaping the profile of the
enemy.
The use of the terms Moro or Turk as epithets for the envoy of the
Catalonian pirates indicates a specific understanding of historical peri-
ods and events as facts which, while not meaningful in a chronological
or historical sense, yet function logically if viewed as folkloristic facts.
Accordingly, the intention of this work is to refer to the folklorist facts
whose consideration and analysis may indicate the different cultural
and civilization influences to which Lastovo has been exposed and
which have participated in composing the story that accompanies the
sentencing and execution of the Poklad doll.

159 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Tomislav OROZ

Narratives about attacks on the island, whether they be of Catalan or

Turkish attacks or of robberies by pirates, are linked in a meaningful
entity that serves as a libretto for the carnival drama that takes place
on Carnival Tuesday. Space and time in drama lose their geographical
features and time parameters and become a cultural property enrolled
in the action which follows the conviction of the Turk. An additional goal
of this work is to indicate the complexity by which this phenomenon
1. Rkp. 340 of the Institute
of Ethnology and Folklore and oral tradition have transferred several stories of the attack into
Research in Zagreb. In what has become the background to a practice that, over time, has
these legends about the become a tradition and symbol of the island.
emergence of settlements
on the island, dominated
by stories of kidnapping,
assault or robbery, the CARNIVAL PERIOD ON LASTOVO – LEGENDS AND PRAXIS
main culprits are typically
pirates coming from Africa.
Arriving on Lastovo in the late afternoon, I was anxious to start my
The comedy La Turca by
Giambattista della Porta research project as soon as possible since time was restricted and my
from 1597 or 1606 testifies project covered a great number of events. One of my informants told
not only to the representa- me that Carnival days on Lastovo are like a second Christmas for the
tion of the Turkish as the
inhabitants of the island; any long interviews during my short stay on
Other in their outward ap-
pearance, physical charac- the island would thus not be possible. How, then, to research social
teristics and character, but memory in its manifestations and stereotypes as transmitted through
also provides an interesting legends and embodied in the appearance of the carnival doll and the
account of the frequent pi-
performance of the pokladari?
rate attacks on east Adriatic
islands under the rule of The specific circumstances in which I was forced to abandon my
La Serrenissima, where original plans allowed me to participate in the carnival procession of
the main victims were typi- the pokladari and to record what happened in the meantime together
cally innocent Christian girls
with occasional talks with informants who were willing to grant some of
whose fate was at risk, as
was the fate of the rest their limited time to answer my questions.
of the population living in Continual repetition of the story of the attack by Turks and Catalan
constant fear. The action pirates in the past has left its traces in the customs of the carnival pe-
takes place on the island of
riod. Tales of danger from foreign invaders, pirate raids, capture and
Lesina (the present-day is-
land of Hvar), where two fe- enslavement are present in almost every legend of the origins of set-
male victims of kidnapping tlements on Lastovo.1 The fate of the remote islands was thus no more
are later saved by local favourable in the past than in modern times. As the most remote popu-
men disguised in Turkish
lated Croatian island, connections with the mainland on a daily basis
clothes. The story reflects
popular understanding have always been difficult, and when pirates made the island a target
in 16th century Venice at of attack, any help from the mainland always arrived too late. Frequent
a time when accounts of looting raids shaped the toponymy of the island where even today the
frequent attacks on the
highest peaks bear names like Stražica, Glavica, and Katalanova Grža
island’s towns and villages
circulated in Venice. (Watcher’s Peak, Small Head, Catalan Rock) (Jurica 2001: 20-21;

Black Arab
160
as a Figure of Memory
 The Turk on Lastovo – Social Memory Preserved in the Legend of a Catalan Attack on the Island

Simunovic 1970: 258-259), which refer to the island’s long history of

danger and fear.
The legends that circulate on Lastovo today, especially in carnival
period, possess almost the form of recent news items and are linked
with the siege of the island by Catalan pirates. One of these attacks,
confirmed in historiography, has left a special impression in the oral
tradition. This siege is associated with the 15th century attack by what
were actually Aragonese and Neapolitan mercenaries during the war
between the Republic of Venice and the Kingdom of Naples for domi-
nance in the Adriatic.
Legend says that Catalan pirates decided to attack the island and
sell its residents as captives. The Catalan pirate fleet first sailed to the
nearby island of Korcula and besieged the town. At the same time,
they sent a messenger to Lastovo to seek the surrender of the island.
The inhabitants of Lastovo kept the envoy on the island and refused
to come to any agreement. As their envoy did not return, the Catalan
pirates headed their ships towards Lastovo. Scouts positioned on the
peaks surrounding Lastovo announced the danger. According to leg-
end, a rooster alerted the villagers to the danger form the sea: Kukuriku
Donje selo, kukuriku Gornje selo, eto ide svit Katalani, bit ćete svi pok-
lani (‘Cock-a-doodle-doo! Cock-a-doodle-doo! The Catalans are com-
ing for us and we’re all going to be slaughtered!’).2 This chant, which 2. According to the tran-
remains in use even today, evokes the long history of uncertainty and script of a talk with P.S.
(1940) from Lastovo, held
danger on this island situated so far from the mainland. The legend on 5th February 2008.
says that the men got armed and ready, awaiting invasion, while the
women and children and a priest set off on a pilgrimage to the old
church of St. George on the highest peak of the island, praying for
salvation from slavery and death. According to legend, the day of the
3. Pod kostanju is the name
attack was St. George’s Day. Even today, the name of the hill to which of the place where there
the villagers fled is named Hum; as the highest peak on the island, once stood a chestnut
it was also the place where islanders from the 16th century onwards tree to which a rope was
attached for sliding the
kept watch over a wide open sea to give warning of possible danger
Poklad. That cultural inter-
(Fisković 2001:48). The people’s prayer to St. George was answered vention in the landscape
and a huge storm suddenly arose and miraculously destroyed most has occurred on Lastovo
of the enemy ships. The Catalan envoy on the island was captured is testified to by the fact
that a small round pillar at
and the villagers put him on a donkey as a sign of humiliation and
the crossroads bears the
led him backwards through the village to degrade him further. After he name Kolona od poklada
had been conducted through the village, the villagers set up a rope (Poklad’s Colon) and the
above the village on the hill which bears the name Pokladarova Grža rope down which the pok-
ladari slid the Poklad to the
(Poklad’s Rock)3 and stretched the rope all the way down to Lastovo.
village was tied around it.

161 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Tomislav OROZ

They then attached the black-faced Catalan pirate to the rope and
made him slide three times down to the village. After that, the captured
enemy was carried out to be burnt in a place called Dolac in front of the
church and town hall.
The performance practices which preserve the legend of the attack
convey the message that the man to blame for all bad things is the
Poklad—or Turčin (Turk), as the Lastovo inhabitants call him. His trial
begins on Monday, the day before he is to be burnt in the main town
square. That day begins with the playing of the Lastovo lyre, a wooden
string instrument played by a man in front of the town hall where all
members of the pokladari company assemble. In the backyard there is
a black donkey whose owner has given it the name Moro (on purpose
or by chance). The procession, led by Moro, proceeds towards the vil-
lage, the lira playing the song about Alija X., and the pokladari shouting
4. The shout Uvo!, which the word Uvo!4 to announce the arrival of the pokladari company with
the pokladari chant at every the Turk on a donkey on Shrove Tuesday. The last stop is the local
major event, is explained by
some ethnologists as hav- cemetery where they collect soil to make the legs of the carnival doll.
ing derived from the male On their way back to the town hall, people start making the Turčin.
name Ivo, which is con- Seven kilograms of soil from the cemetery and a lead weight are put
sidered to have been the in each boot so that the Poklad will be heavy enough not to fall over
Poklad’s name (Bonifacic
Rozin 1960). According to while sliding down the rope strung from the top of the hill to the village.
archive documents, shout- Several hours later, once the doll is completed, it is exhibited at the
ing (or hakelanje, as the door of the town hall awaiting condemnation for all the sins perpetrated
people from Lastovo call against the people of Lastovo.
it) would start on the day
of Our Lady of Kandelora
(Feb. 2), when a group of
pokladari would meet to SOCIAL MEMORY AND THE PRACTICES THAT ACCOMPANY
arrange the organization
of Carnival festivities. After
IT
the agreement, members
of the company went, ac- The legends that circulate on Lastovo of the dangers that afflicted the
companied by the lyre, to island in the 15th century are by no means purely historical facts. As
the Gornja Luka, where
they stood under the chest-
Milicevic notes (1965:15), the Lastovo carnival festivities are interest-
nut tree and shouted Uvo! ing not only on account of their performance but also in terms of the
three times, exclaiming the historical aspects of the show. Above all, in this case, we must under-
final notice to the popula- stand these facts as folkloristic ones and be aware that they have been
tion that an agreement had
been reached that there
formed through the integration of historical elements in poetic expres-
would be a Carnival (Jurica sion and the action that accompanies it. Transformed in this way, facts
2001:480 ). lose their connection with the previous reality, cease to be historical
and bear only indirect witness to historical events (transl. T.O.; Perić
Polonijo 1989: 91-97). Although these ‘facts’ are based only on legend,

Black Arab
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as a Figure of Memory
 The Turk on Lastovo – Social Memory Preserved in the Legend of a Catalan Attack on the Island

not on actual historical events, one should not ignore the reality that
in the late 15th and throughout the 16th centuries Lastovo and Korcula
were threatened by two attacks from the sea: in 1483 and in 1571.5 5. The attack in 1483 as
But the historical relevance of events during carnival time should be an allusion to the Catalan
delegate was far more
seen in the light of the complex interaction between the historical refer- frequent in the narratives
ences, social changes, information and symbolic language present in of my collocutors, but also
the narration (cf. Agoston-Nikola 1989:21). in transcripts of interviews
Neither my journey to Lastovo and participation in the carnival cer- conducted over the last fifty
years by other researchers.
emony, nor my tracking of all that was going on, had the aim of verify- Another attack, historically
ing whether or not the carnival alluded to an actual historical event. A confirmed, took place in
subjective attitude towards history and the activities initiated by these nearby Lastovo in 1571.
narratives about the past reflect an attitude towards the past effectu- This was the attack by Uluz
Alija, vice king of Algeria,
ated in the present, and historical confirmation of the attack is thus by and his fleet, on the nearby
no means crucial for an understanding of this attitude (cf. Connerton island of Korčula, whose
2004:21). The key to understanding the relationship to history in population then fled to hide
which the narrator has actually played no part lies precisely in what on Lastovo. (http://www.ko-
rcula.net/history/rozanovic.
Halbwachs called historical memory—or, better, in the image of the htm ). To which of these two
past transmitted by written sources, oral tradition, but also through var- attacks the legend refers is
ious pageants of the past, such as commemorations and festivals (cf. not clear, but it is for certain
Halbwachs 1992:23-24). Using the term social memory, Nora empha- that it refers to times of
danger for the small island
sizes the social conditionality of memories and, accordingly, introduces communities, combining
the perception of the past as a cultural projection into space, thus cul- several historical episodes
tivating the geographical conditionality of space (cf. Nora 1996). In the into one legend.
case of the Lastovo Carnival, social memory can be seen in the nar-
ration and layers that have lost any rationality of chronological expres-
sion but which, mixed with images of historical motifs, have created a
collage of important historical moments for the community that function
as an ensemble whole in the performative expression of the Carnival
drama.
The question of origins in this research, although highlighted, is not
crucial and does not explain the processes that have had an impact
on the creation of a specific custom. The concept of origin generally
fails to explain the richness of certain phenomena, but rather implies a
beginning that is spatially and temporally distanced. The term itself im-
plies irrational urges to seek for beginnings as the earliest source-point
which is typically, albeit unjustifiably, considered more important than
all other processes which have shaped a particular phenomenon over
time (Katicic 1997:149). The intention of this work is not to trace the
determination of the Lastovo Carnival and its Turk by specific historical
events but to explore the processes that have shaped this phenom-

163 Black Arab

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 Tomislav OROZ

enon in its present form—processes which reflect cultural and social

fluxes and the social memory of a sense of danger present in the nar-
ration of locals. In this regard, the concept of origin used in this work
should be perceived as a process which implies dynamism and flux
and does not consider the initial spark a key source for understanding
the phenomenon.

… THERE IS NOTHING LIKE THIS ANYWHERE ELSE IN THE

WORLD: SLIDING THE TURK DOWN THE ROPE ON SHROVE
TUESDAY.

‘Poklad se culja’, said one of my interviewees. The Turk is sent on

a rope from the top of the hill all the way down to the village. A com-
pany of carnival men called pokladari, with swords and a commander
as leader, escorts the Turk through the village to the place called Pod
6. Pod kostanju - Under the kostanju6 on a black donkey that has to be male. ‘So says tradition,’ my
chestnut tree. interviewees told me. Poklad is guilty for everything bad. His right arm
lies on his waist and his left arm is set on his chest with a finger point-
ing at himself as if to declare ‘guilty as charged’. The costume he wears
is ‘na tursku’—‘in the Turkish style’. He wears a red fez on his head. On
his black face there is a black moustache and a cigar called a španjulet
hangs from his mouth while his body is dressed in a red coat with a
white skirt instead of trousers. Poklad is slid down the 250 meter-long
7. Poklad’s rock. rope from a place on the hill called Pokladareva Grža7 to a place called
Pod kostanju in the village. To the feet of the Turk are attached five
firecrackers made the day before. When a pokladar on the hill shouts
‘Uvo!’ to his companions in the village, they answer him in the same
manner, declaring that it is time to detonate the firecrackers and let the
Poklad, or Turk, down the rope. This is done three times, each time with
more and more bombs exploding at the
Poklad’s feet. If everything goes well, the
company of pokladari cry out: ‘Eviva nam
kumapnija, poša nam je alavija!’ (‘Long
live our company! His descent went well!’).

Picture 1. The Pokladari touring Lastovo with

Poklad on a donkey. The company of pok-
ladari being led by the youngest pokladari.
Photographed by Suzana Gothardii Pavlovsky.

Black Arab
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 The Turk on Lastovo – Social Memory Preserved in the Legend of a Catalan Attack on the Island

Waiting for Poklad in the village—after the bombs had exploded

and a sword-wielding company had set about the doll, hitting him on
the head and jumping around him—I heard many comments from par-
ticipants about the poor sliding of the doll and its meaning. ‘The grapes
will not ripen!’ was just one of the comments from the crowd, for heavy
rain had disrupted their plans for the perfect landing of the doll and
one of the bombs had not exploded in the air. And yet the good spirit
among the masked people was not ruined by the bad weather. After
the third landing, the Poklad was escorted to the homes of a local
family, finally being burnt on Dolac, where a sword-dance started up
before the act of sentencing the Turk. Slowly getting faster and faster,
the sword dance created a sense of tension and anticipation that could
not be concealed by the onlookers. The passion with which the dance
was performed and the active participation of the audience with fre-
quent cries and announcements of Poklad’s imminent death created
a heated atmosphere of eager anticipation for burning the black-faced
and moustachioed convict who threatened the island. Once the Turk
had been stripped of his clothes, he soon disappeared in the flames—
the final act to end the carnival days and complete his event-driven
execution.8 8. Some of my informants
interpreted the beauti-
Picture 2. Having descended into the village, the ful masks as represent-
Poklad is accosted by Pokladari who strike him ing Turkish bondwomen
with swords. Photo by Tomislav Oroz. who, after the execution
of Poklad, were ready to
rally behind the company of
This is an old, old custom ... There is pokladari, the army which
no such thing anywhere else in the world. had saved Lastovo from
Only on Lastovo. Others make the Poklad, invasion by the enemies (cf.
Bonifacic-Rozin 1962:100).
too, but no one sends it down a rope like we
do9, a man from the village told me when I 9. According to the tran-
asked him why the Poklad is sent down a script of an interview with
I.K. (1928), conducted in
rope. But how did culjanje come to Lastovo Lastovo on 5th February
and where did it come from? 2008.
When consulting historical sources, the first thing to take into ac-
count is the historical context and the cultural influences and fluxes
that Lastovo has been exposed to. Culjanje under this name really
does not exist anywhere except on Lastovo. But the centuries-long
Venetian influence in the Adriatic direct one to a more detailed analysis
of the sources related to that period. The first written data concerning
the Lastovo Carnival not only reveal a multitude of influences in this

165 Black Arab

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 Tomislav OROZ

custom, but also offer a description of the carnival doll, i.e. the Turk, as
the source of the Shrovetide customs on Lastovo.
Written sources on the Lastovo Carnival date back to the pe-
riod of Ivan Franatica Sorkočević, deputy of the Dubrovnik Duke on
Lastovo who ruled the island from 1747–48. His satirical poems Poklad
Lastovski (The Lastovo Carnival) and Vijeće (The Council) are unfortu-
nately lost, but it is assumed that they may still exist in the archives of
the Monastery of the Friars Minor in Dubrovnik (Kombol 1945, Kurelac
1866-68:17, Fisković 2001:104, 2001:483 Jurica, Niemcic 2002:78) .
The earliest available accounts of the Lastovo Carnival doll and
actions related to this doll are to be found in the Bogišić Library in
10. This is a transcript of Cavtat, which has descriptions by two authors.10 One is that of Melko
a collection of folk tales Lucijanović from 1877, published in the Slovinac newspaper in 1881,
from the library of Baltazar
Bogisic which is located in
while the other is by Luka Zore and is associated with the mid-19th
the Institute of Ethnology century period (Lozica 2001:180-181). Although both descriptions are
and Folklore Research in detailed, there are certain differences between them. Lucijanović de-
Zagreb, under the index- scribes in detail the carnival doll and actions related to the carnival
number IEF Rkp. 189.
period: how they dressed the doll in the finest garments, struck him on
the head after sliding and burnt him, as well as the clothes of the com-
pany of the pokladari and the figures performed in the dance. Lozica
considers the description given by Luka Zore to be of an earlier date,
probably from the middle of the 19th century. Zore’s account is particu-
larly detailed when it comes to the clothes of the Poklad. Zore notes
that he is dressed ‘na Engležku’, in the English style, perhaps indicat-
ing the reaction of the islanders to English influence and occupation of
the island from the beginning of the 19th century and the redirection of
negative feelings about the occupiers towards a carnival doll dressed
in an English manner.
The two oldest sources giving detailed descriptions of carnival cel-
ebrations on Lastovo in the 19th century show certain differences which
indicate changes in certain aspects of the carnival celebrations and
the dynamics that characterized this custom. Lucijanović mentions that
the events in the carnival period are part of an old custom, while Zore
further describes the carnival and the pokladari company’s attitude to-
wards it. But neither Lucijanović nor Zore give their opinion regard-
ing culjanje. Nor do either of them describe the legend of an attack
on the island which the people of Lastovo specifically associate with
the Carnival. Although they describe the events, they do not consider
the origins of the custom of sliding the Polkad down the rope or why
it takes place on Lastovo. What about culjanje? Older archival docu-

Black Arab
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as a Figure of Memory
 The Turk on Lastovo – Social Memory Preserved in the Legend of a Catalan Attack on the Island

ments in Croatian do not describe or attempt to address the question

of where culjanje came from and why precisely the doll is a Turk, or
Poklad.
Examining the origins of culjanje, Nikola Bonifacic-Rozin cites the
editorial board of Slovinac (1962:103) which, along with a description
of Lucijanović, alleges that the custom has something to do with the
Spanish custom of El Pelele.11 I do not believe that culjanje has any- 11. This custom is best
seen in a painting by
thing to do with the Spanish influence of throwing straw dolls into the
Francisco Goya from 1791-
air, but rather with influences found in the closer environment. If we 92 in the Museo del Prado,
assume that the island, as well as most of the eastern Adriatic coast, Madrid, Spain.
was exposed to Venetian cultural influences, the question arises as
to whether to seek the same custom of lowering a puppet down a
rope, or a close variation thereof, in another place where Venetian
cultural influences could also have left traces. The most similar case
is found in 1715 in Perast in present-day Montenegro where actions
similar to culjanje occur, albeit not with the same names. Describing
the carnival period in Perast in 1715 on the eve of the outbreak of
the Venetian-Ottoman war, Marko Martinović recorded the custom
which the Venetians called mormario.12 As described by Martinović, 12. The Mormario name
is unclear, but one of the
this seems to have closely resembled the custom in Lastovo. Josip
proposed genealogies as-
Lisac and Slobodan Prosperov Novak noted that in the Perast cer- sumes that perhaps the
emony of 1715 there was also a highly theatrical carnival and the pres- word is a compound from
ence of a massive statue of an infidel with a turban (transl. T.O.; Lisac mor - Moro, black, often
a name used for Muslims
and Prosperov Novak 1984:221). Accounts of this ceremony describe
+ morio - mare, Maris,
a flight from the top of the bell-tower down a rope attached to a boat more, sea. Although the
docked in the port (Martinović, Lisac and Prosperov Novak 1984:222- action refers to something
224). Martinović explicitly shows from the records how the carnival that would be similar to
culjanje and this proposed
festivities in Perast occurred at the outbreak of war and also how they
etymology would explain
were closely related to the view of the Ottomans as traitors whom the the custom, the word is still
Venetian subjects would soon have to face. It is not clear what exactly unclear.
the rope stretched from the top of the bell-tower to a ship in the port
was used for, or what exactly descended down the rope to the ship in
the port. In addition, shots and rockets were fired from the bell-tower,
booming throughout the entire town. The question is whether such an
ordinance in Venetian stato di mar was practiced only at the outbreak
of the war or whether it was practiced every year in the carnival period.
Martinović’s comprehensive report describes the decapitation of a bull
and the participation of groups of men with swords leaping around the
bull. The Venetian origin (mormario, the cutting off of a bull’s head) is
evidence that similar festival practices were present in descriptions of

167 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Tomislav OROZ

13. Correspondence with the Venetian carnival. Although the description was mainly focused on
Maria Pia Pedani at the the skill with which the decapitation of the bull was accomplished, in
Department of Art History
in the University of Venice Origine delle Feste Veneziane, Giustina Renier Micheli describes a
reveals that, up to 2001, the moment when an acrobat with wings, representing an angel, glided
renewed custom was called down to the ship docked in the port and then climbed up to the great
Il volo della Colombina, bell-tower of St. Mark’s (Renier Micheli 1829:65).
and after that Il volo dell’
Angelo. It involves an ac- In recent times, Venice has restored this custom, now called Il Volo
robat dressed as a white dell’Angelo or Flight of Angels.13 The renewed custom overwhelmingly
angel with wings who glides resembles the event described in the Origine delle Feste Veneziane
down from the top of the which was practiced in Venice before the fall of the Republic. However,
bell tower of St Mark’s
Cathedral, lavishing the the question is how this flight of the angel might have had any connec-
crowd with confetti. tion with the gliding of the Poklada, or Turk.
14. The end of the 15th and The most recent research shows that Il volo dell’Angelo had its
beginning of the 16th centu- origin in the custom called Il volo del Turco. Archival sources show
ries, especially the period
that Venice was acquainted with these customs at the beginning of
from 1490 to 1520, was
also a period of Oriental the 16th century.14 Specifically, at the beginning of the 16th century,
fashions, manifested by a young Turkish acrobat did something never before seen in Venice:
increasing number of paint- with the ship docked at the port on the square, he climbed all the way
ings in private homes and
to the top of the cathedral bell-
churches in which Osmanlis
in costumes dominated tower of St. Mark’s. This act was
the scenes. Most pictures reportedly welcomed with enthu-
from this period were works siasm as something never before
from the Bellini workshops,
seen, and from then onwards it
by artists who painted
on the basis of imagery was performed each year dur-
and images acquired and ing the carnival and gained the
based on travel reports and name Il volo del Turco, or Flight of
statements. Sometimes
the Turk.15 Usually beginning on
they could depict fashions Figure 3. Anonymous: Il Volo del Turco Thursday before Lent, a crowd of
already several centuries
(The Flight of the Turk), 1816 (after the
old (Brownen 2003, 2005, residents, aristocrats, diplomats
2007, Schmidt Arcangeli
original engraving on paper of c.1548),
Venice (according to Carboni et al.
and the Doge himself gathered to
2008).
2007:317). watch the whole spectacle. First
15. Some authors believe the acrobat would climb up to the
that the first performance
was associated with Turkish bell-tower from the ship docked in the port then fly down to the Doge
prisoners who gave gifts and diplomats who would reward him flowers or a card with songs. The
to the Doge and gained Doge initially gave the flying Turk some money in exchange for a gift.
their freedom in return. Over time, the acrobatics were further elaborated: sometimes acrobats
The whole ceremony was
intended to symbolise would ascend in a boat or astride a horse. Frequent accidents led to
Venice’s superiority over the acrobat being replaced by a wooden dove which scattered flowers
the east Mediterranean. and confetti onto the crowd as it flew down.16
http://www.bauta.it/history- It is believed that these acrobatic skills became known in Venice
carnival-venice.asp

Black Arab
168
as a Figure of Memory
 The Turk on Lastovo – Social Memory Preserved in the Legend of a Catalan Attack on the Island

through the news of travel writers, diplomats and trade emissaries who 16. http://www.carnival-
had attended similar performances in Istanbul. Acrobats were appreci- ofvenice.com/documento.
asp?id=40.
ated in Istanbul where they would entertain imperial dignitaries. Over
time, good reports of Turkish acrobats came to Venice and the city
hired such performers during carnival time for considerable recom-
pense (Muir 1981:171). Figure 4 shows the performance of a Turkish
tumbler in a turban with assistants and an acrobat on the rope. That
such performances came to Venice from Istanbul is confirmed by re-
search into the festive processions organized by the sultan on various
occasions such as weddings, births or circumcisions of his sons and
successors, and their depictions include similar events (Atila 1993:181-
200, Foroqhi 2005:162 -- 185).
The Venetians’ attitudes and opinions about their trading partners
from the eastern Mediterranean are best reflected in picture 3. Venetian
acrobats, singers, musicians and jugglers were part of a group of pro-
fessions considered uncivilized and marginal (Kenan Keedar 1992, ac-
cording to Carboni et al.). The skilfulness of the Turkish acrobats’ was
not the sole reason for their being hired. By employing Turks to perform
acts in the air, the Venetians sought to give the impression of moral su-
periority over the Ottomans. The picture represents a Turkish acrobat
and his helpers wearing turbans, and his position halfway along the
rope places him near the place where offenders and criminals were
publicly disgraced in Venice (Johnson 2000, according to Carboni et
al.). Picture 4 depicts a similar scene in Istanbul where the position of
the viewers watching the acrobat and the wooden cart on the rope was
determined by
their positions
of power and
superiority. The
Sultan follows
the acrobat-
ics performed
on the Golden
Horn from his
Aynahkavak
palace, while
the foreigners of
European and
Asian origin fol-
low the perform-

169 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Tomislav OROZ

ance from boats on the water, thus reflecting the superiority of the
Ottomans (Atila 1993:190, 192).
The carnival ballad of the Green Orange from Lastovo as an oral
literary creation can be seen both as a social memory and as a con-
firmation of communication with some of the main centres of power in
the early modern period. The girl in the poem sent one orange to the
city of Dubrovnik, one to Venice, and one to Istanbul. From each city
she received a gift in return. Whether this ballad testifies to Lastovo’s
communication with the main centres of power and communication
feedback is questionable, but it raises interesting questions regarding
the origin of culjanje.

THE LASTOVO CARNIVAL: NARRATIVES AND DYNAMICS OF

CUSTOMS IN THE LIGHT OF CULTURAL AND CIVILISATIONAL
INFLUENCES

Dancing till late in the evening, a village full of masked locals and
visitors to the island, songs from nearby houses… these are common
images of the evening of Carnival Tuesday on Lastovo. After the burn-
ing of the Poldak and the delirious dance around the Turk, it was if
everything had returned to normal by the following morning. Everything
was as usual, and the village slowly began to depopulate. Guests
whom one had seen masked and drunk the night before could now be
seen dressed in everyday clothes in a queue for the ferry to Split, giv-
ing no hint as to what they had been doing the night before.
After my short period of field research, familiarizing myself with car-
nival customs on Lastovo and identifying the origin of culjanje, I could
not avoid certain new questions that were arising. How is it possible
that a social memory of enemies, dancing with swords, carnival masks
and sliding down the rope, are all somehow fused in a unique story
performed so stunningly to the eyes of the viewer? How did different
legends and different historical episodes find their reflection in the per-
formative expression of the pokladari company on Carnival Tuesday?
Memory of the Arab invaders and the danger that characterises
the island’s history has unquestionably left a mark on the toponymy
of the island, transforming it into a sort of map of historical memory on
which the names of certain peaks still warn of possible danger from
the sea. Thus, everyday life in Lastovo incorporates a historical sense
of place and space of which the residents are part. The specificity of

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 The Turk on Lastovo – Social Memory Preserved in the Legend of a Catalan Attack on the Island

carnival period on the island, culjanje, which arrived on the island from 17. Not identifying ethnicity
the mainland and was adopted in carnival licentiousness, seems to but reaching a conclusion
based on religious affiliation
testify to yet another cultural influence of the festival celebrations of the coincides simultaneously
city of St. Mark’s, whose journey appears not to have bypassed even with the practice known
the most remote inhabited island in Dalmatia. The people of Lastovo in 16th century Venice.
often refer to the carnival doll as the Turk—and as a stranger on the An increasing number
of traders of Turkish,
island who symbolized a past filled with danger, he was never spared. Bosnian, Albanian, Persian,
But he was also one of them, as they explained to me. I did not at first Anatolian and Asian de-
conceive his ambivalent position, though I listened again and again to scent, experienced an
my recorded interviews with my collocutors. However, putting it in the increase in the number of
attacks made upon them
context of a centuries-old performance, the doll really had become a by Venetians, and all were
part of Lastovo: he was the reason for their licentiousness at carni- known under the name
vals—almost a local resident who is made and dressed in the Turkish of Turks, where religious
manner each year (Jurica 2001:481). affiliation was more im-
portant than ethnicity in
The question also arises as to why the Catalan messenger is called determining positions and
Turčin (Turk) and why he is dressed in the Turkish manner. Why the fez attitudes towards foreign-
on his head and the šanjulet (cigar) in the mouth? This is also a ques- ers (transl. T.O.; Wilson
tion that I asked my narrators, but their answers were not quite clear. 2003:42). A time of great
geographical discovery,
They would reply to me that it was a dark stranger, a person of Muslim when large botanical and
faith, and that the term for such is ‘Turk’.17 Such stereotypes of Turkish zoological differences were
invaders, with cigarettes in their mouths, a moustache and a fez, etc., discovered between dif-
are all present in the body of the carnival doll. The imagery displayed in ferent parts of the world,
unexpected and surprising,
the preparation of his clothing, which has changed with time, is not only the contours of the human
connected to stereotypes and imagery associated with the Turks, but is body were been submitted
also a reflection of the understanding and cultural values of communi- to the same rule. Clothing
ties and their way of physically experiencing strangers and the threat played an important role in
determining the status of
to their values which strangers represent. Stepanov believes that the foreigners, especially those
use of the carnival song about Alija X on Lastovo is somehow associ- of Muslim faith because
ated with the puppet named Poklad that is dressed in a red fez and they articulated geographi-
represents the Turk. The Turk has had a stronger emotional meaning cal and therefore cultural,
ideological and religious
in history than the old symbolism of “Carnival”, so that the killing and differences and values that
burning of an obnoxious enemy had much stronger emotional motiva- become markers of cultural
tion (transl. T.O.; Stepanov 1971:658). diversity (transl. T.O.;Wilson
There are two other elements important for understanding the func- 2003:38). Dress diversity
often was not sufficient for
tioning of the space and time in which the carnival drama occurs. The determining the boundaries
language is dominated by toponyms that are directly related to the per- of civilization affiliation,
formance of the play. These are Pokladarova grža (Pokladar’s rock), so that stereotypes and
Pod Kostanju (under the chestnut tree), and Dolac (The place in front physical as well as personal
had an important role in
of the Church and village hall) and they are crucial to understanding affirming its own identity.
the itinerary involved in the execution of the puppet. The time at which Stereotypes circulated not

171 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Tomislav OROZ

only in language, where the action takes place on Carnival Tuesday is also related to the inter-
they were related to the vention of culture in time. On Carnival Tuesday the church bell rings at
characterization of customs
and practices of foreign- 11 o’clock as if it were noon. From then onwards, all the preparations
ers. It could often could for the carnival celebration of the day are intensified. By managing
be heard in stereotypes place and time, the Carnival celebrations take place in a space that is
and insults to someone, not identical to that which existed a few days earlier but significantly dif-
exulting that he drinks,
smokes and swears like a ferent, culturally conditioned by specific narratives which accompany
Turk. Parsimony, feminin- the trial of the Turk.
ity, corruption, obscenity, The fear that has determined attitudes toward any strangers is
delinquency, deadly instinct evident in ethnographies resulting from earlier field research. This is
and debauchery often were
the principal characteris- related to the role of the doctor who examines the convict, discover-
tics ascribed to Turks, not ing a lethal disease in the stranger from Africa and warning the other
excepting even the most residents that the illness is contagious (Bonifacic-Rozin 1962). The
powerful of their leaders (cf. elimination of a sick stranger is extremely important both for the sur-
Wilson 2003:50).
vival of the village and the cohesion of the community. The emblem
of Lastovo shows St. Cosmas and Damian with medical utensils and
needlework. The oldest decree of health activities on the island bears
witness to a prohibition placed upon the arrival on the island of anyone
from the suspected area (Jurica 2001:285); it helps to understand how
the fear of foreigners as potential carriers of disease into this small
community was extremely high in the past after the experiences of
plagues, epidemics, smallpox and leprosy. When it comes to culjanje,
Bonifacic-Rozin believes that this custom was introduced as a result
of the popular superstition against plague, since the public opinion of
old was that, where the Poklad was paraded and beaten, there was no
epidemic. (transl. T.O.; 1962:103). The narratives about strangers from
Africa, the pirates who, along with robbery and plunder, bring unknown
danger in the shape of disease which can threaten the existence of the
island and its inhabitants, may have found their expression in the act
of burning any foreigner as a possible danger.

CONCLUSION

My participation in the carnival celebration performance in February

2008 had the aim of exploring how social memories of the Catalan at-
tack on the island are manifested by the carnival drama in which the
Turk or Poklad plays the main role. Cultural intervention in space and
time in the village of Lastovo prepares the stage on which the trial of
the Poklad takes place, and ends with the burning of Poklad as the

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one to be blamed for all bad things and dangers that have happened
over the year. Legends of pirate attacks on the island found their offset
also in the liberté that serves as background for the performance of the
Carnival drama and the burning of the enemy with a black face, often
understood as Turčin (The Turk) or as Poklad (Carnival). The main
identification symbols of the doll’s ethnic and religious background are
his black moustaches, his red fez and black face. These kinds of stere-
otype show how the community identifies a stranger and perceives his
affiliation through imagery that builds on narratives of invaders of dif-
ferent religious backgrounds and is embodied in the appearance of the
carnival straw doll.
The custom of sliding the doll down the rope, or culjanje, charac-
teristic of Lastovo, came into existence under the influence of acrobats
from Istanbul who used to come and perform their plays in Venice and
who made this performance of sliding down the rope extremely popu-
lar. In Venice this custom was known as Il volo del Turco. The carnival
period on Lastovo and the dance of the pokladari, in whose perform-
ance the sword dance dominates, was confirmed in archival sources
dating as far back as the 16th century. The earliest record of the car-
nival doll appeared in the 18th century on Lastovo, but it is not quite
clear whether this doll represented the same Catalan messenger with
a black face as it does today. Il volo del Turco, the custom of culjanje
or sliding down the rope, established itself on Lastovo in the already
existing carnival celebration. The legitimacy of this performance is con-
firmed by many legends about pirates and Turkish threats, and we can
trace the justification of the burning of the Turk back to these legends.
Numerous legends, often non-chronologically mixed into one, have
created a fictive narrative in which we can see the community’s sub-
jective attitude towards the local past that serves as a background to
events on Lastovo in the carnival period. The layers that are evident
testify to different cultural influences and historical circumstances and
bear witness to the cultural dynamics of this carnival performance and
to a community which affirms its own identity against the outer world
through this performance.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This article is the result of research conducted on Lastovo in

February 2008. Without the help of a narrator who introduced me to

173 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Tomislav OROZ

events on the island during the carnival days, this article certainly would
not have taken its present shape. I am very grateful to all the people
of Lastovo for the assistance they provided me and for the time they
spent on our conversations during the busy carnival days. I am espe-
cially grateful to Neven Škrbić-Alempijević Ph.D., from the Department
of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, University of Zagreb, for all
help and suggestions regarding the initial version of work, as well as
to all constructive critics who have improved the quality of this article.
I thank the Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research in Zagreb, as
well as Ivan Lozica Ph.D., whose advice and experience in the study
of the carnival period on Lastovo were invaluable. I would especially
like to thank Professor Bronwen Wilson Ph.D., from the Department of
Art History, Visual Art and Theory, at the University of British Columbia,
for her patience and enthusiasm which contributed to the completion of
this research. Her support and affability were invaluable. Thanks also
to Professor Dr. Danny Slobodan Curcic from the Department of Art
and Archaeology, Princeton University. Suzana Gothardii Pavlovsky,
Maria Pia Pedani, from the Department of History at the University Ca
‘Foscari in Venice, Maurizio Vittorio from the library Marciana, Wanda
O’Shello from New Orleans Museum of Art and Edward Muir from the
Department of History, Northwestern University, who helped me with
their cooperativeness and answers to a set of earlier unresolved is-
sues. I am very grateful to contacts provided for me in the course of
this research by Lovorka Čoralić, Ph.D. from the Institute for History in
Zagreb.

REFERENCES:

AGOSTON-NIKOLOVA, A. 1989. The Notion of Time in South Slavic

Oral Poetry. Narodna umjetnost, 26: 21-24.
ATIL, Esin. 1993. The Story of an Eighteenth-Century Ottoman Festival.
Muqarnas, 10: 181-200. via Archnet.org
BOGIŠIĆ, Valtazar (Baldo). 1953. Narodne pripovjetke i dr. Iz
Bogišićeve biblioteke u Cavtatu [Folk-tales from Bogišić’s Library
in Cavtat]. Zagreb: Manuscript 189 in the Institute of Ethnology and
Folklore Research.
BONIFAČIĆ ROŽIN, Nikola. 1960. Lastovski poklad god. 1960 [The
Lastovo Island Carnival in 1960]. Zagreb: Manuscript 340 in the
Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research.
BONIFAČIĆ ROŽIN, Nikola. 1963. Narodne drame, poslovice i

Black Arab
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as a Figure of Memory
 The Turk on Lastovo – Social Memory Preserved in the Legend of a Catalan Attack on the Island

zagonetke [Folk dramas, proverbs and riddles]. Pet stoljeća

hrvatske književnosti, Vol. 27. Zagreb: Matica hrvatska – Zora.
BOŠKOVIĆ-STULLI, Maja. 1953. Narodne pjesme, priče, predaje
i drugo sa Šipana i Lastova [Folk Songs, Tales, Legends and Other
Genres from the Island of Šipan and Lastovo]. Zagreb: Manuscript
115 in the Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research.
CONNERTON, Paul. 2004. Kako se društva sjećaju [How Societies
Remember]. Antibarbarus (Biblioteka Electa), Zagreb.
FISKOVIĆ, Cvito. 2001. Lastovski spomenici. U spomen na lastovsku
bitku 1000. godine [Lastovo monuments. In Memory of the Battle of
Lastovo of 1000. ]. Laus, Split.
FOROQHI, Suraiya. 2005. Ceremonies Festivals and the Decorative
Arts. U: Subjects of the Sultan: Culture and Daily Life in the Ottoman
Empire. I.B.Tauris, 162-185. HALBWACHS, Maurice. 1992. On
Collective Memory, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago i
London.
IVANČAN, Ivan. 1960. Folklor Lastova i Mljeta 1959. god. [Folklore
from the Island of Lastovo and Mljet in 1959]. Zagreb: Manuscript
115 in the Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research.
IVANČAN, Ivan. 1972. Plesni običaji otoka Lastova [Dance Customs
from the Island of Lastovo]. Zagreb: Manuscript 839 in the Institute
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JURICA, Antun. 2001. Lastovo kroz stoljeća [Lastovo throughout
centuries]. Matica hrvatska Lastovo, Lastovo. KATIČIĆ, Radoslav.
1997. O podrijetlu Hrvata [On Croatian origin]. U: SUPIČIĆ, Ivan et
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stoljeće), AGM, Zagreb, 149-167.
KOMBOL, Mihovil. 1945. Povijest hrvatske književnosti: do narodnog
preporoda [History of Croatian Literature: up to the National
Revival]. Matica hrvatska, Zagreb.
LOZICA, Ivan. 1984. “Lastovski Poklad 1981” [The Lastovo Island
Carnival in 1981]. In Folklorni teatar u balkanskim i podunavskim
zemljama [Folklore Theater in the Balkans and in the Danubian
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Beograd: Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti – Balkanološki
institut, 159-170.
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karnevali [Croatian Carnivals]. Golden marketing, Zagreb, 171-
181.
MILIČEVIĆ, Josip. 1965. Etnološka građa otoka Lastova [The

175 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Tomislav OROZ

Ethnographic Material from the Island of Lastovo]. Zagreb:

Manuscript 959 in the Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research.
NIEMČIĆ, Iva. Tragom nevidljive plesačice [Following a Trail of an
Invisible Dancer]. Narodna umjetnost 39/2, 77-91.
NORA, Pierre. 1996. Realms of Memory. The Construction of the
French Past. Columbia University Press, New York i Chichester.
NOVAK, Slobodan P. i Josip LISAC. 1984. Peraške poklade [The Perast
Carnival]. U: Hrvatska drama do narodnog preporoda [The Croatian
Drama Before the National Revival], Vol. 2, Logos Split, 221-224.
PERIĆ-POLONIJO, Tanja. 1989. Historical Subject Matter in Oral
Poetry. Narodna umjetnost, 26: 91-97.
RENIER MICHELI, Giustina. 1829. Festa del Giovedí Grasso.
U: Origine delle feste veneziane, vol. II, Presso gli editori degli
annali universali delle scienze e dell’ industria, Milano, 44-65. via
http://www.ib.uchicago.edu/efts/IWW/
STEPANOV, Stjepan. 1971. Lastovska pokladna balada o Aliji Desetom
[The Carnival Balad from Lastovo about Alija X]. Zbornik za
narodni život i običaje južnih Slavena 45. Zagreb: Jugoslavenska
akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, 651-661.
ŠIMUNOVIĆ, Petar. 1970. Onomastička istraživanja otoka Lastova
[Onomastic research of Lastovo island]. Filologija 6, JAZU.
WILSON, Bronwen. 2003. Reflecting on the Turk in the late sixteenth-
century Venetian portrait books. Word & Image, Vol. 19, 38-58.
WILSON, Bronwen. 2005. The world in Venice: Prints, the City and
Early Modern Identity. University of Toronto press. Toronto, Canada.
WILSON, Bronwen. 2007. Foggie diverse di vestirew de Turchi: Turkish
Costume Illustration and Cultural Translation. Journal of Medieval
and Early Modern Studies 37:1, 97-139.

Black Arab
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as a Figure of Memory
 The Turk on Lastovo – Social Memory Preserved in the Legend of a Catalan Attack on the Island

Tomislav OROZ
(Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, University of Zadar, Croatia)

The Turk on Lastovo – Social Memory Preserved in

the Legend of the Catalan Attack on the Island

This article analyzes the social memory of a Catalan siege of the

island of Lastovo in the 15th century and the performative aspects of
events during carnival week in which the story of the attack serves
as the background to a carnival drama performed by a group of men
called pokladari. Manifestations of social memories through commem-
orations which the author attended during field research, analysis of
results and subsequent inspection of the literature reveal different lay-
ers to this custom that have been shaped by the various cultural and
civilization influences that Lastovo has been exposed to during its his-
tory. The author gives special attention to the role and character of the
black Turk as a place of social memory and examines the community’s
attitude towards the Turk along with the imagery that the local commu-
nity attaches to his appearance.

177 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Volume No. 3

Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory

Part IV
Epical
contextualization
 The Black Arab of South-Slavic epic songs: merely a power-crazed and compulsive lecher?

Key words:
Gabriella SCHUBERT (Jena) • Belobog
• epic Black Arab
• Bolen Dojčin
• Crnobog
The Black Arab of South-Slavic epic songs: merely • fairy-tale of dragon-
a power-crazed and compulsive lecher? slaughter
• historicity of the
INTRODUCTION Black Arab epic
• Karađorđe
One of the most frequently represented figures in the heroic songs
of the South Slavs, in particular those of Serbians, Montenegrins, • Marko Kraljević
Macedonians and Bulgarians, is the Black Arab.1 He is an antihero, • ‘Marko Kraljević i
the evil Muslim opponent of a Christian hero—primarily of the ideal Arapin’
hero Marko Kraljević, but also of the sick yet honourable Dojčin (Bolen
• Old Testament
Dojčin). The Black Arab is a violent criminal located in the Wrong
and thus on the same plane with the brigand Musa Kesedžija or the • qara
mountain-dweller Đemo Brđanin. With his behaviour and actions he • semantics of ‘black’
constantly violates the order in the Sultan’s Empire and provokes he- (crn, čeren)
roes like Marko Kraljević to restore law and order. However, his most
prominent marker is that he is a distinct sexual monster and rapist. • St. George and the
He requires a pretty girl every night and even presumes to appear Dragon
before the Sultan demanding that he bestow upon him his daughter in 1. As, for instance, in
marriage. Is the Black Arab merely a power-crazed, compulsive lech- the heroic songs Marko
Kraljević i Arapin – Vuk
er? This question should be investigated more closely on the basis of II, 65; Marko Kraljević i
the best-known song on this motif, once chanted by the heroic singer Mina od Kostura – Vuk II,
Tešan Podrugović (1783-1815), ‘Marko Kraljević and the Arab’ (Marko 62, Marko Kraljević i kći
Kraljević i Arapin), which is published in the second volume of the col- kralja arapskoga – Vuk II,
63; Marko Kraljević ukida
lection of Serbian songs by Vuk Karadžić under No. 65. There are sev- svadbarinu – Vuk II, 68,
eral Bulgarian and Macedonian variants of this song in which a pretty Bolani Dojčin – Vuk II, 77;
girl on the verge of falling into the hands of the Black Arab implores the Jakšićima dvori poharani –
hero (Dete Maleškovo, Gruica detence) for help. Vuk II, 96. Cf. Vuk Karadžić
1932.

181 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Gabriella SCHUBERT

WHY IS THE ARAB ‘BLACK’?

2. This concept is based The epithet ‘black’ (crn, čeren) is an inherent part of his name. In
on a reconstruction from a scientific literature, the colour ‘black’ is generally described as a symbol
West-Slavic source, namely
Helmhold’s Chronicle of the of Evil and the Black Arab is always associated with this context (Tolstoj
Slavs, which was written in and Radenković 2001, 573; Kulišić/Petrović/Pantelić 1970, 7). In addi-
the 12th century and where- tion, Čajkanović and others consider the Black Arab, like the numinous
in the author mentions guises of Triglav and the Dragon, to be a successor to Crnobog, the
Crnobog in connection with
a rite during which charms Slavic chthonic divinity of the underworld and darkness—his antipode
were invoked in the name being Belobog, the Slavic divinity of light and heaven, whose Christian
of the good and bad fates, successors include St. Elias and St. George (op. cit., Tolstoj 1994, 22
the latter being Crnobog. et seq., Ivanov and Toporov 1974). Regardless of whether we are in-
Crnobog, ‘the black divin-
ity’, originally represented clined to follow the idea of a dualistic Slavic divinity as predecessor or
bad fate and only later be- not,2 a dualistic concept of the world in the form of the coexistence of
came the name of a divinity. good and bad, light and shade, bright and darkness, as well as a du-
Cf. Alexander Loma’s arti- alistic interpretation of white and black, is known throughout the world3
cle under Crnobog in Tolstoj
and Radenković 2001, 573 as it is amongst Slavs. This dualistic concept is quite certainly also
et seq. present in the characterisation of the Black Arab. However, in inter-
pretations of the colour black it is rarely mentioned that, in addition to
3. We can find it in many
popular cosmogonies from its negative meanings (cf. Ajdačić 2007), it also evokes a wide palette
all over the world, i.e. myth- of other connotations which range from sad, awful and despicable to
ic interpretations of the ori- elegant and auspicious, even divinely-inspired (Haarmann 2005, 71).
gin of the world. According In eastern cultures, in particular, positive connotations of the colour
to Zolotarjov (1980, 29-58),
the twin myth is character- black are well-known: amongst the Turks, for instance, on account of
istic of all archaic mytholo- the frightening, menacing quality of the colour black (qara), some posi-
gies: of the Finno-Ugrian tive meanings have developed such as ‘great’, ‘strong’, ‘potent’ and
people in the Ural area and ‘powerful’, especially as epithets for people with such qualities. This is
in West-Siberia, for exam-
ple, where two brothers are how the Turkish dynasty of the Qarahanids that ruled in East and West-
the creators of the world, Turkestan from 840 to 1212 came to be awarded this name, as was the
one of whom represents the case, too, with the Serbian farmer’s son, Đorđe Petrović, who led the
sky, light and skill, while the First Serbian Uprising in 1804 that led to the eventual expulsion of the
other represents the earth,
darkness and bad luck. Ottomans. Because of his military strength and potency, he was called
Dualistic cosmogonies are Karađorđe (literally Black George) and from his name was derived
also characteristic of the the name of the Serbian dynasty of the Karađorđevići (1812–1941)
mythologies of the Balkan (Schubert 1989, 347).
people— the Russian
expert on the Balkans, In the same way, the colour black in relation to the Arab in the epic
Tatjana Civ’jan, is even of songs of the South Slavs symbolises contradictory qualities: on the
the opinion that they are of one hand, the Black Arab represents Evil; on the other, power and po-
fundamental importance for tency—both physical and sexual, however destructive and disastrous
this region; cf. Civ’jan 1990,
in particular, p. 25 et seq. such potency may be. Sentiments of both rejection and respect are

Black Arab
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as a Figure of Memory
 The Black Arab of South-Slavic epic songs: merely a power-crazed and compulsive lecher?

activated by him. He is a fearless fighter of great strength and effec-

tiveness with whom only unusual heroes like Marko Kraljević or Bolan
(Bolen) Dojčin can cope.

THE HISTORICITY OF THE BLACK ARAB

What has made the figure of the Arab familiar in songs? Real his-
torical origins cannot be found for his presence in the Ottoman-ruled
Balkans. For while Serbians from the time of the Nemanjići (1167–
1355) dynasty to the First Serbian Uprising against the Ottomans
(1804) were constantly involved in conflicts and clashes with Ottomans,
Hungarians, Greeks, Venetians and others, they had no contact with
Arabs. Why is it an Arab that plays the role of a great—even if nega-
tive—hero in South Slavic heroic songs of Ottoman times? He is a
Muslim like the Ottomans; however, it is not this fact which qualifies
him to appear as an antihero, for he is regarded a malefactor and mon-
ster in his Muslim environment as well. In the song Marko Kraljević i
Arapin, the Sultan’s daughter feels threatened by him and asks the
Christian hero Marko Kraljević for help. What is the historicity of this
figure?
In the opinion of Deretić (1995, 175), in the epics in which the Black
Arab appears, the songs of the Marko cycle may have been conflated
with medieval songs in which the Arab topic was vivid on account of
historical circumstances, i.e. the battles between the Byzantines and
the Arabs. In favour of this opinion, there exist early variants of this
song from Montenegro (cf. Milutinović 1837, 137) and Bulgaria (cf.
Kačanovskij 1882, 124) in which, instead of the Turkish Sultan, the
Byzantine Emperor Constantine and the city of Constantinople are
mentioned. Rade Božović (1988, 77 et seq.), with regard to the figure
of the epic Black Arab, assumes a development from a real and histori-
cal person to a mythical hero, a mixture of mythical and real motifs.
He is also of the opinion that the figure of the Arab in the songs of the
South Slavs represents an echo of the earliest times of the South-
Slavic presence on the Balkans in which the South Slavs came into
contact with the Arab world—in the west, around the Mediterranean
and in Spain, as well as in the east. In the east, the South Slavs made
direct contacts with Arabs within the Byzantine Empire in the 7th centu-
ry. When a Byzantine army penetrated Asia Minor in 665, some 5,000
Byzantine soldiers of Slavic origin went over to the Arab military leader

183 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Gabriella SCHUBERT

Abdurrahman and were settled in Syria, where they were still mentioned
in the 10th century. In 692, Emperor Justinian II (685-95, 705-11) with
30,000 Slavic soldiers declared war against the Arabs and marched to
Asia Minor. Many of them were also settled in Asia Minor. At the be-
ginning of the third decade of the 9th century, Toma Sloven, supported
by Caliph Mamun, proclaimed himself king in Syrian Antioch. Slavic-
Arab contacts continued in the 10th century (Enciklopedija Jugoslavije
I, 1955, 149).
On the other hand, the Arabs repeatedly besieged and looted
Salonika during the 7th, 8th and 10th centuries. The memory of those
sieges is preserved in the song Bolani Dojčin (Vuk II, 78). This song
relates the story of how the Black Arab sets up camp near Salonika
and nobody except the ill hero Dojčin dares to take up combat with
him (Deretić 1995, 180). Jordanov (1901) supposes that the Arab in
the epic is related to the marriage between the Turkish bey Orhan and
Theodora, the daughter of Emperor John VI Cantacuzenos in 1353.
However that may be, the figure of the Arab in epics which tell of the
Balkans under Ottoman rule is an ‘out-of-time’ hero. Admittedly, we
should not forget that the figure of epic Marko is also a conflation of
traditions from different times (Božović 1977, 198).

MYTHICAL AND LEGENDARY ROOTS OF THE FIGURE OF THE

BLACK ARAB

Different traditions and narratives, including the motifs of fairy tales

and legends, converge in the fictional character of the Black Arab.
Ljiljana Stošić (2008) shows the international spread of the Arab-motif
in literature and art, while Nada Milošević-Đorđević examines the in-
terference of songs about the Arab with fairy tale and legendary motifs
(Milošević-Đorđević 1971, 142-151). The plot of the song, described in
more detail below, confirms this view.
Nevertheless, the actual roots of the song lie in the myth about the
fight with the dragon and its Christian actualisation, the legend of St.
George (cf. also Novaković 1880). It is well known that ancient images
of the dragon and the dragon-fight merged with Christian and biblical
notions (Bächtold-Stäubli 200, 367 et seq.). In this case, the legendary
ruler and his daughter are substituted by the Turkish Sultan and his
daughter, the valiant rescuer St. George by Marko Kraljević, and the
Dragon by the demoniacal Arab by the sea. Of course, the presence of

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as a Figure of Memory
 The Black Arab of South-Slavic epic songs: merely a power-crazed and compulsive lecher?

fairy tales about the dragon-slayer should also not be neglected. Those
tales are summarised in AaTH under Nos. 300, 303, 305 (The types
of folktale 1973, 88 et seq.). Their basic motifs are as follows: a prin-
cess is demanded as a sacrifice and exposed to a dragon; the dragon
breathes fire and has seven heads which magically return when cut
off; while waiting for the Dragon, the hero is kissed by the princess
and falls into a magic sleep; she awakens him; in the fight, the hero is
assisted by his dogs or his horse; the hero cuts off the tongues of the
Dragon and keeps them as proof of the rescue; an impostor cuts off
the Dragon’s heads, which he later seeks to use as proof; the hero in-
tercepts the impostor on his wedding day, when he secures recognition
by presenting the Dragon’s tongues and thus marries the princess.
The last motif, i.e. the marriage, is missing in the epic of Marko Kraljević
and the Arab just as it is missing in the Legend of St. George. Let us
look as the plot of the epos in detail:

NARRATIVE OF THE EPOS ‘MARKO KRALJEVIĆ I ARAPIN’

In this relatively long epos of 435 verses, the following narrative seg-
ments can be distinguished:

I. Loneliness and the demand of the Black Arab

The Black Arab builds a fortress on the Mediterranean Sea. He is lone-
some and asks the Sultan in writing to bestow upon him his daughter in
marriage. If he should prove unwilling to accept this, the Sultan must fight
him.

II Defensive attempt of the Sultan

The Sultan tries first to rid himself of the menacing danger. He promises
an ample reward to any hero who will kill the Black Arab. However, nobody
is able to do this; all fighters are killed by the Black Arab. ‘The Sultan is in
great distress’ (Nuto caru velike nevolje!)

III. The Arab substantiates his demand

The Black Arab travels to Istanbul to realise his plan. In front of the gates
of Istanbul he sets up his white tent. He demands luxuriant catering and
a nice girl for every night ‘in order to serve him red wine’ (Te mu služi
crveniku vino). ‘By night he kisses her white face, / By day he goes to Italy
/ and gathers great wealth’ (A noći joj b’jelo lice ljubi, / Dnevi daje u zemlju
Taliju, / Te uzima nebrojeno blago).

IV The Arab sets a deadline for his wedding ceremony

185 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Gabriella SCHUBERT

Three months later, the Arab goes in person to the Sultan and stipulates
a time-limit of fifteen days before the wedding ceremony within which time
he intends to gather the wedding party.

V. The Sultan’s daughter in despair

The Sultan’s daughter is in a desperate state: ‘Oh dear, Good Gracious! /
For whom have I taken care of my face? / For the kisses of the Black Arab!’
(Jaoh, mene do boga miloga! Za koga sam lice odgajila! / Da ga ljubi crni
Arapine!).

VI. A solution is proposed to the Sultana in her dreams

In her dreams, the Sultana is told of a rescuer from Prilep, Marko Kraljević.
A dream advises her to send a message to Marko offering a reward to
save her daughter from the Arab.

VII. Triple appeal to Marko for help

The Sultan asks Marko for help and promises a reward, but Marko de-
clines. The Sultana asks Marko for help and promises an even greater
reward, but Marko declines once more. Now the Sultan’s daughter asks
Marko to help her, making a blood-pact and promising him an even higher
reward, valuables as well as lifelong protection.

VIII. Marko accedes to the request

Marko feels obliged to help his blood-sister: ‘It is bad to go, but even worse
not to.’ (Zlo je poći, a gore ne poći). His motivation to help does not spring
from reverence towards the Sultan and Sultana but from veneration of
God and St. John.

IX. Marko prepares for the fight and proceeds to Istanbul

Marko puts on his usual outfit: a bearskin vest and a bearskin cap, a sabre
and a lance. On the right side of his piebald horse, Šarac, there is a wine
gourd, on the left a spiked mace. Marko rides to Istanbul where he finds
accommodation at the New Inn (Novi Han).

X. Marko and the Sultan’s daughter on the lake

Marko leads his horse to water at a nearby lake. Here he comes across
the Sultan’s daughter, who has come to the lake to drown herself. Marko
addresses her and she tells him of her sorrow. Marko reveals himself as
Marko Kraljević from Prilep and promises to help her. He puts forward the
following plan: to welcome the Arab to Istanbul with high honour and, for
the sake of appearance, supply to him the daughter of the Sultan as his
bride. Then he, Marko, will lead the fight with the Arab and release her.

Black Arab
186
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 The Black Arab of South-Slavic epic songs: merely a power-crazed and compulsive lecher?

XI. Implementation of the plan and fight

The Black Arab and his wedding party approach the city of Istanbul. The
gates of Istanbul are closed everywhere; only the gates of the New Inn
(Novi Han) are open. Marko is sitting at the inn and drinking red wine.
The Arab is refused entry to the inn. He makes his way to the city. Marko
Kraljević mounts his horse and follows him. He kills first the godfather and
the leader of the Arab’s party and then fights a duel with the Arab himself.
When the Arab realizes that he is not able to defeat Marko, he flees to
Istanbul. Marko follows him and kills him, finally cutting the Arab’s head off.

XII. Return home and reward

Marko delivers the Sultan’s daughter, together with her dowry, to the
Sultan’s Court. He returns home to Prilep. The Sultan sends him his re-
ward and promises to send additional rewards when required.

Bearing in mind this plot line and the set of abstract functions specified
by Vladimir Propp for magic fairy tales (Propp 1972), we could without
difficulty apply a whole sequence of them, more precisely the following
abstract functions, to our epic song:

A. Initial situation: deficiency (the Arab’s demand);

B. triple request to the hero for help;
C. the hero leaves his home;
D. the hero is brought to the residence of the person who has sent the
request;
E. the hero and his opponent fight a duel;
F. the opponent is defeated;
G. the deficiency is corrected; the hero returns home.

The dream vision of the Sultana in which a helper appears and

informs her of the great fighter Marko Kraljević at Prilep, together with
the triple request to Marko just at the fateful moment for the Sultan’s
daughter on the shore of the lake, very much resemble the style in
which fairy tales are related. The same is true of the scene in which she
addresses the lake. She does this in the same way in which the pro-
tagonists of fairy tales speak to trees, animals, plants and other natural
phenomena: ‘God’s help, green lake! / God’s help, O my everlasting
house! / I will live with you for ever, / I will be married to you, lake, / I
would rather love you than the Arab.’ (Božja pomoć, zeleno jezero! /
Božja pomoć, moja kućo vječna! / U tebe ću vijek vjekovati, / Udaću se
za tebe, jezero, / Volim za te, nego za Arapa)’.

187 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Gabriella SCHUBERT

On the other hand, Marko does not gain the Sultan’s daughter as a re-
ward for his heroic action as is the case in fairy tales about the Dragon-
Slayer. In this respect and others, the epic follows rather the legend of
St. George.

NARRATIVE OF THE LEGEND OF ST. GEORGE

By comparison, then, let us look at the plot of the legend of St.

George:

The basic idea of this very popular legend is the Christianisation of the
pagan virgin, the conversion of the whole country to Christianity, and
the overcoming of Evil. As the agent of this main motif, St. George is
the virgin’s liberator and the Dragon-slayer. The oldest version of the
legend reads as follows (compare also Aufhauser 1911, 28 et seq.,
Schubert 1985):
In the city of Alogia, a king called Selbilos is the ruler. He is an idolater
and enemy of Christendom. Near the town there is a marsh, and in this
marsh a dreadful Dragon lives. Every day he comes out of the marsh to
rob and devastate people and animals. The king summons all his soldiers
and moves against the Dragon to kill him. However, he is not able to defeat
the monster. He thus decrees that everybody must sacrifice a child to the
Dragon; he himself will do the same and sacrifice his only daughter when
it comes to his turn. Soon, all the children of the town have been sacrificed
to the Dragon and now it is the turn of the king’s daughter to be sacrificed.
She is already on the edge of the marsh waiting for her sacrificial death
when St. George of Cappadocia, returning home from a military mission,
passes by and catches sight of the king’s daughter. She tells him of her
sad fate. George asks her to trust in God and Christ; he, George, will save
her. The Dragon emerges from the marsh and approaches the virgin; St.
George goes towards the Dragon, crosses himself and asks God for help.
The Dragon immediately falls to the ground. He is tied up with a belt,
brought into the town and killed there by St. George with his lance in front
4. An epic variant of this of the king and all inhabitants. Witnessing the miracle, they avow them-
legend is also to be found
selves Christians. Archbishop Alexander baptises the king, his councillors
among Vuk’s heroic songs,
in the Fifth volume, un-
and all the residents of the town within fifteen days.4
der No. 249 titled Đorđije All analogous legends in Russian, Serbian, Bulgarian and Rumanian
i đevojka kraljeva (St. are reproductions of Greek sources and appear relatively late—in the
George and the King’s 11th and 12th centuries. The root of this legend might lie in the sto-
daughter). The plot of this
song is identical with the
ry about the fight of St. Michael against the Dragon in the Book of
legend of St. George. Revelation, but possibly also in other myths.

Black Arab
188
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 The Black Arab of South-Slavic epic songs: merely a power-crazed and compulsive lecher?

MARKO – A FIGHTER FOR GOOD

Analogies between the heroic song of Marko Kraljević i Arapin and

the legend of St. George are also evident: we find them in narrative
details such as the time-span of fifteen days which is stipulated by
the Arab and which is also mentioned in the legend of St. George.
Moreover, the scene on the lake in which Marko asks the young wom-
an to trust in God and Christ is very similar to the scene in which St.
George addresses the virgin on the edge of the marsh .
In this context it should be noted, once again, that Marko does not
fight the Dragon in order to marry the Sultan’s daughter as would be
the case in a fairy tale. When Božović points out that Marko actually
should have married the Sultan’s daughter instead of the Arab and that
the motif of the suitor as dragon-slayer was already fading away at the
time of Vuk Karadžić (Božović 1988, 81), he neglects the motivation of
St. George in his fight against the Dragon. The heroism of St. George
has nothing to do with earthly and material desires but with the desire
to fight against Evil. His fight is an internal process by which, overcom-
ing all temptations of demonical powers and earthly desire, he grows
beyond the natural borders of this world.
Marko Kraljević is shaped in a very similar way. At the beginning
of the narrative, he does not play any role. Only when all the heroes
have been defeated by the Black Arab and he has been directly re-
quested by the daughter of the Sultan—obliging him by the sealing
of a blood pact—does he decide to help her ‘in the name of God and
St. John’. Being a Christian knight and an ideal heroic representative
of the Balkan patriarchy, artificial kinship with the Sultan’s daughter
represents a sanctuary to him. Marriage with an artificial sister is totally
out of the question. Heroism to Marko does not mean acquiring the
Sultan’s daughter or earthly goods; it means fighting for Good against
Bad in this world, i.e. the violation and degradation of the Sultan’s
daughter by the Black Arab. His fight also bears a Christian meaning,
even if the conversion of the Moslem girl is not an issue in this text.
The Black Arab, on the other hand, is a substitution of the Dragon.
He represents the principles of earthly power and sexual desire. His
unusual physical strength breeds fear. In his avarice and lascivious-
ness he is not content to own pretty girls of ordinary origin; he wants to
possess the most distinguished amongst them, the Sultan’s daughter.
One question remains: what is the motivation of her sacrificial role?
Božović in a note referring to S. Matović (1972) draws attention to the

189 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Gabriella SCHUBERT

assumption that the frequent sacrifice of girls in Serbian lyrical and

epic songs is connected with the custom of sacrificing female children
in reality (Rade Božović 1988, 79). Other aspects should also probably
be taken into consideration in this connection, as for example the pic-
ture which is drawn in the Old Testament of the seduction of Eve (Book
of Moses 3, 1-7) Enticing, tempting, corrupting, an agent of all that is
false and erroneous, the snake seduces Eve with a promise of special
knowledge that will make her smarter, better, and more prosperous.
The snake knows that if it can only get Eve to accept a power and
presence apart from God—evil, falsehood, darkness, and matter—
then she will be willing to eat the forbidden fruit. Not unimportant in this
connection is that in Christian interpretation the Dragon is equated with
the snake and also with the Devil. The Dragon as well as the Devil or
snake represents masculine power, strength and violence, Eve/the vir-
gin weakness. On account of this, she is automatically pushed into the
role of a victim. However, a closer answer to the question must remain
open.

LITERATURE

Ajdačić, Dejan: Boje u narodnoj poeziji. Beograd 2007,

http://www.rastko.org.yu/rastko/delo/10040,
Aufhauser, J. B.: Das Drachenwunder des Heiligen Georg in der
griechischen und lateinischen Überlieferung (Byzantinisches Archiv,
begründet von K. Krumbacher als Ergänzung der Byzantinischen
Zeitschrift, hg. v. A. Heisenberg, H. 5). Leipzig 1911, 28et seq.
Bächtold-Stäubli, Hanns (ed., assisted by Eduard Hoffmann-Krayer):
Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens. 3. unveränderte
Auflage, Berlin/New York 2000, 367 et seq.
Božović, Rade: Arapi u usmenoj narodnoj pesmi na srpskohrvatskom
jezičnom području. Beograd 1977, 198.
Božović, Rade: Sinkretizam/asimilacija motive i funkcija u pesmi
„Marko Kraljević i Arapin’. In: Vuk Karadžić i njegovo delo u svome
vremenu i danas. XVII. Međunarodni naučni sastanak slavista u
Vukovo dane. Beograd 1988, 77-83, hier insbesondere 77 et seq.
Civ’jan, Tatjana: Lingvističeskie osnovy balkanskoj modeli mira.
Moskva 1990, hier insbesondere 25 et seq.
Deretić, Jovan: Zagonetka Marka Kraljevića o prirodi istoričnosti u
srpskoj narodnoj epici. Beograd 1995.

Black Arab
190
as a Figure of Memory
 The Black Arab of South-Slavic epic songs: merely a power-crazed and compulsive lecher?

Encyklopedija Jugoslavije, T. 1, A-Bosk, I. izdanje, Zagreb 1955, 149.

Haarmann, Harald: Schwarz. Eine kleine Kulturgeschichte. Frankfurt
am Main 2005.
Ivanov, V. V. and Toporov, V. N.: Issledovanija v oblasti slavjanskich
drevnostej. Leksičeskie i frazeologičeskie voprosy rekonstrukcii
tekstov. Moskva 1974.
Jordanov, V.: Krali-Marko v bălgarskata narodna epika. Sofija 1901
(Sbornik na Bălgarskoto Knižovno družestvo v Sofija I).
Kačanovskij, V.: Pamjatniki bolgarskogo narodnogo tvorčestva. Sbornik
zapadno-bolgarskich pesen I. St. Petersburg 1882.
Karadžić, Vuk S.: Srpske narodne pjesme. Knjiga druga u kojoj su
pjesme junačke najstarije. Beograd 1932.
Kulišić, Š., Petrović, P. Ž. Pantelić, N.: Srpski mitološki rečnik. Beograd
1970.
Milošević-Đorđević, Nada: Zajednička tematsko-sižejna osnova
srpskohrvatskih neistorijskih epskih pesama i prozne tradicije.
Beograd 1971.
Milutinović, Sima: Pjevanija Cernogorska i Hercegovačka I, Leipzig
1837, 137.
Propp, Vladimir: Morphologie des Märchens. München 1972.
Novaković, Stojan: Legenda o sv. Gjurgju u staroj srpsko-slovenskoj i u
narodnoj umsenoj literaturi. In: Starine XII (1880), 129-163.
Schubert, Gabriella: Der Heilige Georg und der Georgstag auf dem
Balkan. In: Zeitschrift für Balkanologie Bd. XXI/1 (1985), 80-105.
Schubert, Gabriella: Farbsymbolik auf dem Balkan (bei Türken und
Südslawen). In: Religious and lay symbolism in the altaic world
and other papers. Ed. by Klaus Sagaster in collaboration with
Helmut Eimer. Wiesbaden 1989, 341-360.
The types of folktale. A classification and bibliography. Antti Aarne’s
Verzeichnis der Märchentypen (FF Communications No. 3),
Translated and Enlarged by Stith Thomposon. Second Revision.
Helsinki 1973, 88 et seq.
Tolstoj, Svetlana M. and Radenković, Ljubinko (ed.): Slovenska
mitologija. Enciklopedijski rečnik. Beograd 2001.
Tolstoj, N. I.: Južnoslavjanskaja crna zemlja, černa zemja i beli bog, bel
bog v simvoliko-mifologičeskoj perspektive. Vremja v prostranstve
Balkan. Svidetel’stva jazyka. Moskva 1994, 22-23.
Zolotarjov, A. M.: Társadalomszervezet és dualisztikus teremtésmí-
toszok Szibériában. In: Hoppál, M. (ed.:): A tejút fiai. Tanulmányok
a finnugor népek hitvilágáról. Budapest 1980, 29-58.

191 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Gabriella SCHUBERT

Gabriella SCHUBERT
(Institute for Slavonic Studies at the University of Friedrich Schiller, Jena,
Germany)

The Black Arab in South-Slavic epic songs: merely a power-cra-

zed compulsive lecher?
The Black Arab is a figure frequently represented in the heroic songs
of the South Slavs. He is an antihero, an evil Muslim opponent of the
Christian hero, primarily of the ideal hero Marko Kraljević, and also of
the ill but honourable Dojčin (Bolen Dojčin, Bolan Dojčin). His most
prominent marker is that he is a sexual monster and rapist. He requires
a pretty girl for every night and even presumes to appear before the
Sultan demanding that he bestow his daughter in marriage to him. Is
the Black Arab only a power-crazed compulsive lecher? This question
is investigated more closely on the basis of the heroic song ‘Marko
Kraljević and the Arab’ (Marko Kraljević i Arapin), which is published in
the second volume of the collection of Serbian songs by Vuk Karadžić
under No. 65. A comparative analysis shows the historical, mythical
and legendary roots of the figure of the Black Arab and of the epic song
dealing with Marko Kraljević and the Black Arab. In some respects it
follows the fairy-tale of the Dragon-Slayer, in others the legend of St.
George. The Black Arab is a substitution for the Dragon. He rep re-
sents the principles of earthly power and sexual desire. His unusual
physical strength breeds fear. Marko Kraljević, on the other hand, sub-
stitutes for St. George. He is shaped in the same way as St. George:
He fights for Good against Bad in this world, i.e. the violation and deg-
radation of the Sultan’s daughter by the Black Arab. His fight bears a
Christian meaning.

The most important notion:

The compulsive lecher in epic songs

Black Arab
192
as a Figure of Memory
 Heroes –Anti-Heroes

Key words:
Lidija STOJANOVIC LAFAZANOVSKA (Skopje) • Arab (three-headed/
black/sorcerer)
• epic biography
• ballad
Heroes –Anti-Heroes 1
• tale
• abduction of the
bride
Professor Rade Božović locates the mythological-historical key to
the character of the Black Arab in its complex acting function as fol- • continuity
lows: Dragon/Lamja monster > Crnobog/Troglav/Triglav > the Black • duration
Arab > Turk. By doing so, Božović has achieved a major shift in folk- 1. We would like to express
loristics, showing that the Turk functions as a substitute for the Arab our immense gratitude to
Professor Rade Božović
and not vice versa. This clearly and logically explains the gradual but and Professor Zmago
decisive shift in epic poetry from myth to history as a consequence Šmitek for their invaluable
of the internal mechanism of the poetics of myth and oral poetry. advice when reading the
Božović developed the thesis that the Arab as a complex syncretic manuscript. They were of
particular importance to the
character constitutes the most elaborate paradigm of the character author of this paper.
of a foreigner to have emerged in these regions and that the origins 2. This is the poem about
of this character lie in the period of Byzantine-Arab conflicts (1977). King Rother who asks for
Grafenauer put forward an analogous argument in his study on the the hand of the daughter
ballad Lepa Vida (1943). Together with the Middle High German nov- of the Byzantine emperor.
This work, together with the
elistic epic King Rother,2 Hildesage (by Kudrun), and the Sicilian story poem about Duke Ernst, his
Scibilia Nobili, Grafenauer cited other sources in correlation with the exile from Germany and his
ballad of Lepa Vida, maintaining that this ballad does not derive from voyage east, the legendary
Middle-European, Alpine-Austrian or Nordic storylines created during poems about Solomon
and Morcolf, as well as the
the Crusades in the mid-12th century but rather that the basic plot of the characters of Saint Oswald
violent abduction of a young woman/mother originates from the time of and Saint Orendel, are
Arab incursions into the Mediterranean in the early Middle Ages. all characterized by one
The character of the Arab was introduced very early in a large shared feature: in all these
epic poems, irrespective of
number of epics originating from the Mediterranean rim. As early as the authorship, the same
1977, Božović raised the fundamental question: Does the Arab in folk fantastic narrative merges
tradition—both in general and in folk poetry as its narrower field—rep- religious and worldly motifs

195 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Lidija STOJANOVIC LAFAZANOVSKA

in a conglomerate which is resent a mythological or historical character? Or is he, as Božović

equally distant from either claims in his thesis, a complex character which emerges as the most
strictly heroic poetry or the
religious zeal found in por- highly developed character of a foreigner in the folk oral tradition of
trayals of the life of Christ this region? (Božović 1977) The Arab himself, as a formulaic character,
and lives of the saints. inspired us to analyze several other instances in which there occurs
an encounter/duel between a protagonist of folk literature and one of
the Arab’s various manifestations. In addition to the variety of topics
and motifs to which the Arab is related, we should also note the di-
verse treatment of the character of the Arab, both male and female. As
Božović concludes, and as is corroborated by the materials we have
studied in Macedonian and Mediterranean folklore, in addition to its
external development, the internal evolution of epic tradition developed
the features of this character to such an extent that the Arab (three-
headed/black/the Arab girl) emerges as the most elaborate charac-
ter of a foreigner in oral tradition. What impressed us above all in the
course of our research was the association of the positive attribute of
the Arab—as a sorcerer in the role of a helper to the main character
3. We refer to a certain of the tale3—with his primary negative attribute as a character from
number of stories which whose evil we must be rescued in the folk traditions of Southern Slavic,
reveal Macedonian-Turkish
narrative parallels wherein Balkan, and Mediterranean territories. There is a very clear explana-
the Arab functions as one tion behind his ambivalent character: the structure of this character in
of the initiation patrons of folk prose (tales and novelistic stories), despite some significant dif-
the main hero—at times as ferences in relation to the same character in poetry, allows us to con-
his enemy (again in accord-
ance with the narrative initi- clude that he was transferred from poetry into prose and vice versa
ation scenario), in others as (Božović 1977, 18-19). Still, it is important to clarify that there is evident
a sorcerer who assists the influence of later Oriental motifs in the prose, especially in the sto-
poor, and in yet others as ries from the renowned collection 1001 Nights—a relation researched
the main hero himself who
defeats his opponent with by Prodanović (1932), Horálek (1969), Kalashi (1972), Nevena Krstić
his distinctive skilfulness, (1973), Penušliski (1984).
e.g. in the story An Arab We will now attempt a reconstruction of some of the more interest-
Lays a Wager with a Vreng ing situations in which poetic and prosaic heroes encounter the Arab
(Frenchman) (Cepenkov
1959, book 3, No. 290, pp. (three-headed, black, sorcerer). We will review the main points of the
284-285). relationship between the Arab in the storylines of epics, ballads and
tales.

EPIC BIOGRAPHY

One of the more significant duels in Southern Slavic epic poetry

is that between King Marko and the Black Arab. However, it is impor-

Black Arab
196
as a Figure of Memory
 Heroes –Anti-Heroes

tant to add that the Arab is a multi-layered syncretic character whose

duration and life in the epics is long; the Arab as a formulaic character
lasts longer than Marko if we take into account the later poems with
purely historical connotations. We accept Božović’s view, according to
which all remaining confrontations between the Arab and the domestic
hero are derived from the Arab–Marko confrontation through variations
(1977, 214-215). When we refer to the aforementioned pair, Marko–
Arab, we must not overlook the following points: 1. the theory that the
duration of the Arab is much longer than that of Marko; 2. that Marko’s
epic biography is much more linear and uniform than that of the Arab,
whose structure is much more layered.
In the very same manner in which Homer’s heroes represented
idealized Mycenaean characters, some medieval characters were ide-
alized by the Southern Slavs during the Ottoman domination, amongst
which characters were some who, as historical characters, did not ex-
cel in terms of their bravery or any exceptional feats. Later, however,
they came to be considered great heroes and were placed in a new
narrative world through the biographical model of the hero. Through
this formula, the historical characters and their experiences were com-
pletely transformed in the new setting of the narrative world. Their
names alone remained unchanged. This formula fully applies to the
cultural hero Marko4 and follows the established scheme: his miracu- 4. It is a known fact in
lous birth, his breastfeeding by a fairy, his acquisition of supernatural folkloristic studies that the
King Marko of epic po-
powers, heroic feats and moments of crisis in mature age, his founding
etry has almost no shared
or liberating of towns/new territories, his triumphant death/immortality characteristics with the
as a mysterious disappearance which allows hope for his return. All historical King Marko. See
these transpire in the legends about King Marko. Vuk S. Karadzić, Serbian
Dictionary, Marko Kraljević;
In its essence, King Marko (a national hero of all Southern Slavic
Tomić (1909); S. Stojković
peoples) represents the horseman hero from the times of the migration (1922), Srejović (1958,
of the Slavs into the Balkan peninsula. This horseman hero was a part 75-76).
of the consciousness of the Balkan peoples long before the historical
King Marko. This hero bears the attributes of a powerful saviour who
brings freedom, consolation and rekindles hope (Srejović 1958, 96).
The Slavic peoples who migrated to the Balkans much later, under
the influence of the autochthonous population, adopted this legend
about the horseman hero that originally belonged to the Thracian and
Illyrian pantheon. These deities, themselves influenced by the much
more developed Hellenic, Oriental and Roman religions, were in a very
different position in relation to the religious notions of the Slavic incom-
ers (compare Srejović 158, 96). Adapting to their content, the horse-

197 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Lidija STOJANOVIC LAFAZANOVSKA

man hero analogously transformed into King Marko, who was instantly
adopted as a national hero. In this way, the legend of King Marko ob-
tained the value of a great national myth (1958, 96-97). Nevertheless,
we must not neglect the fact that the horse appears as an attribute
among Germans, Eastern Slavs and Indians, and thus can be rightfully
considered a general Indo-European phenomenon.
The case of the Arab is much more interesting; the key to under-
standing his duration is represented in the horizontal and vertical of
his character. Božović observes that the function of the Arab lasted
longer than the motif to which it was related, which represents an intru-
sion of history into epics and the stratification and genesis of the initial
bearer(s) of the principal functions. The relation between three-head-
edness, blackness and the Arab ethnic factor points towards searching
for historical and real reasons, which is successfully corroborated by
the vertical in the character of the Arab as opposed to its horizontal
(1977, 216).
This character emerges in the oldest of epic poems, the wedding
songs, typically as a three-headed monster who accosts a wedding
procession in order to abduct the bride and steal the gifts. Božović as-
sociates this with the time of the dissolution of the institution of group
marriage, assuming that the advent of syndiasmic marriage generat-
ed the theme of seeking a bride from outside of one’s clan/tribe, and
hence this heroic warring/battling related to the very act of proposing
and marriage (1977, 215). According to Božović, through the progres-
sion or regression of the two basic motifs of ‘the Arab accosting the
wedding procession’ and ‘the Arab imposing a tax in girls’, new motifs
were actually created which expanded the content substratum of the
epic. According to him, this is the only possible interpretation of the
widespread utilization of this formulaic and syncretic character by folk
singers, as one of the heroes involved in a collision around which the
most varied of contents are put into play (ibid. p 216).
Božović sees a possible explanation of the issue of the syncretic
factor of the Arab in the merger of the mythical and historical which
is located in the system of the transfer and reception of information
among informants. Misapprehension in the reception of information
(poems and stories about the Arab) owing to different levels of con-
sciousness, knowledge or understanding between the informant and
the recipient, the old and the new conveyors of tradition, led to this
merger of the mythical and real. In any case, we must not overlook his-
torical distance—the factor of time and social conditions—or the fact

Black Arab
198
as a Figure of Memory
 Heroes –Anti-Heroes

that the function of the acting character assumed by the Arab is actually
the formulaic structure based upon its invariability. On the other hand,
change of circumstance and growing distance from mythical times and
historical events eroded the existing structure and revitalized it. The
structure, thus made dynamic, does not lose its balance but is recon-
structed on a new level; in this case, in the function played by the Arab,
there appears a vertical line of development which harmonizes and
balances this structure with new meanings (1977, 216).
In this struggle between the dynamic and static qualities of the
structural formulaic elements, as well as in the new decoding of infor-
mation by later recipients (i.e. the new transferors of tradition), we can
conjecture the syncretic quality and the longevity of the character of the
Arab in answer to the question as to why he appears either as three-
headed or black or solely as an Arab. Through increased distance from
events which happened during Arab-Byzantine strife, the Arab, from
being the enemy and opponent in oral narratives or poems originally
based upon reality, was gradually mythologized in the course of his
epic life owing to the formulaic structures of the epic thinking of the
participants in the transfer of tradition. And this mythologization of the
Arab’s function intensifies as the distance from real historical events
increases. The structure is thus deconstructed again, regressing and
tending towards its arch-form. In such a situation, Marko emerges as a
new member of the collision with the Arab and thus initiates a renewed
dynamicization of the Arab’s formulaic function. This function gradually
retreats from the myth and draws nearer to reality and, with the arrival
of the Turks, its vertical passes into reality. In other words, the Arab
re-entered historical reality with the Turks and was reincarnated long
after the Byzantine-Arab wars (Božović 1977, 216-217). In this man-
ner, Božović offers an analytical solution to a fundamental folkloristic
problem concerning continuity by reminding us that, irrespective of the
long duration of transfer—as a synonym for tradition—much greater at-
tention should be paid to the ‘transferred’ content that was dependent
upon the historical changes to which it was subjected; even when its
outward form remains unchanged, its functions, meaning and import
are all changed by the rules of new transferors (narrators).
This character and its functions lasted until the establishment of
the character of a new national enemy—the Turk. The genetic total-
ity of the character of the Arab in its horizontal is clear: he inherits
the functions of a certain mythical entity, as indicated by the semantic
element of his three-headedness. The other semantic element of his

199 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Lidija STOJANOVIC LAFAZANOVSKA

blackness, much more commonly in use, is of a somewhat different

nature. Besides its chthonian dimension, it appears to have includ-
ed a historical dimension of the conflicts between Byzantium and the
Abbasid Caliphate whose emblem was black; but the additional influ-
ence of anthropological information is not excluded, as well as the pos-
sible influence of widespread Arab folk tales about black heroes, espe-
cially those about Antarah ibn Shaddad and Abdul Wahab. However,
we must not overlook the fact that the mythological interpretation has
been much more acceptable to folklorists—the idea of the mythical
5. As part of their wed- black man and his association with daemons from the underworld—
ding procession, Islamized than the typological theory approach of Putilov or the established hori-
Macedonians in the Prilep zontal applied by Božović.
region until recently prac- In later periods, poems appeared in which the functions of the Arab
ticed masking themselves
as Turkish ‘chaushi’ in were taken over by other characters, such as the Gypsy (being dark-
order for the wedding to skinned), the Arnauts or the Turk as a consequence of the organic
be successful, or masking growth of those functions with the emergence of a new national enemy.
into animals (as attributes It often happens that in different versions of the same storyline, either
of impure forces) whose
aim was the purification the Arab or the Turk—or both—appear as Marko’s opponents (ibid.
of evil forces (Petreska, 217). In the part of this text dedicated to Bolen Dojcin, we will refer to
2002). In areas populated this substitution. Similar variations can be found in some wedding cus-
by the Brsjak Slavs, some toms in Macedonia.5
of the participants in wed-
ding processions dressed In consequence of the participation of Southern Slavs in the
as Gypsies (wearing rags Byzantine-Arab conflicts, the Arab was constituted as a hero who was
and blackening their faces), given due respect. Arabs have been experienced as a sort of histori-
while in the Struga region, cal enemy by the Southern Slavs and this factor must be taken into
these people are called
gromnici (thunderers). The account in attempting to decipher/interpret the entry of Arabs into our
latter also dress up during epic tradition. Slavs, who encountered different civilizations when arriv-
wedding or circumcision ing on the Balkan peninsula, were probably prepared to change some
ceremonies (males dress of their notions. With the advent of the Byzantine-Arab conflict, their
up as women and some
of the participants blacken tradition began adopting to the new circumstances and this was the
their faces) (see Vesna right moment for the arch-collision between Crnobog and some other
Petreska, 2002). arch-hero, or perhaps Belobog himself, to be replaced by the black
6. Abbasid because of the (Abbasid) Arab6 who would take over his functions. And since the Slavs
black colour worn by the were still in the process of adopting Christianity during that period (be-
Abbasid army. tween the 7th and 10th centuries), our epic poetry or storytelling could
have developed religious intolerance towards Arabs, especially as
the Southern Slavs in those wars were a military power (See Božović
1977, 221-222).

Black Arab
200
as a Figure of Memory
 Heroes –Anti-Heroes

THE ABDUCTION OF A YOUNG WOMAN

Among the various heroes who enter into a duel with the Black
Arab—and here we refer back to the basic motif of the abduction
of a girl and the defence of her honour by her brother/brothers as a
pair—we find Bolen Dojčin, Gjergj Elez Ali7 and the Brothers Jakšić. 7. We can trace polymor-
In the cycle of poems about the Brothers Jakšić, Loma identifies the phism and multilayered
stages in the character of
Indo-European twin myth, stressing that in this case of historical char- the Arapi and Zi in Albanian
acters only their names remained unchanged in their transfer to the folklore. In the duels which
new narrative world. Loma points to the historical background of the most commonly transpire
cycle about the Brothers Jakšić. Dimitar and Stefan Jakšić, who are between a girl-soldier and
the cultural hero Gjergj Elez
historical characters, were the sons or adopted sons of Jakša, an army Ali, he emerges either as
leader who served the despot Gjorgje Brankovic. After the final defeat a mythical three-headed
of Serbia in 1459, the brothers moved to Hungary and entered into the monster, as is the case with
service of King Matthias. Loma concludes that, apart from the names poem Gjergj Elez Ali (Anton
Çetta at al. 1993, 8-13), or
Stjepan and Mitar, nothing sung about the Jakšić brothers (either in the as a human being.
bugarstica or decasyllabic poems) relates any historical facts. What is
more interesting, and which is actually the focus of Loma’s research, is
the recognizable reference to the Indo-European myth about twins—a
myth with which we are familiar in its classical form from Hellenic and
ancient Indian mythology. In this myth the protagonists are twin broth-
ers (horsemen) and their sister, whom they either jointly save from her
abductor or whose hand in marriage they seek.8 The Hellenes have 8. This duality: sister/
the Dioscuri and Helen, as well as Orestes and Pylades and Iphigenia, bride, brother/husband is
present in different versions
whose escape from Taurica most probably reflects a domestic, Iranian
of Bolen Dojčin. A lesser
mythical model; the Vedic Indians have the Divine Twins—the Ashvins number of versions have
(‘Horsemen’)—and their sister Surya (‘Sunny’). Similar notions can be the wife as a protagonist
traced among the German and Baltic peoples, in whose folk songs instead of the sister.
analogous roles are played by the two ‘sons of God’ and the ‘Sun’s
daughter’. Their most direct Slavic counterparts are the two brothers
9. Professor Petruševski
Jakšić (most commonly named Dimitar and Stjepan) and their sister. dedicated his doctoral dis-
The poems tell of how a foreigner, most often an Arab, abducts the sertation under the mentor-
sister and takes her to his distant land and how her brothers later find ship of V. Čajkanović to the
her and liberate her. The classic example is the one recorded by Vuk Black deities and daemons
of the ancient peoples,
Karadzić II 97, Jakšićima dvori poharani (Loma 2002, 59). Following whom he related to the
Čajkanović’s example, according to whom the divine ruler of the king- underworld (Egyptian,
dom of the dead lies behind the figure of the Black Arab in Serbian Babylonian, Indo-Arian,
tradition,9 Loma also recognizes the mythological pattern of a journey Persian, Ancient Greek
and Roman, Old German,
to the other world. In this respect, delimiting waters are of particular Celtic, Old Slavic) (Petrović
importance, regardless of whether they are seas (as in the ancient 1940).

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Indian myth about the two twin brothers who, having rescued their sis-
ter, escape with her over the sea), or lakes or rivers whose water can-
not be drunk because whoever drinks from them loses the memory of
their life on earth and thus becomes one of the dead. Thus, Loma be-
lieves that the motif of the feigned drowning of the two brothers ‘in the
blue sea’ was not chosen by coincidence in one of the variations from
Pjevanija (2002, 62). A Slovenian equivalent of the divine twins from
Indo-European mythology was discovered by Zmago Šmitek (2004,
165-166) in the Kočevski ballads about the Coastal girl/Meererin, which
reveals many old matrices to which we will later refer in our analysis of
Lepa Vida.
An epic biography can be recognized in the sick brother defend-
ing the honour of his sister (Bolen Dojčin, or Gjergj Elez Ali among
the Albanians). As far as Bolen Dojčin is concerned, there exist two
types of poems: 1. A minor number of poems in which the reason for
Dojčin’s illness is extensively explained, and some variations in which
he is predestined to defeat the Black Arab in a heroic duel in order to
10. In this type of poem redeem himself for his sins;10 2. The second type of poems have the
we can recognize the bal- well-known storyline of defending the honour of a sister/wife and these
lad motif about the sinful
brigand. do not explain the reason for Dojčin’s illness, placing all their emphasis
on the struggle with the Black Arab. Penušliski classifies the first type
as extended and the second as abbreviated (general) type (1988, pp.
317-318).
In the two oldest variations of the poem Bolen Dojčin (Brothers
Miladinov, no. 155, and Verković 1985, 3, no. 47), the role of Dojčin’s
sister is taken by Dojčin’s wife. In the other seven published versions,
his wife appears alongside Dojčin’s sister. In later variations there are
no such appearances of the wife. On the basis of this, we can conclude
that folk singers preferred the role of the nurse to be played by Dojčin’s
sister, also a messenger and minister of his messages, rather than by
the wife of the sick hero.
We must not overlook the odd cases in which Dojčin appears as
Marko’s companion: for example, in Vuk’s unfinished poem Kraljević
Marko u Azačkoj tamnici (Vuk 2, no. 65), in which King Marko (the
hero of all heroes), after unsuccessfully trying to escape the Arab’s
dungeon, sends a letter to Dojčin (Voivode Dojčilo) by a hawk so that
the master of Thessalonica (Dojčin) can rescue/save him. Having re-
ceived the letter, his companion decides, after some deliberation, that
he should employ some cunning. He takes ‘boja karaboja’ (black col-
our) and paints his ‘white face’ so that he can disguise himself as the

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‘Black Arab’:

O Dojcilo, my brother in God!

Into great troubles have I fallen,
Into great troubles, into Arab hands,
In captivity and a dungeon have I fallen;
And the damned Azac dungeon’s
Gloom I cannot bear!
A dungeon is an eerie house;
Rescue me, in the name of God I implore you!
(Vuk, 2, no. 65; p.275)

An interesting variation is found in the narrative adaptation King Marko

and Bolen Dojčin (Reiter 1964, 255-256), in which Marko kills an army
of 300 Turks and is then imprisoned by the emperor in a ‘dungeon’ for
three full years. His ‘hawk bird’ appears, and with its help Marko calls
for Dojcin to save him. These two examples support Božović’s thesis
that, under the influence of new social circumstances, and due to his-
torical distance and ‘misunderstandings’ in the process of the transfer
of information, there occurred substitution: the anti-hero appears as
either the Black Arab or the Turk.
Great attention has been paid to this character by Balkan folklor-
ists, but what we would like to refer to here is the consistency of the
evaluation and its alteration in certain literary transpositions of this
character. In his two plays, Georgi Stalev, in following the principles
of the modernistic movement, or simply by obeying the rules of art
(Bourdie), depicts Bolen Dojcin as not being the moral victor; and the
duel with the Black Arab is condemned in particular because it comes
about only after his sister Angelina is concerned. The act itself is rep-
resented as moral egoism. The relationship between shame and hon-
our as two basic moral categories is completely altered. Taking into
account historical distance, archaic honour is transformed into con-
temporary shame and vice versa. The reason for this is clear: archaic
motifs are interpreted in a contemporary manner and where cultural
invariables are concerned, in the sense of their continuity and dura-
tion, the problem should be perceived as a need for invariability in the
evaluation and the reasons which led to the alteration of this evaluation
to be examined.
‘Societies of honour and shame’ are by definition agonal societies
(Gezeman 1943). These social structures are characterized by bitter
struggle on a daily basis for the reputation of one’s person, family and

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clan—and in extreme cases—the reputation of the tribe. In our case,

we have to take into account Giordano’s perception of honour as not
being an egalitarian principle based on an equation of the ‘status of the
powerful’ with the ‘virtues of the weak’ but as, above all, related to a
certain social strata. Thus, three different notions of honour and their
appropriate norms can be distinguished as conforming with the tradi-
tional class structure: plebeian, civic and aristocratic honour (Giordano
2001, 105). In addition, we must refute the idea that honour belongs to
pre-modern societies while dignity belongs to modern societies. These
two are equally characteristic of both types of societies.
The arch-motif of the abduction of a young woman/bride is the core
around which yet another storyline is constructed in folk literature—the
ballad of Lepa Vida, one of the most beautiful and most recognizable
examples from Slovenian folk literature. The earliest records are from
the first half of the 19th century. As we have already stated, the historical
background of this poem lies in the pirate raids of the Arabs (Spanish
Moors) on the northern Mediterranean coast in the early Middle Ages
(the Negro takes Lepa Vida to Spain). In the Pannonian world, Lepa
Vida emerges as a characteristically folk-tale character with no histori-
cal background. Folk legend recounts several stories about Lepa Vida
and her departure to the sea: in one tragic version, she is abducted
with her consent (the well-known motif of the deceitful Arab) through
the offer of a medicinal herb to cure her sick child and tragically drowns
herself in the sea; in a second, transitional type, she departs to foreign
lands where the moon later informs her that her child has died; in a
third variant, which has acquired an elegiac connotation, she becomes
a nurse to the Spanish prince and looks after somebody else’s child
instead of her own.
The first, tragic (Ihanski variation) type is based on the Breznik
Ihan manuscript, while the elegiac Dolenjski variation is based upon
11. It is believed that Smole Smole’s11 version. In the Ihanski variant of Lepa Vida, Mlada Vida, the
received this version from ballad closes with a typically tragic ending after perfidious abduction by
Jožef Rudež (1793-1846)
(Grafenauer, p. 134). the Negro – Vida drowns in the sea.
In the presumed (possible) predecessor of the Dolenjski type of
Lepa Vida, based on Rudež’s version, the Negro is sent by the Spanish
king to transport Lepa Vida to the Spanish lands where she is to be-
come a Spanish queen and breastfeed the king’s child. In the conclud-
ing episode, after her arrival in the Spanish lands, we find Lepa Vida’s
final address to the sun.
In the established beginning and development of the story, the

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tragic outcome is replaced by an elegiac address from the Spanish

queen, comforting Vida after the death of her sick child.
According to Grafenauer, these motifs developed in the following
manner: the ballad which preceded the Sicilian story is assumed to
have been well-known throughout Southern Italy in the late 11th centu-
ry; at the same time, the Ihan version of Lepa Vida was formed, includ-
ing the motif of abduction on the ship with precious riches (ibid. 288).
There exists an Albanian-Calabrese ballad type with the same motif
which served as a basis for the ballad predecessor to the Sicilian story.
This older ballad pattern about the violent abduction of a young wife/
mother by a maritime abductor represents a precursor to the Sicilian
versions of Scibilia Nobili. The ballad about the violent abduction of the
Christian girl by the infidel must have been formed previously.
This type of ballad patterns leads us back to the period of the
fiercest Arab-Moor incursions along the west Mediterranean and the
Adriatic, to the period when the Saracens occupied Sicily (827-912),
when they ruled Tarentum (841-881) and Bari (841-871) and, going
even further back, to the period in the mid-7th century when the Arabs
conquered the Eastern Mediterranean, raiding and pillaging the Greek
coasts and attacking Constantinople year after year (672-677/678)
(Grafenauer 1943, 288-89).
Research into the predecessors of the ballad The Abduction of
a Young Woman/Mother seeks to resolve the issue by identifying its
country of origin (an approach which characterised folkloristic research
up to the end of the 20th century), and this has led to ethnographical
research into types and variants, including King Rother (which rep-
resents a more recent temporal framework). All this is undoubtedly
related to the Moorish-Arabic pirate attacks. From a literary-historical
aspect, we found the temporal-spatial framework of the possible emer-
gence of the ballad about the abduction of a young woman particularly
interesting, as well as the emergence of its basic variants as given by
Grafenauer:

A. I The primitive type of the ballad of The Violent Abduction of a Young

Wife/Mother, which predates Scibilia Nobili and belongs to the aristocratic
class, is a type derived from Greek territory: all its predecessors are of
Greek origin and date back to between the 7th and 8th centuries.

A. IIa. The version of the Albanian-Calabrese type about the deceitful ab-
duction of the young wife/mother, including the universal motif of boarding
a ship, is of the patrician (aristocratic) type and depicts the setting of the

205 Black Arab

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Roman-Byzantine cities along the Adriatic and Ionian coast. It dates back
to the 10th century.

A. IIb. The version of the Ihan type, recounting the abduction of a young
wife/mother, in which the deceit practised on the woman includes medi-
cine for her sick child, was formed among the Slavic population in the
western provinces of the Balkan peninsula in the 11th century.

H + А. IIа. Another ballad predecessor is the Sicilian story by Russo,

formed in the 11th century and transferred to Sicily by the Italo-Normans.

А. IIb + Ps The tragic predecessor of the versions of the Carnia inferiora

type and the transitional Slovenian-Croatian type, including conversations
with the sun, appears in the 12th century.

B. In the semi-tragic type (Carnia inferiora), Lepa Vida is a wet-nurse to

the Spanish prince. This version appears in Slovenia in the 12th century.

CI. In the transitional Slovenian-Croatian type, Lepa Vida (in the Kočevski
region - Lepa Marija), is forced to become a lover of the lecher. This was
formed in the 13th century.

CIIa. In a version of Carnia superiore, the Young Vida unwillingly falls in

love with her kidnapper and returns home miraculously helped by the Sun.
This appears at the end of the 13th century.

CIIb. In a version of the type Carnia superiore, Lepa Vida—‘a lady and
a housekeeper’ to the kidnapper—returns home where she looks after a
shepherd’s son. This version was formed in the 14th century.

Šmitek relates the variants with the Sun to the Indo-European

myth about the sun twins. We can see that Šmitek pursues, as does
Božović, the syncretic nature of the abductor ‘črn zamorec’. Lepa
Vida, like ‘die schöne Meererin’, is kept in captivity by the seashore,
the place of residence of her abductor ‘črn zamorec’. This was initially
the chthonian daemonic creature ‘from beyond the world seas’. The
numerous Slovenian parallels about the ‘povodni mož’ who abducts an
earthly wife for himself indicate such a conclusion. Only later was this
daemonic creature replaced by the Muslim Moor, the Arab pillager or
merchant (2004, 166). This is where Šmitek finds the resolution for this
type of variant, which he considers to be an older type, in which the sun
brings the abducted woman back home—for the simple reason that the
Sun (the Sun hero?) is the only one who can pass the boundaries of

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our reachable world. In one variant form Gorenje, Lepa Vida rescues
herself by following the sun but is unable to keep up and cries: ‘O! Wait
you glowing sun// I cannot proceed ahead, and back I would not care
to go! (O čakaj čakaj rumeno sonce // naprej ne morem, nazaj ne ma-
ram!) (2004, 166).
Gjergj Elez Ali, the Albanian cultural hero with an equally developed
epic biography, appears as a protagonist in duels with the Baylozi or
the Arabs in a similar way to the Southern Slavic and Romanian hero
Bolen Dojčin, which makes for interesting comparison between the
two. Almost all Serbian, Croatian, Bulgarian and Macedonian versions
are characterized by an eastern position. The events are localized in
Thessalonica, or sometimes in Constantinople as the sites of the duel
with the Arab (the Black Arab). In the Albanian versions, however, both
Baylozi and the Arabs regularly come from the sea, and the events
are usually localized in Dures or Skoder. Hadzihasani associates this
with the storyline of a chronicle from Ragusa, according to which: ‘In
789, a terrifying Giant terrorized and pillaged the entire coast, both in
Dalmatia and Araberia.’ Irrespective of the dubious character and au-
thenticity of this chronicle, two facts stand out as of interest: 1. that a
legend about such a giant circulated in the Balkans as early as the end
of the 8th century; and 2. that this legend was well known throughout
the entire western Balkan peninsula (1997, 22).

THE ARAB IN FOLK PROSE

In addition to subjects and situations in examples from folk po-

etry, certain cases from folk prose also deserve our attention. Some
of these entered Macedonian folklore through Turkish folklore; others
were adopted from 1001 Nights. Professor Penusliski, who edited the
Macedonian folk stories by Cepenkov, discovered in the course of his
research several interesting Macedonian-Turkish narrative parallels in
which the character of the Arab is often found. We will present only the
cases in which the Arab appears as a protagonist.
The story A Rich Man is accosted by an Arab on the road and says
he wishes to live serenely in his old age (Cepenkov, no. 111) is a ver-
sion of the type EB 136 = AaTh 577 (948). The long title of this story
clearly captures the essence of the storyline. A rich man decides to
live serenely in his old age and loses everything he has—his wife, chil-
dren and property. Having survived all these misfortunes, he eventually

207 Black Arab

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becomes a king and lives in peace surrounded by his family until his
death. There are about 30 Turkish versions. There is also a Byzantine
version of the introduction and the conclusion and there is a similar
12. E. Littmann, Die story in the collection 1001 Nights E. Littmann12, Bd. 3, 784-801,
Erzählung aus den Tausend
und ein Nächten, 1-6, quoted by Penušliski 1984, 39).
Leipzig, 1924.

THE STORY ABOUT THE POOR MAN AND THE LARK THAT
ATE HIS MILLET (CEPENKOV NO. 74). EB 176 = AATH 563

This story, in its entire structure, matches the Turkish story type
EB 176 = AaTh 563, with 23 versions recorded: 1. A poor man cries
because he loses an expensive item. A magic Arab, Oh-la-la, appears
before him and gives him a donkey that makes gold; 2. The donkey is
stolen; 3. After he cries a second time, he receives a magic stool; 4.
The stool is replaced by an ordinary one; 5. When he cries again, he
receives a miraculous club; 6. With the help of the club, he retrieves
both the donkey and the magic stool (Penušliski 1984, 397). The poor
man in the Macedonian story gets the magic objects (donkey, stool,
club) from the king of the larks (version D. Mirčev S6NU IX, 158, from
Resen). In one of the Turkish versions (Vasfi Mahir, En guzel Türk
Masallari, Istambul 1934, 68-70), partridges take the poor man to a mill
13. Versions: Bolte-Polivka where the Arab appears before him with the magic objects (ibid. 397).13
I, 346. A. Aarne lists Asian, The story about The King’s Forty Sons and Forty Daughters-in-
Indian and European
variants (including the Law, the Great Serpent, the Dragon, the Arab, the King and the Dervish
Southern Slavic peoples) in (Cepenkov 90) is a conflation of the Turkish types EB 96 and EB 77
FFC 96, 52. A monograph: (AaTh 513 A). In the latter type of stories, there appear the same unu-
A. Aarne, Die Zaubergaben, sual helpers-heroes as in the Cepenkov story: a hero who can eat the
Journal de la Societe
Finno-ougrienne, XXVII bread made from the flour of 12 mills; the Čekor mountain; the miracu-
(1909), 1-96. Carl Kron, the lous archer; and the The Swallower of the Sea (Penušliski 1984, 398).
founder of the migration Judging by the findings of research into folk stories, we find the
theory, reasonably sug- similarity of the Turkish magic stories with stories in the prose tradition
gests an Indian origin for
this storyline and its trans- from countries on the Mediterranean coast exceptionally interesting
fer through Asia Minor (see (Slavoljub Džindžić, Turske bajke, Beograd 1978, 216). The story The
Penušliski 1984, 397). queen who wants to become pregnant and sees in a dream that if she
eats a green plum she will give birth and the king who finds a plum in
a strong Arab’s garden and promises him his son when he reaches
the age of fifteen (Cepenkov, 73), differs from the Turkish type EB 158
(AaTh 314) in some additions and episodes. In the Turkish versions, the
queen becomes pregnant after eating an apple (as in Cepenkov’s story

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208
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52, but she gives birth to a girl and the neighbouring woman gives birth
to a boy after eating the discarded apple peel), while in Cepenkov’s
story this happens after she has eaten a plum. In the story, the boy
miraculously escapes from the Arab’s castle with the help of a magic
horse. According to Penušliski, many similar parallels can be drawn
with other magic stories recorded by Cepenkov. Almost without excep-
tion, they manifest great similarities or are identical to Turkish stories.
Naturally, they underwent various alterations in our environment. Often
the heroes were given local names (Petre, Cane, Najdenko, Mečo,
Zlata, etc.) At times, some of the stories acquired completely different
interpretations and important motif series were developed further or
lost in accordance with the notions of the local people and narrators.
Single episodes were extracted from some Turkish stories in order to
function as completely independent creations (Penušliski 1984, 399).
The character of the Arab is present throughout the various an-
thologies of Macedonian folk prose, but we will now refer to a story with
a recognizable initiation-based storyline. In the story The Child Hero
with Magic Power (Verković, 1985, 4), the Arab is one of the charac-
ters whose role is to help turn a little child into a powerful hero. In one
episode, the Arab appears as his opponent. Throughout the entire plot,
the Arab performs the function of one of several opponents in the initia-
tion tests of the main protagonist:

‘On the road he met a terrible Arab with a mouth gaping open to swallow
the child in one gulp: his mouth was open so wide that one jaw was on the
ground and the other was in the sky. When the child saw this, he pulled out
his heavy club and hit the Arab thrice, pushing him aside, and that is how
he managed to get past. Another day he went down the same road and
met a terrible bear who said to him (...).
(Verković 1985, 4, p. 378)

CONCLUSION

Having analyzed the structural elements of this character, we can

accept Božović’s opinion that, where epic poetry is concerned, the
formulaic character of the Arab is a consequence both of historical-
cultural contacts with the Arab world and of the genetic development of
our epic poetry in its passage from myth into history (1977, 218). In the
storylines of the ballads, the dominant motif is the abduction of a young
girl/woman and variations in this motif are again manifested through

209 Black Arab

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the genetic growth of the functions. In prose, where later waves of

Oriental influence are most strongly felt (Horálek 1969, Penušliski
1984), we must not neglect the opinion that the Arab was transferred
from poetry to prose, which is also defined from the aspect of heroes/
protagonists who undergo initiation. While the epic hero undergoes his
heroic, super-personal initiation and rekindles hope, he has a worthy
opponent in the three-headed or Black Arab. The protagonist of the
story, undergoing sexual maturation, comes across the Arab in an ad-
venturous manner. The Arab retains the functions of this genre: he is
related to the other world, to the stage of temporary death as a stage
in the protagonist’s initiation, and plays the role of a sorcerer, miracle-
worker, or a formidable enemy in the successful completion of the ini-
tiation tests of the main hero.
When we consider the duration of the motifs and subjects of folk
literature related to the Arab, we can easily observe stabilizing, shap-
ing elements in both the verse and folk stories (especially in folk tales),
which strongly indicate an inflexibility made possible through strict
observance of constant patterns. These formulaic elements are as-
sociated with variations whose solid core contributes to an amplified
impression of continuity in the narrative types. Nevertheless, however
much they try, they cannot prolong their life after the internal link with
their content is lost.

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Journal of Folklore Institute, I: 114-129.

ANTHOLOGIES:

Верковиќ, С.И. 1985. Македонски народни умотворби, 1-5. Скопје:

Македонска книга.
Карађић, Вук. С. 1976. Српске народне пјесме, 1-4. Београд:
Просвета.
Миладиновци, 1983. Зборник на народни песни. (Ред. Х.
Поленаковиќ и т. Димитровски). Скопје: Македонска книга.
Reiter, Norbert. 1964. Der dialekt von Titov Veles. Berlin. Band 32.

211 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Lidija STOJANOVIC LAFAZANOVSKA

Цепенков Марко, 1959. Македонски народни приказни, кн. 1-3,

Скопје: Кочо Рацин, ред. К. Пенушлиски.
Цепенков, Марко. 1989. Македонски народни приказни, кн. 1-5.
Скопје: (Ред. К. Пенушлиски).
Çetta Anton, Fayli Syla, Muzafere Mustafa dhe Anton Berisha (Eds.).
1993. Këngë kreshnike, III. Prishtine: Instituti Albanologjik i
Prishtinës.

Black Arab
212
as a Figure of Memory
 Heroes –Anti-Heroes

Lidija STOJANOVIC LAFAZANOVSKA

(Institute for Folklore, Skopje Macedonia)

Heroes –Anti-Heroes

In epic and ballad folk literature, the formulaic character of the Arab
emerges as a consequence of historical and cultural contacts with the
Arab world, but also in line with the genetic development of epic poetry
in its passage from myth into history. In both genres, which at times
cannot easily be differentiated, the universal motif of the abduction of a
young girl/woman is central. In prose, where the later waves of Oriental
influence are most strongly felt, we must not dismiss the view that the
Arab was transferred from poetry into prose, which was also defined
from the aspect of the hero/protagonist who undergoes initiation. While
the epic hero undergoes his heroic, super-personal initiation and as-
sumes the attributes of a powerful saviour bringing freedom and con-
solation and rekindling hope, he has a worthy opponent in the three-
headed or Black Arab. The protagonist of the story, undergoing his
sexual maturation, comes across the Arab in an adventurous manner.
The Arab retains the functions of this genre: he is related to the other
world, to the stage of temporary death as a stage in the protagonist’s
initiation, and he plays the role of a sorcerer, miracle-worker, or of a
formidable enemy in the successful completion of the initiation tests of
the main hero.
When we consider the duration of the motifs and subjects of folk
literature related to the Arab, we can easily observe stabilizing, shap-
ing elements in both the verse and folk stories (especially in folk tales),
which strongly indicate an inflexibility made possible through strict
observance of constant patterns. These formulaic elements are as-
sociated with variations whose solid core contributes to an amplified
impression of continuity in the narrative types. Nevertheless, however
much they try, they cannot prolong their life after the internal link with
their content is lost.

213 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Cultural Practices of Distinction and Exclusion: The Black Arab in Bulgarian Folklore Epics

Nikolai VUKOV (Sofia)

Cultural Practices of Distinction and Exclusion: The

Black Arab in Bulgarian Folklore Epics

The figure of the Black Arab is one of the most well-known and Key words:
culturally specific characters in Bulgarian epics and in Bulgarian folk- • Bulgarian folklore
lore in general. It finds a multitude of projections in different forms and epics
genres—in folk songs and oral historical narratives, in folk rituals and • stereotype of the
masking traditions. Aside from the regular presence of this figure in other
epic songs and hajduk songs, the appearance of the Black Arab is
customary in survakari rituals and koukeri dances, in russalii and sta- • heroic epics
nichari games. Even a brief overview of representations of the Black • policies of distinction
Arab in Bulgarian folklore shows that, although the image appears in and exclusion
different forms and genres, it follows a systematic and largely uniform • South Slavic
appearance in all of them: one generally shaped by the image of the peoples, Ottoman
‘other’—the ethnic and culturally ‘alien.’ Dreadful in physical appear- domination
ance (dark, ugly, repellent, etc.), he is described as dangerous and
treacherous, which altogether makes him a figure belonging to a cul- • Mediterraneum
turally unacceptable realm. In all instances in which the figure of the
Black Arab makes an appearance, it is his distinct separateness from Key notion:
and opposition to the local community that is stressed; he poses a • cultural exclusion
threat and welcomes efforts to be fought against, though ultimately to
be defeated. Whereas in verbal folklore he is regularly depicted as an
enslaver or as the foremost enemy of the epic hero, in ritual and mask-
ing contexts he is invariably portrayed as belonging to the netherworld
and strongly associated with demonic and eschatological forces.
With their unmistakable roots in underlying mythological trends
and deep mechanisms of conceptualizing and representing the ‘other,’
these aspects of the Black Arab allow us to trace a certain logic sur-

215 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Nikolai VUKOV

rounding their specificity for the Bulgarian cultural context, as well as to

outline the internal dynamics of the image in folklore cultural represen-
tations and cultural memory. Shaped as an image during the period of
Ottoman domination when ethno-religious sensitivity and the formation
of negative portraits of ‘persons of another faith’ (i.e. not Christian) were
especially marked,1 the image of the Black Arab bears testimony to the
1. See: Angelov 1997. construction of a cultural boundary between Bulgarians as Christians
on one side, and members of other religious groups—Moslems and
Jews—on the other. Whereas the former are described as handsome,
noble and daring, the latter are within the stylistic register of evil-doers
and enslavers. This polar-based logic situates the Black Arab within
the same group as Turks, Tartars, and Gypsies so loathed as invaders
and oppressors in epic and hajduk songs, and determines the general
development of his image along these lines. He not only maintains a
regular appearance in the famous song cycle in which ‘Marko liber-
ates three chains of slaves [from Turks, Arabs, Janissaries, etc.]’, but
occupies the central role as a major enslaver among the other ethnic
and religious enemies, becoming thus a collective figure of the afflict-
ing evil. This generalizing strategy around the figure of the Arab finds
2. For an overview of the projections both in other songs cycles of the Bulgarian heroic epic and
motifs, plots, development in the hajduk songs, where again the Black Arab has largely displaced
and distribution of Bulgarian the other images of opponents and has evolved as a symbolic figure
folklore epics, see the
major collections and inter-
of threat and danger. Predictably, in the ritual cycle and in masked
pretative essays of Angelov performances he is again in the company of other ethnically, religiously
and Vakarelski 1930; and culturally distinguished others (Tartars, Gypsies, Jews), being also
Arnaudov 1942; Bogdanova well outlined among them and with emphasized negative overtones.
1981; Dinekov 1949;
Dinekov 1959; Ivanov 1959;
All these undercurrents guiding the development of the Black
Ivanova 1992; Popov 1890- Arab’s character in Bulgarian traditional folklore have their historical
1891; Romanska 1963; dimensions, influenced in part by historical processes that unfolded
Romanska, Stoykova, throughout almost five centuries of Ottoman rule in Bulgarian lands
Angelova, 1971; Romanski
1925-1929; Yordanov 1901;
and in part by the development of folklore genres and forms at the
Yordanov 1916. For a com- time and their increasing acquisition of ethnic distinguishing overtones.
parative contextualization Closely intertwined with and layered upon each other, these undercur-
of Bulgarian epic songs in rents are testimonies not only of the particular direction that the im-
the Slavic, South Slavic
and Balkan epic tradi-
age of the Black Arab took in Bulgarian folklore culture, but also of the
tions, see Angelova, R., cultural practices of distinguishing and exclusion which evolved in the
et al., 1968; Banashevich process of conceptualizing the image of the ‘other.’ This paper is guid-
1959; Epos, etnos, etos ed primarily by the aim of tracing the main lines of cultural inclusion
1995; Putilov 1966; Putilov
1971; Romanska 1962;
and exclusion surrounding the figure of the Black Arab in Bulgarian
Zhirmunskiy 1979. folklore epics2 and of outlining their resonance in other folklore forms

Black Arab
216
as a Figure of Memory
 Cultural Practices of Distinction and Exclusion: The Black Arab in Bulgarian Folklore Epics

and their traces in cultural memory to the present day. While providing 3. For the most developed
an overview of the main representations of the Black Arab in several versions of this song, see:
SbNU XI, 1894, pp. 25-
epic cycles, this paper will highlight the diverse aspects of differen- 27; SbNU XLII, 1942, pp.
tiation (ethnic and cultural stereotypes, patterns of kinship and family 5-6; SbNU XLIV, 1949, pp.
affiliation, mythological characteristics, etc.) that are involved in the in- 31-35; SbNU LIII, 1971;
terpretation of the Black Arab in Bulgarian epic. Separate attention will SbNU XIII, 1896, pp. 99-
101; SbNU XLIII, 1942, pp.
be paid to projections of this image in subsequent epic forms (such as 9-11; SbNU XLIX, 1958,
the hajduk song tradition) and in ritual context where the stereotypes pp. 57-58; SbNU LIII, 1971.
of distinguishing and exclusion find their ritual and game-related inter- An entire classification of
pretation. the songs in this cycle was
done by L. Bogdanova. See
Bogdanova 1981; SbNU
LIII, 1971
4. In some songs, the epic
THE BLACK ARAB AND THE THREE CHAINS OF SLAVES hero goes to plough the
fields on Holy Sunday and
As already pointed out, the cycle of epic songs in which the char- his mother attempts to stop
acter of the Black Arab appears most regularly are those wherein the him (SbNU XLIII: 3); or he
is sent by her to buy an iron
major epic hero in Bulgarian and South Slavic tradition, Marko, saves plough (SbNU XLIII: 2). In
three chains (or three boats, three villages, etc.) of slaves. The song other versions (SbNU XLIII:
cycle is known to all South Slavic peoples, but is especially frequent 4), his decision to take to
and widely distributed in Bulgarian folklore tradition.3 Although the en- the road is guided by his
intention of liberating the
slavers may be figures of different ethnic and religious profile (Turks, land from the Turks.
Mussa Kesedji, Philip Madjarin, Yellow Bazirgyana, etc.), it is the Arab 5. In some versions, Marko
in his various versions and appearances who holds the most system- encounters different groups
atic presence. As in epic songs belonging to other thematic cycles, of Arabs on separate oc-
casions, the last group
here the emphasis is again on the central epic hero who goes to make numbering three thousand
his confession and take church communion (on Easter Sunday, a spe- Arabs. All of them are de-
cial holiday, etc.)4 and who, following the advice of his mother, does not stroyed by the brave and
take weapons with him. His wife, however, secretly hides his sword in fearless Marko (SbNU
XLIII: 9).
the mane of his horse. On his way to the church or monastery, Marko 6. The recognition in the
passes through a forest that is all withered with sorrow and learns from scene follows the typical
the forest that it grieves for the suffering of ‘three chains of slaves’ driv- scene for the Bulgarian ep-
en through it by Turks, Janissaries, and/or Black Arab(s).5 Marko does ics of identification between
close relatives. Most often,
not hesitate for a second: he spurs on his horse to catch up with the it is accompanied with a
slaves. When he reaches them, he discovers among them his maiden story about the treatment
sister Todora who, after confirming that he recognizes her,6 asks him of the wounded Marko and
to release her. He offers the enslavers a ransom, but they refuse and the scar on his body. See
Bochkov 1994. Putilov
threaten to chain him too.7 Prompted by his horse about the hidden 1964; Vukov 2003.
sword—or using his plough as a weapon8—Marko kills the enslavers 7. In some of the songs,
and liberates the slaves, giving them gifts and money before they go the Turks/Arabs even man-
back home to celebrate Easter.9 Later, when he reaches the monas- age to chain Marko (SbNU
XLIII: 1).
.

217 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Nikolai VUKOV

8. See SbNU XLIII: 3. tery, the church doors open wide before him and, despite his having
9. All slaves went home and spilt human blood, he receives communion and a blessing from the
celebrated Easter. Stefan priest.10
SbNU XLIII: 1. In many ver-
sions, the hero takes back
The major conflict in the song is between the two distinct ethnic
home his newly discovered groups. The ‘alien’ other (represented by the Black Arab and other
sister and presents her to enemy characters) enslaves the land, spills the blood of the younger
his mother (SbNU XLIII: 9). generation, and annihilates the children and the elderly. As described
10. In some versions, the in the gruesome picture of the chained slaves, the captives are young
mayors and citizens mock
Marko because he missed boys, maidens and brides; the elderly and the adolescent are slaugh-
the liturgy. However, an old tered, thus forming a powerful metaphor of the collective fate of the
priest tells Marko that God Bulgarian people. The songs of this cycle express clear indicators of
will forgive him for the blood ethnic origin and affiliation: the Sofia Plain, the crossing of the rivers
he has spilt blood because
it did enormous good and associated with the Bulgarian, Christian, and Slavic populations, etc.
was equal to building three Furthermore, the forest is withered with sorrow because a tragedy has
monasteries (SbNU XLIII: befallen the ethnic territory: ‘O! Krali Marko! It is not frost or hot wind
4). The liturgy is repeated that has afflicted me. Here there passed three chains of slaves—en-
and all the mayors pay
homage to Marko. In other slaved by Emza Beg Arab, together with two other Arabs—and that is
versions, the holy relics of why I am withered with sorrow.’ The participants in the epic fight are
saints in the church speak clearly identified by their ethnic affiliation: ‘the crazy Bulgarian’, as the
out and insist on Marko’s enslavers define Marko, and the ‘Black Arabs’ as the enslavers are
righteousness and on
his right to receive Holy called, sometimes independently of their ethnic or religious origin. The
Communion (SbNU XLIII: ethnic belonging of the enemy is overtly stated (‘Turks,’ ‘Janissaries,’
1). ‘Arabs,’ etc.), but the different versions often merge together into one
collective reference to the ‘Black Arab.’ In this cycle of songs, one can
easily identify the blurring that has occurred between the images of
the Black Arab and the Mussa Kesedji, a representation of a historical
personality (a son of Bayezid the First and a pretender to the throne),
who has remained notorious in folk memory for his bestial cruelty. The
use of the collective term of the ‘Black Arab’ for all the enemies, how-
ever, is a demonstration of its turning into a stable formula because of
its extreme difference.
The dominant theme in this cycle of songs is a longing for defence
and salvation, which receives its artistic representation in imaginary
salvation by a miraculously strong folk hero. Pervaded with a sense
of permanently existing evil—as embodied in the figure of the Black
Arab(s)—the majority of the songs in this cycle succeed in turning the
ethnic drama into a victory of the heroic representative of the threat-
ened ethnic community. From such a perspective, the figure of the
Black Arab is a necessary counterpoint to overcome the hostility of the
alien ethnic community, to imagine liberation from enslavement and
to affirm the rebirth of the ethnic community out of tragedy and suffer-

Black Arab
218
as a Figure of Memory
 Cultural Practices of Distinction and Exclusion: The Black Arab in Bulgarian Folklore Epics

ing. The songs, however, do not end with the death of the Black Arab.
Having succeeded in defeating the Arabs and his comrades, the epic
hero takes care of the slaves, helping them to gain food and to survive.
Furthermore, the epic hero continues on his way to the church or mon-
astery to receive communion and cleanse his heart of sins. Despite the
objections on the part of certain mayors and priests to Marko’s receiv-
ing forgiveness after the murder of the Arab, the miraculous opening of
the church doors clearly indicates that this sin will be forgiven. Not only
will the murder be forgiven, it will be acclaimed as a heroic and glori-
ous act performed on a special day. The shedding of the Arab’s blood
and the liberation of the slaves are elevated to the level of a moral
imperative above all other imperatives, including religious ones. A no-
table element along these lines is the promise of the epic hero that he
will no longer dedicate himself as a godfather at marriage ceremonies
and baptism rituals but to the liberation of slaves and the clearing of the
land from Black Arabs.

THE BLACK ARAB IN DUELS WITH DIFFERENT EPIC HEROES

A similar role for the Black Arab as a major enemy with horrendous
mythological features is discovered in other cycles of the Bulgarian
heroic epics, where different songs and plots involve him as the main
participant in epic duels. Although many of the plots are predominantly
related to Marko, there are others in which different epic figures, such
as Doychin, Gruytsa, etc., are the Black Arab’s main opponents. In a
song about the famous ‘sick Doychin’, the Arab is the primary reason
for Doychin to leave his sickbed and to affirm his miraculous strength.11
The introduction to these songs typically presents Doychin as having
lain sick for nine years: flies come out of his eyes and grass grows out 11. SbNU XLIII: 87.
of his hair while his sister nurses him and takes care of his horse. She
cries as she sweeps the yard because the Black Arab has descended
on the town of Budin: the song tells of how he daily demands a cow,
a cart of bread, a keg of wine and a keg of brandy, and how he rapes
a different maiden every night before killing her. Doychin’s sister cries
because she has received a message that she is next in line to go to
the Arab and when she has gone there will be nobody to look after
Doychin and his horse. Doychin tells her to take his horse and his
sword and to bind his sick bones with a white cloth. Then he sets off
to meet the Arab. They fight a violent duel in which Doychin manages

219 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Nikolai VUKOV

to knock the Arab to the ground and kill him. Then he goes to the
Arab’s house and kills the Arab’s wife and child before taking the Arab’s
treasure. When Doychin returns home, his sister takes him up on the
terrace. When she unbinds the white cloth, all of Doychin’s bones fall
apart and he dies.
As with the other songs about sick Doychin in Bulgarian heroic
epics, this one is also strongly focused on images of death, visible in
both the sickness of the dying hero and in his end after he has per-
formed his deed. What is interesting here is that the figure of the dead
and seemingly ‘resurrected’ Doychin enters into conflict with another
mythological figure generally related to disaster and death, the Black
Arab. The misfortune that the Arab brings to the city can be fought only
by mythological means—with the help of figures from the ‘beyond.’ The
death-afflicting image of the Arab can be defeated only by the dead but
resurrected image of the defending ancestor. It is worth highlighting
the way in which Doychin succeeds in conquering the Arab by half-
burying him in the ground, and the way in which the death of the Arab
brings annihilation to his entire family and household. The extermina-
tion of this enemy is considered a radical obliteration of his presence
on earth, made possible by the signs of the netherworld as embodied
in the sick Doychin. Notably, after so many years of sickness, Doychin
can finally have his body and soul torn apart and can die in peace. The
murder of the Black Arab was a mission he was destined to perform
and in waiting for this mission he spent years in sickness. It is this
universal mission that the songs of this cycle raise as underlying both
Doychin’s biography and the fate of the Black Arab in general.
The idea of the Arab as a universal disaster is palpably represented
in the song cycle about Marko Kraleviki. In one of them, about Marko
Kralevich, Aykuna Maiden and Black Arab, the Arab is building towers
near the sea, but he decides that he has no relative to stay inside the
12. SbNU XLIII: 26. towers.12 He has no mother to sit inside the colourful towers; he has
no sister to sweep the colourful tower; nor has he a wife to serve in the
colourful towers. Then he recalls that Sultan Selim has a pretty daugh-
ter, Maiden Aykuna, and so he sends a letter to the Sultan requesting
that he give her his daughter as his wife. After a period of delay in
replying to the Arab’s request (while Aykuna’s dowry is prepared), the
Sultan sends letters to all corners of the world, ‘to the Turks and to the
Bulgarians’, in order to find a brave man to fight the Arab. In return
for defeating the Arab, the Sultan promises any kind of gift. No brave
man is found among the Turks or the Bulgarians. But then the queen

Black Arab
220
as a Figure of Memory
 Cultural Practices of Distinction and Exclusion: The Black Arab in Bulgarian Folklore Epics

has a dream that in Prilep there lives a brave man, Marko Kraleviki,
who is the greatest brave men of all, and so the Sultan writes to him.
When Marko reads the letter, he tells the messengers that he is afraid
of the Arab because he can take his head down from his shoulders.
The Sultan’s family offer various precious gifts, but Marko declines
every offer. However, Marko does eventually appear to save Aykuna
and advises her of a plan to defeat the Arab without damaging the city.
The duel takes place outside the city walls and with great effort Marko
finally succeeds in defeating the Black Arab and cutting off his head.
The murder of the Arab takes place in the symbolically marked place
outside the city walls, thereby emphasizing the Arab’s status as an
excluded and threatening figure for the community. It is worth remark-
ing that this exclusion is specifically outlined in the introduction to the
songs of this cycle wherein the Arab is building towers near the sea
on the very border of the world. Similar to other songs about diverse
mythological enemies and the hajduk songs in which the Arab is block-
ing the road in the Danube valley, in this song he is again by water, on
the very threshold to the other world, and remains there until his death.
An interesting development of the association of the Black Arab
as a figure of threat, disaster and death is found in the cycles of songs
about Marko Kralevich, Sultan Selim and the Black Arab. In this cy-
cle, the distinguishing of the Arab as belonging to an alien ethnic and
religious group is additionally emphasized by his being isomorphous
with the Sultan. Here the Sultan takes on many of the features of an
evil-doer and the Arab only needs to fight with Marko – the only person
who dares break the Sultan’s orders.13 According to the core plot of 13. Actually, Marko not only
the songs, Sultan Selim issues an order for the Turks not to drink wine disobeys the orders but in
some versions overtly de-
and for the Bulgarians not to wear red or to ride good horses—all remi-
clares his different religious
niscent of the prohibitions imposed in Bulgarian folklore by dragons, attitude: ‘He dressed up
monsters, and the Black Arab himself. All the people obey the Sultan’s in green clothes/ covered
order except for Marko; so the Sultan sends a message to the Turks his horse with weapons/
and urged Turks and
and Arabs with the demand that somebody catch him.14 Among the
Janissaries to drink wine
Turks, nobody undertakes the task, but there is an Arab who decides during Ramadan.’ (SbNU
to accept. The Arab goes to the Sultan and negotiates a reward for XLIII: 13).
catching Marko, receiving money as well as the town of Prilep, Marko’s 14. See SbNU XLIII: 13.
horse, and Marko’s beloved. The dreadful appearance of the Arab is
underlined again: ‘his lips reach his chest and his eyelashes reach his
shoulders.’ In the duel between the Arab and Marko in Prilep, Marko
cuts off the Arab’s head, puts it in a bag and takes it to the Sultan,
demanding to receive everything that had been promised the Arab for

221 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Nikolai VUKOV

his death. He takes the money and warns the sultan not to attempt
to send other Black Arabs to fight him. As in the songs about Hajduk
Sider (see below), here Marko is again a figure not only abolishing a
humiliating prohibition but also restoring the social order by defeating
his opponents.
Marko’s behaviour in breaking the Sultan’s prohibitions and thus
encountering the Black Arab as an enemy is well outlined in the cycle
of songs about ‘Seven Heroes and the Black Arab’, where the impetus
of the epic plot is Marko’s initiative to build seventy monasteries in
15. Miladinovi 1861: 143. Kosovo Polje without the Sultan’s permission.15 When Sultan Murad
learns of this, he offers an award (of Bosna and Sarajevo, lands, for-
ests, etc.) to the person who catches and brings Marko to him. The
one who undertakes the task is a Black Arab who bows to the sultan
and asks for even greater rewards: the towns of Stalakin, Radomir,
and Prilep, together with Marko’s horse and sword, as well as his wife
and son. Using a device regularly found in epic plots, the Black Arab
disguises himself in the habit of a monk, visits Marko’s house and
learns from Marko’s mother that her son is at the new monastery of St.
Dimiter. On finding Marko, the Arab reminds him that he should bow
to a monk and say a prayer. When Marko obeys, the Arab takes out a
chain and ties him up, tethering him to the horse’s saddle. Marko cries
out ‘like a snake’ and is heard by Debel Novak who comes to help but
is defeated by the Arab and chained together with Marko. A similar
fate befalls Novak’s child, Gruytsa Voyvoda, as well as the little child
of Hajduk Novak, Deli Tatomirche, and Yankula Voevod and Milosh
Orgyanin. All are defeated and chained by the Arab. The six men shout
16. About the mythical out loudly and are heard by Sekula Detentse (the Child Sekula),16 who
elements in the charac- reaches the Arab, prays to St. Dimiter for help, and succeeds in de-
ter of the child hero in
Bulgarian folklore epics,
feating the Arab. After cutting the Arab’s head off and putting it into a
see Afanasieva 1983; bag, Sekula goes to Sultan Murad to ask him whether he has given an
Madzharov 1934-1935. order to the Arabs to go around ‘our land.’ Frightened by the head of
the dead Arab, the sultan gives a reward to Sekula and tells him to kill
all Arabs. Sekula Detentse advises the other heroes not to attempt to
communicate with any Black Arab if they should meet one, but to call
Sekula as he is the only one who knows how to slaughter an Arab.
The songs belonging to this cycle evince several typical elements
in the figure of the Arab and the fight with him. The motif of the mon-
astery and the emphasized Christian affiliation of the Arab’s main op-
ponents clearly identify the Black Arab as belonging to alien ethnic and
religious traditions. This finds palpable expression in the interference

Black Arab
222
as a Figure of Memory
 Cultural Practices of Distinction and Exclusion: The Black Arab in Bulgarian Folklore Epics

of the Arab in Marko’s attempts to build seventy monasteries in Kosovo

Polje without the Sultan’s or the Vizier’s permission. Especially empha-
sized in the songs is the construction of the monastery to St. Dimiter,
further strengthened by the prayers of Sekula Detentse to St. Dimiter:
‘He turned to all the saints/ but he turned mostly to St. Dimiter/ - Dear
Lord and Dear St. Dimiter, please help me/ to defeat the Black Arab.’17 17. Miladinovi 1861: 143.
In contrast with all this, the Arab is an embodiment of fake religiosity:
clothed as a monk and with religious attributes such as a cross and a
prayer book but in fact an enemy. It is notable that all the heroes make
the sign of the cross before going to the Arab and that, for some of
them (including Marko), the kissing of the fake monk’s hand is the trap
that leads them into captivity. They build monasteries, bow to saints,
pray and call to saints for help. On many occasions, the land is called
God’s land and the special day is called ‘God’s Day.’ Unlike them, the
Arab is a defender of the prohibition on Christian religious activity and
is described as abusing the external religious attributes in order to ex-
terminate the Christian faith. Another well emphasized motif in this cy-
cle of songs additionally emphasizes the sharp division between the
different worlds and the alien position of the Arab. When addressing
the Arab, the heroes ask him what he is doing in their land: ‘The Sultan
rules in Stambul, and we rule in our land.’ Whereas all the heroes par-
ticipating in these fights are overtly named with reference to the town
or land to which they belong, the Arab is a figure without origin and
without affiliation. Thus, aside from the animosity of the Arab and his
dreadful appearance, another emphasis on his alien nature emerges in
the form of his position as having no place and no land—his marginal-
ity manifest in spatial exclusion.
Another widespread song cycle about Marko Kralevich, Gruyo
Detentse and the Black Arab tells of the evil that the Black Arab
performed in the German lands for seventy years and the German
queen’s request for help to Marko.18 Yet again, the evils of the Black 18. SbNU XLIII: 12; SbNU
Arab directly assault religious affiliation. The Black Arab did not permit XLIII: 12.
a child to be baptized or a marriage to take place and he forbade taking
communion and attending church. The unmarried men grew beards,
the maidens grew old and the little children grew moustaches without
being baptized or married. As an illustration of the Black Arab’s char-
acter as a destroyer of all natural and social foundations, a customary
remark in this song cycle is that his assault on religious rites reduced
people to being ‘lawless.’19 It is specifically the reconstruction of the 19. SbNU XLIII: 12.
social order which motivates the German queen to write a letter to

223 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Nikolai VUKOV

Marko with the request to gather brave men and to liberate her lands
from the Black Arab. When Marko reads the letter, blood drops from
20. Ibid. his eyes.20 His friend Gruytsa says that the Black Arab is very strong
and that they cannot fight him unless they use a trick. Thus Gruytsa
suggests that he dress up as a young bride and that Marko pretend to
be a young bridegroom. They agree to gather together thirty brave men
disguised as wedding guests and to go to the German land. As in many
other epic song cycles, the wedding procession is both the disguise for
the emerging epic fight and the context of defeating the existing evil.
21. In some versions, the Having been woken with the news about the wedding procession,21 the
Arab sleeps in high towers Black Arab swiftly prepares for the fight and rides after the procession.
and is woken by Marko who
beats loudly at the gates All the wedding guests run away, including Marko, and the Black Arab
(SbNU XLIII: 12). reaches only the remaining Gruyo (dressed as a bride) who manages
22. Note the expressive to knock him down.22 Marko returns just at that moment and cuts off the
way in which the young Arab’s head. All the thirty wedding guests go back through the German
‘bride’ breaks the Black
Arab (SbNU XLIII: 12).
land and Marko sings a song announcing the permission of weddings,
baptisms and festive meetings.
The wedding procession is the general context for solving the
epic conflict also in the song cycle about Gyuro Temishvarin, Marko
23. SbNU 1: 4. Kralevich and the Black Arab.23 In this cycle, Gyuro Temishvarin (Gyuro
from Timisoara) goes around the world to find a wife. When he eventu-
ally finds her, he invites Marko as a best-man and Yankula Voevod as
a godfather. However, he does not have anyone to invite as a young
‘dever’ (the bride’s ritual bother) and is advised by his mother to take a
white loaf of bread and brandy and to invite the first person he meets to
take on this ritual role. On the coast, in the white sand, Gyuro finds Dete
Golomeshe and invites him to be a ‘young dever.’ He takes Golomeshe
to his palace where he chooses clothes, a sword, and a horse for the
marriage feast. On the way back from the bride’s house, the wedding
procession enters a narrow mountain pass. There, in a remote place
that is hardly accessible for humans, the Black Arab appears. Again,
his appearance is dreadful: he is like a terrible blizzard, his mouth as
big as a door, eyes as big as windows, with legs and arms as long as
house beams. The Arab tells the wedding guests to turn back peace-
fully, but to leave the bride and the gifts for him. The only one who
dares speak is Dete Golomeshe, who declares he will fight with the
Black Arab. After a violent struggle, Dete Golomeshe defeats the Arab
and cuts off his head with the sharp sabre. Then he goes to the green
umbrella of the Arab (note the colour symbolism of Arab’s religious af-
filiation), takes the wedding gifts and, together with the maiden, arrives

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at Gyuro’s yard where he berates the cowardly wedding participants.

As in all the other song cycles, the fate of the Arab is predestined:
despite his monstrous appearance and unbreakable power, he is to
be defeated by the young epic hero, a simple but noble and valiant
character.
A very interesting example of the figure of the Black Arab in
Bulgarian folklore epics is found in the song about his making a bet
with Marko and winning Marko’s wife as a result.24 After being warned 24. See for example SbNU
by his wife never to use her as a stake her in any bet, Marko has XLIII: 11.
a feast with the Black Arab and gambles with him. While the Black
Arab stakes his horse and sword, Marko proposes his wife as a stake.
Marko loses the bet and the Black Arab takes his wife. On the way
to Solun, Marko’s wife manages to cheat the Arab, warning him that
she might be recognized by relatives in Solun and proposing that they
change their clothes. They spend the night in an inn and Marko’s wife
kills the Arab during the night. On the following morning, she accuses
the hosts of his murder and they are obliged to pay her for his death.
An interesting point is the throwing of the Arab’s body in the Aegean
Sea and the prohibition to speak about what has happened. Yet again,
the body of the Arab is torn apart and scattered without a trace and yet
again this happens at the boundary of the world, the beach and the
seaside where the memory of the Arab will submerge into oblivion.

THE ARAB MAIDEN

One of the most interesting plots involving the Black Arab in

Bulgarian folklore epics is the song about Marko and the Arab Maiden
(Arapka devojka). Although not related to epic fights and while bearing
strong ballad characteristics, the song is inseparable from the system
of the epics and adds a very important element to the conceptualization
of Marko as the main epic hero. It is among the few cases where the
representation is not focused on the Black Arab himself but on mem-
bers of his immediate entourage (as, for example, the Black Arab’s wife
in some of the songs) or even, as here, on the isomorphic character of
his figure. It is precisely for this reason that the song in which the Black
Arab is principally absent is so indicative of the strategies of distinction
and exclusion which accompany his figure in the epics. The song starts
in a way typical of the epic song: in all its versions, the plot is devel-
oped in the form of retrospection triggered by the question of Marko’s

225 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Nikolai VUKOV

mother to her son about the reason for building nine zadushbini. The
meaning of the latter indicates a commemorative practice in memory
of the dead and, as becomes clear from Marko’s story, he was build-
ing such a commemoration to the Arab Maiden whom he killed and
whom he mourns. The story tells of Marko having been captured by the
Arabs in a distant land with dry mountains where he is thrown in jail.
Every day a maiden comes to his prison to bring him bread and pastry,
and on Easter and St. George’s Day she brings him festive food. One
day, the maiden tells Marko that if he would like to be his beloved, she
will steal the keys from her father and release him. Marko agrees and
they flee together. On the road, however, the Arab maiden becomes
exhausted and Marko is about to leave her. She offers him either to
take her as a slave or to kill her if he does not want to have her as a
wife. Supposing that his friends will mock at him if they see him tak-
ing an Arab woman as a wife, Marko turns back and kills the maiden.
Yet again, even when not a demonic and threatening personality but
a supporter and a saviour, the Arab is the target of discrimination and
destruction. Although seeming to be inherently an exception, the song
about the Arab Maiden appears as a confirmation of the hostility to this
figure and to the inability of overcoming cross-cultural differences—in
struggle as well as in social life and matrimonial practices.
The diverse examples provided so far regarding the appearance of
the Black Arab in epics songs shed light on the major tendencies of dis-
tinguishing and exclusion which surround this figure in Bulgarian folk-
lore. He is not only depicted as one of the most horrible and threaten-
ing characters in traditional culture, but also a figure bearing the marks
of an ‘otherness’ that is so unimaginable and alien that it is doomed
to extermination. From the songs about the three chains of slaves,
through those about the sick Doychin, to those associated with the
exploits of Marko or his ritual brothers, the Black Arab is an embodi-
ment of the radical evil that afflicts the local community and his murder
is the only possible way of restoring the status quo. Whether abducting
and enslaving members of the young generation, trying to cheat the
epic hero in collaboration with the evil sultan, or imposing unlawful and
religiously unacceptable behaviour, the Black Arab is bestowed with all
those features that folklore consciousness perceives as utterly alien
to its ethnic community and its religious and cultural traditions. While
symbolically this finds expression in the regular modifier of ‘black’
(which in Bulgarian folk mythology is firmly associated as belonging to
chaos and the netherworld), on the level of the epic texts it clearly testi-

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 Cultural Practices of Distinction and Exclusion: The Black Arab in Bulgarian Folklore Epics

fies to processes in the emergence of the image—acquiring elements

from mythological layers (ones related, for example, to the dragon)
and merging together images customarily ascribed to other ethnic and
religious opponents, such as Turks and Tartars. Thus, on the one hand,
the figure of the Arab attests to the consolidation of mythical layers
around a character with a well outlined individual profile, while on the
other he accumulates the policies of cultural negation and exclusion to
ethnic groups of immediate contact and of immediate identification as
oppressors and enslavers.

THE BLACK ARAB AND HAJDUT SIDER

The thus conjoined realms of exclusion form a symbolic alloy of a

cultural image that has enormous significance for the heroic epic as
a whole as it permeates some of the most representative and well-
known epic cycles as well as serving to update ancient mythological
content with pertinent historical issues. This possibility for enhanced
actuality with respect to the needs of encoding ethnic and religious
differentiation finds translation in epic forms of later historical develop-
ment, as is the case with the hajduk epics where the figure the Black
Arab finds representation in the well-known song about Sider Voevod
and his fight with the Arab. In place of the German queen or the Aykuna
maiden, here the request for salvation comes directly from villagers
and city-dwellers who pray to God to save them from the Black Arab.
Despite the principal difference, however, the reasons for the request
are very much the same: the Arab causes damage in winter and in
summer; he beats and slaughters whomsoever he meets; he oppress-
es and abducts; people are ‘black slaves’ to him. In a range of variants,
the Arab dwells on a major road or a mountain pass and nobody can
travel there—neither a bird, nor a traveller, nor a shepherd with his
sheep. Yet again, the Arab is like a mythological figure that blocks the
regular paths and roads, who stops the rhythm of the universe, impos-
ing harsh demands on the cycle of life and on social order altogether.
The fighter of the Black Arab, Hajdut Sider, is no less brave and sig-
nificant than Marko, Doychin, and the other heroes of the epic songs.
He is described as a wild hero, a fiery soldier who harnesses his ‘blond
oxen,’ takes his grey hat and ‘dryanov krivak’ (dogwood/cornel) shep-
herd’s crook), makes the sing of the cross and rushes to respond to
the people’s request. He is very swift and bears the characteristics

227 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Nikolai VUKOV

of a mythological hero: in the course of one night he and his oxen

traverse nine springs, nine valleys and nine rivers. Finally, he reaches
the Arab’s location, or goes to a field of peonies with a spring where
he stops to water the oxen. Through the dense mists he is seen by the
Arab who rides his white horse towards Sider to catch him like a crow.
The Arab asks Sider how he dares to cross the area and orders him
to bow his head to be slaughtered. This demand is reminiscent of the
actions in a sacrifice. In a manner that powerfully echoes the religious
motifs of Marko’s exploit, Sider asks in what way this act is supposed to
happen: like a lamb on St. George’s Day or a young bird on St. Peter’s
Day. Yet, Sider adds that although he does not have a long javelin, a
thin sword or a long gun, he has a long crook and is a good brave man
who is not afraid of Arabs and easily takes their blood. The response of
the Arab explicitly takes up the theme of religious distinguishing as he
calls Sider ‘gyavur’ (an infidel) who is very foolish to cross a field cov-
ered with the blood of infidels. The Black Arab brags that for nine years
he has travelled around the valleys and meadows spilling the blood of
infidels and looting gold and silver; the forests and fields, rivers and
valleys are his slaves.
At the words of the Arab, Sider jumps in the air and they start fight-
ing. In all the different versions of the song, the fight between the two
opponents is described as one of universal dimensions. Whereas the
Arab fights with his sword, Hajdut Sider uses his cornel crook—and
every bone the wooden stick hits is broken in half. The fight continues
for ‘three long hours’ and frightens all of nature—the oxen, wolves,
birds, eagles, etc. The struggle continues until Sider breaks the Arab’s
weapons and cuts off the Arab’s ‘curly head’, then is taken up again in
a fight between Sider and the Arab’s horse. Yet again, the only thing
that Sider relies upon is the cornel crook, which ‘bends itself but does
not break’. The fight between the man and horse is again marked by
ethnic, religious and social distinguishing markers: while the horse
fights for the black ‘nevrod’ (alien ethnic group), Sider fights for the
‘beloved narod’. The fight is fierce—it melts ice and snow—and ends
with the victory of Hajdut Sider. Having succeeded in the heavy strug-
gle, Sider throws the Arab’s carcass into an empty well and leaves the
horse on the top of a hill for the hungry wolves. Then he takes the blond
oxen and sings a song as he crosses the fields and hills. The song can
be heard across nine regions and announces in the mountains and
meadows that there no-one will harm them anymore.
Aside from the abovementioned motifs and images, the songs

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about Hajdut Sider and his fight with the Black Arab also contain a
number of other elements of cultural distinguishing and exclusion
which turn the battle into a duel between distinctive cultural worlds.
One of these elements is the fantastic image of the cornel crook car-
ried by Hajdut Sider. Despite its unique appearance in the songs be-
longing to the epic tradition, the cornel crook bears explicit cultural
references to traditional Bulgarian culture. The dogwood tree has an
important place in Bulgarian ritual and festivities: the budding branch
is decorated at New Year and known as the survaknitsa; its buds are
used in the preparation of New Year pastry and are still used today in
Bulgarian folk medicine. The use of the dogwood crook in defeating
the Black Arab clearly emphasizes the cultural background of Sider
and the life forces that bring renewal and regeneration to the disturbed
natural and social cycle.
Another important image in this respect is that of the blond oxen.
For the ordinary Bulgarian, the ox is one of the sacred animals and the
respect to it is expressed in different Bulgarian festive days and ritu-
als. Albeit not taking direct part in the fight, the presence of the oxen is
indicative both of the sacred elements surrounding the epic fight and
of the symbolic blessing on Sider’s mission. In contrast to the motifs of
life, regeneration and sacredness, the Black Arab is surrounded by the
notion of death. In addition to the dreadful physical appearance and
the notions of threat surrounding Black Arab’s figure in the epic songs,
here the motifs of death are conveyed by the field of peonies where he
is found by Sider and where their battle takes place. Associated usu-
ally with the plague in Bulgarian folklore traditions, the field of peonies
firmly inscribes the Black Arab as belonging to the netherworld and
thus as destined to defeat and destruction.

THE BLACK ARAB’S APPEARANCE IN RITUAL CONTEXT

Representations of the Black Arab find particularly interesting

representation in Bulgarian traditional rituals where the Arab finds a
regular place in masking performances during survakari, kukeri, sta-
nicharski and rusalii rites in the summer cycle. Despite their different
ritual functions and regional variation, in many of them the figure of the
Arab holds a regular place. Wearing animal horns and with their faces
tarred, the role of the Arab in these rituals is to chase the participants
who ‘steal’ and ‘hide’ the bride and to threaten to tar them with soot.

229 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Nikolai VUKOV

They usually have the task of guarding the ‘bride’ and of ensuring a
carnival atmosphere by making jokes and performing tricks. Together
with a range of other characters—drummers, devils, cinder-men, bear-
herds, ‘camels,’ ‘donkeys,’ etc.— they go around the houses and take
part in expelling evil spirits. These visits and games customarily take
place on the so-called ‘pogani’ (dirty) days between Christmas and
Voditsi (St. Jordan’s Day), or continue until the last day before the be-
ginning of the Easter Lent. They indicate the boundary after the end of
the dirty days in the New Year and Christmas rituals, and between the
winter and the spring in the Shrovetide events. Their primary goal is to
transform the world and to overcome evil spirits, ensuring a joyful and
regenerative spirit.
Although principally distinct from the representation of the Black
Arab in epic and hajduk songs, here again the figure of the Arabs
bears the marks of cultural distinction and exclusion characteristic of
the conceptualization of the Black Arab in Bulgarian folklore traditions.
As in the epic songs, the Arab is again among a group of ethnically
and culturally distinctive others—Gypsies, Jews, Tartars, etc.—and is
merged with them by the peculiarity of his clothing, his blackened face
and mask. Joining them all in making tricks and mischief, the Arab is
again involved in a wedding procession, sustaining a regular, albeit
convoluted, relationship with the ‘bride’ in the masked company. He is
far from being as fearful as he is the context of epic and hajduk songs,
but he also takes part in staged struggles with other participants in the
carnival, as well as ‘threatening’ to blacken the actors and spectators
with soot. Beyond any doubt, the black colour of his clothes and face
is a staple mark of this character, as is his grotesque and carnival-like
behaviour, staged evil-doing and ‘harmful’ performance. Aside from the
colour symbolism and his presence in collective groups of ethnically
and socially distinct others, an important mark is the attribute of a chain
that the Black Arab bears with him in the ritual game, a chain with
which he ‘captures people’ and chases them for ‘unpaid taxes.’ With all
the carnival characteristics of this performance, it allows us to trace a
link with the epic cycles of the slaves chained by Black Arabs and thus
indicates a memory trace of varied appearance in different contexts
and traditional folklore forms.

Black Arab
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 Cultural Practices of Distinction and Exclusion: The Black Arab in Bulgarian Folklore Epics

CONCLUSION

The diverse representations of the Black Arab in Bulgarian

traditional folklore help outline a systematic tendency of his ‘ex-
clusion’ as distinct from the social community and the shaping of
his image as the ethnically and religiously ‘other’ par excellence.
All the signs related to the appearance of the Arab are marked
by the idea of his position as a threat to the community and
his affiliation with the alien and dangerous world of the beyond.
Thus, in spatial terms, he inhabits realms on the margins of the
world (the coast, the sea, towers, peaks, mountain passes, etc.),
and in social terms all his behaviour take the shape of animosity
and threat to the local community. Finding expression in both the
visual appearance and overall fashioning of his behaviour, the
distinctive otherness of the Arab is an object of regular overcom-
ing in verbal and ritual terms, an instance to fight against and
defeat. It is a form of exclusion that is both implicitly given and
contextually shaped but is also explicitly thematized and sys-
tematically elaborated. Notably, while in folklore the Arab and
all his ‘alien’ company are playful manipulators/tricksters, in the
epic songs he is a major personality to be fought by the epic
hero in order to re-establish harmony in the natural and social
worlds. It is against him that the epic hero probes his strength
and courage, as well as his genuine religiosity, ethnic affiliation
and local patriotism.
These main contours of the Black Arab’s representations are
indicative of the general pattern of cultural production evolving
around such ethnically and culturally distinctive figures. Most
overtly, they testify to the systematically traced equation of eth-
nic and religious affiliation, evolving into the accumulation of per-
sonalities with different backgrounds into the collective figure of
the Arab. Nurtured by mythological motifs of opposition between
the main cultural hero and foes such as dragons, snakes, fairies,
etc., they bear the contours of the struggle between representa-
tives of Christian and Muslim religions, and encode this struggle
into a universal opposition between distinct ethnic and religious
groups. Whereas the historical parameters of this cultural logic

231 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Nikolai VUKOV

span the terrible conditions of life under Ottoman domination and

popular reaction against the enslavers, they also bear remote
echoes of the frequent fights between Arabs and Europeans in
the Mediterranean region, as well as the complex processes
sustaining communal identity in a multilayered ethnic and cul-
tural environment. From such a perspective, the figure of the
Black Arab is to be perceived not so much as a reflection of a
25. For the issue of the particular historical reality25 but rather as an example of the cata-
epic version of history, see
lyzing of cultural distinguishing and exclusion within the span
Bochkov 1986; Putilov
1965; Stoykova 1967. of several centuries and a symbolic figure that marks Bulgarian
folklore and cultural memory to the present day.

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Marko in Bulgarian folk epics], Sbornik na bulgarskoto knizhovno
druzhestvo v Sofia, 1901.
Yordanov, V. 1916: Krali Marko. Istorisko-literaturen pregled [Krali
Marko: Historical and literary overview], Sofia.

Black Arab
234
as a Figure of Memory
 Cultural Practices of Distinction and Exclusion: The Black Arab in Bulgarian Folklore Epics

Nikolai VUKOV
(Research Associate at the Institute of Folklore, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences,
Sofia, Bulgaria)

Cultural Practices of Distinction and Exclusion: The Black Arab in

Bulgarian Folklore Epics

Focusing on the representations of the Black Arab in Bulgarian folklore

epics, this paper traces the main lines of cultural distinction and exclu-
sion which surround this figure and functionalize it in the epic context.
The article outlines various means of differentiation (ethnic and cul-
tural stereotypes, patterns of kinship and family affiliation, mythological
characteristics, etc.) involved in the interpretation of the Black Arab as
a significant ‘other’ in epic songs. The logic outlined on the basis of he-
roic epics is reasserted in subsequent epic forms (such as the hajduk
song tradition) and in ritual contexts where stereotypes of distinction
and exclusion find their ‘national-struggle’ overtones and game-related
interpretations. Based on concrete examples from diverse epic cycles
and surrounding folklore forms, the paper emphasizes the importance
of the policies of distinction and exclusion both for the conceptualiza-
tion of the Black Arab as a major figure in Bulgarian epics and for the
development of the epic world in general.

235 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Volume No. 3

Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory

Part V
Performing
the Image
 The Arab Girl is Watching from the Window:
Ambiguous Images of the Black Arab in Folk Narratives and Performances in Turkey

Hande BIRKALAN-GEDIK (Istanbul)

The Arab Girl is Watching from the Window:

Ambiguous Images of the Black Arab in Folk
Narratives and Performances in Turkey
Key words:
• folklore
As a child, buying cinnamon-flavored chewing gum was a treat. I
liked the taste of cinnamon as much as the picture of the black Arab • folktales in Turkey
woman on the package. To a child’s eye, she was ‘cute.’ On the other • image in folktales
hand, it was no fun to hear that the black Arab would come to get and fairy tales
us if we did not go to sleep right away when we were told—a story
my grandmother had made up for us. Apart • ambiguity
from in these brief memories of childhood, • construction of
images of the Black Arab can be found else- reality in folktales
where in everyday life: at the cinema, in nov-
• gender
els, in advertisements, but especially in folk-
lore narratives and performances. In film, • sexuality and
the black Arab woman is a motherly figure stereotypes
who continues to work in rich households as • racism
a maid even after emancipation. The case
of eunuchs was more difficult, as they had • memory
to take care of themselves after the aboli- • performance,
tion of slavery (Erdem 1996, 173). Likewise, narrative strategies
the African-Turks in İzmir took up various The most important
low-paying jobs as street-vendors selling halva, chickpeas, and other term(s):
sweets (Boratav - Eberhard 1951, 87). This image has been part of the • the ambivalence of
Karagöz shadow-play since the 17th century, and the ‘maid’ image con- the image
tinued in the novels of the Tanzimat Era1 (Parlatır 1992; Güneş 1999).2 • the image in
In Karagöz, there are two types of Arabs: one type is represented as performance.

239 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Hande BIRKALAN-GEDIK

1. Tanzimat Era (1839- a beggar, candy-seller, or coffee-grinder. This type is called Akarap,
1876) refers to the period of and the characters are named Hacı Kandil (Pilgrim Candle), Hacı Fitil
reformation in the Ottoman
Empire, when a series of (Pilgrim Wick), or Hacı Şamandıra (Pilgrim Match), representing:
reforms were introduced
to reform the out-dated ‘[...] a typical hypocrite and simpleton who, because he is a hacı (pilgrim),
Ottoman institutions. The tries to make a living at the expense of others, pays with prayers instead of
reforms appeared in sev- money, passes himself off as a holy man and tries to play tricks on women
eral aspects of society, (Boratav and Eberhard 1952, 83).
including education, cen-
tralization of government,
and the abolition of the feu- The second type, described as Hacivad’s slave or Çelebi’s servant,
dal system (including taxes, is childish and funny. In addition, the Black Arab eunuch is a ‘stupid
land ownership, etc). simpleton and nouveau riche, who lends himself airs of importance,
2. For many, Karagöz is
often considered a ‘mirror’ appearing also in popular jokes, especially those concerned with pal-
of multicultural Ottoman so- ace life and the jokes of İncili Çavuş3 (Boratav and Eberhard 1952,
ciety. Although a discussion 83). The black Arab also exists in children’s rhymes, superstitions, and
of whether or not Karagöz
may be seen in the context
proverbs:
of multiculturalism would
constitute an article topic Yağmur yağıyor It is raining,
in and of itself, for now it Seller akıyor The torrents are running,
is suffice to say that the Arap kızı camdan bakıyor The Arab girl is watching from the window
representation of the Arab,
as well as other auxiliary
figures in Karagöz, can be
As children, we also sang this happy song of rain; yet the question
understood as a reflection as to why the Arab girl was watching from the window remained unan-
of cultural stereotypes, as swered. ‘You’ll become an Arab!’ was offered as an explanation for the
the context is mainly based prohibition of certain drinks. Children were made to believe that they
on humor and laughter.
3. A character who is known
would ‘become black’ if they drank Turkish coffee.4
as clever and ‘quick with Turkish employs several names for ‘Black Arab’, all of which are
answers.’ The character based on color: siyahî and kara derili denote skin color. The other, most
relates to a cycle of anec- predominant name is Arap/Akarap and means white Arab. Arap may
dotes in which characters
are drawn from palace life.
refer to gypsies, emphasizing their dark, yellowish skin color. Another
4. A German play song is zenci, from Persian zenc, or zeng, originally meaning ‘dark-skinned’
expresses an idea similar and referring to black Arabs5 who, in current parlance, are called Afro-
to the belief illustrated Turks or black-Turks—the term ‘Arab’ being considered uncomplimen-
here: ‘C-A-F-F-E-E//trink’
tary. The perception of the color black evidently connotes the repre-
nicht soviel Kaffee//
Nicht für Kinder ist der sentation of black Arabs, although the perception of both black and
Türkentrank//schwächt die blackness is ambivalent. On the one hand, there is a fear of black and
Nerven, macht dich blass blacks. The term is at times conflated with evil. On the other hand,
und krank//Sei doch kein
there is a fascination with black. In divan literature, the literature of the
Muselman//der das nicht
lassen kann.’ Translation: palace, for instance, black hair evokes the imagery of the night—it is
C-O-F-F-E-E//don’t drink the color of seduction. The lover-poet draws analogies between dark
so much coffee//the Turkish nights and the beloved’s hair or eyes. Yet black can be demeaning, as

Black Arab
240
as a Figure of Memory
 The Arab Girl is Watching from the Window:
Ambiguous Images of the Black Arab in Folk Narratives and Performances in Turkey

it also evokes dirt and a state of impurity. The 17th century folk poet, drink is not for a child//it
Karacaoğlan, who apparently suffered from this perception, refutes his weakens the nerves, makes
your face pale//You are no
beloved: ‘bana kara diyen dilber, saçların kara değil mi?’ (Beloved who Muslim//he cannot quit it.’
calls me black—is not your hair black as well?) (Boratav and Fıratlı These lyrics were compsed
2000 [1943], 109-100). The dilemma that Karacaoğlan faces compels in the 18th century to keep
him to prove himself of worth to his beloved. He points out that coffee children away from coffee
(http://www.planet-wissen.
and pepper, the most valuable foods of his time, are both black. He fi- de, 21/03/2009).
nally asserts that the holy stone in Mecca is black and yet it is the most
5. Boratav notes that in
revered site for Muslims. French ‘maure’ (in Greek
Besides the ambiguity towards the color black in folk literature, mauros, black) designates
Turkish has a number of other terms and phrases with ‘Arab’ which of- the Arab and the Turk
ten allude to physical characteristics such as skin color, facial features, (Boratav 1958, 9).
or hair:6 Arap means the negative film in photography; the phrase Arap 6. Snowden also notes a
saçı, meaning the wooly hair of an Arab, refers to any case impos- similar case in the repre-
sible to be solved; arap sabunu in French translates as savon noir, in sentation of negros in clas-
English as soft soap; arapzamkı is gum Arabic; Arap dudağı is a kind of sical Greece, where physi-
cal characteristics were
textile woven in black and white; Arap uşağı, ‘Arab’s servant’, is used assicoatiated with the word
in a derogatory sense; Arap uyandı, ‘the Arab woken up’ means that a Ethiopian (Snowden 1948).
lesson has been taken from a certain case. In botany, Arap sümbülü
is called muscari bourgaei in Latin and grape hyacinth in English. The
proverb ‘zenci yüzü yıkamakla ağarmaz’ (‘a black face cannot be made
white by washing) is used to state that the inherent qualities of human
beings cannot be changed.
In addition to these examples from language, the Black Arab ap-
pears in prominent folklore genres where narration prevails. This pa-
per aims to contribute to the notion of ‘the Black Arab as a figure of
memory’ by thinking through cases from folklore in Turkey about black
Arabs. It will not discuss the folklore of black Arabs, although stud-
ies on such an issue would increase our understanding of the black
Arabs. Instead, the paper examines, briefly but critically, the forms and
fashions in which the black Arabs appear in folktale texts and perform-
ances in Turkey. The paper maintains that the image of the black Arab
lies at the juncture of the reality of history and folktale’s own reality. As
historic reality, the image reflects the behavior of and the reaction to
the ‘other’ construed by white ideology. At the same time, the image is
a result of both the fictive and projected reality of the folktale. Here, the
role of folklore in registering, preserving and disseminating memory is
important. Performance strategies have resulted in the creation of not
one, but various images of the black Arab, rather then portraying the
figure in the binary opposition good/evil, as Pertev Naili Boratav once

241 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Hande BIRKALAN-GEDIK

suggested (Boratav and Eberhard, 1952). On the theoretical level, it

aims to impact image studies by discussing ‘performance’ in which im-
ages and representations are created and remembered in reference
to cultural memory yet are blurred and sustained in ambiguity. It con-
cludes that the image of the Black Arab can be tailored according to
the audience within the contexts of performances through the narrative
strategies of the folktale narrator.
Despite the existence of people of African origin living as slaves
in Turkey, their existence was not acknowledged until recently. Esma
Durugönül underlines an ‘inability to deal with the facts surrounding
the existence of the Afro-Turks.’ (Durugönül 2003, 281) If we call Afro-
Turks ‘invisible’ today, this undoubtedly has historical roots. They are
missing in statistics and official documents. Durugönül rightly observes
that:

‘Judging from an overview of studies on slavery in general and slavery in

the Ottoman Empire, and bearing in mind the body of work on slavery con-
ducted in different parts of the world, predominantly by Western scholars,
we can establish the extent to which Ottoman slavery has been neglected.’
(Durugönül 2003, 288).

Part of this neglect is due to the attitude of some historians, most of

whom have not considered Ottomans as colonialists and thus have not
established a relationship between slavery and colonialism. However,
Ottomans took the system of slavery from the Middle Eastern Muslim
states and adapted and integrated it within social and political life.
Slaves were used in the palace as eunuchs in the harem, not to men-
tion in military service. The slave-trade of the Ottomans included not
only black slaves brought from the Sudan and Ethiopia, but also slaves
from the Black Sea, such as Georgians and Caucasians, traded in
slave markets in Istanbul, Bursa, İzmir, Belgrade, Damascus, and Cairo
(Toledano 1998, Erdem 1996). In İzmir, where the majority of black
Arabs continued to live together, certain neighborhoods have names
7. Etymologically, this topo- that imply their cultural history: Sabırtaşı7, Dolaplıkuyu,8 Tamaşalık and
nym of Sabırtaşı (Patience Ballıkuyu (Boratav 1952, 87). Likewise, as Güneş informs us, in İzmir
Stone) relates to the tale of
the patience stone.
they called their communities such names as Borno, Afini, Tağali, and
Cengi (Güneş 1999, 5). Such communities, although smaller, exist in
8. Dolaplıkuyu and İzmir today, in addition to a small community in Antalya (Durugönül
Ballıkuyu refer to the ‘black 2003).
of the well’ legend, (kuyu in
Turkish means well). Today, the public appearance of black Arabs carries social and cul-
tural importance. The nascent interest in African-Turks partly derives

Black Arab
242
as a Figure of Memory
 The Arab Girl is Watching from the Window:
Ambiguous Images of the Black Arab in Folk Narratives and Performances in Turkey

from a closer relationship with African cultures in recent years. First,

Turkey has become a ‘waiting room’ for numerous immigrants from
Africa en route to Europe. In relation to this movement, the name of
Turkey became associated with the violation of human rights when a
Nigerian immigrant was killed at a police station. Second, many African
athletes have been invited to Turkey and have even been given Turkish
citizenship in order to participate in sports, especially in the Olympics.
The state officials talked of Elvan Abeylegese, an Ethiopian athlete
who was naturalized as a Turkish citizen, and of her ‘devşirme’9 sta- 9. The phrase connotes
tus. Third, the African-Turks in Turkey, who are mostly farmers in the to a historical context and
Mediterranean and Aegean regions, established the African Culture and literally means to gather, to
recruit slaves for military-
Solidarity Association in 2006, aiming to highlight their history. Last, an governmental purposes, or
oral history project has been completed by the History Foundation of to impose a child-levy.
Turkey—the first detailed research on the lives of African-Turks, mainly
based on interviews (http://www.afroturk.org/10/02/2009).
From this cultural, linguistic and historical sketch, I shall move into
my main domain of analysis, namely folktales and fairy tales where the
image of the Arab is portrayed in a wide spectrum. Based on the func-
tion, role, and description in folktale, the following classification can be
offered, and it will be selectively discussed due to spatial limitations:10 10. The reference to the
folktale numbers are
1 - Magical helper based on the type num-
a. helper to bride: 102, 104; to heroine: 218, 60; to the poor: 223 (and by bers in Typen Türkisher
Volksmärchen (Eberhard
giving the poor a child: 102, 104, 158); to the good: 60; to children:
and Boratav 1953).
168
b. fulfills wishes: 117, 176, 287
c. Arab as guardian or guide: 46, 95
d. facilitates the marriage of the poor: 103
2 - Magical giver
a. makes people rich: 46, 138
b. gives treasure: 287
c. gives magical table: 176
d. gives magical things: 72, 102, 213, 239; by playing flute: 175
e. gives gold, gives money: 209
f. Makes people young: 117
3 - Magical teacher: 223, 239, 258, 287
a. teacher to the poor: 132 V
b. teaches exchange game: 169
c. female Arab teaches how luck can be found: 132 V
4 - informs the fearless: 280, 284
5 - chews gum: 342
6 - informs padişah: 279

243 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Hande BIRKALAN-GEDIK

7 - as astrologer: 125
8 - guards the treasure room: 367
9 - becomes a young person: 367
10 - abducts bride: 215 V, 104, 157
a. abducts bride as a cannibal: 157
b. as ogre (cannibal) abducts children: 156
c. eats children: 141, 169
11 - represented in reference to sexuality: 84, 204, 277, 346
a. homosexuality: 188, 95, 103
b. as beloved of the sultan: 94, 204, 277, 346
c. seduces the mistress: 245; makes love with the sultana: 277
d. black lover is killed: 204
e. marries the princess: 126
f. female Arab has a love affair: 376
12 - People dressed as Arabs:
a. padişah dressed like an Arab: 224
b. bride pretends to be an Arab during escape: 215
c. Arab as a spare person: 227
d. Arab puts himself in the place of the prince: 61
e. hero dresses like Arab to test faithfulness: 203, 334
13 - Female Arab as impostor, deceiver as bride: 89, 168
a. lala’s daughter as false bride: 240
b. takes heroine’s place: 168
14 - Female Arab kills the heroine: 248; female Arab adopts the heroine and
kills her: 247
15 - Marriage to an Arab
a. Arab marries a princess: 92, 95
b. Arab must be beaten so that he can be white: 126, 239
c. Arab is beaten by heroes: 248
16 - Arab as tester: 256
17 - Arab must be beaten for an amulet: 239

Images of the Black Arab are concentrated in the roles of magical

helper, giver, or teacher. In certain types of tale, the black Arab helps
the bride, the heroine, the poor, the good, or children; knows helpful
medicine; facilitates the marriage of the poor; or helps the poor by giv-
11. Lala takes care of chil- ing them a child. The character Arap Lala,11 also known as ‘Of- Lala,’
dren, oversees children’s in a variant of Cinderella, TTV 60, is a woman who helps Cinderella,
education as a governess
fulfilling a function similar to the fairy-godmother in European versions.
in rich homes.
In Turkish texts, it is usually a cow that helps Cinderella, while in some
variants an Arab woman performs wonders and clothes her in a nice
dress to facilitate her attendance at the ball in the palace (Eberhard
Boratav 1953, 67-68). In more fantastic tales, such as TTV 168- The

Black Arab
244
as a Figure of Memory
 The Arab Girl is Watching from the Window:
Ambiguous Images of the Black Arab in Folk Narratives and Performances in Turkey

Deer Brother, the black Arab is a helper to children (Boratav 1992

[1958], 87-91):

‘The step-mother threatens her stepdaughter and stepson with murder

and they save themselves by a magical flight. The brother drinks from a
spring and he is transformed into a deer. The girl binds together poplar
branches. A prince notices this, but he cannot get them. The tree is healed
by the licking of the deer’s tongue. At the proposal of the prince, an old
person goes under the tree and begins to prepare a meal in a completely
wrong way. The girl comes down and cooks it correctly. She marries a
prince. A jealous maid pushes the bride into the water and she is swal-
lowed by a fish. The maid is annoyed by the deer, which comes at night to
her bed where she sleeps in place of the bride with the prince; she orders
the killing of the deer. The deer runs to the water and asks his sister for as-
sistance. The prince finally understands the situation; he saves the bride
from the stomach of the fish. In the meantime, she gives birth to her child.’
(Eberhard and Boratav 1953, 187-190).

The maid may be a jealous black Arab

woman or a gypsy. She tells the maiden to
kill her brother. While such a representa-
tion is most commonly associated with evil,
another rendering can assert lala’s vicari-
ous, symbolic attempts to attain a status
higher than slavery. Unlike this character,
in TTV 46- Black Cat the Arap Lala is trans-
formed into a black cat, leading the girl to
the prince (Boratav 1958 [1992], 125-130),
thus remaining within the limits of her exist-
ing status. She can fulfill the girl’s wishes
whenever she needs her (see also: TTV
90, 140, 160, 263). In many folk tales, the
black Arab assumes the function of Hızır,12 12. According to Warren
Walker and Ahmet Uysal,
a syncretic figure represented as an old ‘Hızır walks the earth with
saint who helps the needy, almost always men more than any other
at the last minute. Likewise, the black Arab Moslem immortal, and he
appears when one calls ‘Of-Arab!’ or ‘Of- dies in order to fulfill certain
functions that are peculiarly
Lala!’ or sometimes, when one only cries his own.’ (Walker and Uysal
out ‘Of!’. The black Arab replies: ‘My name is Of. You summoned me. 1973, 286).
Tell me what it is that you want!’ Then lala does whatever is desired
and performs supernatural acts. This figure approaches the role of

245 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Hande BIRKALAN-GEDIK

the black Arab as saint, which can also be found outside the folktale
context—such as the black saints of Anatolia, the seven black saints
in İzmir, a certain Arap Dede of Çorum; and another one in Erzincan
(Boratav 1958, 10).
Arap lala can be a magical giver who makes people rich. In TTV
287- The Mat Weaver, the lala gives the treasure which is wished for.
The motif line of the tale is as follows:

‘A hero flees and he is brought by a giant to a distant country. He meets

a compatriot who gives him advice. He takes large loans and distributes
money. He talks about a caravan arriving soon and bluffs about the money.
He marries a princess. The loving princess advises him to escape. An Of
lala comes and gives him the treasure which he had wished for.’ (Eberhard
and Boratav 1953, 332).

TTV 102-Grape I opens with a motif in which a father asks about

his daughters’ wishes. In some variants, the young girl may ask for an
Of lala as ‘rare or unusual thing’ who helps the poor, gives the needy a
child, or offers magical objects. The Of lala appears much more vividly
in TTV 117- Getting Young in which an old woodcutter sighs ‘Of!’ and
a magical black Arab appears with whose aid the old man wishes to
become young. The magical black Arab takes him to the fairy-sultan
where he can see the young and beautiful fairies dance. Similarly, in
TTV 138- Servant Hüseyin, the black Arab is a giver:

‘The rich Mehmet dismisses his servant Hüseyin who questions the justice
of God. He comes to a garden where a magical black Arab gives him piles
of gold. He sees his master eating in a community kitchen. He gives him
gifts. He gives advice on life.’ (Eberhard and Boratav 1953, 154).

In other tales, he can help the poor through the gift of a magical
object. The motif line of TTV 175-The Magical Purse tells of a poor man
who receives magical objects, among which there is a magical purse
that never runs empty. He wishes to reach the princess through these
objects, but she gets these objects from him one by one and dismisses
him. In the end, he teaches her a lesson and marries her. Among the
magical objects, there also might be a flute which, when played, gives
soldiers or a helpful black Arab. Similarly, the Arab as giver can be
seen in TTV 176- Easy Life, wherein the Arab gives a magical table
which appears when one utters the words ‘Open! Table, open!’ (simi-
lar to the incantation ‘Open Sesame!’). In the tale, a man cries over

Black Arab
246
as a Figure of Memory
 The Arab Girl is Watching from the Window:
Ambiguous Images of the Black Arab in Folk Narratives and Performances in Turkey

something that he has lost, upon which an Of lala appears and gives
him a gold-dropping donkey that will be changed into an ‘Open, table,
open!’, which is again exchanged against an ordinary table. He comes
back crying and gets a stick from a sack and regains his magical power
(Boratav 1992 [1969], 181-183).
TTV 209-Salt is about a man who thinks that he can be rich with
a single chick pea. He wishes for a princess but their ways part. He
sends the gold he earns in a salt basket. He meets the girl again. The
black Arab can be seen as a more realistic framework: in one variant
he gives the hero money so that he can marry the princess. Similarly, in
TTV 258-The Unknown Warrior, the magical black Arab gives the hero
a horse. The tale tells of a princess who marries. Then a war breaks out.
The Arab gives the wounded hero a horse so that the war can be won.
The black Arab can also appear as a magical teacher. An example
of this may be found in TTV 223-The Dress of a Violet Color, which
tells of a sultan who orders a curfew and walks in the country to check
if the people are obeying him. He sees a house with a light. This house
belongs to three daughters who must work at night. The girls chat
amongst themselves. He secretly listens to them. The first two say that
they want to marry artists. The third says that if the sultan marries her
she will be the one to ask his service. The sultan fulfills the first two
daughters’ wishes and imprisons the last to be hanged. She makes
beautiful dresses for herself through which she makes the sultan fall in
love with her. They get married. In one variant, a black Arab with magi-
cal powers gives the heroine a dress. There is a beautiful girl called
Arap üzengi, an Amazon-like hero who might have a flying horse or a
magical black Arab, who appears in TTV 239-The Beautiful and in TTV
247- Shah Ismail.
In TTV 239, the episode of the curfew and the three sisters chat-
ting is the same. During their conversation, the first two say that they
will undertake great tasks. The third only says that she would like to
have twins for him. The first two cannot keep their promise while the
youngest gives birth to a boy and a girl. The jealous sisters switch the
babies for puppies. The sultan orders the bride to be sent off to an is-
land and spat at. The babies are taken care of by an ordinary man who
later dies; the children become rich. The jealous sisters learn that the
twins are alive and they send a magician to them. The magician con-
vinces the girl—while her brother is absent—to ask for a magic bough.
He endangers his life for the sister and brings another magical object.
Finally, after a lengthy quest, a beautiful girl is brought and she warns

247 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Hande BIRKALAN-GEDIK

them of the trick. The boy invites the sultan—his father—to his house
and explains the deception to him. They save their mother and the bad
sisters are hanged (Eberhard-Boratav 1952, 287-291). Here the black
Arab may appear in the form of a Hızır who is summoned by a magical
ring to help the twins. A black Arab may appear when the boy breaks a
jasmine branch as he says the magical words. Just as in the previous
tales, a magical object can cause the Arab to appear. In this type, there
is also a black Arab who must be beaten until he turns white—one who
gives life to the petrified in order to get the princess.
The Arab can be a teacher to the poor, as in TTV 132-The Well of
Fate, and TTV 169, where he teaches the exchange game (Ali Cengiz
oyunu). The black Arab may take the role of informing the fearless
(TTV 280, TTV 284). In TTV 342-Thief and the Master Thief, Hasan
the thief puts the lala who takes care of the Indian Sultan to sleep and
draws the chewing gum from his mouth with a hair in order to show it
as a proof that he has accomplished the pre-assigned tasks (Boratav-
Eberhard 1952, 374). The lala may be able to foresee the future (TTV
125), inform the Padişah (TTV 279), guard the treasure room, or be
a young person (TTV 367). Yet the most visual representation of the
black Arab relates to his portrayal as the abductor of young brides (TTV
157-Spindle-Seller) or children (TTV 156-Patient Stone). The Arab as
the abductor of a bride can be seen in the following example:

‘A spindle-seller locks up the eldest of three sisters in his house. The

house is full of flesh. The girl does not eat. She must eat a finger that has
been cut off. She does not eat the finger but throws it to the ground. The
finger explains, when asked, where it is. The girl is killed. The same fate
befalls the second girl. The third secretly feeds the finger to a cat. On be-
ing questioned, the finger explains it is in a warm stomach. She now has
the confidence of the man, who forbids her from entering the 41st room. In
the 41st room there is a young man hanging. He advises her which old per-
son’s hair should be cut so that he will sleep for forty days. The old person
puts people to sleep. The young man is awaken and kills the old person.’
(Eberhard and Boratav 1953, 170-173).

The bad Of lala is as magical as the good one, but the figure does
not assume the function of a Hızır. Such a female lala is depicted as
one ‘whose lips are in heaven and on earth’ (see for example, TTV
121, 86). The representation of Of lala as a character who treats peo-
ple unjustly relates to a belief that to sigh ‘Of!’ in times of hardship is
a signal to call bad sprits, or even Satan. Many people warn: ‘Call to

Black Arab
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 The Arab Girl is Watching from the Window:
Ambiguous Images of the Black Arab in Folk Narratives and Performances in Turkey

God, not to Of!’ (Boratav 1992 [1958], 226).

The black Arab as a cannibal abducting children appears in the 13. Boratav notes that the
variant of TTV 156-Patience Stone. In this folktale, a princess marries hostile black supernatural
a prince and gives birth to several children who are kidnapped by a creature in the Crimean
version of ‘Karaoğlan’ owns
ghoulish teacher. The teacher leaves blood that suggests the mother a palace in which the newly
has murdered her children and she is imprisoned (Uther 2004, 519). married Karaoğlan and
The cannibal character might be represented by the black Arab in some Ismihan Sultan live. When
variants. Representing the black Arab as a terrible, merciless giant, or Karaoğlan is absent, the
black Arab puts his arms
as a cannibal, as the ‘symbol of wickedness and barbarism’ (Boratav around the sleeping wife.
and Eberhard 1953, 85), also appears in TTV 169-Game of Ali Cengiz, Upon his return, Karaoğlan
where the black Arab eats the sultan’s daughters one by one.13 sees his wife in the black
The Arab as abductor can be seen in village theater, where men Arab’s arms and he thinks
she is unfaithful. Upon his
take up various roles and dress accordingly. The black Arab abducts curse, her body is covered
the bride (And 1985, 113), which can also be a motif in folktales. with a bad smell. No-one
However, folktale deals with supernatural or magical things. Metin And will come near her and she
tells of the Arab figure in the game called Arap: is exposed in the desert.
Upon Karaoğlan’s finding
out about his wife’s in-
‘The characters of the Arab game which is performed in Fethiy are: the nocence, she is cured and
Arab, the grandfather, the bride, and Satan. The Arab paints his body in returns to him (Boratav
black with smoke; the grandfather wears a beard and puts flour in his hair, 1958, 85).
wearing a cushion at his back not be hurt when he is beaten and to show
that he has a hunchback. The Arab holds a stick between his legs (clearly
a phallus). A man takes the role of the bride and another of Satan. While
the Arab dances, Satan hides the bride. As soon as the Arab finds this out,
he swings his stick at Satan, the grandfather and the audience. He dances
and looks for the bride. In the end, the bride is found and all four dance.’
(And 1985, 111).

In a variant of TTV 104- Grape II, the Of lala abducts the heroine.
In similar fashion, in TTV 213-The Amulet of the Sprits, (Boratav 1958
[1992], 189-197) the black Arab is an ogre that abducts the bride.
The representation of the black Arab in association with sexuality
includes some interesting cases. Perhaps the most prominent sexual
imagery comes from the opening story of Arabian Nights in which the
concubines have an orgy with black slaves. However, in the Turkish
tales, the representation of the black Arab’s sexuality goes beyond
these scenes, presenting a variety of images. The motif line of TTV
95- Skull and the Fairy Girl is about a man who is put under a spell (or
in some variants a black Arab). He is married to the youngest of three
sisters and tests her to see if she can endure her marriage. In the end,
because she does, the man is turned white. The most interesting part

249 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Hande BIRKALAN-GEDIK

of the tale is when the first sister spends the night on a tree-top in a
cemetery and observes her surroundings. She sees a black Arab ‘as
dark as the night’ who keeps the prince in a grave, not surrendering
himself to the Arab. She tells this to the parents of the prince who are
desperately seeking their son. They find the son and marry him to the
young girl (Eberhard-Boratav 1953, 110). Here the black Arab is repre-
sented as a homosexual and a child-molester. Homosexual tendencies
in the Black Arab are described in detail in TTV 84 and reference to the
Black Arab’s sexuality can be found in TTV 277-Family without Grief, in
which the black Arab is represented as an ugly, marriage-breaking eu-
nuch. Similarly, the negative role assigned to the black lover appears
in TTV 204 - the story of Sinan Pasha. In TTV-95, the fortune-teller
foresees how the fate of three daughters will come about. One of the
sisters sees a woman cuckolding her husband with a black Arab. She
warns the husband, who kills the black Arab on hearing this warning
and presents his skull to his wife.
In TTV 188 - Hüsnü Yusuf, a girl living in a locked place falls in love
with the description of a foreign prince who lives far away. She sends a
letter asking to marry him; the prince sends things symbolically to show
his refusal. She goes out looking for him. She comes to the house
of his sister. In multi-colored dresses, she serves him several times
whenever he visits his sister between intervals of many months. She
intentionally shows herself thereby in an awkward manner. Thus she
wins the compassion and then the love of the prince. They get married.
In a variant, the prince is forced to endure sodomy with a black Arab
(Eberhard and Boratav 1953, 218).
TTV 376 - The Bloody Negro begins with a man’s arrival at a closed
palace where he spends 40 days with the wife of a black man. The re-
turning black figure pursues the man returning home. The man allows
the black man to drink water from his hands. The black man takes him
home and tells him that he cannot kill a man who has given him water.
His wife also confesses the same. The black man explodes with rage
and the man marries the woman (Eberhard and Boratav 1953, 409).
The Black Arab takes the role of a lover in TTV 94-Golden Jug.
The youngest of three poor sisters cannot get anything but a jug. The
jug gives gold to them. She goes into the jug and comes to an under-
ground palace where she sees the prince with a woman. Then the
wife sleeps with another man. She warns the prince about the wife’s
actions. The prince offends his wife and marries the poor girl. In some
versions, the lover of the woman is black and is eventually killed by the

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Ambiguous Images of the Black Arab in Folk Narratives and Performances in Turkey

poor girl. 14. In Spain, Portugal, Italy,

There are other tales in which people dress as black Arabs to test Turkey and Persia, the
black Arab is an African girl,
certain things or people. A bride pretends to be an Arab in TTV 215; a as in the Iberian Peninsula
Padişah is dressed as an Arab in TTV 224 III. Handsome young sul- she is Moorish. In Italy,
tans may disguise themselves as black Arabs to test the faithfulness she is Saracen. In the
of a sweetheart. If they are loved even as blacks they are pleased Balkans she is a Gypsy. In
Greece and Malta, she is
(TTV 203-The Lover, TTV 334-The Victory of Laziness). On the other sometimes a Turkish girl.
hand, taking up roles ‘in disguise’ is also characteristic of black Arabs The character may also be
in folktales from Turkey. This is not a reversal of dressing, but a case demonised as a witch, and
of imposture. The black Arab woman putting herself in the place of a may be called a Moorish
or a Gypsy witch (Shojaei
true bride is best illustrated in TTV 89- Three Oranges, a folktale wide- Kawan 2000).
spread in Europe, the Mediterranean, and the Orient:

‘A prince falls in love with three lemon girls due to a curse. He looks for
them. He meets a giantess, sucks her breast-milk and becomes her adop-
tive child. The giantess protects him before her children. She explains to
him where to find the lemon girls and how they are to be attained. He
attains them and cuts the first and second open in a place without water;
thus the girls coming out of the fruit die. The third remains alive, since he
gives her water. An Arab woman fetching water sees them and climbs on
the tree. She tosses the girl down and forces the girl to be taken by the
prince as a bride. The one thrown down becomes a bird who comes into
the palace and sings a song about a wrongful bride. Where the bird sits,
the tree branches dry out. The impostor demands to eat the bride-bird.
Where a drop of bird is sprinkled, a tree will grow. The impostor demands
that a cradle be made from that tree. A woodcutter turns the cradle into
a girl in his cottage. The lovesick prince asks people for soup. An elderly
brings a bowl of soup prepared by the girl in which she has put a ring as
a gift to the prince. Thus she is recognized and they are married, and the
impostor is killed.’ (Eberhard and Boratav 1953, 98-99)

The antagonist in the Turkish variants, whether an Arab or a gypsy

woman,14 is represented as an impostor. While the black Arab is angry
at her unjust suffering, she is seen as a mirror of evil forces (Shojaei
Kawan 2000). On the other hand, it could be posited that her destruc-
tion of things around her is a result of ridding herself of her role as a
slave. Similarly, the Arab girl can put herself in the place of the heroine
(TTV 168-Deer Brother). In TTV 248-The Bad Father and TTV 247-
Shah Ismail, the female Arab adopts the heroine and then kills her.
In TTV 240-Smiling Roses, Crying Pearls, a black Arab can be the
daughter of a lala who assumes the role of the bride. However, one
may certainly read the note of Boratav on the negative image of the

251 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Hande BIRKALAN-GEDIK

15. Marriage to a black black differently, as it is the representation of black through white eyes.
Arab is a topic in some Similarly when the Arab takes on the role of an imposter, this could
saints’ legends as well.
Boratav presents an ex- be interpreted as the black Arab seeking to
ample from a 12th century improve her status.
legend about Zengi Ata, a Marriage and the black Arab is yet
disciple of Ahmet Yesevi, another area to explore. In a tale type
an early mystic in Central
Asia. Here racial preju- which shows racial prejudice, the beautiful
dices are both vocalized daughter of the sultan must marry a black
and criticized at the same Arab who transforms himself supernatu-
time. In the legend, Hakim rally so that the bride willingly accepts her
Süleyman Ata has dark skin
and his wife Anber Ana, fate.15 A spinning woman follows the dog
the daughter of a sultan, to a palace and marries a black Arab (TTV
wishes that he were whiter. 103-Saving the Tortured).
Overhearing her wish, he The black Arab as tester appears in
is offended. He prays that
his wife will marry a darker TTV 256-Lazy Mehmet:
husband after he dies.
When he dies, she marries ‘Out of rage, a Padişah marries his young-
Zengi Ata, a black shepherd est daughter to a lazy man. The princess
and his disciple. Zengi Ara puts the lazy man to work. The lazy man
is also a famous sheikh locks himself up in a caravan. He goes out
(Boratav and Eberhard
into the wilderness to a well to get water.
1952, 85). Boratav’s conclu-
sion about this tale is that There he finds a stolen girl who is as beau-
Islam sought to break down tiful as a pomegranate. Through another
racial differences. However, caravan he sends pomegranates to his
it is true that Islam also wife. Jewels fall from them and the woman
encouraged slavery. I find becomes rich. A palace is built. An Arab, or
his remarks and the Muslim an old man, asks whether the animal or the
practice contradictory. girl is more beautiful and says he will kill the ugly one. The man replies:
16. This folktale has a refer-
‘The beautiful one is the one that one loves.’16
ence to a legend, known
as the ‘Arab of the Well’. In TTV 215-Supernatural Creatures, the hero helps a supernatural
Boratav notes that the coal- creature fall in love with a beautiful girl from afar. He searches for her
miners of Zonguldak (Black
Sea Coast) tell a legend, in
and, after overcoming great dangers, wins her. Through a careless
which each mine belongs action, he puts his life in danger. The hero wins the bride through new
to a particular black Arab obstacles. In a variant, the hero beats a black Arab. The hero gets
who is seen from time to himself a horse in which the amulet of an ogre is kept. The amulet is
time but especially when
a new miner goes into the
the girl’s amulet. The hero wrestles with the black Arab who is dressed
mine. The black Arab asks: as a girl. In order to beat her, he has to grab her by the hair. He beats
‘To whom does this mine the black Arab and wins the amulet. In TTV 239-The Beautiful (Boratav
belong?’ The black Arab 1992 [1993], 95-103), a black Arab should be beaten until he turns
should be answered: ‘You
are the proprietor of the
white. When he turns white he assumes the role of the good and asks

Black Arab
252
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Ambiguous Images of the Black Arab in Folk Narratives and Performances in Turkey

for the wishes of the sultan. I find the motif of beating a black until he mine.’ The miners believe
becomes white to be a symbol of enculturation into whiteness—an- that the worker will have
good luck and earn more
other construction of white ideologies. money with less effort
Having posited a variety of images of than the average miner.
the Black Arab in folktales and fairy tales However, if he should say
from Turkey, what can be concluded about that the mine belongs to a
particular company or to
the black Arab image as a form of mem- some man or other, bad
ory? Certainly, historical circumstances— luck will befall him, or his
nationalism, race, and colonialism—have output will be less (Boratav
influenced the representation of black and Eberhard 1951, 84).
Arabs, both in positive and negative terms,
but particularly in the form of racist image-
ry. However, not all the images are racist.
How, then, should we construct a meaning-
ful reading and interpretative approach? In
order to offer a plausible answer, it is nec-
essary to look beyond the texts to perform-
ance in which the ambiguous imagery is
resolved.
The relationship between folktales
and identity has not been central to folk-
loristics in Turkey (mainly due to the use
of nationalism as a building-block in the
naturalizing process of different groups).
Yet, with awareness of race, it is useful to re-examine the ‘other’ by
referencing history. So far, the image of the black Arab has been based
on the assumption of ‘invisibility’, in which the Ottoman context plays
an important role. Ottoman identity was based on religious differences:
each religious group formed an umma (community). The shift from
the Ottoman umma to the Turkish nation based on national, ethnic,
and blood ties, required a purging of heterogeneous elements in order
to form an essential Turkish culture in the new Republic: Armenians,
Jews and Greeks were given minority status through the Treaty of
Lausanne. The Kurds, although not a minority, became the pre-emi-
nent other for the ‘Turks’, even though most Kurds were also Muslims.
Within this frame of reference, African-Turks were not exclusively
outside the framework of ‘Turkishness’: they were Muslim and spoke
Turkish. However, the exclusion and inclusion of African-Turks brought
about another problematic as they did not belong to the ‘Turkish’ race
which was considered, in the heyday of the Republic, superior to the

253 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Hande BIRKALAN-GEDIK

17. The Sun-Language European races.17 Besides the Turkish Republic solving the identity
Theory of the 1930s, which problem of the African-Turks’, it contributed to their liminal identity in
was purported by the state
ideology, asserted that the nation’s formation. Not specifically excluded from everyday life,
Turkish was not only the they became ‘invisible’ or ‘socially disintegrated’—as is the case with
mother of all languages, the Roma.
but also that the Turkish Based on this historical note, an easy conclusion to offer would
‘race’was the cradle of all
races. have been to say that the image of the Black Arab is a result of racist
attitudes. However, the image is much more complex. At its best, the
image speaks of a helper to the poor and needy; at its worst, the black
Arab is pitied in a manner I term ‘soft racism.’ This does not necessarily
imply exclusion, but it creates a sense of ‘feeling sorry for the other’.
This ambiguity of attitude in culture and its representation in fiction
is further taken up, sometimes even in the same folktale, as different
roles are assigned to black Arabs. A sound analysis requires one to
delve into the realm of folklore in general and folktales in particular.
One has to know the rules of the folktale as well as the contexts and
performances in which folktales are being told in order to view them as
‘verbal art’.
Richard Bauman, referring to two important studies in the area of
folklore, criticizes the idea that ‘folklore is a function of shared identity’
(Bauman 1971, 32). To him, identity might be dependent on text per-
formances in different renderings. In order to understand why the black
Arab takes on different representations, the question should be asked
about the audience (who are supposed to have a shared identity) and
the performance of the folktale. It seems plausible that the image of
the black Arab in folklore lies somewhere between history and reality.
While folktales are generally thought of as the products of popular im-
agination, a strong relationship should be drawn between folktales and
reality. Folktales are not fictive constructs; rather, they construct dif-
ferent realities. Lutz Röhrich (1991 [1959]) illustrates this in a schema
of folktales and reality. Determined by generic rules, ‘fictive reality’ is
a product of the narrative imagination and is apart from the narrator’s
worldview. Nonetheless, fictive reality can be a part of transformed
‘historical reality’ and may include customs and beliefs as survivals of
‘fictive’ elements in folktale. Narrators, however, may transform history
into fiction, reality into fantasy. In addition to historical reality, a third
reality is that of ‘projected reality’, a result of the incorporation of the
‘present’ into folktales. This can be seen in variants of the same tale
told by different narrators who bring their own cultural, social and psy-
chological backgrounds into the folktale. The image of the Black Arab

Black Arab
254
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Ambiguous Images of the Black Arab in Folk Narratives and Performances in Turkey

pertains to the social construction of a stereotype that is based on race

or ethnicity, which can be called ‘historical reality’. Here a final note
should be addressed to the issue of the performance of the folktale
which sheds light on different ‘realities’. Fictive and projected realities
can include the narrator’s dexterity in dealing with images. Similar to
Röhrich’s projected reality, Neil Rosenberg accentuates the ‘detached
third person perspective’ in the analysis of black jokes (Rosenberg
1969, 90), which can help disassociate the narrator from the particular
character, associate with a neutral character and avoid any associa-
tions with the system’s negative aspects. By means of such a strategy,
black stereotypes can be perpetuated without overt acceptance on the
part of the narrator. Rosenberg’s explanation about the role of the nar-
rator can clearly be employed in an analysis of the black Arab’s images
in folktale which considers the strategies of constructing the image of
memory, sustaining that image or, in particular contexts, getting away
from that image.
Finally, I should add that the esoteric-exoteric issue of folklore in
performance is also an important aspect of constructing and transmit-
ting the image. In ‘The Esoteric-Exoteric Factor in Folklore’, William
Hugh Jansen considers the idea of the folk group and the lore of the
folk ‘as being shared within group boundaries and made distinctive by
its esoteric sharing’ (Jansen 1959), while Richard Bauman criticizes
this division. It is true that the conceptualization of folklore, until ‘de-
nationalization,’ based itself on the assumption that the ‘group’ was the
nation, and maintained a vision of the nation as homogenous (Bauman
2000 [1972]; Abrahams 1993). According to Bauman, this national as-
pect meant an emphasis on national culture or a regional sub-culture.
Bauman’s challenging view posits that folk groups produce and sus-
tain esoteric and exoteric knowledge, which requires an examination of
other qualities beside texts. We need to know, in addition to the image
as it is construed, the ways in which it has been communicated eso-
terically and exoterically—or, as Richard Bauman calls the process,
‘differentially.’ Thus lore does not have to be a collective representation
of participants, pertaining and belonging equally to all of them as folk-
lore performances. He reminds us that ‘texts and forms alone are not
reliable indices, for one and the same text may signal hostility in one
situation but solidarity in another’ (Bauman 2000 [1972], 49).
To sum up, we need to consider the relationship of the folktale
world and that of the real word as well as the dynamics of performance.
Folktales express people’s worldview and their place in it. They attain

255 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Hande BIRKALAN-GEDIK

this by unusual and unnatural characters and occurrences. Hence the

tale world is different from that of the real and the narrator locates
these worlds by artfully playing with folktale discourse (Goldberg 1986,
163). Put differently, the so-called anonymity of folklore text should not
undermine the role of the narrator. In relating the image of the black
Arab, the performer’s view and subjectivity, the context of the environ-
ment, the ways in which the performer interacts with the audience,
and certainly the reactions from the audience, should all be taken into
consideration, instead of thinking that culture of memory in folktales is
formulated only among people who are alike and that there is a single
unchangeable image of the black Arab.

I would like to thank to Yapı Kredi Publications for their kind permission to
print Karagöz images which were previously published in the catalogue
“Torn is the Curtain, Shattered is the Screen, the Stage All in Ruins,” for
an exhibit held between 9 April-15 August 2004 at Yapı Kredi Vedat Terim
Tör Museum. Speacial thanks are due to M. Sabri Koz and Aslıhan Dinç.

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Sahillioğlu, Halil. 1979. ‘Onbeşinci Yüzyılın Sonu ile Onaltıncı Yüzyılın

Başında Bursa’da Kölelerin Sosyal ve Ekonomik Hayattaki Yeri,’
ODTU Gelisme Dergisi, 1979-1980 Special Issue, pp: 67-138.
Snowden, F. M. 1947. ‘The Negro in Classical Italy’, American Journal
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Sojei-Kawan, Christine. 2000. ‘Einige Gedanken zur
internationalen Märchenforschung, anhand von drei Orangen,’
Volkskunde in Niedersachsen (17/1): 41-54.
Tekeli, Ilhan. 1998. ‘Tarihyazıcılığı ve Öteki Kavramı Üzerine Düşünceler,’
In Tarih Eğitimi ve Tarihte ‘Öteki’ Sorunu Sempozyumu. Istanbul:
Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, pp: 1-6.
Tezel, Naki. 1936. Keloğlan Masalları. Istanbul: Eminönü Halkevi
Neşriyatı.
Toledano, Ehud R. 1998. Slavery and Abolition in the Ottoman Middle
East. Seattle: University of Washington Press.
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Appendix: TTV Tale numbers used in analysis.

TTV 46 Black Cat
TTV 60 Cinderella
TTV 61 The Gratitude of Ants
TTV 72 Phoenix
TTV 83 Young Dove Girl I
TTV 84 Young Dove Girl II
TTV 89 Three Oranges
TTV 92 The Ape Man

259 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Hande BIRKALAN-GEDIK

TTV 94 The Golden Jug

TTV 95 The Skull and the Fairy Girl
TTV 102 Grape
TTV 103 Saving of the Tortured
TTV 104 Grape II
TTV 117 Getting Young
TTV 125 Letter of Death
TTV 126 The Question of Fate
TTV 132 Fountain of Fate
TTV 138 Servant Hüseyin
TTV 156 Patient Stone
TTV 157 Spindle Man
TTV 158 The Red Horse
TTV 168 Deer Brother
TTV 169 The Ali Cengiz Game
TTV 175 Magical Purse
TTV 176 Easy Life
TTV 188 Hüsnü Yusuf
TTV 203 The Lover
TTV 204 Story of Sinan Pasha
TTV 209 The Salt
TTV 213 The Amulet of the Spirit
TTV 215 Supernatural Creatures
TTV 218 Beauty of the Sea
TTV 223 Dress in a violet color
TTV 224 The Night Companion
TTV 227 The Exchanged Bride
TTV 239 The Beautiful
TTV 240 Smiling Roses, Crying Pearls
TTV 247 Shah Ismail
TTV 248 The Bad Father
TTV 256 Lazy Mehmet
TTV 258 The Unknown Soldier
TTV 277 Family without a Grief
TTV 280 Sultan Who Cheated His Punished Wife
TTV 284 Fearless Hero
TTV 287 Mat Weaver
TTV 334 The Victory of Laziness
TTV 342 Skilful Thief
TTV 346 The Man Who Wanted to be a Thief
TTV 367 The Penny Pincher and the Smart Woman
TTV 376 Bloody Negro

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 The Arab Girl is Watching from the Window:
Ambiguous Images of the Black Arab in Folk Narratives and Performances in Turkey

Hande BIRKALAN-GEDIK
(Yeditepe University, Department of Anthropology, Istanbul, Turkey)

The Arab Girl is Watching from the Window: Ambiguous Images of

Black Arab in Folk Narratives and Performances in Turkey

This paper aims to contribute to the notion of ‘the black Arab as

a figure of memory’ by examining cases from folklore in Turkey about
the black Arabs. It is not a discussion of the folklore of the black Arabs
themselves, although studies on such an issue would increase our un-
derstanding of the black Arabs. Instead, the paper examines, briefly
but critically, the forms and fashions in which the black Arabs appear
in folklore texts and performances in Turkey. The figure of the black
Arab appears in various folklore genres—village theatre, the shadow-
play Karagöz (The Black-Eyed) and legends, but more importantly in
folktales, where the space of narrativity is at large. The paper argues
that the image of the black Arab lies at the juncture of historical, fictive,
and projected realities of the folktale discourse. As historic reality, the
image reflects behaviors and reactions to the ‘other’. At the same time,
the image is a result of the projected reality of the folktale. Here, the
role of folklore in registering, preserving and disseminating memory is
important. It concludes that the image of the Arab can be tailored ac-
cording to the audience within the contexts of performances through
the narrative strategies of the folktale narrator. Therefore, performance
strategies result in the creation of not one but various images about
the black Arab. In the theoretical part, this paper aims to contribute to
image studies by bringing forward the notion of performance, where
images and representations might be shifted, blurred, created, remem-
bered and sustained in ambiguity.

261 Black Arab

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 The Black Arab in Serbian Literature and Art

Ljiljana STOŠIC (Belgrade)

The Black Arab in Serbian Literature and Art

Many people, the Serbs included, have pictured the deities and de- Key words:
mons of the underworld or ‘the other world’ as black. Myths, beliefs and • exotic
folk literature usually depict them as Arabs, Egyptians, Ethiopians or
• Egypt
Africans. The blackening of faces in the koledar (Christmas carol sing-
ing) processions is related to the representation of the deceased and • genre scene
of mythical ancestors and the possibility of their bringing good luck, • heathen
blessings and fertility; this applies even in the present day to anybody
• oriental
blackened by the fire in the hearth, including chimneysweeps.
Until the period between the two world wars, traces of the lives • page
of Arab, Saracen or Moorish scribes, soldiers and slaves in this re- • slave
gion under Ottoman rule were preserved in several toponyms and
micro-toponyms (Arapovići, Arapi, Arap, Arabica; Saraćino, Sraćinec, • turban
Sarakin, Saraćence; Moro, Mavar), but today remain in only a hand- • the Black Arab
ful of geographical terms: Arapovac near Lazarevac, Arapuša near • African
Bosanska Krupa, Mavrovsko Jezero in Macedonia, Arbanasce near
Prokuplje, Arbanaško near Prohor Pčinjski monastery, on the foothills
of Mt. Kozjak, Arbanija on Čiovo Island near Trogir, and Arbinovo be-
tween Struga and Kičevo. Unlike Africans, black Arabs, or Zengi, real
Arabs from Arabia and its neighbouring countries were called White
Arabs. In earlier times, Arabs came to the Balkans to serve as guides
to Muslim pilgrims making the hajj to the Kaaba in Mecca (delili) or to
serve as well-paid proxies making the pilgrimage in their stead (bedeli).
In 18th century Ulcinj, close to Bar, in Skadar and neighbouring places,
between the Cretan, Morean and Balkan Wars, there were hundreds
of houses belonging to African Negars, the descendants of slaves

263 Black Arab

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 Ljiljana STOŠIC

brought as children from Egypt, Tunisia and Libya, who lived there as
free men alone or with their families. In Greece, on the Peloponnese,
in Aegean Macedonia, and along the lower reaches of the River Vardar
(Povardarje), the graves of black people can be found to this day with
the presence of Sudanese ethnotypes. Interesting legends and be-
liefs about blacksmiths, the cult of grain as food, and the symbolism
of the number three, are to be found in relation to the descendants
of Egyptians, Eđupci in Serbia, Montenegro, Kosovo, Macedonia and
Bulgaria (Agupti). A Serbian folk lament goes:

Oh, let us lament our Kosovo plain!

After our honourable prince,
What have you lived to see, alas!
That Arabs should have their say on your land.

[Ој, давори ти Косово равно,

После нашег кнеза честитога,
Шта си данас дочекало пусто,
Да Арапи сад по теби суде.]

Ulcinj’s predecessor on the Adriatic coast in the Middle Ages was

Venice, with a black slave market known throughout the Mediterranean
as far as Constantinople. The mixture of races in the Byzantine Empire
led to its epic hero, Digenis Acritas, becoming a Saracen convert,
while Emperor Nikephoros I was of Arab blood, two imperial brides of
Hazar origin had pure Turkish blood flowing in their veins, and Emperor
Justinian II forced a woman from a senator’s family to marry his black
cook. Much later, among the pages of the Russian Tzar, Peter the
Great, there served for a time a young black man, Abraham Petrovich
Hannibal, purchased in Constantinople, who converted to Christianity
when he was eleven years old. Reaching a ripe old age, he would be-
come, through the female line, great-grandfather to the Russian poet
Aleksandr Sergeyevich Pushkin. His great-grandson would later in life
repay him with a story entitled The Negro of Peter the Great.
In Serbian heroic poems, from ancient times to the present, the
Black Arab engages in combat with Kraljević Marko, Bolani Dojčin, the
child Grujica, Lazar Mutap, the deputy of Petrović Đorđe, and Banović
Strahinja with the Turk Vlah-Alija; in the end they cut off their heads,
thus saving the country and freeing white slaves, women and young
girls from slavery, oppression and exorbitant taxation. Imprisonment in

Black Arab
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as a Figure of Memory
 The Black Arab in Serbian Literature and Art

the black Arab land implies the Underworld and its demonic forces, and
the expression black in the face is used for those who ‘look as though
they had been underground’. In all probability, almost all the motifs
relating to black, angry, terrible, three-headed Arabs, sometimes re-
placed by black Bulgarians and black Gypsies, are actually versions of
the famous legend of St. George and the seven-headed dragon. To the
binary relations or antithesis of contradictions in folk poetry of the type
the black Arab kisses his white love, the Krajina folk custom of giving
up a nakonjče—an Arab male child—to the bride arriving on horseback
outside the groom’s house, frightening small children with black slaves,
Africans, a black Arab woman or a Gypsy woman, the black devil and
the karakondžula or bogeyman, we should also add a similar exam-
ple—black Arab–white snow—from the paintings of more recent times.
At the request of the steward of the Dalj manorial estate, the Serbian
painter Jovan Isailovič the Elder in 1776-1777 painted a representa-
tion of An Arab on a Sledge, still known today from the original bill for
the work, which was preserved, archived and published. In the Turkish
folk theatre work, Karađoz (Black-eye), a white Arab appears; arapke
are the most difficult and dangerous form of smallpox and scabs which
can blind a person, make him deaf or dumb or even cause his death;
and Arabs are often identified with black ravens and executioners. The
idea of a black slave who is born of a relationship unrecognized by so-
ciety and struggles for his place in the sun originated from the familiar
Old Testament story (Genesis 16, 12) of Ishmael, the forefather of all
the Arabs, son of the aging Abraham and his banished Egyptian slave
Hagar: ‘And he shall be as a wild ass among men; his hand shall be
against every man, and every man’s hand against him.’ The black Arab,
African or Saracen in the Song of Roland is a heathen; he does not be-
lieve in the religion of Christ, is as black as pitch, never plays or smiles
but is brave and wildly daring. A testimony to the strength of this in-
grained legend is an icon by the Greek master-artist Elias Moskos from
1678, today part of the Loverdos private collection in Athens. It shows
The Holy Emperor Constantine the Great at the Battle of Milvian Bridge
on a rearing horse flanked on both sides by two pages who are trying
to restrain him. The two pages are Africans, too young for their task. In
olden times, Orthodox monks were called crnorizci, črnci or crnci, by
analogy with the black robes or melanifori of the Egyptian priests of the
cults of Isis, Serapis and Anubis. Although with the ancient Egyptians
it was not black that signified mourning but light blue, the folk belief
persists that if someone sees a monk in a dream he will meet death

265 Black Arab

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 Ljiljana STOŠIC

or misery. This is supported also by the lore which Ivo Andrić notes at
the beginning of his historic novel of the Višegrad Bridge. The story
goes that in a loophole for a gun in the central pillar of the bridge lived
a Black Arab, and anyone who saw him or to whom he appeared in
a dream would surely die. An effective antidote for this horror was to
overcome him in a duel or to swiftly utter the Lord’s name.
Petar Kočić’s story Iz Starostavne Knjige Simeuna Đaka/ The
Ancient Book of Simeun the Pupil foretells that in the 19th centu-
ry Bosnia will be ruled by two masters, Inđinđi (Turkey) and Birinđi
(Austria). It will happen that the first will not be able to step down from
the throne and that the second will not be able to ascend to it. In this
situation, which will last for many years, the Birinđi will arrive with black
people of white skin. At first, all will be glad to receive them, but they
will soon see that the black people have black thoughts and commit
even blacker deeds. The people will follow them to the accursed West
and renegade Rome, but will be left behind by them half-way there.
Kočić’s story ends with the Inđinđi and Birinđi being overcome by a
people from the Eastern Sea who will shake their throne so hard that
they will throw them into a dark abyss. The black people of white skin—
worse than those with black skin because of their hypocrisy—are here
connected to the nations of Western Europe, although the future of the
unfortunate Serbian people in Bosnia is seen in a general reconcilia-
tion and the birth of a worthy descendant of both East and West, of the
Inđinđi and the Birinđi: Mrko Unuče Crnog Đeda (Dark Grandson of
Black Gradfather).
Respect for the cult of the Black Madonna of Egypt, the Saracen
or Arabian Madonna, goes back to the Middle Ages. Theodosius notes
that St. Sava, during his stay in Cairo, prayed before the Madonna
with Christ shrouded in ‘Egyptian blackness’. All trace vanished of
this type of dark-skinned Madonna with the Christ child, modelled on
black Egyptian figures and, according to legend, the work of St. Luke,
but began to be depicted again on canvas in the 18th and 19th centu-
ries. Among the representations of the Arabian Madonna there is a
prominent group of serially produced miraculous icons in which the
Madonna wears a gold brooch in the shape of a rhomboid, of the type
of the Theotokos Odigitria, where the Mother of God and the Son of
God are always depicted with crowns. Traces of a revival of this cult,
more pan-Christian than Orthodox, are to be found in icons and litho-
graphic pages in Hajdučica (Banat), Serbian churches in Timisoara,
Budapest, Rácalmás, Szeged, Szentendre, parish churches in

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 The Black Arab in Serbian Literature and Art

Pančevo, Batajnica, Bečej, and the Slavonian, Fruška Gora and Srem
monasteries of Lepavina, Velika Remeta and Fenek. Copies of these
‘black Egyptian images’ appear in folk art at the end of the 19th century
and the beginning of the 20th century.
All attempts at an iconographic interpretation of the origin and
meaning of these dark-skinned Madonnas, although reserved and in-
complete, agree on one thing: that the Catholic order of the Pauline
Fathers was primarily responsible for the spread of her cult (Regina
Eremitarum). Their abodes were known as remete, and they them-
selves were considered to be the followers of the first Egyptian er-
emite, St. Paul the Hermit (4th century). Among the most famous Black
Madonnas are those of Czestochowa (Poland) and Brno (Czech
Republic), although statues in France, Switzerland and Spain are be-
lieved to be even older. Concerning the Black, Arabian or Egyptian
Madonna, there are inevitable speculations about a dark complex-
ioned handmaid of the Lord, a reminder of Solomon’s bride, burnt by
the sun as she guarded her brother’s vineyard (Song of Songs, 1,6).
As a manifestation of the Egyptian cult of Isis, the Black Madonna has
both a spiritual and a practical interpretation: that she was shown as
being black to symbolise the struggle of the Mother of God with the
dark spirits, or to facilitate the conversion of black African people to
Christianity.
To worship and bring gifts to the newborn Christ Child in the cave
at Bethlehem came three representatives of all parts of the earth, the
three human races and the ages of man: three Magi from the East,
wise men and kings. This Euro-African caravan was comprised of the
venerable, white-haired Melchior with his long beard, sixty years of
age and bearing gold; the black-haired, bearded Balthazar, aged forty,
bringing myrrh; and the young, beardless, ruddy-faced Caspar, twenty
years old and bearing frankincense. In the traditional Vertep Christmas
play, the black king Balthazar is identified as an Arab in the verses:

I am King Balthazar,
Balthazar is written in black letters,
I breathe from an Arabian country.
The heathen created me,
And led me to this place.

[Ја сам краљ Валтасар,

Валтасар се црним словом пишем,
Из Арапске земље дишем,

267 Black Arab

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 Ljiljana STOŠIC

Незнабожац је који ме створи

И на ово место своди.]

In 1742, while decorating the iconostasis for the Szentendre

Pozaravačka church, the Timisoara icon-painters Georgije Ranite and
Nedeljko Popović painted The Birth of Christ with the Adoration of the
Magi. Kneeling before the infant in order of age, the figures can be
distinguished by their grey or black beards and the degree of darkness
of the flesh tones. Caspar is depicted as the youngest and as a black
man, since he comes from southern Egypt.
For his three icons, The Birth of Christ, and Adoration of the Magi,
Nikola Nešković made three versions of this motif for the Serbian
church in Zrenjanin, the Bishop’s Chapel in Vršac and the Church of
St. George in Timisoara (1764). A noticeable difference between them
lies in the appearance and the ornaments assigned to the three holy
kings. In the younger icons in the form of two small medallions, the dif-
ferences in race and royal attributes between the three Magi are more
pronounced. Their apparel is more exotic: a brocade cloak trimmed
with ermine, feathered turbans, brooches, beads, and branching gold
crowns at the top of the gold crowns and the accompanying train of
camels instead of horses or mules.
In Italian Renaissance art, followed by Dutch Baroque painting
and again in French Rococo art of the 18th century, a multitude of Old
Testament and New Testament figures originating in the Middle East are
given costumes and decorations known to art historians as turqueries.
In Serbian church art of more recent times, a group of figures in orien-
tal garb—such as Jacob the Persian, John of Damascus, the Persian
King Xerxes, the Babylonian King Nebuchadnezzar, the Pharaoh and
the Pharaoh’s wife—are joined by Old Testament religious sects such
as the Sadducees and Pharisees, who appear together with Christ in a
number of scenes from the Gospels. Besides voluminous turbans dec-
orated with long white stork or crane feathers, they also appear in wide
Turkish trousers, Turkish slippers, broad caftans trimmed with ermine,
or in astrakhan caps known as Persian caps. Their exotic appear-
ance is enhanced by long beards extending to the waist, moustaches,
hooked noses, a cunning look about the eyes and a piercing glance.
By the mid-18th century, among the first Serbian artists to pay notice-
able attention to oriental figures were Gavril Stefanović Venclović in
miniatures, and Hristofor Žefarović, Andrej Andrejević the Younger and
Stefan Tenecki in monumental painting. Instead of medieval images

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 The Black Arab in Serbian Literature and Art

of desert monks and the Venerable Mother Mary of Egypt, the orient
in art of more recent times is depicted mainly through Biblical figures
in strikingly urban or courtly settings, with authentic details taken from
real life or even realistic genre scenes.
After the coats of arms of Bessarabia and Bosnia in the
Stemmatography (Vienna 1741), with two, or three ‘black, demon-like
faces’, the oldest representation of black men in Serbian 18th centu-
ry graphics was by Hristofor Žefarović in his copper engraving The
Monastery of Saint Sabbas the Sanctified, as the 59th illustration on
page 45 of his work Description of Jerusalem (Vienna, 1748). The fac-
es and figures of these two members of the desert are entirely dark-
ened, their flesh and garments evenly shaded in fine hatching. In other
places in the Description there are figures wearing an oriental chalma,
or turban wrapped around a fez. Vistas of the city do not fail to include
minarets or crescent moons surmounting the domes, and in two places
in the background, caravans with camels and turbaned guides may be
seen.
In 1799, at his workshop in Buda, the engraver Johan Filip Binder
carved illustrations for a late 18th century edition of Daniel Defoe’s
Robinson Crusoe, translated into Serbian and published by the Printing
House of the Royal University of Pest. One of the illustrated pages, en-
titled The Liberation of Man Friday, shows a negroid male nude in the
foreground with two dead natives immediately behind and a group of
cannibals wrapped in short skirts dancing in the background.
A virtual parade of items of oriental dress from turbans to slippers
worn by representatives of dark-skinned peoples and races appeared
in 1780 in Teodar Kračun’s splendid and very picturesque iconostasis
for the Cathedral Church in Sremski Karlovci. The Entry into Jerusalem
shows four long-bearded Scribes and Pharisees gesticulating in a live-
ly manner amongst themselves as they await the arrival of Christ in
front of the city gates. They are dressed in Turkish costumes of the
imperial court, and one has a knife prominently displayed in his belt
that is wound around his waist alla turca. In Esther before the Persian
King Xerxes, all five male figures, of which three are black, wear wide
Turkish trousers and Saracen shoes, and one even sports a fashion-
able European tailcoat and cane. In The Discovery of Moses, a negroid
woman and boy under a white unfurled parasol stand in counterpart
to a white-skinned woman who has stepped into the river, baring her
legs and clasping a small open chest containing a naked male child.
Among the white people gathered around the spring of living water in

269 Black Arab

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 Ljiljana STOŠIC

The Fountain of Life stands a black man or woman with gold earrings
and wearing bracelets on both arms. In the foreground at the opposite
end of the painting, space was found for two capricious Chinese men
with slanted eyes—one of the men with a pigtail, the other wearing a
Chinese cap.
In 1815, Arsa Teodorović designed a medallion in the manner of
Kračun for the archpriest’s throne in the Church of the Bogorodica
in Zemun, showing Saint Sava Reconciling his Brothers. Among the
armed escort of the two quarrelling brothers are two-dark skinned
pages in oriental costume, bearing spears and engaged in conversa-
tion amongst themselves. Again, in the scene The Beheading of Saint
John the Baptist on the same iconostasis, a smallish black page holds
Herodias’s purple cloak.
When painting the iconostasis for the monastery of Kuveždin in
1850, Pavle Simić included two compositions with themes from Serbian
folk songs, one of which, Ilija Birčanin Pays Taxes to the Turks, shows
a snub-nosed black man in a costume such as those worn at the Porte
in Constantinople.
Another oil painting of what might be called ‘the imaginary orient’
is Katarina Ivanović’s Incantations, Fortune Telling or Women in the
Harem, painted in 1865-1870. Composed after Delacroix’s renowned
painting Algerian Women in their Apartments, in which one of the pro-
tagonists is black, this work is considered to be an allusion to a love
story. In it, four women in semi-reclining, sitting and squatting poses
are entertaining themselves with tobacco, coffee, preserves and cards,
while a black woman stands under a veil, almost rigid in anticipation,
arms folded, a double strand of pearls around her neck, the whites
of her eyes prominent against her dark skin. A couple of years later
(1870-1873), Ivanović produced a genre painting, variously known as
The Black Letter-Bearer or The Love Letter. Here, a laughing black
Amor represents the ‘baroque iconography of love’, an intermediary
who warns of the suffering brought on by passions of the flesh which
can burn their victims like the Sun if they are not held in check. In
each of two paintings of scenes from Serbian history, The Capture of
Belgrade 1806 and Turkish Envoys Ask for Mara’s Hand (1865 and
1879), Katarina Ivanović also places a black figure.
The paintings of Paja Jovanović are a virtual parade of Albanian
characters, with genre scenes from life among the Balkan folk such
as Cockfighting, The Albanian Guard, An Albanian Duel, An Albanian
Asks for a Girl’s Hand in Marriage. Having studied under the Viennese

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 The Black Arab in Serbian Literature and Art

professor and orientalist Leopold Karl Muller, known as ‘the Egyptian,’

Paja Jovanović dedicated over a decade at the end of the 19th century
to the painting of these exotic motifs, much sought after at this time.
Besides the famous verses from the Song of Solomon (1, 5-6),
which say that black can be beautiful as a consequence of being burnt
by the sun, the Scriptures abound in references to black or sun-burned
people. The Holy Ghost descends upon the Arab eunuch after his
baptism (Acts 8, 36-39); when misfortunes, longings or sorrows befall
them, the faces of the Babylonians (Isaiah 13, 8) and the citizens of
Nineveh (Nahum 2, 10) ‘gather blackness’ and become like flames.
The Nazarites of Israel, the consecrated of the Lord, were purer than
snow and whiter than milk until they fell into Babylonian slavery, af-
ter which their visages became blacker than coal (Jeremiah 4, 7-8).
The culmination of teaching on those that are different amongst people
rests in Christ’s words that rivers of living water shall flow from the
body, whatever form it may take, of those that believe in Him (John
7, 38), while the prophet Isaiah assures us that on the Holy Mountain
all will be welcome, the outcast and the sons of the stranger, and that
the House of the Lord shall be called a house of prayer for all people
(Isaiah 56,7). It is not, therefore, outward appearance, nationality, reli-
gion, gender or social status that will decide at the Last Judgment, but
the inner moral values of man and his persevering faith in God.
The fundamental ideas of the Old and New Testaments find a re-
sounding echo in historical and genre painting of more recent Serbian
church art. Extra-European images of black Arabs are neither the last
nor the only ones to appear in many instances of this form of expres-
sion. Those mentioned here are only a few from among numerous ex-
amples in two centuries of life amongst the Serbs. They confirm an
essential acceptance of the universal idea of Christian ecumenicalism:
co-existence, reconciliation, change of heart, spiritual transformation,
religious conversion and dedication to humanism of both individuals
and people.

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 Ljiljana STOŠIC

ILLUSTRATIONS
1. Hristofor Žefarović, The Coat of Arms of Bessarabia
(Stemmatography, 1741), copperplate
2. Hristofor Žefarović, The Coat of Arms of Bosnia (Stemmatography,
1741), copperplate
3. Hristofor Žefarović, Monastery of St. Sabbas the Sanctified
(Description of Jerusalem 1748),) copperplate
4. J.F. Binder, The Liberation of Man Friday, copperplate for the novel
of D. Defoe Robinson Crusoe (Buda, 1799)
5. T. Kračun, Esther before Xerxes, icon for the choir iconostasis of
the Cathedral Church in Sremski Karlovci (before 1780)
6. T. Kračun, The Fountain of Life, icon for the choir iconostasis of the
Cathedral Church in Sremski Karlovci (before 1780)
7. T. Kračun, The Discovery of Moses, icon for the choir iconostasis of
the Cathedral Church in Sremski Karlovci (before 1780)
8. A. Teodorović, The Beheading of St. John the Baptist, icon for the
Bogorodična Church in Zemun (1815)
9. P. Simić, Ilija Birčanin Pays Taxes to the Turks, oil on canvas
(1850−1853)
10.K. Ivanović, Fortune Telling, oil, (1865−1870) oil on canvas
11. K. Ivanović, The Black Letter-Bearer, oil on canvas (1870−1873)
12.P. Jovanović, Cockfighting, oil, (c. 1890)
13.M. Savčin, Black Madonna of Egypt, icon on glass (beginning of
20th century, Town Museum in Sombor)

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Božović, Rade. 1977. Arapi u usmenoj pesmi na srpskohrvatskom

jezičkom području. Beograd: Filološki fakultet u Beogradu.
Чајкановић, Веселин. 1994. Сабрана дела из српске религије и
митологије 1, 2, 5, Београд: Српска књижевна задруга
Ђорђевић Тихомир. 1930. Негри у нашој земљи. Гласник Скопског
научног друштва III. Скопље.
Ђурић, Војислав. 1951. Постанак и развој народне књижевности.
Београд: Нолит
Ђурић, Војислав. 1966. Говор поезије III. Београд: Просвета
Елезовић, Глиша. 1953. Црнци на Балканском полуострву,
Зборник Етнографског музеја [Споменица]. Београд. 275−276.
Касапиновић, Д. 1939 (12. април). Икона црне Богородице. Време. 7.
Кусовац, Никола, Михаиловић, Радмила. 1984. Катарина
Ивановић (1811−1882), Београд: Галерија Српске Академије
наука и уметности.
Maubert, Аndré. 1943. L’exotisme dans la peinture française du XVIIIe
sièècle, Paris: Université de Paris, Faculté des lettres
Михаиловић, Радмила. 1977. Амблематске основе слике „Миле
вести“ Катарине Ивановић. Свеске Друштва историчара
уметности Србије 4. Београд. 19−26.
Мијовић, Павле. 1992. Тријумфи и смрти (Les triomphes et les
morts), Подгорица: Црногорска Академија наука и умјетности.
Микић, Олга. 1971. Сликар Јован Исаиловић − старији, Зборник за
ликовне уметности Матице српске 7. Нови Сад. 106
Петровић, Мihailo. 1940. Божанства и демони црне боје код
старих народа, Београд: s. ed.
Петровић, Ђ. 1972. Црнци у Улцињу. Етнолошки преглед 10.
Цетиње. 31−36.
Ransimen, Stiven. 1964. Vizantijska civilizacija. Subotica: Minerva.
Sekulić, Isidora. 1967. Petar Kočić [Eseji II]. Sarajevo: Svjetlost. 11.
Starberd, Мargaret. 2005. Hristova izgubljena nevesta i Sveti Gral,
Beograd: Moć znaka.
Стошић, Љиљана. 2006. Ликови Арапа, црнаца и Кинеза у новијој

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српској уметости. Митолошки зборник 15. Рача Крагујевачка.

203−222.
Стошић, Љиљана. 2007. Црни Арапин у српској књижевности и
уметности. Даница 15. Београд. 294−313.
Шкорић, Душан. 1983. Сликари сомборских и стапарских икона на
стаклу. Зборник за ликовне уметности Матице српске 19.
Нови Сад. 225−234.
Шкорић, Душан. 2004. Српске иконе на стаклу. Београд-Нови Сад:
Покрајински завод за заштиту споменика културе & Драганић.
Тимотијевић, Мирослав. 1997. Поштовање Богородице Брнске код
Срба. Саопштења XXIX. Београд. 181−192.
Тимотијевић, Мирослав. 2003. Религиозно сликарство као
историјска истина. Саопштења XXXIV. Београд. 375−387.
Timotijević, Мiroslav, Mihailović, Radmila. 2004. Katarina Ivanović,
Beograd: TOPY, Vojnoizdavački zavod & Narodni muzej u
Beogradu.
Земон, Р. 2001. Балкански Египћани, Истина о Египћанима са
Косова и Метохије, Priština: Nacionalna zajednica Egipćama
Kosova i Metohije.
Zirojević, Оlga. 2003. Islamizacija na južnoslovenskom prostoru:
Konvertiti – kako su se zvali, Beograd: Srpski genealoški centar.

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 The Black Arab in Serbian Literature and Art

Ljiljana STOŠIC
(Institute for Balkan Studies SANU, Belgrade, Serbia)

The Black Arab in Serbian Literature and Art

Many people, the Serbs included, have pictured the deities and
demons of the underworld or ‘the other world’ as black. Myths, beliefs
and folk literature usually depict them as Arabs, Egyptians, Ethiopians
or Africans. The blackening of faces in the koledar (Christmas carol
singing) processions is related to the representation of the deceased
and of mythical ancestors, and because of the possibility of their bring-
ing good luck, blessings and fertility, it applies even in the present day
to those blackened by the fire in the hearth and to chimneysweeps.
In Serbian heroic poems, from ancient times to the present, the
Black Arab engages in combat with Kraljević Marko, Bolani Dojčin, the
child Grujica, Lazar Mutap, the deputy of Petrović Đorđe, while Banović
Strahinja fights the Turk Vlah-Alija; in the end they cut off their heads,
thus saving the country, freeing white slaves, women and young girls
from slavery, oppression and exorbitant taxation.
In Serbian art of the 18th and 19th centuries, images of Black
Arabs and Negroes are related to representations of the Black Mother
of God of Egypt, then to one of the three kings/magi who came from
the East to pay homage to the infant Christ, while the Pharisees and
Sadducees are always represented in oriental costumes in scenes
with Christ. Their representations are an inevitable feature of historical
and genre scenes in this period, except in sacred compositions. The
numerous examples in Serbian art of the early modern period, of which
only some are mentioned here, confirm the acceptance of the univer-
sal idea of Christian ecumenism about a common life, mutual reconcili-
ation, spiritual metamorphosis and general humanistic enlightenment
both of the individual and the nation.

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 Volume No. 3

Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory

Part VI
Performing
the Identity
 Identity Patterns in Some Romanian Variants of ‘The Black Arab’ in Epic FolkSongs

Ioana-Ruxandra FRUNTELATA (Bucharest)

Identity Patterns in Some Romanian Variants of

‘The Black Arab’ in Epic FolkSongs
Key words:
THE IDENTITY OF A FOLK EPIC SONG TYPE • ‘Ailing Doicin’
• Black Arab
The folk epic song type is a form of a ‘cultural narrative’ empha-
sizing ‘more or less stable’ resemblances and differences often con- • identity
nected to ‘myths’ from the national culture to which the folk song type • intangible cultural
belongs. These myths (the founding myths of any nation) are ‘more heritage
or less common’ in cultures from neighbouring areas or nations—for
• epic hero
example, in South-Eastern European cultures. By connecting narra-
tive to culture in a poetic and musical creation, epic songs contribute • epos
to the verbalization of certain ‘mythic nuclei’. For example, the mythic • folk song variant
nucleus of the ‘hero’ would not be relevant to us in the absence of the
epic form that contributes to create our culturally marked mental repre- • heroic epic song
sentation of heroes. • oral poetry
The heroic epic song about the Black Arab has a special place in
• South-Eastern
Romanian folklore. It is a ‘classical’ folk epic song because its text was
Europe
included, under the title ‘Doncilă’, in the first published collection of
Romanian folklore in the 19th century. Numerous variants of this type
collected in the 20th century demonstrate the widespread circulation of
the song. At the same time, comparative research into the Black Arab
motif in south-eastern European folklore reveals that the Black Arab’s
roots are not Romanian (Fochi (1965) 1987: 60-239). Nevertheless,
‘Ailing Doicin’ (I shall use the Romanian name of the type, including lo-
cal variants of the Black Arab song) has been adopted for some reason
and integrated into Romanian folklore as part of the national repertory

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of oral epic songs.

This paper intends to explore mainly the identity of the ‘Black Arab’
motif on Romanian soil, referring to the identity expression encased in
the most stable parts of Romanian variants. I shall analyse and attempt
to find at least partial possible answers to the following questions:

1) Where is Ailing Doicin’s place in the system of Romanian folk epic

songs according to critical bibliography?

2) Which are the specific Romanian elements of Ailing Doicin according

to comparative research?

3) What are the reasons for Ailing Doicin having been adopted by
Romanian folklore despite the main character of the epic song not being a
typical hero?

4) Why should Ailing Doicin be considered a part of the Romanian intan-

gible cultural heritage?

Of course, the questions above could open into other questions as

they contain a certain degree of ambiguity (what is a ‘system’? what
is a ‘typical hero’?, etc.), but I shall try to dissolve confusion for non-
Romanian readers along the way as much as possible from a ‘native’
point of view. At the same time, an investigation of the Romanian char-
acteristics of Ailing Doicin provides a good opportunity for the folklore
scholar to generalize detailed analysis towards a more comprehensive
interpretation of traditional mentality as mirrored in oral poetry.

1. THE PLACE OF AILING DOICIN IN THE SYSTEM OF

ROMANIAN EPIC FOLK SONGS

Vasile Alecsandri published the first collection of Romanian poetic

folklore in two volumes issued in 1852 (Vol. 1) and 1853 (Vol. 2) enti-
tled Folk Poetry - Ballads (Songs of the Old). The three terms alternat-
ing in the title of Alecsandri’s folklore collection point to the national
academic denomination of the genre in the author’s time (‘folk poet-
ry’), to its international approximation (‘ballad’), and to the name given
to it by folk communities (‘songs of the old’). The definitive edition of
Alecsandri’s collection was issued in 1866 with the title Folk Poems
of the Romanians. Collected and Compiled by Vasile Alecsandri
(Alecsandri, Vasile Poesii populare ale Romînilor, adunate şi întoc-

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 Identity Patterns in Some Romanian Variants of ‘The Black Arab’ in Epic FolkSongs

mite de ..., Tipografia Lucrătorilor Asociaţi, Bucureşti, 1866). Among

the epic songs published in the 1866 volume we find ‘Doncilă’, the first
published Romanian variant of the Black Arab oral epic poem. ‘Doncilă’
begins with the image of the ailing hero lying on a bed ‘in the shade of a
pear-tree’ for nine long years. The folk poet suggests Doncilă’s suffering
by using two recurrent images in the Romanian variants of this subject:
‘Pieces of his flesh are falling off/ Maggots are biting into what flesh is
left’ and the hero’s sister is looking after him by moving his ‘white pil-
lows…from one end of the bed to the other/ In the sun or in the shade.’
One day, Doncilă notices his sister has been crying and asks her what
has happened. She answers that a ‘Tartar’ has come to their village
demanding a large tribute from every person (‘Ten golden Venetian
coins/ A lamb and a fat heifer/ And a maid every night.’). Doncilă asks
her to prepare a milk bath for him and to rub his skin with basil leaves,
then to bring him his hero’s clothes, weapons and horse. After bathing
and getting dressed, Doncilă mounts his horse and rides to the Tartar’s
tent. The Tartar asks him if he has brought along his sister as he wants
her for his bride. Doncilă answers that he has brought another bride
for the Tartar and draws his sword to ‘wed’ him. The analogy ‘wedding
– death’ is quite frequent in Romanian epic heroic songs, for example
in ‘Mioritza’ and ‘Corbea’ where it is expressed by ‘dressing up’ death
or dying as wedding allegories. At the end of Alecsandri’s variant of
the epic song, Doncilă cuts off the head of his Tartar enemy and goes
back to his sister to announce his victory. There are also some notes
Alecsandri wrote to comment on ‘Doncilă’. Pointing to the collection of
Serbian folklore translated by August Dozon into French, Alecsandri
mentions that the ‘topic of the ballad has also been treated’ by Serb
oral poets who use the title ‘Ailing Doicin’ for their variants. He com-
ments on the epic message of ‘Doncilă’, considering it to be a reflection
of the Romanians’ fight against foreign plunderers like the Tartars who
used to organize raids through Moldavia in the Middle Ages, burning
villages and taking prisoners to be their slaves.
Several variants of ‘Ailing Doicin’ were published in different col-
lections of Romanian folklore issued after 1866. Al. I. Amzulescu or-
ganized the Romanian corpus of folk epic songs in a critical edition
of Romanian folk ballads published in 1964 (Amzulescu, Al. I. Balade
populare româneşti Ediţii critice de folclor – genuri, 3 vol., Editura pen-
tru Literatură, Bucureşti, 1964). In his abstract of the type of folk epic
song ‘Ailing Doicin’ (type 47, vol.1, pages 133-134), Amzulescu quotes
the epithet ‘thick-lipped Arab’ used by many folk music performers

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(lăutari) to describe a negative character who greedily goes around

villages asking for large amounts of food and drinks and for many vir-
gin girls. Doicin, ‘once a brave man’, is lying sick and is looked after
by his sister who is about to become the Arab’s next victim. When she
tells him about the Arab, Doicin asks her to help him rise and to bring
his weapons and horse. The enemy becomes frightened at the sight
of the hero whom he had thought was dead. Doicin kills the Arab and
then goes to the emperor to call him a coward for having allowed the
Arab to abuse people, in some cases even punishing him for having
done so. Going back home, Doicin lets his sister know about his victory
over the enemy and asks her to prepare his funeral. ‘The brave man
turns to dust and his horse goes into the green woods.’ (Amzulescu
1964, volume 1, p.133.) In this variant, very similar in content to the
one published by V. Alecsandri, Doicin’s sister calls him ‘neică’, a word
used by peasant girls in the Oltenia region to address their elder broth-
ers. Doicin teaches her to wrap nine ‘bridle belts’ tight around his waist
and when she passes his heavy sword to him he raises it ‘on his little
finger’ and flings it up into the sky so that is cleaned ‘as white as milk’
by the clouds. After killing the Arab, Doicin also kills the emperor of the
country because he should not have ‘taken off his fez’ in front of an
Arab. Then the brave man asks his sister to bring 40 priests to perform
his funeral service and sets his red horse free. Nevertheless, the horse
waits until the end of the funeral service and then takes his master ‘by
the teeth’ and buries him, using its hooves to dig a grave close to a
‘trunk with five elm-trees’ growing together ‘as five brothers born to one
mother’.
Adrian Fochi, the author of the most consistent Romanian study
dedicated to the ‘Ailing Doicin’ type (first published in German in 1965),
lists 44 Romanian variants of the epic song (Fochi (1965) 1987, pp. 68-
72): of which only one has a fragmentary text, 10 variants do not have
the informants mentioned, 5 variants do not contain data on their place
of origin, and 2 texts are difficult to date. According to Fochi’s research,
the oldest Romanian record of ‘Ailing Doicin’ is to be found in a miscel-
laneous manuscript of 1809 (Fochi (1965) 1987, p 62), while the most
recent was collected from the village of Ciuperceni near Bucharest in
1962 (Fochi (1965) 1987, p 70).
We should add to the 44 variants mentioned by Fochi three vari-
ants collected by Ion Nijloveanu from the Olt and Teleorman districts
(southern Romania) in 1961, 1962 and 1968 and published in his 1984
collection (Nijloveanu, Ion Balade populare româneşti <Romanian Folk

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as a Figure of Memory
 Identity Patterns in Some Romanian Variants of ‘The Black Arab’ in Epic FolkSongs

Ballads>, Editura Muzicală, Bucharest, 1984, pp.148-157). The vari-

ants in the Nijloveanu collection have musical transcriptions of texts.
As for poetic content, we could add a few significant details to the over-
all picture outlined so far: the girls killed by the Arab are buried ‘with a
fir-tree’ to mark their tomb and Doicin asks his sister to milk nine mares
for his bath and to put a basil stalk in the milk ‘unseen by the Sun’.
More variants of the epic song of ‘Ailing Doicin’ may have been
recorded or even published in collections to which I have not had ac-
cess. Nevertheless, with at least 47 variants recorded between 1809
and 1968, we can assume that ‘Ailing Doicin’ is well integrated into the
typological system of Romanian folk epic songs. Although researchers
agree that ‘Ailing Doicin’ is not an original Romanian topic, there must
have been some elements in the epic song content that appealed to
folk music performers and public alike, making them ‘adopt’ the story
of the dying brave man who defeats the Black Arab to save his sister.

2. SPECIFIC ROMANIAN ELEMENTS OF ‘AILING DOICIN’ AC-

CORDING TO COMPARATIVE RESEARCH.

Adrian Fochi took a comparative approach to the Black Arab topic

in his 1965 study, paying attention also to the particular content and
structural details that distinguish Romanian variants from Serbian,
Croatian, Bulgarian and Albanian versions. Fochi considers that
Doicin’s epic song has five episodes:

1. The Black Arab comes to the hero’s village and causes misfortune.
2. The hero finds out about the Black Arab’s deeds and is called to help.
3. The hero prepares for his battle.
4. The fight and victory of the hero.
5. Death and apotheosis of the hero (Fochi (1965) 1987, p 80).

The first episode of the Romanian version is characterized by the

portrait of the Black Arab (Fochi (1965) 1987, p 81). By portraying his
negative character, the anonymous author of the epic song aims to
suggest supernatural size and force and also grotesque physical fea-
tures (Fochi (1965) 1987, p 84) such as ‘thick lips’ and ‘carp scales’ on
his head—as if the Black Arab were a kind of ‘human beast’ acting only
to satisfy his insatiable, hyperbolised greed.
The second episode of ‘Ailing Doicin’ (in which the hero finds out about
the Black Arab’s deeds and is called to help) stresses the positive he-

291 Black Arab

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 Ioana-Ruxandra Fruntelata

ro’s severe condition in Romanian variants of the epic song. Some

variants (like that of Vasile Alecsandri) privilege the second episode by
placing it in the first position in the epic: thus, first we are introduced to
Doicin ‘the sick brave man’ and his sister, and only afterwards do we
find out about the Black Arab’s coming to the village and abusing the
community (Fochi (1965) 1987, p 88). There are several Romanian
variants in which Doicin’s prolonged disease is ‘explained’ by his vari-
ous sins. As he is such a sinner, Doicin is cursed to lie sick unable to
die until he kills his hundredth enemy (Fochi (1965) 1987, p 91).
The request to have a bath prepared is characteristic of the third
episode of Doicin’s song in Romanian variants, as bathing is also a
ritual act for someone who is ready for his funeral, like the dying hero
himself (Fochi (1965) 1987, p 102). Fochi also mentions the sequence
in which the hero flings his mace (or sword) up to the sky for the clouds
to clean it (Fochi (1965) 1987, p 103). Romanian variants of Doicin’s
song include a social conflict opposing the hero to the ‘emperor’ ac-
cused of having allowed the Arab to abuse his subjects (Fochi (1965)
1987, p 105). In some variants, Doicin even kills the cowardly emperor,
as in the variant published by Al. I. Amzulescu in 1964. Other variants
favour a different epic solution: the hero sticks the Black Arab’s head
upon a spear and goes to the emperor who organizes a feast in his
honour and offers him money; Doicin will not take the money but asks
instead for help for his sister who will remain alone after his death
(Fochi (1965) 1987, p 108).
Finally, the fifth episode of the poem (the death and apotheosis
of the hero) is characterized in Romanian variants by a detailed de-
scription of Doicin’s funeral ceremony. Sometimes even the emperor
attends the hero’s funeral service and subsequently takes care of his
sister. There are variants in which Doicin’s body turns into dust imme-
diately after his death as a result of his curse. The hero’s horse buries
him in the woods in other variants, acting like the faithful horse of brave
men in other epic songs (e.g. ‘Toma Alimoş. An English version of
‘Toma Alimoş’ can be read in Cinci balade populare/ Five Folk Ballads,
Translated by W.D. Snodgrass, The Romanian Cultural Foundation
Publishing House, Bucharest, 1999, pp. 49-65.) (Fochi (1965) 1987, p.
111). As it is quite uncommon for the protagonist of a heroic epic song
to die at the end of the story, some folk music performers (‘lăutari’)
looked for compensation in the action by introducing different ‘solu-
tions to hide the death of the hero’. In their variants, the focus shifts to
Doicin’s sister who becomes a nun or gets married to the Emperor’s

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 Identity Patterns in Some Romanian Variants of ‘The Black Arab’ in Epic FolkSongs

vizier or accumulates a great fortune. In other variants, Doicin founds a

settlement in the place where he has defeated the Arab or even recov-
ers his health and marries the Emperor’s daughter (Fochi (1965) 1987,
p 112).
In conclusion, Fochi refers to the ‘cultural universe’ of Doicin’s
song, demonstrating that Romanian variants of the topic are linked to
the ‘concrete conditions of relations between Turks and Romanians’ in
the past, as the Black Arab is sometimes identified as a Turkish clerk
(deliu) or a Tartar invader. Although the epic line is quite vigorous, the
action is presented against a lyrical atmosphere characteristic of verse
epic creations in Romanian oral culture (Fochi (1965) 1987, p 186).
Another typical feature among Romanian characteristics of Doicin’s
song is, according to Fochi’s analysis, the ‘thematic purity’ of each epi-
sode. In contrast with variants from south of the Danube, Romanian
variants do not favour the anticipation of one episode within previous
ones but repeat verses of some episodes wherever needed further in
the text to maintain the coherence of the story (Fochi (1965) 1987, pp
118-119).
Summing up the results of Fochi’s comparative analysis, a folklore
scholar can bring enough arguments to support the idea that there is a
Romanian identity of the Black Arab epic song type, as the Romanian
variants of this song grouped under the type ‘Ailing Doicin’ are charac-
terized by certain specific features which differentiate them from other
South-European concretizations of the topic. The detailed portraits of
the dying hero and his enemy, the particulars of the hero’s preparations
for battle (the milk bath, the weapon flung up to the sky) and the role of
Doicin’s horse in his master’s burial are among the Romanian content
particulars to which poetic elements like lyrical atmosphere and repeti-
tion, in preference to anticipation of epic episodes, should be added.

3. REASONS BEHIND THE INTEGRATION OF THE ‘AILING

DOICIN’ TYPE INTO ROMANIAN FOLKLORE.

Most epic Romanian heroic folk songs fit into two content patterns:
theoreticians have called the first ‘salvation and revenge’ epos and
the second ‘daring and punishment’ epos (Al. I Amzulescu quoted by
Nicolae Constantinescu in Constantinescu, Fruntelată 2006, p.122).
The hero of the first pattern is usually a Romanian replica of the me-

293 Black Arab

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 Ioana-Ruxandra Fruntelata

dieval knight who triumphs over a dangerous enemy and saves his
community. The hero of the second pattern is a sort of folkloric tragic
protagonist who dares too much, defying powers beyond his reach (the
forces of nature, for example) and is punished for his recklessness.
According to the epic scenario pattern, the rescuing hero triumphs and
stays alive while the daring hero dies, thus setting an example for wit-
nesses to his adventure. As he saves his sister and community from
the monstrous Black Arab, Doicin should be a rescuing hero and stay
alive. Nevertheless, he dies at the end of the epic poem and some vari-
ants even suggest that death comes as a prize to him because his pro-
longed illness would only come to an end through the achievement of
one last heroic victory. Thus Doicin’s action somehow overlaps the two
settled patterns for Romanian heroic epic songs as salvation from one
pattern combines with death from the other pattern; only death is not
a punishment for the ailing hero but a just redemption after long suf-
fering. In this way, although the Romanian variants observe the South-
Eastern European Black Arab topic, the point of the story digresses
somewhat from the fight of the brave man against a monstrous enemy
to the issue of ‘getting even with life’ before dying, which is a content
hallmark in Romanian literary folklore. As in other oral traditions, many
Romanian folk epic song types are connected to fundamental human
experiences like getting married or dying and the heroic adventures
often encase a deeper meditation on the social and individual conse-
quences of certain choices that one makes in life. Usually such mean-
ings are captured by the ritual repertory of folk cultures, but there are
numerous connections between ritual and non-ritual pieces as modes
of creation are similar in oral productions whether they be ritual or not.
Romanian folklore scholars acknowledge the common features of epic
poems and some winter solstice songs, pointing out, however, that the
texts of epic songs have a denser narrative structure and a more pro-
nounced historical background than texts of ritual winter solstice songs
(Pop, Ruxăndoiu 1978, p.317). The explanation of such common fea-
tures could be thus: ‘In the past, Romanians had narrative songs re-
lated to mythology and fairy tales. Such creations could express ritual
prescriptions and interdictions in poetic form and could describe cer-
emonies […] The hypothesis is supported by the persistence of ritual
and mythological elements in the recorded variants of our epic songs.’
(Eretescu 2004, pp.148-149.) At the same time, the verse form of epic
songs and winter solstice songs sets this type of creation apart from
prose narratives, relating it ‘to the idea of the sacred [and to the] crea-

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 Identity Patterns in Some Romanian Variants of ‘The Black Arab’ in Epic FolkSongs

tion of a language which distinguishes everyday facts from exceptional

ones.’ (Ispas 2006, p.95.)
Exploring further the connection of ritual folklore to epic songs, we
come across several mythic nuclei that are converted to substantiate
either ritual poetry or non-ritual epos. The fight of the hero against a
monster is such a nucleus that forms the core of a category of ritual
winter solstice songs dedicated to young men. At least as old as the
myth of Perseus, but more familiar in the South-European area in the
form of Saint George’s fight against the dragon, a confrontation with
a monster is to be found in several Romanian fairy tales and legends
and also in a few epic songs. The representative Romanian epic song
for this mythic nucleus is Iovan Iorgovan (Pop 1998 p.319) in which
the hero is a young man who fights a dragon to save his wife. As I
have previously mentioned, ‘Ailing Doicin’ includes an episode on the
fight of the hero against the Black Arab who is ‘fabulously portrayed’
(Pop 1998 p.322) and has saurian features (scales) and the spear on
which the brave man sticks the head of the monster in some variants
also echoes the ‘St. George image’. This is why we can assume that
Doicin’s popularity with folk audiences has something to do with this
‘fight against the monster’ mythic nucleus which has turned into an
archetypal image marking our mental representations of the rescuing
hero.
At the same time, the song of Doicin intersects with the ‘brother’
theme in Romanian folk epic verse, touching the context of family con-
nections in traditional rural societies. Doicin and his sister are a po-
etic embodiment of the brother-sister couple in which, according to the
rules of behaviour in patriarchal society, the elder brother must take
care of his sister in the absence of a father. Many Romanian variants
of Doicin, as presented above, introduce the successful marriage of
Doicin’s sister in a sequence towards the end of the action. The repre-
sentative type of this ‘brother-theme’ is the type of the ‘ghost-brother’
known as ‘Voica’ in Romanian folklore and reflecting the ‘Lenore’ type
in the cultures of north-west Europe (Constantinescu 2000, p.194).
The ‘ghost-brother’ in the variants of the type ‘Voica’ is a young man
set by his mother to return from the dead and to bring home his sister.
Doicin is not a ‘ghost’, but he is dying and he must take care of his
sister as a last act of familial responsibility.
Although it was not created on Romanian soil, the ‘Ailing Doicin’
type fits very well into the system of Romanian folk epic songs as it
fulfils the condition of ‘ritual proximity’ which makes it absorb several

295 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Ioana-Ruxandra Fruntelata

elements from the description of the funeral ritual (the last bath, burial
with a fir tree next to the tomb, even the quantities of food the Black
Arab mentions in his greedy request and which are the same quanti-
ties considered necessary for funeral alms in ritual songs (Fochi (1965)
1987, p.85). At the same time, ‘Ailing Doicin’ touches the perennial
mythic nucleus of the fight against the monster, which makes it familiar
to the archetype-marked imagination of listeners. The third reason that
may explain why the Romanian public has embraced Doicin’s song is
the social reflection of family relationships in this hero’s epic adventure
which may be understood mainly as a ‘brother-sister’ story unfolding in
the middle of a tragic life crisis which is to separate the two close rela-
tives who love each other so much.
In my opinion, the otherness represented by the Black Arab (and its
possible historical connotations) is of little importance in the Romanian
variants of this epic song type as it does not explain the powerful posi-
tion of this type in the system of Romanian epic verse. It is much more
likely that the explanation lies with the subtle affinities of Doicin’s song
with ritual folklore and other folk epic songs revolving around the ma-
jor theme of death. As Lévi-Strauss says, if ‘external connections’ can
explain the transmitting of one folklore text from its original culture to
another, only ‘internal connections’ provide the answer to the survival
of the text in its adopting culture (Fochi (1965) 1987, p.180).

4. WHY THE ‘AILING DOICIN’ TYPE SHOULD BE CONSIDERED

PART OF THE ROMANIAN INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERIT-
AGE.

‘A folkloric text survives only if it gathers new meanings perma-

nently to address new people who are living nowadays.’ (Fochi (1965)
1987, p.161.) Folk epic songs (or ‘songs of the old’ as they were called
in their genuine environment) are losing ground to new means of
entertainment (especially to the mass media’s greatly diversified of-
fer) and some folk music performers (lăutari) exclude them from their
repertories as useless pieces that nobody asks for any longer. At the
same time, folklore scholars centre their research upon the complex
meanings of folk epic songs in context and acknowledge their cultural
and artistic value. Performing folk epic songs has become an act of
cultural restitution nowadays and talented performers are recorded
and encouraged to promote their art mostly in front of an intellectual

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 Identity Patterns in Some Romanian Variants of ‘The Black Arab’ in Epic FolkSongs

audience. The typology of Romanian folk epic songs has been writ-
ten and the masterpieces have been archived. ‘Ailing Doicin’ is one
of the types in the heroic epos category; therefore it has its legitimate
place among folklore archive treasures. Nevertheless, the UNESCO
concept of intangible cultural heritage implies the idea that a cultural
item should still be preserved in its original context in order to be con-
sidered for the inventory of the intangible cultural heritage (see http://
www.unesco.org/culture/ich). It is difficult to say how many variants of
Doicin’s songs are still in circulation on Romanian territory at present,
but given the popularity of the type until the seventh decade of the 20th
century we may assume that there are still some in circulation to act as
living proof of the value contained in this ‘adopted’ ballad/ epic song.
The specific Romanian features of the ‘Ailing Doicin’ type presented in
the second part of this research give contour to a ‘Romanian identity’ of
this folk epic song as a form of ‘cultural narrative’ emphasizing ‘more or
less stable’ resemblances and differences often connected to ‘myths’
(Yuval-Davis (1997) 2003, p.65) of Romanian culture which are ‘more
or less common’ to myths of South-Eastern European cultures. At the
same time, Ailing Doicin’s ‘success’ with Romanian folk culture can
be interpreted as the expression of a ‘distanced identity’ which is not
circumscribed to immediate localism but also comprises awareness of
what is common to people living in a larger area, sharing common risks
and possibilities and bearing mutual responsibilities (Tomlinson (1999)
2002, p.272). The Black Arab character becomes very interesting with
regard to ‘Romanian identity’ and ‘distanced identity’ as it can be inter-
preted as an ‘epic instrument’ that points both to ‘the common enemy’
in a certain historic period (the Turk or Tartar oppressor) and to ‘the
common mythic heritage’ of European peoples (the dragon challenged
by the knight). At the same time, only in Romanian variants of the song
can the Black Arab be considered a redeemer as he is the ‘hundredth
enemy’ that the hero has to kill in order to find absolution and death.
This instrumental role of the Black Arab can be extended to Doicin’s
sister as well, since both Black Arab and sister are only ‘discourse’
characters while Doicin alone is the ‘action’ character. He is the only
one who will change his identity in the story, from dying man to rescu-
ing hero and then to caring brother, while the other characters do little
more than respond to his acts. We could of course say that Doicin does
not really change his identity but assumes in turns his threefold physi-
cal, social and family identity as any of us would do in similarly critical
circumstances. Doicin goes beyond the limit and that makes him a hero

297 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Ioana-Ruxandra Fruntelata

of universal appeal. Nevertheless, the power of such a hero to con-

vey to the public the sublime qualities he embodies emanates from a
deeply contextualized discourse—for the hero without the story would
be unintelligible to us. ‘To identify with’ or ‘to be identified to’ means
first of all to put the object of identification in words (Dubar (2000)
2003, p.191). Without epic substance, epos heroes could not exist.
The Romanian type of ‘Ailing Doicin’ is a part of the national intangible
heritage made up of poetic images which contain a ‘concentrated intui-
tion that makes us really connect to one of the truths of human being
and destiny’ (Caracostea, D. Poezia tradiţională română <Romanian
Traditional Poetry>, vol. 2, Editura pentru Literatură, Bucharest, 1969).
At the same time, a comparative approach to the ‘Romanian identity’
of Doicin’s song and its other ‘south-eastern European identities’ can
lead us to a better understanding of the relationship of cultural memory
to artistic creation in traditional folk cultures.

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as a Figure of Memory
 Identity Patterns in Some Romanian Variants of ‘The Black Arab’ in Epic FolkSongs

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Alecsandri, Vasile 1866 Poesii populare ale Romînilor, adunate şi în-

tocmite de ..., Bucureşti, Tipografia Lucrătorilor Asociaţi.
Amzulescu, Al. I. 1964 Balade populare româneşti Ediţii critice de fol-
clor – genuri, 3 vol., Bucureşti, Editura pentru Literatură.
Caracostea, D. 1969 Poezia tradţională română <Romanian Traditional
Poetry>, vol. 2, Bucureşti, Editura pentru Literatură.
Constantinescu, Nicolae 2000 Etnologia şi folclorul relaţiilor de rudenie
<Ethnology and Folklore of Kinship>, Bucureşti, Editura Univers.
Constantinescu, Nicolae, Fruntelată, Ioana-Ruxandra 2006 Folclor
<Folklore>, Bucureşti Ministerul Educaţiei şi Cercetării, Proiectul
pentru Învăţământul Rural.
Dubar, Claude 2003 Criza identităţilor. Interpretarea unei mutaţii [2000
La crise des identités: L’interprtation d’une mutation], Chişinău,
Editura Ştiinţa.
Eretescu, Constantin 2004 Folclorul literar al românilor. O privire
contemporană <Romanians’ Literary Folklore. Contemporary
Outlook>, Bucureşti, Editura Compania.
Fochi, Adrian 1987 Balada lui Doicin bolnavul în folclorul sud-est euro-
pean in Valori ale culturii populare româneşti <Values of Romanian
Folk Culture>, vol.1 ( 1965 Das Doitschin (Doicin – Dojčin –
Дοцчцн) Lied in der südosteuropäischen Volksüberlieferung I – II
in ‘Revue des Études sud-est européennes’, Bucharest, 3 (1965),
nr.1-2, pp.229-268 (I); nr.3-4, pp.465-511 (II)). Bucureşti, Editura
Minerva, pp.60-239.
Ispas, Sabina 2006 Novac and the Fairy. Heroic Poem and Mythical
Genealogy in Symposia. Journal for Studies in Ethnology and
Anthropology, Craiova, Regional Museum of Oltenia, Editura Aius
PrintEd, pp.95-102.
Nijloveanu, Ion 1984 Balade populare româneşti <Romanian Folk
Ballads>, Bucureşti, Editura Muzicală.
Pop, Mihai 1998 Cântecul popular epic în România <Folk epic songs
in Romania> in Folclor românesc <Romanian Folklore>, Vol.2,
Bucureşti, Editura ‘Grai şi Suflet – Cultura Naţională’, pp. 315-327.
Pop, Mihai, Ruxăndoiu, Pavel, 1978 Folclor literar românesc
<Romanian Literary Folklore>, second edition, Bucureşti, Editura
Didactică şi Pedagogică.
Tomlinson, John 2002 Globalizare şi cultură [1999 Globalization and
Culture], Timişoara, Editura Amarcord.
Yuval-Davis, Nira 2003 Gen şi naţiune [1997 Gender and Nation],
Bucureşti, Editura Univers.

299 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Ioana-Ruxandra Fruntelata

Ioana-Ruxandra FRUNTELATA
(Faculty of Letters, University of Bucharest, Romania)

Identity Patterns in Some Romanian Variants of ‘The Black Arab’

in Epic FolkSongs
This paper intends to explore mainly the identity of the ‘Black Arab’
motif on Romanian soil, referring to the identity expression as encased
in the most stable parts of Romanian variants. Romanian research has
placed the ‘Black Arab’ subject under the type entitled ‘Ailing Doicin’.
After presenting the most important stages in folkloric research into
this epic song, I move to a concise description of specific elements
which can be found in Romanian variants of the Black Arab song. I
then investigate the cultural and poetic reasons for the ‘adoption’ of the
Black Arab’s song in Romanian folklore. The last part of the paper ap-
proaches the identity issue in relation to individual self-awareness and
collective cultural heritage.
Summing up the results of comparative analysis, I consider there
to be sufficient arguments to support the idea that there is a Romanian
identity of the Black Arab epic song type, as the Romanian variants
of this song grouped under the type ‘Ailing Doicin’ are characterized
by certain specific features which differentiate them from other South-
European concretizations of the topic. The detailed portraits of the dy-
ing hero and of his enemy, the particulars of the hero’s preparations for
battle (the milk bath, the weapon flung up to the sky) and the role of
Doicin’s horse in his master’s burial, are among the Romanian content
particulars to which poetic elements such as the use of lyrical atmos-
phere and repetition in preference to the anticipation of epic episodes
should also be added.

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as a Figure of Memory
 Identity Patterns in Some Romanian Variants of ‘The Black Arab’ in Epic FolkSongs

In my opinion, the otherness represented by the Black Arab (and

its possible historical connotations) is of little importance in Romanian
variants of this epic song type as it does not explain the powerful posi-
tion of this type in the system of Romanian epic verse. It is much more
likely that the explanation lies in the subtle affinities of Doicin’s song
with ritual folklore and other folk epic songs revolving around the major
theme of death. The Romanian type of ‘Ailing Doicin’ is a part of the na-
tional intangible heritage because it gives contour to a ‘Romanian iden-
tity’ of this folk epic song as form of a ‘cultural narrative’ emphasizing
‘more or less stable’ resemblances and differences often connected to
‘myths’ of Romanian national culture which are ‘more or less common’
to myths of South-Eastern European cultures.

301 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 From ‘Arapi i zi’ to discussions on Orientalism – the figure of the Black Arab in Albanian folklore and culture

Rigels HALILI (London/Tirana)

From ‘Arapi i zi’ to discussions on Orientalism – the

figure of the Black Arab in Albanian folklore and
culture
1. Tahir Dizdari was born
Despite various appearances in oral traditions and everyday in Shkodra in 1900 to a
Muslim family of intellectual
speech, the figure of the Black Arab has not yet been an object of background. He studied
analysis in Albanian scholarship. This paper aims to begin to fill this in the Asqerie mejtep (pri-
gap by presenting the uses of this figure in oral communication among mary school), attended the
Albanians. Naturally enough, the figure also appears in written commu- College of St. Francesco
Saverio (run by Jesuits in
nications, especially in literature, and even political discussions. Such Shkodra since 1877), and
examples will be presented in the following text. However, the goal of completed his further edu-
this essay goes further than mere description. It seeks to interpret the cation in Istanbul. Between
place of the expression ‘Black Arab’ in a larger, social, cultural and 1929-1939, he served in
the public administration
even political context, both in the distant past and in the contemporary of the Kingdom of Albania.
setting. Simultaneously, he pub-
lished several articles on
the influences of oriental
languages (Ottoman
A PRELIMINARY DESCRIPTION Turkish, Persian and Arab)
in the Albanian language.
It would be appropriate to start by listing several situational and Due to his political ideas,
verbal uses of the expression ‘Black Arab’ in Albanian language, folk- he was interned in Italy
during the war and also
lore and ethnography. When he discusses the term Arab in his highly imprisoned in 1951 for
praised Dictionary of Oriental Loanwords in the Albanian Language, propaganda against the
the orientalist and linguist Tahir Dizdari1 also presents an inventory of communist regime. From
the uses of Arabi i zi (or Harapi i Zi in the northern dialect of Albanian). 1965 to 1972 he worked as
an associate of the Institute
He emphasizes that the term appeared earlier, but spread during of Linguistics. During this
Ottoman rule. From this period originates the distinction between the period he finished his opera
Arabi i zi (Black Arab) and the Arapi i bardhë (White Arab). The former vitae and handed it over for

303 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Rigels HALILI

publication in, as he antici- was used to label black people who came or were brought mainly from
pated, a series of articles. Africa, whereas the latter was used for naming the Arab people proper
However, due to his past as
an ‘enemy of the people’ he whose ‘colour of skin was white, or simply slightly dark.’ (T. Dizdari,
was marginalised and his 2005). Dizdari then explains the appearances of the term Arab in eve-
name was rarely mentioned ryday speech, idiomatic expressions, oral tales and songs, personal
by other Albanian scholars, and geographic names, cattle breeding, agricultural production, and
despite the fact that they
made extensive use of his cuisine and dishes. For instance, in a lullaby recorded in Shkodra,2
work. Recognition came the mother sings to her son: N’ahër tand t’hinglloftë ati, / Hysmetin t’ia
from outside Albania and baftë harapi (in free translation: In your hut may your steed neigh/ and
in 1972 Dizdari was invited may the Arab take care of him). A frequently used idiom is ‘to get as
by the College de France to
attend the 29th Congress messed up as the hairs of the Arab’ (m’u ngatërrue si flokt e arapit in
of Oriental Studies. His Northern dialect and bëhet lëmsh si lesht e arapit in Southern dialect).3
death prevented his ever Such family names as Arapi or Harapi, and their respective derivates
attending this event. His Arapaj and Harapaj, are noted amongst all Albanians throughout the
scholarship was appropri-
ately honoured after the fall Balkans. Dizdari stresses that the personal name Rrapo/Rapo, which
of the communist regime is very common in southern Albania, especially in Mallakastra, Vlora,
in two conferences held in Labëria and Gjirokastra, most probably originates from the name
Prishtina (1995) and Tirana Arab. The noun Arab (as well as its derivative forms: Harapi, Arapaj,
(1997). Finally, in 2005, his
dictionary was published. Harapaj) appears in geographical appellations in various parts of the
2. Throughout this paper Balkans inhabited by Albanians. Dizdari lists a few of them: Thika e
I will use geographical Harapit (Arab’s knife – Puka); Bjeshka e Arapit, Sukat e Arapit (Arab’s
names in Albanian and mountains, Arab’s peaks – Puka); Guri i Harapit (Arab’s stone – Vukël,
in their articulated form, Kelmend); Harapi i Ivanit (Arab from Ivan – Vukël); Hurdhat and
though, when necessary,
I will also mention their Kodra e Harapit (Arab’s hills – Kokdodë, Puka), Suka Harap (Arab’s
designations in other lan- rise – Zadrimë), Varri i Arapit ( Arab’s grave – Skrapar), Arapaj (quar-
guages, i.e. Shkodra vs. ter in the village Spathar, Skrapar), Aràpi (quarter in Luz, Dibër/mac.
Skadar. Debar) Arapaj (quarter in Roskovec), Arapaj (quarter in the village
3. In accordance with com- of Rrashbullë, Durrës), Arapi (quarter in the village of Berish, Puka),
mon use, I understand the Prroni i Arapit (Arab’s Creek, in the Iballa region ), Maja e Harapit
River Shkumbin to be the (Arab’s Peak in Theth, Shala region), Gomna e Harapit (Arab’s Will, in
line of division between
the suburbs of Shkodra). In the area of Shkodra and in the town itself
the Southern and Northern
parts of Albania and their until the first half of the 20th century there lived several families of black
two respective dialects – people who were believed to be the descendants of slaves or prison-
Geg and Tosk. However, it ers brought to the town by sailors and pirates from Ulqin in the 17th and
should be noted that this
18th centuries. They were called Harap (feminine Harapesha) and were
division represents rather
a 19th century intellectual respected widely by the locals, especially those of them who were in-
construct than a proper volved in agriculture and owned land. And finally, almost throughout the
division existing in practice. regions in the Balkans where Albanian was or is spoken, the designa-
This issue is the object of
tion Arab—in its derivative forms like arap (Gjirokastra), harap (Kruja,
another essay which I am
currently working on. Dukagjin), rapo (Çamëria)—was used to name a black bull. Similarly,

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the feminine forms of this noun were used to name a black cow or a
black ship: arapkë (Gramsh), arape (Labëria), harapeshë (Myzeqe),
rape and rapkë (Çamëria) (Dizdari, 2005). In written records, the name
Arab is found as early as 1635 in the writings of Frang Bardhi, who
describes the Harapetë as ‘mauri Aethiepes’. It appeared afterwards in
different records about the Shkodra area, and became quite common
in travel writings, literary works, essayistic and other accounts during
the 19th and 20th centuries.
This highly descriptive note by Tahir Dizdari allows us to note
two important points. First, that in its denominational role the name
Black Arab is related to colour, and hence also racial distinction. And,
second, that most of the geographical names that include it are to be
found in the northern and north-eastern part of present-day Albania.

PROVERBS, SAYINGS, TALES, GAMES AND SONGS

Dizdari only mentions a few oral tales, sayings and songs in which
the designation Arab appears. These traces, however, as being addi-
tional important evidence of the presence of this designation in the oral
memory and cultural practices of Albanians, need to be extensively
described and interpreted. Thus, in everyday speech in Shkodra, it was
a customary habit to say of a person who had fallen in love with a plain
girl that ‘he has fallen like the Arab for the frog’ (e ka kapë meraku në
ta si harapi në bretkocë). Of brothers or relatives whose households
were prospering, people would say that ‘they are doing well with each
other, just like Arabs’ (sa mirë po shkojn me njani tjetrin ata vllazën,
duken si harapët). Both of these sayings illustrate aspects of the eve-
ryday life of this small community, but they also reveal the ambiguous
attitude of the Albanian majority of locals towards them. Thus, on the
one hand, they were perceived to be somehow bizarre, if not a syno-
nym for physical unattractiveness (hence an Arab could fall in love with
a frog), which was usually an attribute attached to the Roma. On the
other hand, the level of their social solidarity and kinship ties was well
recognized and appreciated.
Overall, one may consider the designation Black Arab in Albanian
to be primarily a synonym of dirtiness. Of children who often got dirty
their mothers would say they looked as black as Arabs. The ‘Black
Arab’ appears in a popular game, especially among children in south-
ern and central Albania. It goes as follows: one of the participants, or

305 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Rigels HALILI

sometimes even the mother, would be named the Black Arab and sent
out of the room for a while. Then each of the participants would pick up
a colour and the Black Arab would be recalled to enter the room. He
would then start naming colours and if he picked one chosen by either
of the players, that player would go for one year to live with the Black
Arab. The game ends when the Black Arab names all the colours, i.e.
when that player has gathered all the others into his possession, and
then the turn goes to someone else. Again, the figure of the Black Arab
appears here in close association with colours, something that most
probably relates to the inclusion of black within this name.
It is only in few fairy tales that the figure of the Black Arab ap-
pears as the main character, usually as the personification of a nega-
tive force. Thus, the Danish scholar, linguist and folklorist, Holger von
Pedersen (1867-1953), collected a tale in which one of the opponent-
characters, met by the major hero while wandering out with his stallion,
is named Arap Uzengjia. (Pedersen, 1895). Since this tale is one of the
very few in which the figure of the Arab emerges as the main hero, it is
worth quoting some fragments from it at length. Arap Uzengjia appears
in the course of the tale as the owner of an ill-fated inn. No one stops to
eat at the inn, despite a golden table being set at all times by the road-
side, laid with gold plates, spoons and forks, and laden with wonderful
dishes. All travellers are afraid of Arap Uzengjia. The stallion teaches
the main hero, a boy and the son of a king, to go and sit at the table,
to eat but not reply to the Arab. The young lad is also taught to cover
the back of his stallion with five buffalo hides. When the Arab sees that
the boy has eaten and is about to leave the table, he leaves the inn
and chases the stallion on his mare. At some point the mare neighs
and the whole space in front of the inn suddenly transforms into a lake.
The Arab’s mare and the boy’s stallion find themselves in water up to
their bellies. They start to fight with each other. The battle is hard; the
mare takes the buffalo hides off the back of the stallion while the stal-
lion breaks the ribs of the mare. In the end, both fall exhausted to the
ground. Then the boy and the Arab start fighting, first with their swords
and then wrestling with their bare hands. Neither is able to conquer
his adversary. Eventually, the Arab claims that he has seen no other
fighter like the boy in the entire world and proposes they become blood
brothers. The boy replies, ‘All right, let us be brothers, then, though I
do not yet trust you!’ They return to the inn and the boy sits at the table
while the Arab goes in the backyard to make coffee for them. In real-
ity, the Arab is not an ugly black man but the Earthly Beauty. The Arab

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takes off his skin and returns to the room, more beautiful than any girl
ever seen before, and serves the men coffee. Everybody in the room
begins to tremble at how beautiful the girl is. However, she returns to
the back-room and puts the black skin on again. Being again an Arab,
she returns to the main room and asks the king’s son: ‘Did you see my
sister, who brought you coffee?’ ‘Indeed, I did,’ responds the young lad.
Then, the Arab continues, ‘I would like you to take her as your wife.’ ‘I
will take her,’ replies the young lad, ‘though, I must find first the daugh-
ter of the king of jinns. After that I will return to take your sister.’ At this
moment the Earthly Beauty reveals herself and they exchange rings
(Pedersen 1895, 39-40).
Imagined as a dark, black, ugly and scary person, the Arab appears
in this tale as the equivalent of the Earthly Beauty (Alb. e bukura e
dheut), the main female character of Albanian oral folktales. This amal-
gamation is unique in Albanian folklore. Usually, the Earthly Beauty
is closed behind the thick walls of high towers, hidden behind seven
mountains, seven forests and seven rivers or seas. Often she is impris-
oned by dark forces, such as jinns, or mighty dragons (Alb. kulshedra
/ kuçedra), with whom the main hero has to wage merciless battles. In
this tale, it is the black skin and ‘dreadful’ appearance of the Arab that
literally hides the Earthly Beauty from the eyes of the others. In other
words, it is the Black Arab who this time metaphorically imprisons the
Earthly Beauty.
The blackness and terrifying look of the Black Arab, which finds
expression in the above-quoted fairytale, are often referred to still in
everyday language and reality. Exactly these two features are recalled
when the Black Arab is referred to as a means of pressuring children
who refuse to follow an order given by their parents, or will not go eas-
ily to sleep. In general, however, such a social and psychological role is
performed by the figure of kulshedra, or kuçedra. Yet, it is not unusual
in the streets of Gjirokastra and surrounding villages to hear mothers
reprimanding their children for getting as dirty as the Black Arab while
playing outside on the fields.
Another evident manifestation of the figure of the Black Arab in
Albanian folklore is his appearance as the adversary of Gjergj Elez
Alia. Generally taken, the line of argument of this song reveals strong
similarities with the song about Bolani Dojčin among the Serbs and
Bolen Dojčin among Macedonians and Bulgarians. In this wider Balkan
context, the ultimate fight of Gjergj Elez Alija brings to mind also the
legend of St. George, or Saint Demetrius, the saviours of Thessaloniki.

307 Black Arab

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It should be stressed, though, that the Albanian Gjergj Elez Alija, as

sung mainly in northern Albania and Kosovo, is the hero of only one
song and in this respect he differs from the corresponding Bosnian
figure, Džerdželez Alia, who wages many battles and has many adven-
tures.
The most well-known Albanian variant of this song was noted down
by the Franciscan father Bernardin Palaj in the region of Nikaj and was
published in 1937 in the second volume of the collection of Albanian
folklore Visaret e kombit (Treasures of the Nation). This text is consid-
ered canonical and since then has served as a point of reference for
any analysis of the subject. There are certain differences between this
song and those about Bolani Dojčin and Bolen Dojčin. It does not take
place in any clearly stated geographical place (as known, the latter
take place in Solun/Thessaloniki), the main hero does not have a wife
(Anđelina in the Serbian song), but only one unnamed sister, who has
taken care of his wounds for nine years. The adversary of Gjergj Elez
Alija in most Albanian variants is a figure called Black Baloz (Balozi
i Zi), who is usually identified as a reminiscence of the Byzantine ba-
sileus, or sometimes also as related to the bailo, the chief Venetian
diplomat in Constantinople. Baloz emerges ‘from the sea’ and imposes
very heavy taxes on the people: every house must send him a roasted
lamb and a virgin girl; every day he must kill a hero in battle; every
week he must raze one region to the ground. When the turn comes to
Gjergj Elez Alija, he sends his sister to his brother-in-law the blacksmith
to put new shoes on his horse. But in reward for the work, the black-
smith asks for the love (in the original ‘asks for her eyes’) of Gjergj’s
sister. She refuses, strongly revolted, and replies that she gave them
once and forever to her dead parents and to her wounded brother.
Eventually, a second blacksmith, who is godfather to Gjergj, helps to
prepare the horse for the fight. Gjergj comes to the battlefield and, after
a bitter struggle, defeats the Black Baloz. In the end, Gjergj Elez Alija
returns home exhausted from the fight and asks his friends to take care
of his sister after his death. However, his sister then embraces him and
dies at the very same moment (Visaret e Kombit II 1937, 42-48).
However, to the Franciscan fathers Bernardin Palaj and Donat
Kurti who edited this volume of Visaret e kombit, and presumably to
many other readers, another variant of this song was already known.
It appeared as part of Canto V, entitled Deka (the Death) of the epic
poem Lahuta e Malcis (The Highland Lute), of which the final edition
appeared in 1937 in Shkodra. The author of the poem was Gjergj

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Fishta, another Franciscan father and one of the main political and
cultural figures in Albania during the first half of the 20th century. While
fighting with the Montenegrins in Vranina on the Albanian/Ottoman–
Montenegrin border, one of the Albanian fighters, Kacel Doda, starts
singing the song while playing the lahuta (an instrument very similar to
the South-Slavic gusle). He sings the song about Gjergj Elez Alija, but
in a different form to that published by Palaj and Kurti. This variant is
shorter. It lacks the episodes and dilemmas related to the horseshoe-
ing. The sister does not appear in the song and the line of argument
is concentrated on the conflict between Gjergj Elze Alija and his ad-
versary. But, although the enemy emerges from the sea, the enemy is
not Baloz but ‘an Arab, black brave and severe’. Similar to the Baloz of
the canonical variant, the Arabimposes heavy taxes, but in addition he
explicitly demands from Gjergj either to come and fight him or to pay
these taxes. Otherwise, the Harap threatens, he will destroy Gjergj’s
house, capture Gjergj’s cattle and enslave Gjergj’s wife. Before going
to war, Gjergj takes care of his health by eating and drinking well for
two weeks, repairing his armour, feeding his horse and, finally, asking
for his mother’s blessing. The duel is fierce, but Gjergj defeats the Arab
and cuts off his ‘black head’, which is described by the singer as fol-
lows: ‘three palms long his lip was/ his ear as big as a pelerine/ enough
to cover three big men’ (Fishta 1937).
It is impossible to judge whether this is indeed a folk song that
was literally incorporated in the poem by the poet. However, Fishta is
known for making use of folk poetry, especially of the tradition of epic
songs amongst the highlanders of northern Albania. Arguably, both
variants were in use among Albanians, though more commonly the
adversary of Gjergj Elez Alija was named ‘Baloz’. Questions could be
raised as to why Fishta opted for the rarely occurring name of ‘Black
Harap’. Was it because Fishta was aware of the South Slavic variants
of these songs, since during his studies in Bosnia he was an alumni of
father Grga Martić and the folkloristic activity of the Croatian poet was
an inspiration for Fishta’s own work? Or was it because Baloz brought
to mind reminiscences of the Latin and hence Christian world, whereas
Harap was more related to the Ottoman or eastern world? If that was
the case, was Fishta an orientalist in the sense that Edward Said gave
to this term? (Said 1978).

309 Black Arab

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BLACK ARAB, ARABS AND ALBANIAN ORIENTALISM?

How to interpret the use of the ‘Black Arab’ figure in Albanian folk-
lore, oral memory and cultural practices? It is evident that it has racial
and ethnic connotations. By all means, this figure was and is used as a
personification of the other, someone, who has another colour of skin,
who cherishes another way of life and who does not belong to the com-
munity that owns this place. Still, this other sometimes happens to be
respected for moral and ethical qualities that are similar to those of the
majority.
However, this short exposé of the figure of the ‘Black Arab’ brings
to mind other, more recent discussions on the perception of Arabs in
general and something that has already been termed ‘Albanian ori-
entalism’. A full presentation of these discussions would require an-
other essay; however, a few major traits may be drawn here as well.
During the phase of the Albanian national movement that entered his-
tory under the term The National Awakening (Rilindja Kombëtare)—i.e.
from the second half of the 19th century until 1912 when Albania de-
clared independence—there prevailed amongst other ideological traits
a sort of anti-Ottomanism. Everything oriental, Ottoman, Persian or
Arab, started to be perceived as an obstacle to the development of
the country. Despite the fact that many Albanian activists were indeed
Ottoman officials, in their writings the orient was perceived as an over-
layer imposed on Albanian identity and culture. These lines of thinking
found expression in the verses of the greatest poet of the period, Naim
Frashëri, who wrote about the sun that rises from the place where it
sets.
During the inter-war period, the main object of intellectual and polit-
ical discussions among young Albanian cultural elites was the need for
Westernization of the country. King Zog I was perceived by his support-
ers as a leader that would direct the country in this process—almost
as an enlightened ruler. But his opponents saw in him the personi-
fication of the typical Ottoman ruler, a pasha in new clothes. In both
cases, everything that was oriental, related to the Ottoman Empire, to
Arabic or Persian culture, was perceived as backward and an obsta-
cle to the development of the country. Only Branko Merxhani, though
openly opting for directing the mentality and thinking of the youth to-
wards the lines of western philosophy and political sociology, depicted
a source of inspiration in the transformation that Turkey was undergo-
ing at that time under Kemal Ataturk. The Italian occupation of Albania

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in 1939 was presented as a sort of landmark and enlightening hope

on the road to westernization. The same rhetoric was associated with
the establishment of the communist regime after the war, which was
interpreted as a real social revolution leading towards the democra-
tization of the country. It was precisely during the communist regime
that this Albanian orientalism became a sort of official ideology and
the only line of thinking in Albanian scholarship. All the shortcomings
that Albanian society was facing were seen as a result of the Ottoman
heritage. All links between the Albanian national movement and the
Ottoman Empire were eradicated and these two were presented by
Albanian historiography as having always been in an open and deadly
conflict. In the works of Ismail Kadare, Ottoman despotism and the
Arab deserts played a metaphorical role for the Albanian communist
regime. Whether this was the case is still a matter under discussion;
however, the fact remains that Arab culture and Arabs in general were
perceived as something foreign to the Albanian cultural heritage. The
myth of Skanderbeg and his victorious fight against Ottoman rule that
eventually saved the whole of Europe laid the foundations of post-war
Albanian historiography (for a detailed account see Sulstarova 2006).
In this context, one may conclude that nowadays the use of the
figure of the ‘Black Arab’ and ‘Arab’ in general seems to be an expres-
sion of this Albanian orientalism. Accusations against Albanians for
representing, alongside Bosnians, the avant-garde of a larger Islamic
threat to ‘Christian’ Europe—accusations which frequently appeared
in the Serbian and Macedonia media during the conflicts in Kosovo
and Western Macedonia—seem to have further strengthened such
Albanian orientalism. This, on the other hand, has led to large internal
discussions on the role of Islamic heritage in Albanian culture and iden-
tity. The joining of Albania to the Conference of the Islamic Countries
was widely criticized inside the country. The lack of recognition by Arab
countries of the independence of Kosovo provoked the same sort of
discussions. The ‘Arab’, usually equated with ‘Wahhabism’, is nowa-
days associated with backward and despotic social relations, a non-
developed economy and alien cultural traits. That is not the case, since
most Albanian music, as is generally true throughout the Balkans,
shows clear Arabic and oriental influences—if not roots. Stigmatisation
of the ‘Black Arab’ goes hand in hand with Arabic-sounding music
played during weddings. Demonization of the Ottoman Empire ap-
pears alongside an emphasis on the fact that Albanians produced 42
Grand Viziers for that state. Such ambiguity is not only Albanian but

311 Black Arab

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can be perceived among other nations of the Balkans. They all curse
or stigmatise the ‘Black Arab’ and make children afraid by evoking his
presence. And yet, it does happen sometimes that the ‘Black Arab’
turns into an ‘Earthly Beauty’ as in the Albanian tale.

Bibliography:

Dizdari. Tahir. 2005. Fjalori i orientalizmave në gjuhën shqipe. Tiranë:

Instituti Shqiptar i mendimit dhe i Qytetërimit Islam.
Fishta Gjergj. 1937. Lahuta e Malcis, Shkodër: Shtypshkronja franc-
eskane.
Palaj Bernardin. & Kurti. Donat. 1937. Visaret e Kombit, vol. II. Shkodër:
Shtypshkronja françeskane.
Pedersen. Holger. 1895. Albanesische Texte mit Glassar.
Said. Edward. 1978. Orientalism. New York: Vintage.
Sulstarova. Enis. 2006. Arratisje nga lindja. Orientalizmi Shqiptar nga
Naimi tek Kadareja, Tiranë: Botimet Dudaj.

Black Arab
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as a Figure of Memory
 From ‘Arapi i zi’ to discussions on Orientalism – the figure of the Black Arab in Albanian folklore and culture

Rigels HALILI
(Alex Nash Fellow in Albanian Studies, School of Slavonic and East European Studies,
University College London, England)

From ‘Arapi i zi’ to discussions on Orientalism – the figure of the

Black Arab in Albanian folklore and culture

At the starting point, this paper aims first to inquiry on the presence
of the figure of the “Black Arab” in the Albanian folklore, with a spe-
cial focus on epic songs and ballads, as well as tales. Further on, the
analysis will embrace other levels of cultural and social communica-
tion. For instance, the “Black Arab” appears in the everyday language
all through Albanian inhabited territory in the Balkans as a synonym of
blackness and physical dirtiness. But it is only in the littoral that Black
Arab appears in curses.
During the last decade the development of Islam among Albanians and
the impact of religious variety on the Albanian identity has been one of
the main issues in the public and scientific discussions in Albania and
Kosovo/a. Both Orientalist and Occidentalist rhetoric has been present
in these discussions. One of the main arguments raised by those who
see the spreading out of Islam among Albanians as an earlier phenom-
enon than the coming of Ottoman Empire in the Balkans, mention early
contacts of Albanians with Arabs. In this context, the inquiry on the
figure of “Black Arab” in the Albanian folk culture and social memory
appears to bear a special importance.

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 Un Theatre D’ombres Maures

Ghjacumu THIERS (Corse)

Un Theatre D’ombres Maures

Au coeur des enjeux de nos sociétés contemporaines se dresse Les mots cles:
la figure de l’Autre qui nous observe... avec des regards familiers, • théatre d’ombres
comme disait le poète. Ils pourraient être attirants et pourtant ils nous • la figure du
inquiètent car nous habillons le plus souvent ces inoffensives silhou- «Maure»
ettes de lourds manteaux d’angoisse. Ce sont des peurs ancestrales
face à l’existence que nous savons tout à la fois palpiter et s’éteindre • identité
dans notre identité individuelle. Aussi avons-nous besoin de projeter • alterité
l’éphémère de notre vie vers l’avenir en le faisant porter par l’assurance
• l’ Autre
du lignage et d’une postérité où notre empreinte personnelle s’inscrive
de manière inaltérable. C’est pourquoi où il y a complexité, diversité, • l’Orient
discontinuité et hasard nous ne voulons qu’unicité et prévisions infail- • la Corse
libles. C’est pour cela sans doute que nous recherchons fébrilement
• la Sardaigne
notre double identItaire et faisons la chasse à l’Autre depuis des temps
immémoriaux. Nous nous réservons l’apanage de la culture et le priv- • la Toscane
ilège de l’humanité et nous nous évertuons à ne voir en lui, le Différent, • appellation
que barbarie et cruauté. générique
L’idée de race et les filtrages qu’elle permet nous est devenue
1. Cette appellation
si nécessaire que nous nous attachons à nous en prouver à tout in-
(Maures) dérive du terme
stant la vérité génétique, la pertinence conceptuelle et la validité mo- Moros en grec et Mauri
rale. Nous savons désormais construire nos théâtres d’ombres. Nous en latin, qui désigne à
nous armons à cet effet d’une ressource puissante et indéfectible: l’époque romaine les
Berbères d’Afrique du
l’appréhension de la différence. Dans nos cultures méditerranéennes,
Nord, du Pays des nuits ou
l’image du Maure est depuis longtemps l’objet et le plus souvent, la Terre des ténèbres car le
victime de cette stratégie de la distanciation.1 soleil disparaît à l’ouest. Au
Mesure essentielle de notre identité, la différence joue un rôle ir- moyen âge, le terme latin

315 Black Arab

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 Ghjacumu THIERS

Mauri passe en français remplaçable du fait de son extrême plasticité. Selon les besoins de nos
sous la forme maure, affirmations identitaires du moment, nous pouvons en effet la réduire
mais aussi en espagnol
sous la forme Moros pour à une dimension insignifiante ou lui donner la profondeur d’un insond-
désigner les musulmans, able abîme. Infranchissable. Consacrée comme ligne de partage entre
mais aussi les Arabes à identité et altérité. Alléguée comme une évidence, nul besoin de la
l’origine de la conquête de démontrer. Il n’est que de la désigner pour la montrer et l’instituer, avec
la péninsule ibérique au
VIIIe siècle. En 711, les une ostentation que paraît légitimer le seul appel à l’expérience de
Maures imposèrent à une notre interlocuteur. Celui à qui nous nous adressons devient alors pour
grande partie de l’Espagne ainsi dire notre double en identité, celui à qui nous pouvons désigner
et du Portugal le règne de l’Autre, différent de nous et de lui-même, parce que précisément nous
l’islam jusqu’en 1492. Ils
étendirent leur influence sommes, lui et nous, identiques et partageons une seule et même
au midi de la France, mais identité.
furent arrêtés à Toulouse et Il serait naturellement malvenu au moment même où nous fusion-
à Poitiers en 732. En 1212, nons avec lui d’attirer l’attention sur la dénomination de la communauté
les royaumes chrétiens,
sous le commandement que nous formons ainsi, ce «nous autres» dont la mention impose sa
d’Alphonse VIII de Castille, relativité alors même que notre proclamation identitaire entend borner
repoussèrent les Maures et instituer une identité collective indéniable et absolue. L’expression
du centre de l’Espagne. et sa déclinaison («nous autres», «vous autres», voire le québecois
C’est la période de la
Reconquista. Cependant familier «eux autres») dresse en effet une différence construite. Elle
le royaume de Grenade n’est autre que différenciation, prise de distance qui éloigne mais étab-
résista durant près de trois lit entre le Même et l’Autre un compagnonnage sans lequel l’identité
siècles. Le 2 janvier 1492, deviendrait impossible à montrer parce qu’impossible à dire.
l’armée de l’Espagne chré-
tienne obligea les Maures à Cette instauration de la définition identitaire intervient à différents
quitter l’Espagne ou à e se niveaux. Je suis ainsi conduit à y recourir pour camper ma personnal-
convertir au christianisme. ité dans la foule de ceux parmi lesquels je vis. J’y associe d’ordinaire
Le terme «Maure» est sou- nom et prénom(s) et décline au besoin différents caractères anthro-
vent utilisé pour les Noirs,
les musulmans, les Perses pométriques ou socioprofessionnels pour en conforter la véracité. Elle
ou les Indiens. Othello de est également sollicitée au niveau des formations sociales (groupes,
Shakespeare fut le «Maure classes, cultures) plus ou moins larges et jusqu’au niveau civilisation-
de Venise». Dans l’usage nel. On sait, sur ce dernier point, comment elle a pu devenir au cours
espagnols «Maures» a
aussi un sens plus large des vingt dernières années une manière de lire les rapports entre
et signifie musulmans en Orient et Occident, islam et chrétienté, Nord et Sud... Pour nous, dans
général. les régions de Méditerranée que nous habitons, c’est encore la silhou-
ette du Maure qui vient se profiler sur ces horizons menaçants.
Dans la surabondante littérature de justification des conflits il
suffira de citer ici la doxa mise en circulation par le livre de Samuel
2. Samuel Huntington: Hutington Le choc des civilisations2. Elle s’est trouvée particulièrement
Le choc des civilisations.
renforcée par les commentaires qui ont suivi les attentats du 11 sep-
Paris. Odile Jacob, 1997.
tembre 2001. Cette année-là, L’Express daté du 13 septembre procla-
mait: «les effroyables attentats (...) consacrent une fracture entre civili-

Black Arab
316
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 Un Theatre D’ombres Maures

sations». A l’origine de l’événement s’impose pour les commentateurs

le «choc des civilisations» comme socle de l’argumentation: «Le mardi
11 septembre 2001 apparaît comme le premier jour de cette guerre
civilisationnelle entre l’islam et l’Occident. Mais c’est aussi le cours de
l’histoire qui s’emballe. Comme cela s’est déjà produit depuis quatorze
siècles dans les relations entre le monde musulman et le monde chré-
tien devenu occidental. Ce n’est pas une parenthèse, comme l’a été,
le temps d’un siècle, l’affrontement entre la démocratie et le commu-
nisme, mais une très vieille affaire, une rivalité plus que millénaire dont
l’intensité a varié en fonction de la démographie, du développement
économique et de la fureur religieuse des deux camps».
Disons-le d’emblée, une telle vision du monde en termes de «chocs
des civilisations» constitue une affirmation dangereuse et erronée, re- 3. Marc Crépon dans
posant sur une conception dévoyée du politique. Huntington utilise en L’imposture du choc des
civilisations (Pleins Feux,
effet le mot «civilisation» comme «le mode le plus élevé de regroupe- 2002). L’auteur entre-
ment et le plus haut niveau d’identité culturelle dont les humains ont prend de «déconstruire
besoin pour se distinguer des autres espèces. Elle se définit à la fois l’interprétation des événe-
par des éléments objectifs, comme la langue, l’histoire, la religion, les ments du 11 septembre
2001 en termes de “choc
coutumes et par des éléments subjectifs d’auto-identification. Les civi- des civilisations”» (quat-
lisations sont les plus gros “nous” et elle s’oppose à tous les autres rième de couverture). En
“eux”» . un peu plus de quatre-vingt
Or cette conception a été magistralement critiquée par Marc pages il parvient à montrer
à la fois les faiblesses de
Crépon3 qui met en critique les «trois questions que l’on retrouve dans la théorie de Huntington,
le Choc des civilisations: celle de l’originalité, celle de la cohérence et les dangers des lectures
celle du schème du devenir» (p. 29). en termes de «chocs des
Premier postulat donné comme une évidence indiscutable: civilisations» et surtout
l’imposture que constitue
l’originalité de chaque civilisation envisagée dans sa singularité cette «vision» du monde.
foncière déboute toute possibilité de civilisation universelle. Elle dis- C’est un ouvrage impor-
qualifie d’autre part la notion même d’humanité. La notion de «civili- tant qui a été écrit ici. Un
sation» se donne en effet «non seulement (comme) l’identité la plus ouvrage qui décortique
d’abord les insuffisances
large, mais surtout la dernière que l’on est susceptible de reconnaî- du concept de civilisation
tre». Aussi toute civilisation a-t-elle un «esprit spécifique» et, par voie façon Huntington, et qui
de conséquence les civilisations «sont incapables de se comprendre met ensuite en évidence la
et donc de s’entendre» (p. 29 et 32). C’est dire que pour Huntington vision perverse du politique
qui apparaît dans la thèse
la différence entre civilisations n’est pas le produit de causes conjonc- du «choc». L’imposture du
turelles , mais procède bien au contraire d’une nature essentielle. Il choc des civilisations nous
en résulte que la démocratie et les valeurs d’égalité et de liberté sont met devant la nécessité
dépourvues de toute signification en dehors de la civilisation occiden- de nous réapproprier le
beau mot de «civilisation»
tale. sali par la médiocrité de la
Cette mise en cause de la thèse de Samuel Huntington n’empêche thèse de Huntington.

317 Black Arab

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pas le même Marc Crépon de tourner son regard critique du côté de

l’Islam. Il y remarque que depuis une vingtaine d’années se manifeste
une opposition systématique à l’Occident. Cette présentation systé-
matiquement agonale des rapports entre les deux ensembles fabrique
pour ainsi dire l’ennemi. Elle pose «l’Occident comme le responsable
de tous les maux, et l’ennemi à combattre» (p. 39-40). Bien enten-
du d’autres conceptions, d’autres aspirations sont présentes au sein
du monde islamique. Quelque difficile que soit, dans les sociétés is-
lamiques actuelles, l’affirmation de principes de démocratie, de liberté
et d’égalité, ces idées n’en sont pas moins bien présentes. La moder-
nité des comportements et des idéaux démocratiques ne peut donc en
aucune manière être considérée comme un privilège de l’Occident. Or
Huntington ne retient pas les signes d’évolution, la marque des proces-
sus de civilisation comme par exemple «l’émergence de l’individu dans
les sociétés du sud». Avec lui s’impose l’idée, toute dogmatique, que le
jugement critique ne peut coexister avec le sentiment d’appartenance.
Autre postulat mis en place pour accréditer cette conception ré-
ductrice de la Civilisation, le principe de cohérence: les civilisations
sont présentées dans toute leur particularité, dotées d’une identité
pleine, incommunicable et parfaitement tenue à l’abri de tout rapport
d’influence. Le seul mode de relations qu’elles peuvent entretenir avec
les autres ensembles humains est l’opposition, le conflit, la guerre
ouverte.
Or ce dogme est contrebattu par une pensée qui introduit dans la
définition des réflexions tempérant la cohérence des systèmes civilisa-
tionnels et constate que ces ensembles sont mouvants, perméables,
provisoires et soumis à l’évolution. Il y a une cinquantaine d’années
que cette idée a pénétré les milieux de l’histoire et de l’anthropologie
occidentale. Si donc un système identitaire et/ou culturel est envis-
agé comme dense, unique et unitaire dans sa nature comme dans
son existence ce ne peut être que sous la forme de l’utopie ou dans
une perspective abstraite et spéculative. On sait d’ailleurs comment
Ferdinand Braudel considère l’imbrication de causalités et de périodes
temporelles multiples, souvent sans articulation manifeste entre elles.
A l’opposé, la causalité d’Hutington est toujours univoque, taille dans
la complexité et privilégie les raisonnements idéologiques et politiques
qui procurent des justifications à la violence. C’est pourquoi, selon
Marc Crépon, la théorie du «choc des civilisations» convient aux ter-
roristes, car elle est, à leurs yeux, la meilleure justification de la ter-
reur» (p. 54).

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Troisième élément pointé et combattu par Crépon: le «schème du

devenir» qui implique après la stabilité et l’apogée, le déclin des civili-
sations. Le critique y voit à l’oeuvre l’idée pernicieuse d’une dégrada-
tion des civilisations à partir du moment où elle cesserait d’être «iden-
tique à l’idée qu’on s’en fait». Le dynamisme caractéristique de toute
évolution est ainsi assimilé à une idée reçue: tout ce qui n’est pas
préservé dans son intégrité –réelle ou imaginaire- initiale est réputé
soumis à la dégradation.
On voit bien comment se construit l’idée même du «choc des civili-
sations» dont un sentiment et une idée-force attestent la véracité et fa-
vorisent la vérification par l’expérience autant de fois que nécessaire.
Il s’agit là de deux fondements indispensables. L’un est un invariant:
la peur, dont nous pouvons constater l’existence en nous et autour de
nous, y compris à travers ses manifestations physiques très concrètes
ou ses conséquences sur nos attitudes et nos comportements. L’autre
–savoir de qui il faut avoir peur- est une variable liée au contexte et
à l’histoire des «civilisations» concernées, bien que certaines figures
et motifs soient lisibles longtemps dans la durée, jusqu’à y prendre
l’aspect d’éléments pérennes.
Or dans les régions que nous habitons, dans ce coeur de l’Occident
qu’est la société française, aucun doute: nous savons de qui nous
avons peur. Sous des appellations diverses c’est encore et toujours
la figure du Maure qui inspire l’angoisse et provoque le geste qui re-
pousse.
De quelque côté que l’on regarde, c’est donc le Maure, l’Arabe, le
Turc, l’Infidèle qui fait ainsi figure d’ennemi historique et de menace
permanente.

L’ACTION DU CCU ET LE PROGRAMME MORES

C’est en s’appuyant sur ces constats que le Centre Culturel de

l’Université (CCU) de Corse a entrepris depuis quelques années
d’apporter la contradiction à cette image qui avait pu s’invétérer dans
les représentations. Cette action prend la forme de diverses réalisa-
tions empruntant les langages de la littérature et de l’art.
Les sources historiques abondent concernant les relations de
l’île avec les territoires hier soumis à l’autorité ottomane et entreten-
ant avec les puissances occidentales un état de guerre permanent
abondent en faits et récits où les Corses ont une place notable. Ceux-

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ci sont souvent signalés comme victimes des razzias et figurent parmi

les innombrables prisonniers des potentats d’obédience turque. On les
trouve aussi comme corsaires au service des états italiques (Gênes,
Pise et Venise la plupart du temps) en guerre contre les Turcs. Mais il
n’est pas rare de les retrouver sous les traits peu flatteurs de renégats,
hier esclaves puis passés au service des beys d’Algérie et conduisant
contre l’Occident des opérations où ils manifestent une efficacité re-
marquée par les chroniqueurs dans la course et la guerre navales.
Il va sans dire qu’un tel motif nous a paru d’emblée capital pour un
projet de réexamen critique de l’image de l’Autre puisque ces référenc-
es, assez nombreuses pour ne pas être considérées comme déviant-
es, nous offraient la possibilité de montrer comment opère la distan-
ciation identitaire et quels processus sont à la base de la fabrication
de ce que l’on peut appeler «l’image de l’ennemi». En insistant sur le
brouillage que produit immanquablement ce rapprochement du Même
et de l’Autre dans la figure du Corse devenu Maure, nous croyons
avoir pu contribuer à ramener l’attention sur l’essentiel (les causes ob-
jectives des conflits prétendument identitaires) et montrer que les iden-
tités n’ont rien d’essentiel, qu’elles doivent être respectées, traitées et
gérer comme produits de l’histoire, et par conséquent subordonnées
aux intérêts explicitement exprimés par les groupes et individus qui
s’en réclament.
La plus ample des réalisations du CCU de Corse dans ce domaine
l’a uni à deux de ses partenaires habituels en Toscane et Sardaigne.
Tous trois ont décidé de mettre à profit un appel à projets européen
pour réaliser un collectif de réflexion, de réalisation et d’action à travers
un triple spectacle sur le thème. Du point de vue qui nous occupe
ici, ce projet mené à bien dans le cadre des programmes européens
«INTERREG», est sans doute le plus abouti et le plus représentat-
if de la coopération interrégionale entre la Corse, la Sardaigne et la
Toscane. Il s’agit en effet à l’origine, d’un projet fondé sur un échange
artistique et culturel entre les trois régions à travers la production de
spectacles construits sur un symbole commun: celui de la figure du
Maure. Quoi de plus emblématique que la tête-de-maure, qui figure
sur les armoiries du pavillon corse et en quatre exemplaires sur celui
de la Sardaigne?
Ce projet intitulé Mores a donc réuni trois partenaires: le CCU,
l’association culturelle LABORINTUS de Sassari et l’association de
promotion sociale ACAB de Livourne, qui avaient déjà collaboré en
2004-2005 au programme Ex-voto, à savoir trois spectacles sur la

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piété populaire des régions concernées.4 4. Des Ex-voto sur les fron-
Le programme Mores a ainsi donné le jour à trois spectacles: tières, trois spectacles à
propos de la piété populaire
Moresca (Livourne), Bandera (Sassari) et I Quattru Mori (Corse).5 en Corse, en Sardaigne,
Le projet Mores consistait ainsi en un échange artistique et culturel Albiana - Association de
concret entre la Corse, la Toscane et la Sardaigne à travers des soutien du CCU, Corti,
représentations théâtrales ayant pour thème principal les Maures, les 2004, 113 pages et DVD.
histoires que cette référence inspire en mettant en branle un imagi- 5. Mores, Teatru è cul-
naire symbolique commun aux trois régions impliquées dans le projet. tura di a diversità: Corsica,
L’attention s’est d’abord portée d’un commun accord sur la curieuse Sardegna, Tuscana in:
Quaterni Teatrini, Albiana
coïncidence (qui n’en est pas vraiment une) qui réunit:
- Association de soutien
du CCU, Corti, 2004, 102
• en Toscane, dans la darse du port de Livourne, l’ensemble monumen- pages et DVD.
tal majestueux représentant quatre Maures enchaînés au piédestal sur
lequel trône la statut de Ferdinand Ier de Médicis, Grand-duc de Toscane.

• en Corse, la tête de maure figurant sur le drapeau corse institué emblème

national par Pasquale Paoli, Général de la Nation corse indépendante
(1755-1769).

• en Sardaigne la répétition du motif sur le drapeau sarde avec quatre

têtes de maures. Toujours cette représentation des maures comme em-
blème d’une île, qui représentent quatre prisonniers issus d’une terre di-
visée à l’origine.

On notera que l’emblème était ancien (datant de l’emprise du

royaume d’Aragon sur la Corse), mais que les yeux du maure étaient
bandés, symbolisant la condition du chef maure tombé en esclavage
après sa capture. En signe de liberté, le bandeau est depuis l’époque
de Pasquale Paoli relevé sur le front du maure figurant sur le dra-
peau corse. Intéressant glissement au cours de l’histoire où l’image
de l’Autre (chef maure vaincu par les chrétiens) finit par représenter
l’identité nationale des Corses!
Cette convergence de signes inclus dans la culture des trois ré-
gions limitrophes (la Corse est voisine au Nord de la région italienne
de Toscane et au sud d’une autre région italienne, insulaire comme la
Corse) a fait naître l’idée de recueillir ces histoires de pirates sarrasins
qui sont à la base d’une communauté symbolique faisant des Maures
un élément de contact entre ces régions transfrontalières dont deux
font partie de l’Italie et une de la France. Ces récits ont constitué la
matière première d’un travail visant à l’élaboration d’une triple produc-
tion artistique tendue entre Histoire, rapports avec l’actualité et fiction
théâtrale.

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Le choix de ce thème est clairement dicté par la volonté de se

rattacher à une actualité où les rapports à l’Autre, “L’étranger”, en par-
ticulier si c’est un homme de couleur, rappellent les conflits armés et
l’émigration de masse. Autant d’éléments qui conduisent à un contact
entre les cultures miné par un ressentiment entretenu par un corpus
légendaire nourri de la peur évoquée plus haut. Nous avions donc,
d’emblée, le sentiment de tenir là l’archétype même du mécanisme
par lequel le contact entre les communautés se trouve faussé jusqu’à
devenir, en fin de compte, impossible sinon sous la forme du conflit et
de la guerre. Rappelons ici que le type d’affrontement évoqué par la
guerre pirate visait moins à la destruction de l’ennemi qu’à sa soumis-
sion totale et à sa réduction au rang de marchandise à travers la traite
des esclaves.
Evoquer le passé de ces trois régions réunies autour de ce pro-
jet impliquait donc la collecte de récits, d’événements et de situations
reliés à la même racine symbolique. Pourtant notre recherche était
loin de se donner comme motivée par le seul intérêt documentaire et
historique. Très rapidement l’attention s’était en effet concentrée sur
la représentation traditionnelle qu’inspirent les Maures dans les trois
régions. L’accord se fit très tôt sur l’importance du travail que nous
voulions accomplir pour ramener cette image sur le plan contemporain
et les situations actuelles où elle exerce une influence déterminée par
une vision négative de l’Autre. Ainsi, sans se départir de sa fonction
esthétique ni se subordonner à un quelconque utilitarisme, le langage
théâtral se voyait assigner un rôle privilégié dans les processus con-
temporains de communications entre cultures et origines différentes
pour une meilleure compréhension.
A vrai dire ce projet s’était imposé comme une évidence, vraisem-
blablement du fait de la forte présence, dans les trois régions réu-
nies dans le projet, d’immigrés venus d’Afrique du Nord. Il va sans
dire d’autre part que, pour les acteurs réunis, l’opportunité était belle
d’éprouver ce rôle de compréhension réciproque que le théâtre a tou-
jours permis de jouer et que, confiants dans la qualité profondément
humaine de leur art, ils n’avaient pas besoin de se prouver!
Dans la pratique, ce projet s’est articulé autour de l’écriture et de
la mise en scène de trois spectacles dramatiques centrés sur le thème
choisi. Ces productions ont été volontairement créées et représentées
au printemps dans les trois régions afin de répondre au besoin local
d’une offre culturelle diversifiée qui ne soit plus concentrée sur une
période estivale désormais saturée. Chacun des partenaires a donc

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d’abord oeuvré dans sa propre région en tenant compte de deux choix

précis à caractère artistique et culturel:

1) Caractériser ces spectacles dans l’offre générale des spectacles. On

voulait ainsi éviter à ces actions d’intention pédagogique manifeste d’être
noyées parmi les nombreuses productions estivales majoritairement
destinées aux touristes. Au contraire, les spectacles composant le projet
Mores se voulaient avant tout destinés aux populations résidentes en vue
d’une connaissance réciproque plus profonde. C’est en ce sens que nous
pensons que la période retenue, le printemps, est la meilleure pour ce
type de projet.

2) Aux différentes étapes de l’élaboration, les partenaires se sont appli-

qués à un travail d’échange permanent réunissant:
• les auteurs des textes dramatiques confrontant leurs travaux et les
résultats de leurs investigations documentaires ;
• les acteurs et les musiciens à la recherche de procédures de réalisation
communes (bien que cet aspect de la relation, toujours plus dispendieux,
n’ait pas pu être sollicité autant que nous le souhaitions).

L’exiguïté des moyens financiers nous a aussi contraints à renonc-

er à notre projet initial – et idéal ! - d’un spectacle où les langues corse,
italienne et sarde se seraient mêlés avec la force dictée par la néces-
sité interprétative due à la présence dans les histoires de personnages
aux origines diverses. Quoi qu’il en soit, ces textes ont finalement don-
né corps et sens réel au projet, en permettant une rencontre concrète
entre cultures, rendue possible par le biais des trois spectacles

LE SPECTACLE CORSE

I Quattru Mori de G.Thiers est une fiction dramatique qui croise

l’histoire de la Toscane et celle de la Corse, par l’évocation des pirates
et de leurs razzias sur les côtes de l’île. L’action se déroule succes-
sivement à l’intérieur du palais grand-ducal à Florence et sur le port
de Livourne, face à la Corse. Nous sommes dans les années 1615.
L’action a comme base référentielle historique la bataille de Lépante et
ses conséquences durables. La régente et ses conseillers ressentent
les coups portés à l’autorité à l’intérieur comme à l’extérieur du Grand-
duché. Il ne fait pas bon être pour les idées nouvelles et le procès de
Galilée est imminent. Mais déjà s’annoncent de grands mutations.
Sur le quai face au port de Livourne, le sculpteur Pietro Tacca vient

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d’ajouter quatre statues de bronze au pied du monument de marbre

qui représente Ferdinand Ier, créateur de la grandeur toscane. Elles
représentent quatre chefs turcs, devenus esclaves, au pied de leur
vainqueur.
L’action repose sur le conflit entre les ténèbres de la violence en-
gendrée par l’État, les guerriers et la religion, et les promesses de
l’aube de la science. La trame de l’action est tressée avec trois fils:

- la violence inouïe des Turcs, évoquées par des récits horribles de car-
nage;
- le destin de Galilée condamné au silence;
- la fabrication de la statue des «Quatre Maures» visant à immortaliser le
génie et la puissance de Florence, mais aussi chef-d’œuvre, témoin de la
beauté à laquelle peut parvenir la civilisation.

La Corse est présenté dans 1e «vocero» improvisé de Ferdinand

quand il apprend la mort de l’amiral, et aussi dans une trouvaille
dramatique essentielle au propos: les quatre Maures qui servent de
modèle au sculpteur Pietro Tacca sont des Corses enlevés par les bar-
baresques et devenus de féroces guerriers à la solde de leurs ravis-
seurs. Violences d’ État, violences guerrières, violences religieuses:
qui sont les victimes? Pietro Tacca le dit: «Tous les malheureux se
ressemblent. Le malheur ne porte qu’un seul masque». La dernière
scène met face à face Galilée vieux et Ferdinand II jeune, dans un
chassé-croisé paradoxal: c’est le jeune homme politique qui a le plus
confiance dans les possibilités du savoir, tandis que le vieux savant
doute davantage de la réalité du changement, du progrès moral.Dans
une atmosphère où retentissent les échos des grands affrontements
entre Turcs et Chrétiens en Méditerranée, la cour de Toscane s’inquiète
sur son sort. L’époque troublée favorise toutes les ambitions: des com-
plots s’ourdissent dans l’ombre. Nous sommes loin de la gloire qui
auréolait la cour de Toscane illustrée par le Grand-Duc Ferdinand Ier
(1549 – 1609) vainqueur des Maures. La mort du grand amiral de la
flotte toscane, terreur des Turcs et garant du pouvoir toscan, ouvre une
ère d’inquiétude. Ferdinand II n’est qu’un enfant, surdoué, mais encore
faible. Il n’a d’yeux que pour Galilée et ses théories, nouvelles et pro-
metteuses. En fait, dans cette évocation historique, toute l’intrigue re-
pose précisément sur la personnalité des quatre chefs maures. Notre
«manipulation» en a fait des Corses impliqués dans les expéditions pi-
rates de l’époque en Méditerranée. Ce traitement fictionnel nous était
rendu possible par le destin de nombreux «renégats» d’origine corse

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devenus pirates au service d’Alger et revenus épisodiquement sur leur

terre natale, la Corse, pour y effectuer des razzias.6 6. Jacques Thiers: Papiers
d’identité(s), Ajaccio,
Albiana, 2008.
Ce postulat de fiction nous a permis:
• de renvoyer à un ensemble thématique riche, pour lequel les documents
abondent dans les histoires de corsaires et pirates en Méditerranée ;
• de renforcer la collaboration des partenaires (Histoire de la Toscane,
présence de la tête de maure sur les drapeaux corse et sarde);
• de porter la réflexion sur des problèmes bien actuels: la question iden-
titaire revisitée dans la confrontation du “je” et de l’ “autre”, les relations
entre les régions frontalières en Méditerranée, la gestion des relations
entre les différents espaces méditerranéens.

LE SPECTACLE SARDE

Bandera se déroule, quant à lui, en pleine actualité.

C’est un texte inédit de Daniela Sari, mise en scène par Mariano
Corda, sur une musique composée par le maestro Gabriele Verdinelli.
L’histoire se déroule dans un petit village sarde, de nos jours. Le curé
déclare la disparition de la statue d’une Madone noire. Cette effigie
est réputée miraculeuse car une légende dit qu’elle est arrivée par la
mer après une tempête. Cette statue est de grande valeur et l’homme
d’église accuse sa servante d’être mêlée au vol de la statue. Miriam, la
servante du curé, une musulmane immigrée est désespérée, car elle
confiait à la vierge noire sa douleur de mère. En fait, la Vierge noire n’a
pas été volée; elle est partie délibérément, emportant avec elle le vent.
De la sorte, le drapeau sarde, «a bandera», ne pourra plus flotter. Les
quatre têtes de maures du pavillon sarde n’appartiennent pas à la cul-
ture sarde, mais aux envahisseurs aragonais. Ces derniers signifiaient
par cet emblème la victoire qu’ils avaient remportée sur quatre chefs
arabes, qu’ils avaient décapités sur le champ de bataille.
Le point de référence est donc la composition du drapeau sarde où
figurent les têtes coupées de quatre maures sur un fond blanc partagé
par les branches d’une croix rouge. Ce symbole n’appartient pas origi-
nellement à la culture sarde. Il a été importé dans l’île par les envahis-
seurs aragonais qui le brandissaient en souvenir d’un de leurs combats
victorieux contre les arabes. C’était le drapeau d’Aragon, qui soumit
les Sardes. Par voie de conséquence, l’emblème de la Sardaigne est
fondé sur une contradiction fondamentale puisque, au-delà d’un signe
funeste renvoyant à la mort brutale, c’est le symbole d’une défaite qui

325 Black Arab

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réfère à l’identité de la culture insulaire!

Miriam est désespérée. C’est une immigrée. Elle arrive de l’est,
elle est musulmane mais dévouée à cette vierge à laquelle elle confie
toutes ses peines. Ses quatre fils, migrants embarqués clandestine-
ment, ont en effet trouvé la mort dans un affrontement avec les pas-
seurs qui les avaient pris en charge.
Pendant que l’enquêteur écoute et relève les témoignages, les
protagonistes se rendent compte qu’il fait de plus en plus chaud. Le
vent qui soufflait depuis le début, depuis toujours, le vent a disparu. Le
vent n’existe plus...
Le policier, resté seul, est pris de torpeur et s’endort. Il rêve de la
Madone qui n’a pas été volée mais qui est partie de son plein gré, em-
menant le vent avec elle. Elle a fait cela car le vent doit cesser d’agiter
ce drapeau sur lequel sont représentées les têtes coupées de quatre
hommes. Elle refuse ainsi de continuer à glorifier la décapitation de
personnes, de fils comme l’étaient ceux de la gouvernante musulmane.
Au réveil le policier comprendra, et ce sera clair pour tout le monde,
que de ses rêves et de ceux des autres peut naître l’espérance.

LE SPECTACLE TOSCAN:

Moresca de Gabriele Benucci est une fiction dramatique inspirée,

comme le spectacle corse, par le groupe monumental «Ferdinando
Primo e i Quattro Mori» la statue du grand-duc de Toscane, en marbre
blanc, surplombe quatre chefs maures en bronze, enchaînés. Ce mon-
ument qui orne la darse de Livourne est le chef d’œuvre du sculpteur
Pietro Tacca, né à Carrare en 1577, mort à Florence en 1640, l’élève
préféré de Giambologna, et le meilleur représentant toscan du genre
baroque. On doit à Tacca la statue d’Henri IV qui orne le Pont Neuf à
Paris, et la statue équestre de Philippe IV à Madrid.
Dans la pièce, le metteur en scène reprend l’un des thèmes tra-
ditionnels liés à l’érection de ce groupe statuaire. On raconte en effet
que Morgiano est le nom attribué par la tradition populaire à l’un des
Maures qui a servi de modèle à Tacca, et que le sculpteur aurait connu
quand celui-ci était captif au bagne de Livourne. Un regard technicien
pour ainsi dire de la part du sculpteur. Rien qui puisse faire penser à un
partage de goût, d’idées, de culture. Or Benucci imagine une rencon-
tre, faite de respect mutuel d’abord, puis de familiarité amicale entre le
sculpteur Tacca et Morgiano. Cette amitié imaginaire sert d’exorcisme

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aux tragiques événements d’aujourd’hui déclenchés par le choc des

diverses cultures et religions, un choc toujours plus brutal et dévasta-
teur. Naturellement, outre le texte, cette thématique a trouvé diverses
traductions esthétiques, grâce en particulier:

• à la confrontation / rencontre des différents matériaux dont le monument

est composé: le marbre et le bronze, renvoyant à d’autres oppositions que
l’on rencontre dans la réalité,
• à l’opposition des styles, entre le classicisme de la statue du grand duc
et le baroque dans la représentation des Maures,
• au soulignement de la période historique, dans la mise en évidence de la
fin de l’époque de la Renaissance.

Au-delà de l’anecdote et de la temporalité de ce programme

(2006-2007) on voit bien quels sont les effets marquants du projet:
élargissement de l’inspiration, ouverture de l’espace local aux réalités
limitrophes et transfrontalières, mais surtout émergence d’un territoire
symbolique commun, traversé par des références historiques, égale-
ment communes, à interpréter dans un réexamen critique à la lumière
du présent. Il ne s’agit plus seulement de célébrations esthétiques
et festives autour d’un motif servant de support-prétexte à un travail
transfrontalier, mais d’une réflexion-action sur les affinités réelles ou
imaginaires alléguées par le discours identitaire et les programmes
d’actions qui en relaient l’écho au sein des politiques du développe-
ment euro-méditerranéen.
On l’a compris, notre propos est d’attirer l’attention sur l’essentiels
des mécanismes par lesquels s’expriment et s’insèrent dans nos so-
ciétés les sentiments identitaires. Nous avons la candeur de penser
que si le vecteur artistique et culturel n’a pas l’efficacité immédiate
du politique, il participe d’une activité citoyenne où il investit une voie
qui n’appartient qu’à lui. Nous pensons aussi que l’homme contem-
porain devrait pouvoir à tout moment s’appuyer sur les indications
que lui délivre continûment la conscience, à travers son individualité
singulière, d’une appartenance qui inscrit chacun dans la sphère uni-
verselle de l’humanité. Nous devrions ainsi saisir distinctement, par
cette voie, la relation que chacun d’entre nous entretient avec l’histoire
du monde et nous sentir ipso facto concernés par tout ce qui se passe
sur la planète.
Il suffit pourtant de reporter notre attention sur la moindre de nos
expériences quotidiennes pour observer que nos réactions se situent
aux antipodes de ce qui devrait être une attitude conforme à notre con-

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dition humaine. C’est sans conteste la manière dont les différentes cul-
tures se sont historiquement constituées -les conflits Maures-chrétiens
évoqués dans Mores en sont une des innombrables illustrations- et
continuent de se définir qui provoque cet ensemble de comportements
et d’attitudes mentales peu conformes à la solidarité. Mais si l’on
pousse plus loin la réflexion, on ne tarde pas à comprendre que ce fai-
sant nous en venons à hypothéquer le fondement même de l’attitude
qui permet de reconnaître en l’Autre la qualité d’être humain. C’est
en effet par cette reconnaissance - alors implicitement refusée- que
s’affirme l’idée de droits imprescriptibles et attachés à cette qualité de
l’humanité.
L’idée de la différence trouve là un climat favorable et croît alors
jusqu’à prendre la forme d’une notion essentielle qui s’impose sans
laisser de place à la contestation ni à la discussion. Malgré la com-
plexité des sociétés où nous vivons notre intellection du réel dépend
étroitement du filtre culturel, simple et univoque, à travers lequel nous
interprétons le rapport à l’Autre, nous ôtant par là même toute possibil-
ité de nous identifier à lui.
Dans les périodes et les contextes où faisaient rage les conflits de
la course pirate et les affrontements entre chrétiens et musulmans,
maures et blancs, Europe et Monde arabe, une telle dichotomie appa-
raissait comme une évidence et un point de dogme, religieux et intel-
lectuel. Les sensibilités ont évolué depuis et les oppositions se nourris-
sent d’argumentaires plus élaborés, voire d’une subtilité remarquable.

Dans bien des discours autorisés, il semble impossible de

s’entendre avec les représentants de civilisations non occidentales
dans la mesure où se laisse largement accréditer l’idée de principes
d’égalité et de liberté exclusivement défendus par la civilisation occi-
dentale. En se référant à l’histoire des relations entre l’Occident et le
reste du monde le même Huntington déjà cité affirme sans coup férir:
«Dans tous ces points du globe, les rapports entre musulmans et peu-
ples appartenant à d’autres religions (qu’il s’agisse de catholiques, de
protestants, d’orthodoxes, d’Hindous, de Chinois, de bouddhistes ou
de juifs) ont généralement été conflictuels et la plupart du temps vio-
lents à un moment ou à un autre, en particulier au cours des années
quatre-vingt-dix. Si l’on considère le périmètre de l’Islam, on peut se
rendre compte que les musulmans ont du mal à vivre avec leurs vois-
ins» (Huntington, 1997, p. 284 ; cité p. 70).

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 Un Theatre D’ombres Maures

Mutatis mutandis, ces paroles pourraient être extraites d’une tirade

de quelque amiral toscan pourfendeur de pirates maures et issu d’un
des spectacles historiques de Mores. Mais le contexte est tout autre et
la finalité étrangère à l’expression brutale mais spontanée de la distan-
ciation identitaire qui s’exprime au quotidien.
Il s’agit en réalité d’une stratégie consistant à fabriquer de l’ennemi
en insistant sur la différence de civilisation d’un Islam posé comme
l’adversaire passé et à venir de l’Occident. Un ennemi indispensable
pour la démonstration qui se veut théorie explicative des rapports in-
ternationaux dominants aujourd’hui comme hier. Le prétendu «choc
des civilisations» est ainsi donné comme un article de foi et un postulat
scientifique s’imposant sans reste à l’esprit.
La manipulation idéologique à l’oeuvre dans ce montage théorique
a beau jeu de s’appuyer sur la peur qu’inspirent aujourd’hui les at-
tentats spectaculaires dans les mégapoles, comme le faisait hier la
crainte des coups de main des Maures sur les rivages d’Occident. Les
événements ainsi traités à travers le prisme de l’opposition identitaire
et civilisationnelle reçoivent alors une explication simpliste et man-
ichéenne qui repousse toute vision de la complexité dans les zones où
nous vivons, sous le feu de géopolitiques antagonistes.
Ainsi exposée, recherchant l’aval de nos réactions les plus spon-
tanées, cette conception bipolaire des relations internationales agit
pernicieusement parce qu’elle ne se présente pas pour ce qu’elle est
véritablement, une entreprise qui entend partager le monde entre puis-
sants et dominés et perpétuer la raison du plus fort érigée en système
politique. Elle se travestit au contraire et avance masquée derrière les
apparences de prétendues oppositions de civilisations, confortées par
un discours qui allègue les différences de cultures et de conceptions.
Ce faisant elle agit avec une efficacité redoutable parce qu’elle installe
le recours à la violence d’état non au centre de la politique et des rela-
tions entre états et zones d’influences économiques et stratégiques
mais au coeur de l’identité. Face à l’Autre, elle nous enjoint alors de
réagir au nom du respect de valeurs ethnoculturelles et non selon les
impératifs de nos appartenances politiques, car elle pourrait se voir
opposer, dans les sociétés contemporaines, les principes et valeurs
qui placent les fondements de la civilisation au-dessus des intérêts
partisans et des chauvinismes de tous ordres.
On comprend dès lors que l’image du Maure doive faire l’objet d’un
réexamen permanent dans nos sociétés modernes. A travers la contra-
diction des représentations qu’elle véhicule et dont nous avons tenté

329 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
 Ghjacumu THIERS

de figurer la diversité et la richesse en puisant dans l’histoire des rela-

tions musulmans-chrétiens pour illustrer les spectacles du programme
Mores, se laisse deviner la fécondité et la modernité d’une attitude qui
doit nous permettre de donner tout son sens à la notion de «civilisa-
. tion». Il nous faut en effet établir celle-ci comme un processus plus
que comme un état et en mesurer le degré au niveau de notre identité
en évaluant notre aptitude d’identification à l’Autre. Le regard que les
individus et les groupes humains portent sur le reste de l’humanité
évolue en fonction de l’histoire, du degré de connaissance que l’on a
des autres peuples et des contacts que l’on entretient avec eux.

Tiens! Dans ce nouveau théâtre, les Maures ont les mêmes traits que
nous...

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 Un Theatre D’ombres Maures

Ghjacumu THIERS
(Professeur des Universités, 73ème section CNU, Université de Corse, France)

Un Theatre D’ombres Maures

L’article «UN THEATRE D’OMBRES MAURES» s’appuie sur une réali-

sation concrète du Centre Culturel de l’Université de Corse réalisée en
2005-2006 dans le cadre d’un partenariat européen entre trois régions
limitrophes et transfrontalières et trois centres d’art dramatiques. Ce
travail de recherches, d’études et de réalisation s’est effectué grâce à
la coopération de deux régions insulaires: la Collectivité Territoriale de
Corse (France) et la Région autonome de Sardaigne (Italie) et d’une
région continentale voisine: la Toscane (Italie). Cette action prenait
place dans le programme européen INTERREG-IIIA. La réflexion et
l’action ont porté sur la problématique des rapports du Même et de
l’Autre, envisagée dans l’histoire et illustrée à travers le thème de la
course pirate en Méditerranée à l’époque des grands affrontements
entre puissances rivales et confessions opposées.
Dans ce contexte, la figure du «Maure», appellation générique pour
désigner la forme de l’ennemi dans la différence civilisationnelle, prend
l’allure d’une menace brandie contre l’identité culturelle et l’intégrité
des civilisations occidentales. Nous avons revisité cette image pour en
réfuter la validité. Nous avons pour ce faire recherché dans les motifs
qui fondent nos trois spectacles (corse, sarde, toscan) et nos trois pat-
rimoines culturels, des références historiques et esthétiques renvoy-
ant à ces représentations. Elles sont de nature à démontrer comment
le Même et l’Autre sont en interaction au coeur même de toute cul-
ture. Elles nous permettent de débouter la thèse hungtingtonienne du
«Choc des civilisations» et de fonder, à travers la métaphore de l’Art,
l’idée du dialogue et de l’échange interculturels.

331 Black Arab

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 Volume No. 3

Black Arab
as a Figure of Memory

Appendix
 Glossary for The Black Arab as a Figure of Memory

GLOSSARY for THE BLACK ARAB as a FIGURE of

MEMORY

Ambivalence of the image. Image in performance

(Hande Birkalan Gedik) Ambivalence of the image refers to the argu-
ment that the image and the meaning is not fixed but in flux and can
be resolved in performance depending on the narrator, audience and
other contexts that go with performance.

Culjanje
(Tomislav Oroz) The sliding of the Carnival doll of Lastovo down a rope
from the top of a hill to the village as bombs explode at the doll’s boots.
This custom is still alive on Lastovo island in Croatia today and is prac-
ticed during Carnival week. The Carnival doll takes the shape of a Turk,
with a black face, a moustache and a cigar in his mouth. This custom
was known in 18th century Montenegro as mormario. In the eastern
Adriatic, this custom came from 15th and 16th century Istanbul and
its performers and acrobats. Their skills were well known in Venice as
that custom was adored by Venetians. During centuries this custom
changed its name from Il volo del Turco (with a Turkish acrobat lower-
ing himself from the bell-tower of St. Marks to the Doge), through Il
volo del Columbina, and finally to Il volo dell Angelo (the flight of an
angel that throws confetti on the crowd in Venice during carnival days).
Lastovo’s form of this custom, known as culjanje, is practiced with spe-
cial attention on Carnival Tuesday. If the sliding goes well, it is believed
that the following year will be productive.

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 Glossary for The Black Arab as a Figure of Memory

Cultural exclusion
(Nikolai Vukov) This notion describes the set of strategies of distinc-
tion, marginalization and objection applied to people of different cul-
tural, ethnic, religious, and historical backgrounds. Widely applied in
the spheres of anthropology and cultural studies, the notion addresses
cases of cultural contact and intercultural communication where the
interrelation between representatives of different groups is prevented
by the functionalization of stereotypes and policies of negative inter-
pretation. The concept is closely connected to notions of cultural stere-
otypes, orientalization and policies of interpretation, and helps towards
a better understanding of cultural responses to group differences in the
context of political and social domination.

The function of the performing character

(Božović Rade) The function of the performing character, as Prop has
explained in examples taken from fairy tales, is highly appropriate even
in the analysis of epic poetry, given the definite specific characteristics
of every genre. The application of this type of analysis is especially
useful in cases where this function is connected to definite (formulated)
motifs, which can be defined as driving motifs for the narration of the
theme. Prop’s followers would define it as a formalistic method. Those
motifs are usually characteristic as they define the theme of epic ob-
jectification; they exist in numerous epic traditions. The holder of the
function always performs the same action, or a very similar one; how-
ever, according to the rule, through the diachrony of performance, he is
another new hero. This very fact allows and encourages the use of this
function in the analysis of epic performance. Therefore, the function of
the performing character is the element of verbalization. As Prop says,
this element of verbalization is a ‘constant and structural element’, no
matter who performs that function or the fact that those functions ‘form
the basic integral parts of the story.’ However, Claude Levi-Strauss
considers this function to be a meta-structure. Nevertheless, together
with its related motif, the function becomes an important element of
genre and structure which enables us, in continuous epic situations, to
follow the sequence of heroes who essentially perform the old, long-
since determined actions as the performing characters. The firm con-
nection between the function, which often appears as the archetype,
and the formalistic method, however, allows substitution of a hero who
is a holder of the function, thus making it easier to understand the other
changes which appear during the performance of an epic discourse.

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The function, during the diachronic continuance, loses or gains some

new attributes, but essentially it is connected to its motif and there-
fore unchangeable and constant in its essential idea. However, the at-
tributes of the function of the performing character are variable and of-
ten follow the course of time; more exactly they are partially influenced
by historical reality. The message of the action, the acts carried out by
the performing character, is essentially constant, and in epic objectifi-
cation of the essential motif it gives to the theme or the subject-matter
its absolute character. Narrative epic poems can be divided by this
function into numerous segments, according to which the constant and
variable elements of the performance can be established. Propp es-
tablished 31 functions of the performing character which verbalize the
analysis of fairy tales. The (Black) Arab has eight different (attributes)
functions in Serbian epics, but the essential meaning which the action
of the holder of the function of the performing character presents is the
battle against misfortune and evil, with the positive premonition that the
victory of the domestic hero in collision with the foreigner represents
the arrival of the new faith or the new age. The variability of the at-
tributes of the performing character allows for the longer existence of
the motif in epic tradition.

The identity of the folk epic song type

(Ioana-Ruxandra Fruntelată) The folk epic song type is a form of a
‘cultural narrative’ emphasizing ‘more or less stable’ resemblances and
differences often connected to ‘myths’ of the national culture to which
the folk song type belongs. These myths (the founding myths of any
nation) are ‘more or less common’ in cultures from neighbouring areas
or nations, like South-Eastern European cultures, for example. By con-
necting narrative to culture in a poetic and musical creation, epic songs
contribute to the verbalization of certain ‘mythic nuclei’. For example,
the mythic nucleus of the ‘hero’ wouldn’t be relevant to us in the ab-
sence of the epic form that contributes to the creation of our culturally
marked mental representation of heroes.

Identity. Identity and ethnicity

(Ghjacumu Thiers) In less complex societies, the need to express in-
dividual identity is limited, primarily because duties are only vaguely
differentiated and each member adopts a limited number of behaviours
with which they then identify. Social cohesion and rules of cohabitation

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are enforced in the interests of the group and impose conformity on

individual behaviour in keeping with group rules and values. Identity is
thus merged with those group norms and models. Societies in which
archaic structures and modern ways of living coexist still function on
the basis of such schemes. Consequently, definitions of identity based
upon individual identification with the values of a single group survive
to the present day. Perceived in this manner, identity is an external
limitation, all the more pronounced in its manifestations when it de-
pends on a priori and stereotypical judgments. Identity and nation.
National identity also functions as an evident and unquestionable defi-
nition. However, this definition is even vaguer than the previous defini-
tion of identity and it appears that it does not tolerate any objections. It
is laden with an official nature and the power upon which it is founded
and symbolizes the correlation with the institutional apparatus of the
nation-state. Its most powerful illustration and most evident sign is the
‘national identity card’, which simultaneously operates as a certificate
of citizenship and as an infallible control of identity. National iden-
tity thrives on confusion. Pretending to be a symbol of citizenship, it
actually controls the citizen and confiscates nationality (as a cultural
notion) which is then appended to the ‘super-ethnicity’. Identity and
culture When we attempt a definition of cultural identity we face a
double obstacle: Culture is a prerogative of humankind which created
it. In other words, culture is universal. Culture can be observed in the
manifestations rooted (expressed) in space and time. In other words,
culture corresponds with the particularities of human society. Related
to this is the manner in which individual experience acquired regularly
within society is adopted. Therefore, we propose a broader definition of
culture as ‘a unity which consists of the modes of thinking, acting and
feeling of a community in its triple relationship with nature, humans and
the absolute’, but simultaneously limiting the scope of possible varia-
tions and specifying that cultural identity is characterized as a sum of
the shared traits of all members of a historically determined group . The
perception of differences, when understood as a threat, leads to self-
defensiveness and ultimately to affirmation of one’s own identity. This
brings us to the core of one of the primordial questions of our time and
our world: how should we translate into our spirit attitudes and customs
registered by reality long ago: the mixing and interpenetration of hu-
man groups and ultimately, the incurable and wonderful heterogeneity
of life?

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 Glossary for The Black Arab as a Figure of Memory

Civilization
(Ghjacumu Thiers) Civilizations, frequently associated with confes-
sional systems, are based upon limited cultural identities. In that case,
civilization is described as the broadest sum of identities (broader than
any other affiliations) with which an individual can identify. As was
stated in our study, Samuel P. Huntington’s thesis about contempo-
rary conflicts is based upon one such conception. Postmodern thought
questions the legitimacy of this term, considering it unadjusted to the
complexity of each situation. Numerous indicators demonstrate that
attitudes and policies relevant to ‘civilization’ or to its antonym ‘barba-
rism’ are found simultaneously in different cultural contexts.

Otherness
(Ghjacumu Thiers) Otherness involves a lay relation that is well-in-
tentioned and may be associated with a mixing of cultures, but which
is a long way from the notion of tolerance. However, it is closely re-
lated to awareness of relations with the other as long as the other
is different and feels the need to be recognized in their right to be
different. Otherness authenticates the notion of being distinct outside
any normalization, whether individually or as a group. At present, there
is a tendency to draw a distinction between tolerance and otherness.
‘Tolerance’ denotes clear territories of freedom respected by partners
and neighbours regarded as ‘tolerant’; otherness involves attention ex-
plicitly directed at the other and obligatory non-interference in case of
the other’s disrespect of basic human rights.

The mythical and legendary roots of the epic figure

(Gabriella Schubert) Different traditions and narratives, including fairy
tale motifs, legendary epic songs and Acts of Saints converge in the
fictional character of the epic Black Arab. Some of the narrative de-
tails of the epic Marko Kraljević i Arapin (Vuk II 65) resemble the style
in which a fairy tale is related, in particular the dream vision of the
Sultana in which a helper appears and informs her of the great fighter
Marko Kraljević in Prilep; the triple request to Marko; the fateful turn
which occurs to the Sultan’s daughter on the shore of the lake; as well
as the scene in which the princess addresses the lake. Nevertheless,
the actual roots of the song lie in the myth about the Dragon-fight and
its Christian actualisation, the legend of St. George. In this case, the
legendary ruler and his daughter are substituted by the Turkish Sultan

339 Black Arab

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and his daughter, the valiant rescuer St. George by Marko Kraljević,
and the Dragon by the demoniacal Arab living by the sea. Of course,
the presence of the fairy tale about the Dragon-slayer should also not
be neglected. Their basic motifs are: A princess is demanded as a
sacrifice and exposed to a Dragon. The Dragon breathes fire and has
seven heads which magically return when cut off. The hero cuts off the
tongues of the Dragon and marries the princess. Marko Kraljević how-
ever, like St. George, does not wish to acquire the Sultan’s daughter or
earthly goods: he fights for Good against Bad in this world, the viola-
tion and degradation of the Sultan’s daughter by the Black Arab. His
fight bears a Christian meaning. The Black Arab, on the other hand,
is a substitution of the Dragon. He represents the principles of earthly
power and sexual desire.

Orientalism and the ‘Black Arab’

(Rigels Halili) The term ‘Orientalism’ encompasses different meanings.
Initially it meant a sort of positive attitude to the Eastern visual and
written arts, as imitated or described in Western literature and artistic
practice. On the other hand, the term ‘Orientalist’, which started to be
used already in the 18th century, but which became widespread in the
19th and 20th centuries, appears frequently as the name for a scholar
in Oriental studies or a person engaged in travelling to and study-
ing the Orient. Throughout the 19th century, the ‘Orient’ itself moved
eastward parallel to the expansion of the Western world and modern
colonization. It is exactly to this later process that the third meaning
of the term ‘Orientalism’ refers to. It was coined by Edward Said in
his highly influential book Orientalism, published in 1978. In Said’s un-
derstanding, ‘Orientalism’ means a general deprecatory and negative
attitude towards the East which prevails in the Western scholarship,
travel writing, artistic and cultural practices. In his book, Said traced
and analyzed expressions of such ‘Orientalism’ in Western academia
and travel writing during the modern era, though with an emphasis
on the 19th and 20th centuries. Highly influential in the years to come,
Said’s work initiated a whole new trend of critical efforts, especially
in social anthropology, discourse analysis and post-colonial studies.
Said’s work met with both appreciation and criticism. While reviewing
the book, Talal Asad called the book ‘a classic’ and a ‘must read’ for
everyone interested in the relations between the West and the East.
On the other hand, there is a long list of critics, among them one could
mention the British historian and orientalist Robert Irvin, who empha-

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sized misunderstanding in Said’s analysis and even Said’s mislead-

ing conclusions. The figure of the ‘Black Arab’, especially used in its
modern mutations in political discourse and cultural practices, brings to
mind the creation of the Oriental other as described by Said. This figure
embodies thus a various range of negative traits, such as despotism,
closed-mindedness and backwardness that are either not present in
our culture and traditions or need to be cleaned from them.

Historicity and continuity

(Lidija Stojanovic Lafazanovska) Historicity and continuity refer to con-
tinuation and remind us that, what we should place in opposition to
tradition—synonymous with the long duration/continuity of a certain
memory fact in the process of transfer—is the ‘transferred content’
or the transferred (remembered, unforgotten) object. The transferred
content depends on the historical changes to which it has been sub-
jected. Even when its external shape remains unchanged, in keeping
with principles of the new transfers (narrators, informants), this con-
tent changes its functions, its purpose and meaning. The continuity
of the Arab (in folk literature) is not maintained in the same manner
and to the same extent in all areas. This implies the problem of sub-
strata and the super-strata. If we approach the Arab only by listing the
facts without taking into account the historical background (from the
Arab-Byzantine conflict to the present day), then we may arrive at a
paradoxical, ahistorical idea of continuity. Moreover, the continuity of a
certain phenomenon (the formulaic character of the Arab, for example)
is actually made possible by profound social changes.
The historicity and continuity of the Arab in Mediterranean folk
literature are affected by historical, real events in correlation with the
level of consciousness. As the Arab-Byzantine conflict receded into
the past, the formulaic character of the Arab assumed three basic
characteristics (three-headed/black/sorcerer), most frequently as a
bearer of the basic attributes of an enemy (in the epic) or a helper/
miracle-worker (in folktales). By sustaining the rules and requirements
of genre, the Arab performs his function. This character is associated
with the basic motif of abduction of a young woman (Lepa Vida, Bolen
Dojcin, King Marko, Gjergj Elez Ali). With the arrival of the Turks, he
returns to the stage as a real historical opponent of the domestic,
national hero. The emergence of his substitutes (the Turk, Aranut or
Gypsy) has the primary purpose of preserving his atributes and this
indicates the subtelty of the issue of continuity.

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 Glossary for The Black Arab as a Figure of Memory

The Mythical Black Man

(Nikos Causidis) The mythical black man is a result of the concept of
binary oppositions within which he assumes the role of a mythical-
symbolic opposite who determines and reinforces the semiotic status
of the real white man. Conversely, in the domains of the other, darker
races, this role is assumed by the white man himself. Simply by exist-
ing, the mythical black man attracts to himself other components within
the same concept of binary oppositions: ‘We, the ordinary people
(our folks) live in this world – white world – the world of light, and
for this reason we are white. Aside from us, there exist other, different
people (foreigners) who come from some other place. They are black,
which analogously implies that they come from the black world op-
posite to ours, which is located somewhere there, beneath, under
our world and represents a certain kind of underworld, the world of
darkness, of death. Therefore, these people are our opposites: they
are bad, unclean, incomprehensible, but also powerful and able in
a mystic-negative sense.’ Ultimately, in relation to the white man, these
black people are defined as non-people, which in principle categorizes
them within the sphere of the dead, daemons, or gods. On the basis
of these semiotic structures, a category of black mythical characters/
deities is formed with a zoomorphic or anthropomorphic appearance
(Negroid characteristics or more generally traits of people who do not
belong to the white race). These characters in Macedonia can be ob-
served in the Neolithic period, through ceramic visual depictions, and
in Antiquity, through earrings and lamps shaped as or adorned with
negroid heads. Comparative analyses indicate the possible attribution
of these depictions to several Mediterranean mythical characters and
deities (Cadmus, the Kabiri, the Pygmies, Dionysus, Pluto, Hades,
Hephaestus, Vulcan), or to their unidentified local equivalents. Upon
this older layer, new components from the Slavic circle were appended
in the Middle Ages (Crnobog, Crnoglav). Subsequently, they all en-
tered the process of adjustment to the Christian mythical-religious
system, both in its orthodox (the devil) or heretic varieties (Ahriman).
Throughout all these periods, these characters were attributed vari-
ous functions, related primarily to the chthonian spheres: underworld,
death, birth, fertility, vegetation, resurrection, water, sacral potions, fire,
metallurgy.

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 Summaries into Macedonian

SUMMARIES into Macedonian

РЕЗИМЕА

КАТИЦА ЌУЛАВКОВА (Скопје)

Од Црн Бог до Црна Арапина: различни митски и историски

актуализации на универзалната матрица на Црното

Мемориските фигури на Црна Арапина, на Лепа Ангелина и Болен

Дојчин се парадигма на споделени фигури на меморија со словенска,
балканска, медитеранска, а се чини, и со универзална конотација.
Варијациите на нивните имиња и олицетворувања се само потврда на
сознанието дека овие фигури се универзални архетипови кои се усвоени на
балканско-медитеранските простори уште во древните времиња и кои, од
тогаш па до 20 век, се актуелизирани во повеќе различни персонификации.
Во оваа уводна студија на третиот том на Интерпретации е направена
синтеза на сознанијата за конститурирањето на овие мемориски фигури
во културните практики на Балканот (словенскиот и несловенскиот) и на
Медитеранот. Овие фигури се сретнуваат во антагонизирани бинарни
парови или во театрализирани тријади. Секоја актуелизација на преден
план поместува некој аспект на фигурите кој има моќ да го изрази
доминантниот поглед на свет (дуелот, грабнувањето на жената, јунаштвото,
пожртвуваноста). Фигурите на Црна Арапина, на Лепа Ангелина и Болен
Дојчин денес се синтеза на нивните претходни кодирања и културни
толкувања, според конвенциите на дискурсот што го претставувале
(обредни, митски, религиски, историски, фолклорни и естетски). Во
некои епохи преовладува тенденцијата кон митизација на фигурите на
меморија, во други – тенденцијата на нивна историзација. При тоа доаѓа и
до варирање на степенот на нивната универзалност, односно локалност.
Колку се поисторични, толку се полокални. Па сепак, и во услови на
ригидна историска идентификација на архаичните мемориски фигури, тие
успеваат да го сочуваат, макар во херметична форма, својот оригинален
семантички супстрат.

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ТАТЈАНА ЦИВЈАН (Москва)

Руските хипостаси на Арапот и нивниот развој

Во трудот станува збор за сликата на Арапот одразен во европската/

балканската слика/модел на светот кадешто тој го претставува оној свет/
долната земја, опасен за овој горниот свет. Поврзан со митолошкиот
змеј, како и со реалниот непријател (Турците на Балканот), Арапот
останува секогаш непријател и/или странец. Странец, затоа што црното
помеѓу белите (црн со сите негативни семиотички конотации на бојата:
валканост, смрт, опасност, зло и.т.н.). Руската етно-културна традиција
го преобразува Арапот од митолошки змеј, противник на громовникот,
и воопшто од „главен јунак“ во трикстер, т.е. во подлец, измамник, трчи-
лажи, во комична фигура (иако потајно).
Еволуцијата на Арапот како лексем, личност, симбол, е анализирана
sub specie во рускиот јазик и во руската книжевност, во периодот од крајот
на 19-от до првата половина на 20-от век (Ремизов, Грин, Мајаковски,
Замјатин, Булгаков и др.). Забележана е и појавата на новата и многу
специфична руска митологема врзана за позитивниот Арап. Таа се
однесува на „големиот руски поет Арапот Пушкин“ чијшто прадедо (1/8!)
бил африканец (Арапот на Петар Велики). Уверувањето дека токму аф-
риканското потекло го направило Пушкин подобар поет, му припаѓа на
секуларизираниот модел на руската култура (не само на мас културата).

НИКОС ЧАУСИДИС (Скопје)

Црниот човек во митските традиции на Македонија

Од Македонија потекнува едната од најстарите ликовни претстави

на црнец во Европа. Станува збор за керамички предмет, пронајден
на локалитетот „Церје“, с. Говрлево, Скопско, кој претставува дел
од некаков сад. Садот бил дополнет со глава која мошне реалистично
прикажува лице со негроидни обележја (T.I: 1-4). Овој предмет наметну-
ва сериозни прашања околу раното присуство на луѓе од оваа раса на
Балканот (5-4. милениум пред н.е.), причините т.е. мотивите на ова при-
суство и механизмите преку кои тоа било реализирано. Мошне веројатни-
от култен карактер на овој предмет го актуализира и прашањето за раната
симболизација и митологизација на човекот - припадник на црната раса
во Европа.
Вториот пункт на нашево истражување е хеленистичкиот период, а
поводот за тоа е еден специфичен тип обетки дополнети со негроидни
глави, кои најчесто се наоѓаат како прилози во гробовите од 3-2. в. пред
н.е. (Охридскиот регион) (T.II). За разлика од претходниот, овие архео-
лошки наоди, на посреден начин се придружени и со пишани извори кои

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известуваат за присуството на црнци на Балканот (Пигмејци околу реката

Strymon/Струма). Мотивите за нивното доселување се бараат во мета-
лургијата, која на полуостровот доаѓа од Истокот, а ја носат ориенталци
т.е. луѓе со потемен тен на кожата. Архетип на овие металурзи - дојденци
е митологизираниот Кадмо - предводник на една „тајфа“ од црни митски
ликови, покрај другото составена од Кабирите и од џуџестите Пигмиејци.
Во овој период, многу појасно се отцртува концепцијата на митологизи-
рање на црниот човек. Неа би можеле да ја симплифицираме низ следни-
ве опозиции:
 бели луѓе - бел свет - овој свет - горе - живот - добро - чисто
 црни луѓе - црн свет - оној свет - долу - смрт - лошо – нечисто
На спомнатите ликови им се припишуваат разни фукции, главно во
релација со сферите на хтонското: подземје, смрт, раѓање, плодност,
вегетација, воксреснување, вода, сакрални напитоци, лекување, оган,
металургија. Нивното присуство на обетките би можело да се оправда
со интенцијата, покојникот да се изедначи со митските Пигмејци како
симболи на воскреснувањето (црно – смрт – живот; џуџе – дете –
раѓање). Слична симболика може да се проектира и врз античките
светилки оформени во вид на негроидни глави, особено ако се земе
предвид нивното присуство во гробовите (Стоби, Хераклеја, Прилеп)
(T.III). Кај овие предмети, огнот излегувал од устата на прикажаниот лик,
што него го определува како митски извор, создавач и господар на огнот
(еквивалент на Хефест, Вулкан, Как).
Нашиот трет пункт на истражување го претставуваат паганословенските
традиции кои, судејќи според сегашните сознанија, пристигнуваат на
Балканот во 6-7-от век. Во словенската митологија се добро потврдени
неколку црни митски ликови т.е. божества. Едниот е Чернобог / Црнобог,
а другиот Черноглав / Црноглав. Во Македонија, првиот од теонимите
е потврден преку два топонима: село Црнобоки, Битолско, и месноста
Црнобоци, кај село Бајрамовци, Дебарско (T.V:2,3). Судејќи според из-
ворите и подоцнежните етнографски традиции, станува збор за хтонски
ликови кои носеле функција на опонент на небескиот бог, често именуван
токму спротивно од нив - како Белобог. Оваа дуална структура е потвр-
дена во сферите на сакаралната топографија, каде присуството на двата
бога се поврзува со називите на два спротивни брега на река, поток или
дол.
Следната линија се однесува на присуството на црниот - темниот
- мрачниот митски лик во дуалистичките учења. Тука мислиме на
богомилството и други слични на него еретички доктрини (масалијанство,
павликијанство, манихејство), присутни во Македонија во средниот
век, а веројатно и порано - во текот на доцната антика. Низ пишаните
извори, археолошкиот материјал и подоцнежните фолклорни прежитоци
на овие учења, се следи опозицијата на добриот и на лошиот т.е. белиот
и црниот бог (Ахурамазда т.е. Ормузд и Ахриман), чијашто генеза води
до иранскиот дуализам, но и до веќе спомнатите аналогни традиции
присутни во културата на Словенските и Старобалканските етноси.

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Во текстот е претставена композицијата „Слегување во пеколот“

(11. век), од црквата во манастирот Велјуса кај Струмица, кадешто во
пеколот се претставени два митски лика, а не еден (едниот со црна, а
другиот со бела боја на телото) (T.VI:1,2).
Изнесена е тезата дека ваквата нетипична двојна претстава на
пеколот може да се поврзе со паганско-еретичките богови - опоненти
(Црнобог - Белобог, Ормузд - Ахриман), на што, меѓу другото, упатуваат и
некои пасуси од Типикот на ктиторот на овој манастир.
Последната тема на ова истражување се однесува на народните
претстави поврзани со Св. Јован Крстител (T.VI: 5,6), во коишто се про-
велекуваат некои од клучните обележја на наведените постари црни и
хтонските митски ликови и божества.

РАДЕ БОЖОВИЌ (Белград)

Митот и Црна Арапина

Во трудот е ставен акцент многу повеќе врз моралните и на кулурните

пораки што ги носи митот врзан за црниот Арапин, одошто врз самото
толкување на митот. Сложената синкретична структура на овој лик може
да се сфати најдобро ако ликот и дејствувачката функција на (црниот)
Арапин се посматра од перспектива на Проповата визура. Тоа зборува
за должината на неговото траење и важноста на таквата функција на
дејствувачкиот лик за епскиот и за историскиот живот на српската култура.
Од повќето функции што ги остварува овој лик, две од нив, сепак, имаат
исклучително митски карактер. Првата се однесува на пресретнувањето
на сватовите и мегданот со некого од домашните јунаци, а втората
функција е поврзана со некој лош бог од старата словенска или
јужнословенска митолошка традиција. Црните јунаци се појавуваат
навистина ретко и со неизграден лик и во некои други епски традиции;
нив ги има и во арапските јуначки романи но, освен во еден случај, тие
се појавуваат како јунаци–витези кои имаат нагласено либидо. Нивната
улога во јуначко-витешките романи е сосема поинаква од онаа што ја
има (црниот) Арапин во српските народни песни. Во првата функција,
Арапинот ја презема функцијата на некакво хтонско божество (Троглав)
или змеј/ламја, чудовиште кое ги граба жените/невестите. Мегданот што
го води некој од српските јунаци е приказната за победата над Злото и за
влез во „новата вера“, што всушност ја претставува српската космолошка
приказна.
Токму овде ја препознаваме динамиката на митската свест, толку
важна за должината на опстојувањето на некој мит во актуелниот живот
на една заедница. Интензитетот на доживувањата на божествата на злото
во српската епска традиција се појавува како кобен придружник на целата
историја, оставајќи немилосрдна трага врз луѓето и генерациите кои

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доаѓаат и по Лазар Мутап, последниот кој го делел мегданот со Арапинот.

Во втората функција, Арапинот е митско чудовиште кое треба да биде
победено, како во библиската приказна, за да се влезе во нова вера, но
и во историјата. Овој втор пример ја претставува српската варијанта за
културниот јунак Марко Краљевиќ кој ги победува митските времиња.
Епитетот „црн“ на некои места во овој труд е ставен во заграда, за да се
подвлече рaзликата помеѓу митскиот и историскиот слој.

СОЊА ЗОГОВИЌ (Прилеп)

Дали е митско-историската појава на Црна Арапина на

Средоземноморието врзана за Халифатот или за некоја постара
матрица?

Појавата на Арапите во ромејскиот, а оттаму и во словенскиот свет,

како и нивните семитски претходници, била примана без предрасуди и
кога се војувало, и кога се преговарало, и кога се тргувало, и кога се живе-
ело во соседство, едни покрај други. Овој труд е фокусиран врз заемните
културно-историски влијанија меѓу Арапите и Ромеите, потем Арапите и
Словените, како и врз нивните заеднички/заемни придобивки. Поголемиот
дел од арапскиот свет и корисниците на нивната култура, сé до појавата
на исламот, живее рамо до рамо со претставниците на хеленистичко-рим-
скиот свет, се напојува со нивната култура, ги користи достигнувањата на
нивната цивилизација и ги впива во себе, нудејќи им ги - за возврат – сво-
ите сопствени постигнувања. Во односите примање – давање, како и при
размената на културните добра помеѓу Ромеите и Арапите, ништо не се
менува ни по конверзијата и приемот на исламот. Напротив, со појавата
на Словените, нивните односи се продлабочуваат и се збогатуваат, затоа
што Словените во обете култури, по пат на акултурација, ја внесуваат
сопствената, а нивната ја прифаќаат и ја преобликуваат во своја култура.
На тој начин, и Словените стануваат дел од големата медитеранска кул-
тура.

ТОМИСЛАВ ОРОЗ (Задар)

Турчинот на Ластово - општественото сеќавање низ преданието

за каталонскиот напад на островот

Во трудот се анализира колективното сеќавање на каталонската

опсада на островот Ластово (Хрватска) во 15 век, како и издведбениот
аспект на збиднувањата во покладната недела, при што приказната за
нападот служи како подлога на покладната драма што ја изведуваат
нејзините учесници. Манифестацијата на колективното сеќавање, во
којашто учествувал и авторот на трудов, се анализира преку резултатите

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од теренското истражување, како и во соучество со покладните собитија на

Ластово, а понатамошниот увид, во литературата, ја открива слоевитоста
на покладниот обичај на Ластово, како и културните и цивилизациските
влијанија на коишто Ластово им било изложено во минатото.

ГАБРИЕЛА ШУБЕРТ (Јена)

Црна Арапина во јужнословенските епски песни: лик на еден

бесрамен развратник?

Црна Арапина претставува една од почесто претставените фигури во

јуначките песни на јужните Словени. Тој е антихерој, злочест муслиман и
противник на христијанскиот херој, главно противник на идеалниот херој
Крале/Крали Марко, како и на болниот, но благороден Дојчин (Болен
Дојчин, Болан Дојчин). Неговата најпроминентна ознака го обележува
како изразито сексуално чудовиште. Тој бара секоја ноќ по една млада
мома, та дури и се дрзнува да се појави пред Султанот за да ја побара
неговата ќерка да се омажи за него. Дали е Црниот Арапин само еден
бесрамен развратник? Ова прашање е подробно испитано врз основа на
јуначката песна “Краљевић Марко и Арапин”, објавена во втората книга
од Збирката српски песни од Вук Караџиќ, бр. 65. Споредбената анализа
ги покажува историските, митските и легендарните корени на фигурата
на црниот Арапин и на епската песна која се однесува на Крали Марко и
на Црна Арапина. Во неа, во одредени делови, се препознаваат особини-
те на змејоубиецот од волшебните приказни, а во други - легендарните
својства на Св. Ѓорѓи. Црниот Арапин е супститут на Змејот. Тој ги претста-
ува принципите на земната моќ и на сексуалната страст. Неговата необич-
на физичка сила шири страв. Од друга страна, Крали Марко претставува
супститут на Св. Ѓорѓи. Тој е обликуван на ист начин како и Св. Ѓорѓи:
тој се бори за Доброто против Злото во светот, против насилството и де-
градацијата на султановата ќерка од страна на Црна Арапина. Неговата
борба има христијанско значење.

ЛИДИЈА СТОЈАНОВИЌ ЛАФАЗАНОВСКА (Скопје)

Херои - антихерои

Во епското и во баладното народно творештво, формулниот лик на

Арапот се јавува како последица на историските и на културните врски со
арапскиот свет, но и со оглед на развојниот, генетички премин на епиката
од мит во историја. Во двата жанра, кои понекогаш и не можат така лесно
да се издиференцираат, како основен се јавува универзалниот мотив на
грабнувањето на младата девојка/жена. За прозата во којашто најмногу
се чувствува помладиот бран на ориентални влијанија, сепак не смее да

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се запостави фактот дека Арапот преминувал од поезија во проза, што

пак се одредува и од гледна точка на протагонистите кои минуваат низ
својата иницијација. Додека епскиот херој минува низ херојска, надлична
иницијација, и ги носи атрибутите на еден моќен спасител кој ја носи
слободата, пружа утеха и одново ја враќа надежта, за достоен противник
го има троглавиот или Црниот Арапин, дотогаш пак протагонистот
од сказната, кој минува низ своето полово созревање, во еден
авантуристчки манир, наидува на Арапинот кој ги задржува функциите
на епскиот жанр: поврзан е со оној свет, со фазата на привремената смрт
низ којашто минува иницијантот, како волшебник, чудотворец, или како
страотен непријател, повторно во функција на успешно извршување на
иницијациските искушенија на главниот јунак.
Кога се мисли на траењето на мотивите или темите од народната
книжевност поврзани со Арапот, лесно можат да се воочат стибилизирачките
обликовни елементи во поезијата и во народната приказна (особено кај
сказната), кои пак, од своја страна, многу успешно можат да ја предочат
вкочанетоста/стереотипноста која е последица на слепото придржување
кон наследените и постојаните обрасци. Овие формулни елементи
се врзуваат за варијациите, чиешто цврсто јадро придонесува да се
засили впечатокот на континуитетот на раскажувачките типови. Сепак,
колку и да се обидуваат, истите едвај да можат да го продолжат своето
животно траење, во моментот кога се губи внатрешната врска во нивната
содржина.

НИКОЛАЈ ВУКОВ (Софија)

Културни практики на разликување и исклучување: Црниот Арап

во бугарскиот народен епос

Фокусирајќи се врз репрезентациите на Црниот Арапин во бугарскиот

народен еп, статијата ги проследува главните линии на културното
разликување и исклучување, кои ја проследуваат оваа фигура и ја
ставаат во епски контекст. Статијата ги набележува различните начини
на разликување (етничките и културни стереотипи, видови на сродство
и семејна припадност, митолошки карактеристики и др.) кои се вклучени
во интерпретацијата на Црниот Арап како значаен „друг“ во епските
песни. Зацртаната логика од херојскиот епос е одново потврдена во
последователните епски форми (каква што е ајдучката поетска традиција)
и во ритуалниот контекст, каде што стереотипите на разликувањето и на
исклучувањето ја пронаоѓаат својата национална борба во додатните
значења и интерпретации. Засновано врз конкретни примери од различни
епски циклуси и сродните фолклорни форми, статијата ја истакнува
важноста на правилата на разликувањето и на исклучувањето, како за
концептуализацијата на Црниот Арапин како главна фигура во бугарската
епика, така и за развојот на епскиот свет воопшто.

349 Black Arab

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ХАНДЕ БИРКАЛАН ГЕДИК (Истанбул)

Арапка девојка гледа низ прозорец: Амбивалентните слики на

Црниот Арапин во фолклорните приказни и претстави во Турција

Трудот настојува да даде прилог кон поимот „црна Арапина како фигу-
ра на сеќавање“ истражувајќи неколку примери од фолклорот во Турција
во коишто се јавуваат црните Арапи. Тоа не претставува дискусија на
фолклорот за црните Арапи сами за себе, иако истражувањата од овој
вид ќе го зголемат нашето разбирање на црните Арапи. Наместо тоа, овој
труд ги истражува, концизно ама критички, формите во коишто се јаву-
ваат црните Арапи во фолклорните текстови и перформанси во Турција.
Фигурата на црниот Арап се појавува во различни фолклорни жанрови -
во народниот, селски театар, во театарот на сенки Караѓоз (Црно-Ок) и во
легендите, но уште повеќе во народните приказни (сказните), во коишто
наративниот простор е многу поголем. Токму тука е многу важна улога-
та на фолклорот во регистрирањето, во сочувувањето (траењето) и во
пренесувањето (дисеминацијата) на меморијата. Трудов покажува дека
сликата за црниот Арап се темели врз спојот меѓу историските, фиктивни-
те и проектираните стварности на дискурсот на народната приказна. Тој
заклучува дека сликата на Арапот може да биде раскажана во согласност
со аудиториумот на театарските претстави, а преку наративните страте-
гии на раскажувачот на сказната. Оттука, перформативните стратегии со-
здаваат не само една, туку повеќе различни слики за црниот Арапин. Во
теорискиот дел, трудот се стремии да даде прилог кон имаголошките сту-
дии, актуелизирајќи го поимот изведба (перформанс), во којашто сликите
и претставувањата би можеле да бидат преправани, бришени, создавани,
запаметени и сочувани во сета нивна двосмисленост.

ЉИЉАНА СТОШИЌ (Белград)

Црниот Арап во српската книжевност и уметност

Со оглед на фактот дека многуте народи, па и српскиот, своите

божества и демони од долниот, подземен свет, ги замислувале како црни,
во нивните митови, верувања и умотворби најчесто тие божества и демони
се означуваат како Арапи, Египќани, Етиопјани или црнци. Поцрнувањето
(гаравењето) на лицата на учесниците од коледарските поворки е
директно поврзано со претставувањето на ликовите на покојниците и на
митските претци. Овој обичај е сочуван дури и во денешно време, кога се
применува кај оџачарите и се поврзува со претставата на оџачарот, поради
можноста тој да донесе среќа. Почнувајќи од најстарите, па сé до поновите
времиња, во српските епски песни, Црниот Арапин го дели мегданот со
Крале Марко, Болен Дојчин, детето Груица, со Лазар Мутап како заменик

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350
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на Петровиќ Ѓорѓе (Караѓорѓе), а Бановиќ Страхиња со Турчинот Влах -

Алија; тие на крај на Арапите им ја сечат главата спасувајќи ја со тоа
земјата, народот и девојките од ропството, од зулумите и од прекумерните
даноци.
Во српската уметност од 18 и 19 век, ликовите на црните Арапи и
црнци се појавуваат во претставите на Црна или Египетска Богородица,
во сцените со трите магови или со источњачките кралеви кои
доаѓаат на поклонување и на дарување кај малиот Христос, како и во
композициите со фарисеите и со садукеите кои, во сцените со Христос,
секогаш се појавуваат во ориентални костими. Освен во сакралните
композиции, црнците или црните Арапи редовно се претставуваат и во
историските и жанр-сцените. Споменатите случаи претставуват само
неколку од многубројните примери во српската уметност од поново
време, кои ја потврдуваат суштинската прифатеност на универзалната
идеја за христијанскиот екуменизам поврзан со заедничкиот живот,
меѓусебното помирување, духовната преобразба и општото хуманистичко
просветување на поединецот, но и на народот.

ЈОАНА-РУКСАНДРА ФРУНТЕЛАТА (Букурешт)

Обрасци на идентитетот во некои романски варијанти на “Црна

Арапина“ во народните епски песни

Овој труд гo промислува идентитетот на мотивот на Црната Арапина

на романска почва, упатувајќи на поимот идентитет кој се конституира во
најстабилните делови на романските варијанти на истиот мотив.
Истражувањето покажува дека во романската фолклорна традиција
мотивот на Црна Арапина се конституира главно преку фигурата на Болен
Дојчин. По презентирањето на најважните стадиуми во фолклорните
истражувања посветени на оваа епска песна, оваа студија преминува
на концизна дескрипција на специфичните елементи кои можат да се
пронајдат во романските варијанти на песната за Црна Арапина. Потоа,
авторот ги истражува културните и поетските причини за присвојување
(адопција) на песната за Црна Арапина во романскиот фолклор.
Последниот дел од трудот го истражува идентитетот во однос на
индивидуалната самосвест и колективното културно наследство.
Сумирајќи ги резултатите од компаративните анализи, авторот
смета дека постојат доволно аргументи кои ја поткрепуваат идејата дека
романското традиција на песната за Црна Арапина, што романските
варијанти ја конституираат под името на на епската фигура на Болен
Дојчин, се разликува од југо-источно-европските конкретизации на оваа
тема и создава еден поинаков културен идентитет. Подробниот портрет на
херојот кој умира и на неговиот непријател, спецификите на подготовките
на херојот за последниот мегдан/борба (бањање во млеко, наоружан

351 Black Arab

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 Summaries into Macedonian

до небо) и улогата на коњот на Дојчин во неговиот маестрален закоп,

ја надополнуваат специфичноста на романската фолклорна традиција
(специфична лирска атмосфера и повторување како антиципацијата на
епските епизоди).
Според мислењето на авторот, другоста претставена преку ликот на
Црна Арапина (и евентуалните историски конотации на другоста) имаат
исклучително мала важност во романските варијанти на овој тип епска
поезија, дотолку повеќе што таа и не соодветствува на инаку моќната
позиција на романската епика. Се чини дека ова може да се објасни со
суптилните афинитети на песните за Дојчин спрема обредниот фолклор и
спрема другите епски песни сосредоточени главно врз темата на смртта.
Романскиот тип на Болен Дојчин е дел од националното духовно културно
наследство, затоа што оваа епска песна ја претставува како облик
на културен наратив во којшто се зацртани контурите на „романскиот
идентитет“. Фигурата на Болен Дојчин ги истакнува - помалку или повеќе
стабилно – сличностите и разликите, често поврзувани со „митовите“ од
романската национална култура, кои потсетуваат - помалку или повеќе -
на митовите од југо-источните европски култури.

РИГЕЛС ХАЛИЛИ (Лондон/Тирана)

Од Црна Арапина кон дискусијата за ориентализмот – фигурата

на Црна Арапина во албанскиот фолклор и култура

Најпривин, во трудот се разгледува присутноста на фугурата на

„Црна арапина“ во албанскиот фолклор, особено во епските песни,
балади и приказни. Понатаму, анализата ги опфаќа другите рамништа на
културната и општествената комуникација. Така на пр., Црниот Арапин се
појавува во секојдневниот јазик на сите територии од Балканот населени
со Албанци, како синоним на црното и на физичката нечистотија. Но
само во крајбрежието, Црниот Арапин се јавува во проклетијата. Во
последната декада, развојот на исламот кај Албанците и влијанието на
религиозните разлики врз албанскиот идентитет, претставува едно од
главните прашања во јавните и научни дискусии во Албанија и Косово.
Заедно, ориенталистичката и оксиденталистичка реторика се присутни
во ваквите дискусии. Еден од главните аргументи на оние кои го гледаат
ширењето на исламот меѓу Албанците, како претходен феномен поврзан
со ширењето на Отоманската империја на Балканот, претставува токму
споменувањето на раните контакти на Албанците со Арапите. Во овој
контекст, испитувањето на фигурата на Црниот Арап во албанската
народна култура и во колективното сеќавање добива огромна важност.

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ЃАКУМУ ТЈЕР (Корте)

Маварскиот театар на сенки

Трудот „Маварскиот театар на сенки“ се темели врз една конкретна

реализација од Културниот центар на Универзитетот од Корзика, оства-
рена во текот на 2005-2006 год, во рамките на европското партнерство
помеѓу три погранични и прекугранични региони и три центри за драм-
ска уметност. Овој труд на истражувања, студии и реализации, е спро-
веден благодарение на соработката помеѓу два островски региона: кор-
зиканскиот (Франција), тосканскиот и оној на Сардинија (Италија). Овој
проект се одвиваше во рамките на европската програма INTERREG-IIIA.
Рефлексијата и акцијата се фокусираа врз проблематиката на односите
помеѓу Мене и Другиот (идентитетот и алтеритетот, нас и другите),
забележани во историјата и илустрирани преку темата на пиратските
напади на Медитеранот, во епохата на големите судири помеѓу моќните
ривали и спротивставените вери. Во овој контекст, фигурата на „Маварот“,
генерички назив за одредување на формата на непријателот во рамки на
цивилизациската различност, добива облик на една загрижувачка закана
против културниот идентитет и интегритетот на западните цивилизации.
Ние ја ревидиравме оваа слика со цел за да ја побиеме нејзината валидност.
Токму затоа ние направивме истражување на мотивите врз коишто се
темелат нашите три театарски претстави или спектакла (корзиканскиот,
сардинскиот, тосканскиот) и нашите три културни наследства, историските
и естетските референци кои упатуваат на овие претстави. Тие се тука
за да ни демонстрираат, суштински, дека интеракцијата помеѓу Истиот
(Même) и Различниот (Другиот) се наоѓа во срцето на секоја култура. Тие
ни дозволуваат да ја одбиеме хантингтоновата теза за цивилизацискиот
шок, и да ја засноваме, со помош на метафората на уметноста, идејата за
цивилизацискиот дијалог и интеркултурната размена.

353 Black Arab

as a Figure of Memory
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приказните на Марко Цепенков), Зборник во чест на Блаже Конески, Скопје:
Унив. Кирил и Методиј.
 Пенушлиски, Кирил. 1988. „Болен Дојчин“ во македонската народна поезија.
Одбрани фолклористички трудови, кн. 2. Скопје: Македонска книга, стр. 303-
399. Петровић, Ђ. 1972. Црнци у Улцињу. Етнолошки преглед 10. Цетиње.
31−36.
 Петровић, М. (Петрушевски). 1940. Божанства и демони црне боје код старих
народа, Београд.
 Славянские древности: Этнолонгвистический словарь, ред. Н. И. Толстой,
Москва: Междунар. отношения, Том 1: 1995; Том 2: 1999.
 Смирнов, Ю. И. , 1974. Славянские эпические традиции, Москва: Наука.
 Стошић, Љиљана. 2006. Ликови Арапа, црнаца и Кинеза у новијој српској уме-
тости. Митолошки зборник 15. Рача Крагујевачка. 203−222.
 Стошић, Љиљана. 2007. Црни Арапин у српској књижевности и уметности.
Даница 15. Београд. 294−313.
 Тимотијевић, Мирослав. 1997. Поштовање Богородице Брнске код Срба.
Саопштења XXIX. Београд. 181−192.
 Тимотијевић, Мирослав. 2003. Религиозно сликарство као историјска истина.
Саопштења XXXIV. Београд. 375−387.
 Чајкановић, В. 1973. Мит и религија у Срба. Београд : Српска књижевна
задруга.
 Чајкановић, Веселин. 1994. Сабрана дела из српске религије и митологије 1,
2, 5, Београд: Српска књижевна задруга
 Шкорић, Душан. 1983. Сликари сомборских и стапарских икона на стаклу.
Зборник за ликовне уметности Матице српске 19. Нови Сад. 225−234.
 Шкорић, Душан. 2004. Српске иконе на стаклу. Београд-Нови Сад:
Покрајински завод за заштиту споменика културе & Драганић.

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Index of notions, terms and names

Abduction Balthazar
Abduction of a woman Bel Bog, Belibog, Belobog
Actant Bible, Holy Scriptures
Actualization (mythic, historical) Black God
Aestheticization Black Madonna (Egyptian)
Africa, African people Black man
Albanian epics Black Moor
Albanian folklore Bolen Dojčin
Alterity Bulgarian epic tradition
Ambiguity Bulgarian folklore
Ambivalence of the image Byzantium
Anamnesis
Ancient Greek mythology Caliphate
Angelina (Lepa, White Angelina) Catalonian attacks
Antagonisms Chaos
Antihero Collective memory
Appropriation Conquest, conquering wars
Arab, Arabs Construction of reality
Arab-Byzantine wars Continuity (cultural, epic, of mem-
Arabesque ory)
Archetype Corsica
Archetype of White Cosmos
Archetype of Black Crn Bog, Crni Bog, Chernobog
Arnaut, Arnautin Croatian epics
Art, artistic memory Croatian culture
Cronus
Balkanism Culjanje
Balkanization Cultural anthropology
Balkans Cultural exclusion
Ballad Cultural heritage

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Cultural practices of distinction Image, image of the world

Cultural practices of exclusion Imagology
Customs Interpretation
Interpretations, the project
Dažbog, Dabog Interpretative strategy
Destruction, destruction of a city
Devil Karagjorgje
St. Dimitrij Karagöz, kara
Divinization King Marko
Dragon
Dynamics of myth Lamja, three-headed lamja
Lastovo
Egypt Light/dark, day/night
Egyptian Goddess
Energy, energies Macedonia
Epic, epics, epic fairy tales Macedonian language
Epic biography Macedonian literature
EvilGood Magical stories
Evolution Matrix
Exotic Mediterranean
Migrations
Foreigner Model of the world
Figure of Moor Moor, Moors
Figures of memory Moorish theatre of shadows
Formulaic character Motif
Function Mythical image
Mythical man
Gender Mythical thinking
Generic appellation Mythicization
George, St George Mythopoetics

Hero Narrative strategies

Heroic epics Negro, Negroes, Negroid
Historicity Neolith
Historicization Non-material spiritual heritage
Horseman (Thracean horseman)
Humanization Obscurantism
Hypostasis Old Testament
Oral literature, tradition
Identity Oral poetry

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Orient Snake
Orientalism, Orientalization Social memory
Other, otherness Southern Slavic epics,
Ottoman Empire Southern Slavs
Ottoman domination Stereotypes of the other
Stranger
Pattern, of identity Symbol
Performance Symbol of time
Personification of otherness
Place of memory Theatralization
Poklad, Poklad rituals Theatre of shadows, Moorish the-
Poetry, lyrical poetry atre of shadows
Popular culture Trakia Horseman
Power Turks, Turkish
Prehistory Turkish folklore
Proto-pattern Tuscany
Puppet theatre
Universal semiotic opposition
Radical changes of the system Underworld
Racism Upper world
Remembering Uranus
Re-figuration
Ritual
Role
Russian Arab
Russian language
Russian literature

Sardinia
Satan
Satanization
Saturn
Saviour, hero saviour
Semantics of black
Semites, Semitic population
Serbian literature
Sexuality, sexual symbol
Slave, slavery
Slavic mythology
Slavs

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Volume Title 366

 Notes on Contributors

NOTES on CONTRIBUTORS

BIRKALAN-GEDIK, Hande is currently an associate professor in the Department

of Anthropology at Yeditepe University, Istanbul, where she teaches courses
on gender, nationalism, narrative and place, feminist theories and methods,
research methods, folklore and culture. Having gained her BA in Turkish
Language and Literature at the Bosphorus University in Istanbul, she went
to the USA to take her PhD in Folklore and a dual MA in Folklore and Central
Eurasian Studies at Indiana University-Bloomington. She also completed
courses in Anthropology and Gender Studies at the same university. Professor
Birkalan-Gedik has taught folklore, women’s folklore, and anthropology in the
USA, Germany, and Turkey. She has participated in numerous conferences in
Europe, Scandinavia, the USA, Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Middle East,
and the Balkans. She is the co-author of Gelenekten Geleceğe Antropoloji
(Anthropology from Past to Future) and guest editor of a special issue on folk-
lore, Folklor/Edebiyat. She recently completed writing a manuscript on feminist
ethnography in Turkish; is currently working on an edited, bi-lingual volume
entitled Boundaries, Images, and Cultures: Reconsidering Europe(anness)
from Anthropological Perspectives, which will be published in Turkey as a se-
lection of papers presented at the 1st International Anthropology Congress,
Istanbul; and her own book Changing Paradigms of Anthropology in Turkey:
Intersecting European Ethnology and American Anthropology is to be pub-
lished in the USA. Her articles and book reviews have appeared in journals
such as The Journal of American Folklore, Cahiers de Literature Orale, the
Harvard University Journal of Turkish Studies, the Journal of Turkish Literature,
Folklore Forum, the Journal of Folklore Research, CEMOTI, the Greenwood
Encyclopaedia of Folktales and Fairy Tales, Enzyklopädie des Märchens, the
Encyclopaedia of Women and Islamic Cultures, Encyclopaedia of Archetypes
and Folklore. She is a board member of the Pertev Naili Boratav archive at the

367 Black Arab

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Turkish History Foundation, Cultural Analysis (Berkeley, CA), Border Crossing

Network (Greece). In 2007, she spent three months in Germany with the DFG
Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft stipend, working on the typology of Turkish
folktales. Another project on Turkish folktales was also supported by TUBİTAK.

BOŽOVIC, Rade (b.1938). PhD. Professor at the Faculty of Philology in Belgrade,

and eminent expert on oriental studies. He is also a lecturer at the Novi Pazar
University. Since 1960, he has worked on the spread of Arab culture, language
and literature. He has been a member of the Tunisian Association of Science
(with such authorities as Professor Emilio Garcia Gomez, A. Miquel, Joseph
Van Ess, and Roger Garaudy) since its foundation in l983, as well as of the
Serbian Writers` Association, the Association of Translators of Literature, etc.
His activities in bringing different cultures and religions together have been
appreciated for a long time in cultural circles. His book entitled Towards A
Cultural Dialogue has been published in Arabic (Nahwa hiwar thaqafi). His nu-
merous publications include articles on literature, commentaries, translations
of Serbian poetry into Arabic and of Arab poetry into Serbian. Amongst the 16
books of his which have been published, the most important are: A Textbook
of Modern Arabic, An Anthology of Arab Lyrical Love Poetry, An Anthology of
Arab Poetry in the East, An Anthology of Arab Poetry in the West. His book
entitled Arabs in the Epic Poetry of the Serbo-Croatian Speaking Region,
based on his doctoral dissertation, is also well-known amongst expert circles
in former Yugoslavia.
Professor Bozović has established and taught three new subjects in the
Oriental Department: the History of Arabic Classical Literature, The History of
Contemporary Literature and The History of Arab Culture. During a very difficult
period, he was the founder of the Yugoslav-Arab Association for Cooperation
and Friendship (1994). His name can be found in the Dictionary of International
Biography, Cambridge (1997). He has served several times as head of the
Department of Oriental Studies, which is the oldest department of its kind in the
Balkans. He was Vice-Dean and Dean of the Faculty of Philology in Belgrade.
He was elected dean two times (1999-2002), during a turbulent period. After
the political changes in October 2000, he was one of the two deans that were
not replaced by the new authorities. He received The Golden Ring Award for
translating from Arabic into Serbian (1984).

CIVJAN, Tatjana (b.1937). 1954 – 1959 Moscow State University (Classical

Philology). 1960–1963 Institute for Slavic and Balkan Studies RAS (supervisor,
V. N. Toporov). Dissertations: “The substantive in Balkan languages: towards
a structural typology of the Balkan Linguistic Union”, 1963; “The concept of lin-
guistic union and modern Balkanistics” (1992). Institute for Slavic Studies RAS,
Head Research Fellow. Institute for World Culture MSU, Assistant Director. She
is a member of the Scientific Council RAS “History of World Culture”. Member
of editorial board: “Slavjanovedenie”, Moscow, “Elementa”, New-York (1993

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– 2002), “Russian Literature”, Amsterdam, “Philologica”, Riga, «Balgarski folk-

lor», Sofia; series «Slavic and Balkan Linguistics», Moscow. Has taught cours-
es of studies on Balkanistics, Ethnolinguistics, and the Structure of Text in the
Universities of Moscow, St. Petersburg, Austria, France, Germany, Greece,
Italy, and the Netherlands.
Main areas of interest: Linguistic typology, Balkanistics, Semiotics,
Structure of text (Slavic, Balkan, from antiquity to modern times, Russian
Literature), Folklore and Mythology, Cultural Anthropology Publications: 7
monographs, more than 400 articles.
Monographs. The substantive in Balkan languages: towards a structural
typology of the Balkan linguistic union (Moscow, 1965); The syntactic structure
of the Balkan linguistic union (Moscow 1984), Linguistic bases of the Balkan
model of the world (Moscow 1990). Movement and road in the Balkan model
of the world (Moscow 1999), Semiotic travels (St. Petersburg 2001; 2002),
The model of the world and its linguistic bases. (Moscow, 2005; 2006; 2009),
Language: Theme and Variations. Vv. 1-2 (Moscow 2008).

CHAUSIDIS, Nikos (b. 1959). He received his BA, MA and PhD from the Institute
of Art History and Archaeology at the Faculty of Philosophy in Skopje where
he continues to teach. His special fields of interest include the pagan religion
of the Slavs, pictorial semiotics, mediaeval archaeology and, primarily, the
ancient and archaic myths and religions as well as their manifestation in the
pictorial medium. He is the author of the following studies: Mitskite sliki na
Južnite Sloveni (Mythical Images of the South Slavs, Skopje 1994); Dualistički
sliki: bogomilstvoto vo mediumot na slikata (Dualist Images: The Bogomil
Movement in the Pictorial Medium, Skopje 2003); Kosmološki sliki – simboliza-
cija i mitologizacija na kosmosot vo likovniot medium (Cosmological Images
– Symbolisation and Mythologisation of the Cosmos in the Pictorial Medium,
Skopje 2005). He is also co-author of the study Macedonia: Cultural Heritage
(English version, Skopje 1995) and of the CD ROM Macedonian Antiquities
(English version, Skopje 2000). He has written over 50 articles that have been
published in relevant scholarly periodicals.

FRUNTELATA, Ioana-Ruxandra (b. 1971). holds a PhD in Philology (Magna Cum

Laude) from the University of Bucharest, Romania, under the mentorship of
Prof. Nicolae Constantinescu (2005), with the thesis: Personal Narratives:
Experience and Story-Telling. Publications include: Personal Narratives in the
Ethnology of War, Ager Printing Press, Bucharest, 2004 (in Romanian), Folklore,
a course for students in the Programme for Rural Teaching (co-author Nicolae
Constantinescu), financed by the Romanian Government, World Bank and lo-
cal communities, edited by the Romanian Ministry for Education and Research
(also CD version), 2006 (in Romanian), and over 30 studies in Romanian publi-
cations (in Romanian and English) on topics such as: the ethnology of oral war
memories, intangible heritage, globalisation, ethnologic interpretation, ethno-

369 Black Arab

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logic terminology. She is currently a Lecturer with the Collective of Ethnology

and Folklore, Faculty of Letters, University of Bucharest, Romania, where she
teaches Courses on Romanian Folk Culture, Preservation of Cultural Heritage,
Folklore and Intercultural Communication, Urban Ethnology, Mythology. She
has attended numerous Scientific Conferences and Symposiums (national
and international). Her area of scientific research includes: Ethnological field
research and coordination of students’ ethnological practice, especially in ru-
ral areas from all over Romania. She is a team member in several research
projects initiated by the Department of Ethnology and Folklore (University of
Bucharest) and financed by the National Council for Scientific Research in
Higher Education (5 projects beginning with 1998) and by the National Cultural
Fund (1, 2006). She is a member of the International Society for South-Eastern
European Anthropology (InASEA) and of the Association of Ethnological
Sciences from Romania (ASER).

HALILI, Rigels (b. 1975). Anthropologist. Graduated from the Graduate School for
Social Research at the Institute of Philosophy and Sociology, Polish Academy
of Sciences (Warsaw) in 2007 and is about to defend his PhD thesis Orality and
Literacy. Oral Epic Poetry among Serbs and Albanians. He has studied cultural
anthropology and Polish Philology at the Faculty of Polish Philology, University
of Warsaw, as well as international relations at the Institute of International
Relations in the Faculty of Political Sciences and Journalism, University of
Warsaw. He currently holds the post of Alex Nash Fellow in Albanian Studies
at the School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College
London, and also is teaching Albanian culture and language at the School
of Eastern Studies, University of Warsaw. His publications include: A story
about singers of tales [in:] Communicare, Almanach Antropologiczny II,
ed. A. Menwel, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Warszawa
2007; Notes about a forgotten book, [in:] Përpjekja (Endeavour), Nr. 18, ed.
Fatos Lubonja, A. Puto, Tiranë; Two Fundamental Texts of Albanian and
Macedonian Awakening Movement, in:. Stawowy-Kawka, Irena [ed. ]. 2005.
Macedonia na Bałkanach – Historia, Polityka, Kultura, Nauka, (Macedonia in
the Balkans – History, Politics, Culture, Science), Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu
Jagiellońskiego, Kraków 2005; The Ideas of the Albanian National Movement
and its Relations to Macedonia, in: Zieliński, Bogusław [ed]. Wokół Macedonii:
siła kultury – kultura siły, Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, Poznań (The English
edition: Around Macedonia: the Culture of Power – the Power of Culture):
Wydawnictwo UAM, Poznań 2003.

KULAVKOVA, Kata (b. 1951). Poet, theoretician of literature and literary essayist.
Member of the Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts since 2003. She
is a Professor of Theory of Literature & Literary Hermeneutics at the Faculty
of Philology, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University, Skopje. Her poetry has been
translated into many languages and represented in books, anthologies and

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selections of contemporary Macedonian and World poetry. Vice President of

International PEN (by 2008) and editor-in-chief of the PEN collection Diversity
(<www. diversity. org. mk>). She has published several books on literary theory
& hermeneutics (Figurative Speech and Macedonian Poetry, Pact and Impact,
Stone of Temptation, Cahiers, Small Literary Theory, Theory of Literature, intro-
duction, English translation, Hermeneutics of Identity), and has edited several
readers and anthologies (A Glossary of Literary Notions, The Balkan Image
of the World, Violence and Interpretations, Memory and Art, The Dialogue of
Interpretations, The Theory of Intertextuality, Poetics and Hermeneutics).
Other publications include (poetry): Annunciations (1975); The Act
(1978); Our Consonant (1981); New Road (1984); Neuralgic Spots (bilingual
edition – Serbian & Macedonian) 1986; Thirsts (1989); Wild Thought (1989);
Domino (1993); Exorcising Evil (1997); Via Lasciva (into French), 1998; Time
Difference (into English), 1998; Preludium (1998), World-In-Between (2000)
(into Bulgarian 2005), Expulsion du mal (into French), 2002, Dead Angle (2004);
Dorinte (into Romanian), Tenok mraz (2008), and short stories (poetic fiction):
Another Time (1989), Autopsia (2006). Personal website: <www. kulavkova. org.
mk> Main areas of interest include: theory of literature, theory of intertextual-
ity, literary and cultural hermeneutics, Macedonian literature, Balkan figures of
memory, linguistic rights.

OROZ, Tomislav (b.1984) ethnologist. Since 2008, he has been Assistant

Professor at the Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, University
of Zadar (Croatia), and external associate at the Department of Ethnology and
Cultural Anthropology at the University of Zagreb (in seminars ‘Anthropology of
tourism’ and ‘Anthropology of Social Memory’). Graduated in 2007 in the field
of history, ethnology and cultural anthropology at the Faculty of Humanities and
Social Sciences at the University of Zagreb. In 2007, he started a postgraduate
doctoral study at the same department. Member of the Croatian Ethnological
Society (HED). He has won several awards: award of Croatian Ethnological
Society Milovan Gavazzi’ for best student project, entitled Memory of the Battle
of Vis: Festivals, Monuments, narratives, and the Franjo Marković dean award
for the ethnological movie Zlatni čovjek. In co-authorship he won a prize for
the same movie at the 54th international Pula Film Festival in 2007. Awarded
by faculty the award for best student of ethnology and cultural anthropology
in 2007. Attendant of 8th International student seminar at the Department of
Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, University of Szeged entitled Water
and Urban Life in a Hungarian Town (Szeged - cultural heritage, memory, lei-
sure). Has attended several programs regarding ethnology and tourism (2006.
Ethnology and rural tourism, 2007. Rural tourism) and was the Coordinator
of the 5th International student conference on Roaming Anthropology, held in
Zagreb in 2007.

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PETROVIC, Sonja (b. 1967). Assistant Professor in Folk Literature, Chair of Serbian
Literature and South Slavic Literature Department at the Faculty of Philology,
University of Belgrade (Serbia). Degrees: PhD., Philological Faculty, University
of Belgrade, 2005; MA, Philological Faculty, University of Belgrade, 1997;
BA, Philological Faculty, University of Belgrade, 1992. Folklore Fieldwork
Research. Serbian, South Slavic and Balkan folklore and fieldwork; oral tradi-
tion (history, theory, poetics, orality and literacy); medieval literature (Slavic
and Byzantine heritage); history, theory and interpretation of oral/folk literature.

SCHUBERT, Gabriella (b.1950). Professor at the Institute for Slavonic Studies

at the University of Friedrich Schiller, Jena, Professor-in-Ordinary for South
Slavonic Studies and Southeast-European Studies.
Areas of interest include: Identity and dissociation in the Danube-
Balkan-region; self and alien in the mirror of Southeast-European literatures;
Southeast-European ethnology and folklore studies; language and identity; lit-
erary and cultural relations between Germans and South Slavs; contemporary
South-Slavic narrative writers.

STOJANOVIC LAFAZANOVSKA, Lidija (1965). Full-time researcher at the Institute

of Folklore “Marko Cepenkov” – Skopje, Department of Folk Literature. In
1989 she graduated from Philological Faculty, Department of General and
Comparative Literature, at the University of Skopje. Gained a PhD in Philology
from the Ss Cyril and Methodius University – Skopje (1999). In 2003 she un-
dertook a postdoctoral study visit in Germany, Universität Hamburg, Institut für
Volkskunde (DAAD Stipendium). Since 1997, she has been a member of the
International Society for Folk Narrative Research; since 2004 she has been
Editor-in-Chef of the journal “Makedonski Folklor”. In the period 2005-2007
she was a member of the EC of the International Association for Southeast
European Anthropology. Her areas of interest include: folklore theories and
new practices; the concept of tradition and its epistemological relationship to
the experience of modernity, comparative Slavic and Balkan cultural studies,
Macedonian migrations. Publications include: Thanatological Archetype of Life.
The Phenomenon of Sacrifice in Macedonian Folk Literature 1996; Homo ini-
tiatus, 2001 (http://www.auburn.edu/~mitrege/mac-folklore.html), New Folklore
Methodology (ed. by, 2005), Horizons of Folk Culture (ed. by, 2006)

THIERS, Ghjacumu / Jacques Thiers (1945) was born in Bastia in. He is a

professor of Classical Literature (Classical Philology), university profes-
sor (Regional Language and Culture) and director of the Cultural Centre at
the Corte University in Corsica. He is one of the most eminent contempo-
rary Corsican writers. He has published several popular comedies, plays,
novels and poetry books. He writes poetry and texts for the stage (including
Soledonna, Canta u populu Corsu, I Muvrini et Surghjenti). He has undertaken

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a number of cultural projects. He has been a member of the group of Corsican

cultural activists called ‘Generation 1970’.
Since 1980, he has worked with the Corsican section at the Institute of
Mediterranean Theatre (ITM, Madrid) on a multilingual stage (together with
L. Sole from Sardinia, F. Scaldati from Sicily, and others). He has also pub-
lished several books of essays. Areas of interest: sociolinguistic hermeneutics,
historical studies of the relations between Corsica and Tuscany in the 19th
century, the narrative collection from the archive of Francization of Corsica,
Mediterranean cultures, Corsican cultural history, theatrology. He has been
awarded several prizes for literature and translation.

VUKOV, Nikolai (b.1971) has a PhD in Folklore Studies (2002, Bulgarian

Academy of Sciences) and a PhD in History (2005, Central European
University). He is a Research Associate at the Institute of Folklore in the
Bulgarian Academy of Sciences and an Assistant Professor at the Department
of Anthropology, New Bulgarian University. Nikolai Vukov has held visiting
and research fellowships at the Maison des sciences de l’homme in Paris, the
Centre for Advanced Studies in Sofia, Wissenschaftskolleg in Berlin, the New
Europe College in Bucharest, and the Department for Southeast European
History in Graz. Areas of research include: folklore epics and folk historical
narratives; the anthropology of kinship and family; the historical anthropology
of death and commemorations.

ZOGOVIC, Sonja (b.1949). In 1976 she graduated from the Faculty of Philosophy,
Department of History, at the University of Skopje (Macedonia). Since 1980
she has been working with the Institute of Old Slavic Culture in Prilep,
Macedonia, as a full-time researcher. She works as a Contracted Professor
at the PMF, Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology; Institute of his-
tory and archaeology, at the Faculty of Philosophy (Skopje). She defended
her MA (Pelagonia in mature feudalism) and her PhD thesis (“The historical
development of ethno-political societies in Macedonia up to the end of the
early Middle Ages’) at the Ss. Cyril and Methodius University, Skopje. In 1982-
1983 and 1988 she undertook two study visits at Moscow State University M.
V. Lomonosov (Institute of Ethnography), under the mentorship of Acad. J.V.
Bromlej. Areas of interest include the ethno-genesis of Slavs and Macedonians,
Macedonian cultural and medieval history, and Mediterranean mythologies.
She has published many scientific articles and two books: Ethnic Communities
in Macedonia Up to the End of the Early Middle Ages (2001) and Society and
Folk Culture in Macedonia in the Early Middle Ages (2002).

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375 Volume Title