SPRINGER BRIEFS IN APPLIED SCIENCES AND

TECHNOLOGY  POLIMI SPRINGER BRIEFS

Raffaele Pe

Agogic Maps
From Musical
Phrasing to
Enhancement of
Urban Spaces

123
SpringerBriefs in Applied Sciences
and Technology

PoliMI SpringerBriefs

Editorial Board
Barbara Pernici, Politecnico di Milano, Milano, Italy
Stefano Della Torre, Politecnico di Milano, Milano, Italy
Bianca M. Colosimo, Politecnico di Milano, Milano, Italy
Tiziano Faravelli, Politecnico di Milano, Milano, Italy
Roberto Paolucci, Politecnico di Milano, Milano, Italy
Silvia Piardi, Politecnico di Milano, Milano, Italy
More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/11159
http://www.polimi.it
Raffaele Pe

Agogic Maps
From Musical Phrasing to Enhancement
of Urban Spaces

123
Raffaele Pe
Politecnico di Milano
Milan
Italy

ISSN 2191-530X ISSN 2191-5318 (electronic)

SpringerBriefs in Applied Sciences and Technology
ISSN 2282-2577 ISSN 2282-2585 (electronic)
PoliMI SpringerBriefs
ISBN 978-3-319-48304-7 ISBN 978-3-319-48306-1 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-48306-1
Library of Congress Control Number: 2016962041

© The Author(s) 2017

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part
of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations,
recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission
or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar
methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from
the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this
book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the
authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or
for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to
jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Printed on acid-free paper

This Springer imprint is published by Springer Nature

The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Foreword: Tune-In City

The city is the problem; that much, we know. Since Tafuri’s demystification of the
logic of metropolitan architecture in the late 1960s, in which the collusion between
economic and cultural forces was denounced, architects have increasingly found
difficulties in asserting their role to find social and political traction for their ideas.
To be sure, Tafuri was not responsible for opening an unbridgeable chasm between
city and architecture; rather he should be credited for lucidly detecting and mapping
it. The shockwaves of this realization are still legible today, as it suffices to have a
quick look at the shelves of architecture sections in bookstores to register the flurry
of trends, full-fledged theories, or quick provocations still agitating the debate in
architecture and urbanism. Likewise, disciplinary insecurity has led architects to
wander into both adjacent and distant fields: landscape, computation, science fic-
tion, political theory—to name a few—have been utilized to provide new blood to
heal the Tafurian fraction.
The research carried out on agogic maps by Raffaele Pe, which is well recon-
structed in this book, returns to this difficult and yet crucial problem providing a
new opening to understand and successively intervene in the city. He does so by
establishing two key themes we will dwell on in this short text. First of all, there is
the choice of the city in which to intervene: Dar es Salaam—Tanzania’ capital and a
testing site for an ‘agogic’ mapping exercises—poses problems that are far from
those traditionally encountered in Western cities, but by no means tangential.
Whereas much of avant-garde design theory has been focusing on injecting
dynamism, if not altogether chaos, into carefully planned Western cities, Dar es
Salaam, on the contrary, is in need of order, of a syntax to encode its complex and
unregulated growth. Rapid urbanization, deprived conditions, and yet a rich local
culture and tradition have not organically blended, not settled, nor have they given
rise to a pacifying image. The question of order thus becomes a complex one in
which traditional, imported, if not colonizing, models cannot be proposed.
This latter consideration appears to be the starting point for the second element
of novelty provided by this piece of research. Agogic mapping draws from a variety
of incredibly interesting and yet new sources of inspirations and reflections for

v
vi Foreword: Tune-In City

architects. Not only music—from which it directly comes—but also scenography

and semantics are all employed to conjure up a series of new and known techniques
to map urban environments. It is important to point out Pe’s background here as he
splits his time between his musical and architectural careers; his knowledge of both
disciplines is direct, based on actual practice. As suggested earlier, this biographical
note distances him from other architects whose forays into other disciplines have
been characterized by superficial knowledge and, consequently, less-than-fortunate
results. This is not the case here as the range of specific and original musical
references clearly confirms. It is a pleasure to be taken through the works of Appia
or Donatoni in what we found the most interesting part of the book.
Agogic thinking is virtually absent from architectural theory, as well as from the
repertoire of representational techniques available to architects. As such it deserves
some further contextualization in order to fully appreciate its original contribution
and potential to alter our reading of cities. The second half of the twentieth century
saw a number of attempts in architecture to conceive of uncertainty not as a lack, a
weakness, but rather as a fertile condition for design innovation. The gap between
event and space was perceived by Bernard Tschumi and Nigel Coates in the early
1970s in their work at the Architectural Association (Tschumi 1983) as a source of
inspiration for narrative architecture. Not long after Stan Allen began his inspection
of art practices to produce not only his Field Condition (1985), but also, more
relevant in this context, his Barcelona Manual (1996), a completion entry for the
Logistical Activities Zone of the Catalan city was delivered in the form of a suc-
cinct manual. Here, too, we find a productive gap between script and performance, a
gap for the designer and users alike to inhabit. Agogic mapping techniques promise
to expand this space, opening it up to more ephemeral, perceptual dimensions,
enriching it further to reveal a virtual, but by no means, less tangible image
of the city.
Finally, we would like to conclude with a brief reference to digital technologies
and their role in mapping. Raffaele Pe elegantly integrates elements of local mor-
phology and “agogic theory” in his computational models to generate multiple
maps of Dar es Salaam. The role of digital technologies in this endeavor is both
essential and limiting. Obviously, the complexity of factors considered, the dynamic
nature of agogic maps, and the morphology of informal settlements all lend
themselves well to the possibilities to manage large data sets enabled by CAD
software. In this sense, the research mostly shows the potential of this way of
operating, calling for more advance experimentation in this area. However, by
combining quantifiable elements with more elusive ones, this research challenges
the limits of what can be computed and how it relates to urban dynamics. This part
of the research too hits on a ‘sweet spot’ of computational discourse in architecture
and would deserve more scholarly attention and experimentation. What is at stake,
however, is already clear in Raffaele Pe’s research: the possibility to unearth a sort
of unconscious dimension of the city, a virtual—defined here in Deleuzian terms as
the opposite of actual—through which to attempt, once again, to relate the city to its
architecture.
Foreword: Tune-In City vii

How will the city be described by the conflation of digital affordance and
musical understanding? What pedagogical lessons can be transferred from Dar es
Salaam? And where to apply them? These are some of the questions elicited by
reading Pe’s work. These issues are central to contemporary architecture and
urbanism; they call on students, designers, and theoreticians to take them seriously
and engage them as design opportunities to map the urban, social, cultural, political,
and ecological implications.

Roberto Bottazzi
London, UK
Foreword: Unconventional Media
for Metropolitan Orientation

2019 Los Angeles. The consequences of dystopias are visible all over the planets.
An oppressive and hostile environment justifies the migration of many humans to
the otherworldly colonies using cars, which fly all over the sky following random
paths.
This is the future as described by Ridley Scott represented in the movie Blade
Runner in 1982.
Today (2016), our cities which have become metropolises that are not able
anymore to reconstruct a link between the body of their inhabitants and the body of
space, as Raffaele Pe argues in this book, neither the innermost expressivity that
manifests a performative exchange between houses and routes.
The problem of how the old parts of the city or the new and neglected ones are
integrated in the whole is emerging.
Many other questions arise. For example, how is it possible to design buildings
or urban areas to sensitively respond both to the physical content and, at the same
time, so that they can distinguish themselves from it in the form of a global/local
landmark?
It is necessary to think about a new language of composition that refuses direct
references to a pseudo-picturesque historicism. Thus, the public realm requires the
construction of a narrative through our architectures that tells stories about who we
are and what a city wants to be. It introduces above all a symbolic dimension into
the architectural project using formal archetypes that are able to evoke a new
meaning in the global culture.
Now, an intentional and naïve removal of the anthropological time of the
physical space, such as the fundamental basis of common sense and citizen par-
ticipation, is a matter of fact. We should question ourselves wondering if it is
necessary to enjoin scientific, technical, and political rationality in order to take part
in modern civilization. This is something that very often requires the pure and
simple abandon of a whole cultural past. It is a fact that every culture cannot sustain
and absorb the shock of modern civilization. So here is the paradox: how do we
become modern while returning to sources, how could we revive an old, dormant
civilization while being part of a universal civilization? (Ricoeur 1961).

ix
x Foreword: Unconventional Media for Metropolitan Orientation

A mapping project is able to represent the new metropolitan complexity of a city

with the aim to reconnect the dimension of the metropolis with a real and mem-
orable experience. Maps can reproduce a representation of the metropolitan hybrid
space composed through relevant points, since they foster a deep knowledge of the
metropolitan structure and the relationships that tie together its nodes in time
intervals. This connection is possible only through an intense experience of the
time-space. Therefore a map should show how every metropolitan phenomenon is
constituted by a series of feelings related to the intense experience of the place. Art
is the key to create memorable places.
In this respect, Raffaele Pe suggests that a map does not only describe the
organization of objects in space, but it is also a tool to reveal and experience a built
environment. Outlining a map is not only a matter of drawing, it is also a matter of
physical perception, and it represents an issue of orientation, a permanent bond
between the body of the territory and the body of its inhabitants. We acknowledge
mapping as a practice of spatialization: not only does it implicate the geometric
measurement of things, but it also refers to the reported, tangible effect that such
measures have on the body of those who experience them.

A Technological Issue

New devices define a city as a meta-space (Bunschoten 2003). A city is a fluid form
of public spaces that evolves over time, generating different definitions of public
realms and different ways of participating in it. Meta-spaces enable bringing
dynamic scenarios into the flows of a “second skin”. As presented by urban theorist
Grahame Shane, a meta-space in the second skin is a public space, a public matrix,
that we name Meta-city (Shane 2005).
A research on new metropolitan territories must critically reflect on the
exploitation of digital technologies and media as specific tools for the collection,
organization, and interpretation of data for city analysis and architectural compo-
sition. Aesthetics is here proposed as a language across different disciplines, a tool
that is able to support creative and innovative ways of designing and ruling future
stages of development of the city. Architecture among the other arts can be a way to
configure a different vision on contemporary metropolises and our diverse society:
it is a design instrument for reactivating some parts of the city. With the use of new
technologies applied to the context, Pe wants to determine some sensory inputs
causing specific memories of a particular situation, hitting the senses of the
observer: this book conceptualizes and spatializes feelings to turn them into a
conscious perception, into a knowledge form that transforms a traditional spatial
experience through the movement of the body.
With the idea of agogic maps, the author of this book wants to produce an
evocative image, the perfect place from a symbolic point of view on the city. This
is, for the MSLab research unit of the Department of Architecture and Urban
Studies at Politecnico di Milano, a way to reactivate urban cultures producing new
Foreword: Unconventional Media for Metropolitan Orientation xi

synergies. The symbolic is deeply rooted within a particular culture domain, and it
indicates the presence of a topographic identity. This, in particular, is our Italian and
Milanese approach to the dialogue among cities.

An Issue of Interpretation

With this book, Raffaele Pe offers a brilliant contribution to the research on the
generative process of urban forms. This text links urban studies to a different way of
understanding the harmony of the city. Pe finds musicality even in the dissonances
of the city: he understands the dissonance as a form of complex harmony after the
enlightening introduction of Arnold Schönberg’s introduction to the topic. The final
goal is the conception of a new notational system called agogic, in order to establish
a meaningful relationship between settlement pattern and the continuous variation
of the anthropological image. These new tools of analysis, interpretation, and
design become indispensable in unstable contexts or within those that are provided
with a weak identity.
This contribution to this field of research is not only related to
musical-performance parameters from a technical point of view. The study con-
siders also the orientation process in sensitive areas, which is not only a technical
and material method but also an intellectual one. Raffaele Pe’s mapping process
integrates constituent processes of spatial configuration and architectural structures
(ecologies); his application of the method to the context of Dar es Salaam is quite
clear. This fact is especially important for compositional studies of urban devel-
opment in areas relevant from an environmental point of view: cultural landscapes
in developing countries.
Pe focused his study mainly on the Theory of Form discussed through a study
which runs through post-structuralist criticism, generative semiotics, and
ethno-semiotics to the field of spectralism and psychoacoustics, which is new to our
approach to urban studies. Spectralism and psychoacoustics are conceived as fun-
damental tools for the definition of a spatial narrative made of sounds. The sound
event is therefore considered an essential medium of knowledge to shape the space
due to the fact that it is an immediate meaning producer. Against a purely
chronological/causal and type-morphological reading of the urban environment,
this approach has favored an experimental study aimed at understanding the con-
stitutive processes of a contemplative environment. This approach has an important
effect on the analysis and the project of the contemporary city because new
metropolitan territories are normally analyzed with the intention of revision. Agogic
maps also deal with issues of the relationship between architecture and society, such
as local identity and social and cultural sustainability of globalization, however it is
a symbolic and imaginative approach that transforms the configuration of the
meta-city through performative actions.
The proactive attitude of the author denotes intellectual vitality in the various
topics discussed. He conveys an original insight that is central to the construction
xii Foreword: Unconventional Media for Metropolitan Orientation

of the method of analysis, especially in non-European contexts. The research is part

of the architectural culture study of the MSLab—Politecnico di Milano, and it
analyzes the current urban design theory across both European and international
literatures with a special emphasis on contemporary musical composition. We
should not forget that Raffaele Pe is a musician himself, very active in the redis-
covery of the ancient repertoire, employing past techniques with a modern
sensibility.
Finally, this study deepens design procedures that take into account new digital
design technologies. This enables creating original critical experiments on the basis
of interdisciplinary analogies revised in an through a satisfactory theory. The
volume extrapolates concepts already discussed in Anglo-Saxon countries, but
perhaps not yet analyzed inside the context of Italian schools of architecture. The
book critically introduces new terms for discussion such as the contrast between
catastrophic and morphological continuity of deformation (trans-morphosis), the
redefinition of the idea of the structure that exceeds the archetype of object and
subject, the elaboration of an abstract pattern that feels more and more the need for
an alternate configuration evaluating new geometrical systems of description.
The final research question is how a map can introduce a genetic perspective and
a generative space based on the topographic variations of the settlement? Could the
exploitation of sounds in the way we “write” the space affect the curvature radius of
a settlement model? The climax of the research leads to a syntax of the spatial form
for the development of a design methodology, integrating objects within their
environment through digital technologies, an original practical and theoretical
contribution even though still in embryo. This is an original work which perhaps
will receive broader specifications in future projects for the definition of contem-
porary processes of logical succession in sense-making for metropolitan orientation.

Antonella Contin
Milan, IT
Acknowledgements

Completing this book represents both the end of 5 years of research, as well as the
beginning of new possible horizons in this field of study. This would have not been
possible without the esteemed lead of Ernesto D’Alfonso, Professor Emeritus in
Architectural Composition at Politecnico di Milano, and Antonella Contin, director
of MSLab, School of Architecture, Department of Architecture and Urban Studies
(DASTU), Politecnico di Milano.
I would like to thank also Massimo Della Rosa for his precious contribution
concerning historical and morphological studies in Dar es Salaam, partly included
in New Models in Planning Practice to Address Migrations in the Sub-Saharan
Region (Della Rosa 2013). The prototype of Dar es Salaam Agogic Map is available
online (Geoscore), and it was created with the support of Alessandro Musetta and
Stefano Bovio with whom, in 2015, we launched Sound of Things, a permanent
research lab on architecture and sound studies (www.soundofthings.org).
Finally, I would like to mention music theorist Diego Fratelli, professor at Civica
Scuola di Musica Claudio Abbado, Milano, and composer Martino Traversa for
their irreplaceable guidance in exploring the world of ancient and contemporary
music for a meaningful and profitable exchange with architecture and spatial
design.

xiii
Contents

1 The Imageless City. An Aural Approach to Locative Media

and Informal Settlements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 1
1.1 The Experimental Extent of a Map . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 1
1.2 A Topographic Bond: Houses and Routes in Informal
Settlements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 3
1.3 The Notion of Agogic to Evaluate Performance for Spatial
Configuration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 4
1.4 Tonal Transcripts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 5
1.5 Investigating Informality in Dar es Salaam Irregular
Settlements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 6
1.6 The Field of Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 7
1.7 Informal Settlements in Dar es Salaam. Taxonomy
and History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 12
1.8 Accessibility and Orientation: Emerging Suburban Issues . . . .... 16
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 17
2 From Territorial Surveys to Mental Mapping.
The Recognition of the Anthropological Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
2.1 The Notion of Anthropological Image . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
2.2 Prehistorical Settlements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
2.3 The Configuration of the Swahili Settlement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
2.4 Artistic Practice as an Asset. The Tingatinga Art Movement . . . . . 24
2.5 The Batik Painting Technique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
2.6 Musical Composition. The Muziki Wa Dansi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
3 Urban Samples. The Reconstruction of the Settlement Model . . . . . . 29
3.1 Sustainable Settlement Models in Urban-Rural Metropolitan
Scenarios . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
3.2 An Exemplary Metropolitan Section: The Informal District
of Yombo Vituka in Dar es Salaam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31

xv
xvi Contents

3.3 The Mental Image of an Informal Settlement: Centralities,

Enclaves, Landmarks, Paths, Densities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
3.4 Anthropological Images and the Reconstruction
of the Settlement Model: Courtyards, Squares, Backyards,
Shores, Paths . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
Reference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
4 Agogic Maps. A Topography of Sound Signals for Spatial
Orientation and Configuration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 45
4.1 The Notion of Agogic and Its Relevance to Space-Time
Design . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 45
4.2 The Pace of Inhabitation. Applying Agogics
to the Anthropological Image of the Place . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .... 46
4.3 Geoscore. A Prototype for an Agogic Map in Dar es
Salaam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
4.4 The Green-Grey Series . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
4.5 Accessibility Map . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
4.6 A Chronographic Rendition of the Variations of the Model . . . . . . 50
4.7 Sense-making Through Agogic Maps: An Aural Revolution . . . . . 52
4.8 Spectralism and Spatial Variance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
4.9 Provisional Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
Chapter 1
The Imageless City. An Aural Approach
to Locative Media and Informal
Settlements

Abstract How could musical knowledge constitute an asset in configuring urban

spaces in the current technological context? This book tries to answer this question
deepening the relationships between urban morphology, locative media, and sound
design, with a special emphasis on Marshall McLuhan’s definition of the Acoustic
Space, the performative ambience emanated by modern technologies. This book
investigates the case study of the African capital of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania
though this approach. This case study provides an example that is far enough from
our conventional understanding of urban structures, a conurbation with uneven
characteristics that challenges and criticizes the extent of common architectural
solutions to envision the future development of the notion of metropolitan livability
in a global frame.

1.1 The Experimental Extent of a Map

The Dar es Salaam map prototype illustrated in this book interrelates emerging
topographic qualities of the built environment with site-specific sound material to
orient and determine feasible spatial movements. In order to validate these corre-
spondences, the map exploits traditional surveying outlines, adding a new layer of
meaning onto these geographic and architectural signs. According to this research,
the spontaneous aspect of informal territories expresses a value of openness and
variability towards more imaginative and performative ways of describing our
habitat through maps. The fascinating morphology of Dar es Salaam declares, with
more effectiveness, its habitability and spatial practicality because here the built
environment intertwines nature and virtues, geographic advantages and techno-
logical development, a condition that the modernity of the globalized world seems
to discourage.
In accordance with Kevin Lynch’s belief for which “city design is a temporal art
[…] Moving elements in a city, and in particular the people and their activities, are
as important as the stationary physical parts” [1], the case study of Dar es Salaam
demonstrates that this urban landscape is a moving object transforming at a much

© The Author(s) 2017 1

R. Pe, Agogic Maps, PoliMI SpringerBriefs,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-48306-1_1
2 1 The Imageless City. An Aural Approach to Locative Media …

faster speed than what we are normally used to in consolidated settlements. This
approach allows for a broader investigation into the notion of modernity and the
relevance of the environmental extent of the signs we apply to the description of our
habitat.
The prototype illustrated in the book frames the expanse of the proto-urbanized
territory of Dar es Salaam, designating the city as a paradigm of a dynamic set-
tlement, which means the formal expression of the rhythm impressed on the
architecture of the city by the spatial behavior of its inhabitants and the climatic
mutations of the environment. The city shape of Dar es Salaam is the resulting
common space in between private houses and metropolitan infrastructures. This
space is built informally and spontaneously, however it is widespread over the
whole territory, with sporadic and often illegal connection with the formal network
of metropolitan infrastructure such as motorways, railways, electric grid, and the
sewage system. Dar es Salaam is the image of any city before actually becoming a
city, according to a “modern” acceptance: this African conurbation has not yet
disjointed its physical configuration from the vernacular and natural instances
emerging from the spatial behavior of those who have created and transformed such
a place. The agogic map of Dar es Salaam is a sense-making device that emphasizes
this condition and stresses the tactile extension of spatial writing through modern
technology in order to improve practicability.
The map emerges from the relationship between resilient and spontaneous ele-
ments of these urban commons. The device fixes the objects that characterize, in a
more permanent way, the urban landscape and manages, at the same time, the
elements that transform this geography with peripatetic alternations. The map
consolidates what is spontaneous, indexing its nature in any of its variations. The
map reconnects the elements of the built environment with the origins of its mor-
phology, as Vidal de la Blanche would say “the boat glides on the water surface, the
waves settle and the groove is deleted; the Earth is more faithful as it preserves the
footprints of the routes of the early-rising workers. The route is impressed in the soil
and it spreads seeds of life such as houses, villages, cities” [2]. Houses and routes
are intertwined in a relationship that expresses well the existing link between
migratory and settling forms.
A map does not only describe the organization of objects in space, it is also a
tool to reveal and experience an environment. Outlining a map is not only a matter
of drawing, it is also a matter of physical perception: it represents an issue of
orientation, a permanent bond between the body of territory and the body of its
inhabitants. The map constructs a “bounce” [3]—as music composer Franco
Donatoni would suggest—between the antecedent and the consequence of this
condition: the territorial extent of the habitat and its geographic representation. The
cognitive bounce of an agogic map produces a passage from reality to space, and,
vice versa, from geography to nature. From this perspective, we understand map-
ping as a practice of spatialization: not only does it implicate the geometric mea-
surement of things, but it refers also to the tangible, reported effect that such
measures have on the body of those who experience them.
1.1 The Experimental Extent of a Map 3

Such cognitive bounce between the resilient and moving objects of our built
environment focuses also on the transition between city and countryside, between
urban and rural, requiring—especially for Dar es Salaam—a special definition of
this condition in those constructions that are still under development in informal
areas. In these areas, this situation arises with greater clarity, as in these neigh-
borhoods natural and rural elements are very present and more often they actually
provide the condition for the proliferation of uncompleted rustic buildings. Here,
ordinary forms of urban planning are not able to control such proliferation as the
settlements follow morphological rules that fall outside the principle of efficiency
and rationality typical of a contemporary formal metropolis.
The space of a map, as a cognitive means to measure the distance between our
body and the external reality, is endemically constituted by moving and unstable
elements which are as relevant as the stationary physical references to orient our
movements. Urban spaces especially today are not able to manifest their meaning
and their function with clarity due to a weakness of their linguistic and
syntactical/architectural equipment. Moving and stationary elements both con-
tribute to shape of the image of the city, which is often a most effective cognitive
instrument to memorize its articulation and the quality of its inhabitable enclaves.
On one hand, the image of the city embodies the lineaments of its built environ-
ment, while, on the other hand, it retains the elusive traces of recurrent spatial
behaviors.

1.2 A Topographic Bond: Houses and Routes

in Informal Settlements

Migrations naturally tend to settle in the place where natural resources are harvested
and shared through various economic and societal exchanges, on the basis of cri-
teria like availability and accessibility. “The archetype we refer to is the one for
which the appearance of civilization (from the Latin word civitas, which means
city) is the result of a sequence that starts with the collection of spontaneous fruits
and wild game: it proceeds with agriculture, and it culminates with the formation of
the urban environment of the state. This is a linear sequence, continuous and
cumulative, that has been argued only from the second half of the 20th century, and
that is divided into phases, the incremental steps of development of humankind”
[4]. The route, which is a moving and performative element, is always the sign of
the presence of a house that stands at its end, and it moves along natural topo-
graphic trajectories.
Modern infrastructures, with the superimposition of rectangular grids on the
natural flow of the soil surface, liberated the route from the constraints of topog-
raphy, at times renouncing communication of the effective condition of the places in
space and time. The tactile power of the map recalls in the mind of the reader the
factual quality of the spaces described. We noted how the passage to modernity in
4 1 The Imageless City. An Aural Approach to Locative Media …

terms of spatial writing implied the loss of the experiential in favor of a principle of
kinetic efficiency. The omission of the territorial datum from the isotropic map of
modern infrastructures decreases the capacity to detect climatic and surface emer-
gencies. Our cities, now metropolises, are not able anymore to reconstruct a link
between the body of its inhabitants and the body of space, its innermost expressivity
that manifests the performative exchange between houses and routes. “For the
ancient Greeks the metropolis indicates the town-mother, and it implies a rela-
tionship with a town-daughter, a colony, like the relationship between Athens and
Thurii. For them the metropolis is the city where we register the triumph and
simultaneously the death of space, intended not only according to its general and
technical acceptance, but also for the indexical relation between street and loca-
tions” [5].
In irregular unplanned settlements like the ones that characterize the majority of
the territory of Dar es Salaam, traditional surveying tools seem to lose their
effectiveness in fixing on the map the qualities of a landscape that transforms
seasonally. Due to climatic, economic, and cultural agents, the morphology of the
settlement changes together with the modification of the place. The most peripheral
parts of these settlements are normally the most exposed to these external influxes,
therefore those moving objects are usually imperceptible to general cartographies.

1.3 The Notion of Agogic to Evaluate Performance

for Spatial Configuration

This book presents the tool of agogic maps as a means to manage the shifting
condition of these territories, while identifying a set of updated mapping techniques
to orient people in a place that changes its architectural configuration at the time of
each flooding season. The informal characteristics of Dar es Salaam are interpreted
in this piece of work as an opportunity to apply devices that enhance the perfor-
mative profile of the city to this topography, both for local and foreign users. The
observations of this research, supported by the delineation of agogic maps, lead us
to a different conclusion in regards to the imageless appearance of Dar es Salaam.
Such a misconception is partly the result of the restricted capacity of current sur-
veying techniques to discern resilient elements from spontaneous ones, in order to
reconstruct the variable dynamics of settling and transformation processes.
Agogic maps coordinate the navigation of our body within informal settlements
starting from the musical premises of a rhythmical regulation of urban movements.
An agogic map is a device for an intercultural dialogue between local inhabitants
and external city users, and it aims to open new perspectives, not only for what
concern the traditional cartographic writing modes, but also on the language we
employ to communicate the urban values of such peculiar spatial conformations.
Agogic accents in music represent a rhythmical practice for which the relationships
between the interpreter and the score are coordinated to produce variation and
1.3 The Notion of Agogic to Evaluate Performance for Spatial Configuration 5

expression within the extent of a regular pulsation. The agogic mutation of a

homogeneous pulse into an irregular pattern grants the emergence of governable
degrees of expressivity in phrasing musical sentences on the basis of poetic
meaning or rhetorical instructions.
The agogic of the settling model of Dar es Salaam on the metropolitan scale is
looking for a compelling interchange with informal systems. Although the first
seems to be more efficient and perhaps more livable than the second, irregular areas
demonstrate their sustainability in relation to topographic convenience in regards to
sun exposure and primary food sustenance. This African case study is designated as
a paradigm for an ampler series of cases. Dar es Salaam shows not only its rele-
vance to our concerns regarding the consolidation and the stabilization of the urban
sprawl of our metropolises, but it also refers to other urbanized areas with similar
issues. Mapping informal settlements in Dar es Salaam enables a deeper reflection
on problems of spatial disorientation in unsettled built environments and creates
new possible fields of study concerning inter-scale compatibility between adjacent,
though separate, urban elements. Agogic maps outline the emerging relationship
between places, spatial behavior, and settling forms.

1.4 Tonal Transcripts

Which writing mode should be more appropriate to describe the shifting elements
of contemporary urban landscapes? Could a tonal system, informed on the basis of
musical principles, constitute a reference for the geographic outline of such a
settling context? In Dar es Salaam, accessibility to informal residential areas is
particularly difficult due to the presence of an element of degradation and decay
diffused throughout the urban territory. On the other hand, the evasive, fleeting
character of irregular settlements often guarantees their survival and protects the life
of their inhabitants. If we look closely at the shape of spontaneous settlements, we
could actually discover a number of assets related to these spatial configurations
because they manifest a more effective integration with the existing topography.
Issues of cartographic rendition of the informal urbanity of Dar es Salaam are
often interconnected with the impossibility to link minor architectural elements
belonging to informal districts with larger infrastructural units at the scale of the
metropolis. Such scalar incompatibilities require a greater effort to envisage new
urban devices to facilitate a proficient exchange between informal agglomerates and
the main metropolitan infrastructures in order to ensure, on one hand, the better-
ment of the living conditions of irregular settlement and, on the other hand, the
morphological evolution of the eco-tonal lines of the city in constructive forms that
accept the performance of moving elements as a fundamental compositional
equipment of modern built environments.
The agogic map of Dar es Salaam constitutes a pre-design tool that considers all
these circumstances as part of a process of urban configuration. The map is a
“low-definition” medium, a device to help users to imagine and create their own
6 1 The Imageless City. An Aural Approach to Locative Media …

sense of affiliation to the place while navigating safely through informal, shifting
urban landscapes. The implication of a locative digital apparatus allows for a
dynamic management of the cycles of climatic transformation of the place
emphasizing the topographic expressivity of these areas. This prototype intends to
provoke the cognitive bounce indicated by Donatoni, starting from the territory
towards its virtual transfiguration, and then back, passing from the abstraction of the
mental space of the device back to the sensitive experience of the place.

1.5 Investigating Informality in Dar es Salaam

Irregular Settlements

Dar es Salaam, due to its maritime and rural origins, and like many cities that do not
belong to the Western tradition of urban constitution, can be perceived as an
imageless city, an aggregation of built elements without an acknowledged physical
appearance in the memory of his inhabitants. This condition is produced by the fact
that Dar es Salaam is widely known as probably the most informal of all the African
cities: a contemporary metropolis of nearly three million inhabitants, established for
more than the 80% of its territory on irregular districts in constant transformation.
Because of the informal conditions that determine the formation of such an
extraordinary built environment, the urban form of Dar es Salaam has not yet been
fixed on a map emerging from a shared action of territorial definition. Traditional
cartographic writing does not constitute a meaningful instrument to describe the
drifting and fast-changing reality of this city. The mental image of the city, an urban
meta-space envisaged by its inhabitants to navigate the built context, needs to
exploit alternative and probably unconventional media to achieve such an objective.
The Dar es Salaam prototype insists on environmental agents that shaped that
urban landscape through history and the elements that defined its resilience. The
emergence of urban spaces in this context corresponds to the enlargement of the
original rural settling units, generally centripetal and self-contained within walls
that separate them from the fields. This condition coincides with a number of
advantageous economic, climatic and cultural aspects, because of which the unit
becomes too big to be protected within its normal boundaries. Therefore, from a
nuclear shape, the unit develops into a reticular form [6], declaring the passage from
a pre-modern agricultural vocation to a modern ambition of urbanity (Fig. 1.1). The
map focuses on this specific historical phase, in order to preserve and enhance the
meaning of current spatial distributions in their connection with the initial settling
behavior. Those spontaneous elements (elements that were configured coherently
with the primary needs of sustenance of the population and the territorial features of
the place) become a signal to evoke the original meaning of such urban disposition.
Our efforts focus on what was spontaneous in this landscape and suddenly
became a means for morphological stabilization in the new distribution of urban
elements. Exactly as it happens in the walkable sets of set designer Adolphe Appia,
1.5 Investigating Informality in Dar es Salaam Irregular Settlements 7

Fig. 1.1 A comparative study of a Ugandan village where both models of urban growth appear.
The passage from a circular to a reticular model happens when the circular model is not able to
grow beyond a certain width (Google Maps)

where architectural constructions are continuously reorganized on stage during the

performance according to the development of the plot, while they preserve the sense
of their original shape, built objects in the urban configuration of the city recall the
original impression of their form in relation with the reasons of their nuclear
institution.
Consistent with the study of the morphology of informal dwelling units in Dar es
Salaam, we understand the extent and the trajectories of people’s most relevant
urban movements. According to geographer Franco Farinelli, the origin of geo-
graphic measurements, therefore the emergence of what we call “space”, is to be
attributed to the invention of the grid: “Equivalent in Greek is expressed with the
word “parallel”, and the invention of the space has to be considered in relation to
the introduction in the description of the Earth of the so-called “geographic grid”, or
better of the network of parallels and meridians with which we try to reproduce on
paper the globe’s curvature […] Cartographic projections are based on mathematic
rules that allow to determine a correspondence between a point on the plane surface
of the sheet with a specific point on the globe at the intersection of a meridian with a
parallel”. However, in the urban field of study, we register both fixed points that
resist spatial and temporal mutations, together with elements that present a higher
degree of mobility in space and time. Geographically moving objects are those
elements that spontaneously, in an exceptional and somehow chaotic way, regulate
the modulation of the urban system.

1.6 The Field of Action

Dar es Salaam (Fig. 1.2) is an urban conglomeration with a population of more than
3 million inhabitants, of which nearly the 80% live in irregular dwellings raised in
spontaneous ways without any planning regulation by the local authority. The
population of Tanzania reaches nowadays the number of 35 million people, of
8 1 The Imageless City. An Aural Approach to Locative Media …

Fig. 1.2 Aerial view of the Urban Region of Dar es Salaam (Google Maps)

which one third lives in cities with a rapidly-developing process of urbanization

generated by a phenomenon of mass migration from the rural areas of the country
[7]. In order to frame the geographic context of Dar es Salaam, the orographic
1.6 The Field of Action 9

conformation of Tanzania constitutes a relevant starting point. This land presents

important mountain ranges in the northern part of its territory, culminating with
Mount Kilimanjaro, the highest peak in Africa (5895 m), while the coastline and
the south are generally flat. The southern part of the Great Rift Valley overlooks the
northern border of Tanzania, containing numerous lacustrine basins of continental
relevance, including Lake Victoria and Lake Tanganyika on the western border.
In Tanzania, there are only two urban centers acknowledged as cities: Dar es
Salaam and Mwanza. The topography of this region is constituted by various
elements: the north-east and south-west side of the urban region is characterized by
the presence of hills and small valleys that delimitate the alluvial plane of the coast
where the cities spread. The orientation of these two geographical features, of which
the most important are the Pugu Hills (maximum height of 330 m), expands from
Dar es Salaam to Kirasawe towards the south-west. The city region of Dar es
Salaam is also enclosed within a natural hydrographic basin originating from the
presence of the River Ruvu and River Wami. The hydrologic system within the
urban region includes four major perennial rivers, called Mzinga, Kizinga,
Msimbazi, and Mbezi, and a large number of minor seasonal streams. In this region,
the rainy season register two annual peaks, respectively the Long Rain in April and
the Short Rain in October. The city of Dar es Salaam is located at the southern end
of the Great Rift Valley, on the east coast of Tanzania facing the Indian Ocean
between Mafia Island and Zanzibar.
Dar es Salaam takes its name from the Arab tradition, comprising the ethnic
majority of the country, and it means “place of peace”, literally in Arab “the
residence or the harbor of peace”. The urban development of Dar es Salaam
spanned the first half of the 19th century up until the beginning of the 20th century,
gathering together several rural villages located along the coast. The city was
founded in 1862 by Sultan Seyyid Majid of Zanzibar, and it was a commercial hub
for the exchange of slaves and ivory with India, Europe, and America. Urban
growth developed very rapidly, and it became the capital of German East Africa in
1891 by a decree of the German colonists. Between 1917 and 1961, it was chosen
as the capital of Tanganyika under the British occupation following World War I,
and finally in 1961, when Tanganyika declared its independence from the United
Kingdom, Dar es Salaam became the capital of the United Republic of Tanzania,
formally constituted in 1964, after unification with Zanzibar.
The growing population of Dar es Salaam since 1964 has been connected with
the commercial and infrastructural development of the city. The need for manpower
to complete these first important urban transformations fostered the migration of
young men from the countryside to the city. Finally, the second wave of population
increase was registered during the last thirty years due to the same migratory
process from the countryside towards the city, although this time it achieved a more
stabilizing dynamic in which entire families and clans moved to the city in an
unrestrained way. This process of urbanization determined the expansion of
irregular districts, overpopulating existing settlements, and generating new spon-
taneous irregular dwellings. This condition provoked also a remarkable deteriora-
tion of public services and the inevitable evolution of illegal economic activities.
10 1 The Imageless City. An Aural Approach to Locative Media …

Due to the difficulties that emerged to guarantee occupation to all the immigrants,
the degree of urban poverty increased immensely across the whole urban region. Up
until the end of the 1980s, in accordance with the agricultural socialism promoted
by the government (ujamaa), the institutions tried to encourage the poorest part of
the population to return to the countryside. In recent years, a notable political and
social shift suspended this action, resulting in a significant decrease of the living
quality in many urban districts.
Dar es Salaam is built upon a radial model of expansion due to the emergence of
suburban areas around 1980, and the construction of unplanned dwellings along the
coast and along the major infrastructural arteries toward the north, west and south,
namely Bagamoyo Road, Morogoro Road, Pugu Road, and Kilwa Road (Fig. 1.3).
The urban development was designed according to different plans of transforma-
tion, in 1948, 1968, and 1979. All three plans were unsuitable to the management of
the population growth, leading to the settling of people coming from rural areas in
unstable informal districts. In this phase, the first examples of irregular residential

Fig. 1.3 Dar es Salaam radial expansion system. Aerial view (Google Maps)
1.6 The Field of Action 11

areas arose in the city—the so-called squatter areas—where more than the 70% of
the population now resides [8]. There are more than 40 irregular residential districts
in Dar es Salaam, most of them with a very high population, with buildings
irregularly situated and inadequate hygienic and sanitary services. Also, many
informal settlements are located in geographical areas affected by a high degree of
hydrological risk, along alluvial valleys and seasonal streams. Dar es Salaam is an
open urban system, monocentric and non-rectangular, with a center of gravity
located along the coastline. The existing infrastructural network creates a feedback
mechanism between the inner formal district and the peripheral areas. In the
meantime, small–scale exchanges between formal and informal districts are
inhibited. This condition is particularly aggravated by the presence of informal
areas contiguous to main commercial and administrative centers, discouraging a
transversal crossing within the city. Informal districts, instead of growing outside
their boundaries, engender processes of compaction, saturating all the empty spaces
in between existing constructions.
Inter-scalar compatibility between different districts emerges as one of the most
relevant issues of this metropolitan region. Analyzing its urban morphology, we
recognize diverse infrastructural ambitions for the formal and the informal city in
relation to various topographic conditions. While the formal, built environment
manifests a clear intention to include within the boundaries of the urban region a set
of villages belonging to the countryside, informal districts appear as self-contained
urban enclaves that are impenetrable and closed to the surroundings: the access to
these places can only happen on foot or with light vehicles. Plans provided by local
authorities present remarkable omissions in the provision of population growth,
especially in these neighborhoods. Moreover, they do not consider the possibility of
enabling a thick network of transversal connections between various municipalities
and the informal settlements in order to foster accessibility in every part of the
urban region. The formal city also lacks in implementing public transportation from
consolidated areas towards more peripheral and less resilient suburbs, exaggerating
distance and disjunction between the urban parts, and modeling each part in the
shape of a compound.
Dar es Salaam’ urban fabric within informal districts is rooted in the topographic
structure of the soil. The architectural transformation of the place affects the ter-
ritory in order to improve the growth of site-specific economic activities of suste-
nance, such as agriculture and manufacturing with local raw materials. Formal and
informal settlements present a very different relationship with the surrounding
landscape, intended not only as a cultural environment but also as a work space:
experiences of urban agriculture are detected within the boundaries of those areas
that are more detached from the city center and the coast though contiguous with
the countryside. In such a context, the most common work activities are the planting
of crops like wheat and coconut, the breeding of cows and goats for the family use,
fishing, and sand extraction for building purposes. Great is the care that the
inhabitants of the informal settlements afford the natural environment as is shown
by their implementation of artificial devices for the protection of mangroves along
the coastline, supportive of fishing and the reproduction of the fishes.
12 1 The Imageless City. An Aural Approach to Locative Media …

The configuration of formal districts in Dar es Salaam shows inefficiency in the

management of environmental issues, such as seasonal flooding, with adequate
infrastructures. The inundation cycle of the alluvial plain on which Dar es Salaam is
built appears twice a year: April (long rain) and October (short rain). Under these
circumstances, orographic depressions fill up with water coming from the sur-
rounding highlands and from overflowing rivers and aquifers, which cause the
partial inaccessibility of the neighboring settlements [9]. Informal settlements are
frequently located along these potentially dangerous ecotonal lines. During the
flooding cycles, the destruction of temporary dwellings and shacks is inevitable.
However, at a closer viewing, the morphological disposition of irregular set-
tlements tries to avoid flooding by locating their pedestrian routes on contour curves
on higher levels, defining the safe and more resilient dry areas. In this perspective,
the configuration of these special urban regions presents only a seeming infor-
mality: irregular settling models adhere with greater efficacy to the topographic
deviations of the soil, as well as guaranteeing the survival of entire communities
during the flooding seasons, and revealing the lack of capability of planned
infrastructures at the urban and metropolitan scale to manage such emergencies.
The Ruvu River, in the northern part of Dar es Salaam, constitutes the main
water source of the city with a capacity to supply more than three million inhabi-
tants. However, issues of distribution, storage, and water treatment [10] diminish
the potential to reach the population on a consistent basis. Numerous are the cases
of water pollution due to the presence of industrial plants located along streams and
main infrastructural routes. Large-scale food production and food treatment are the
main activity of these plants, as well as the production of fertilizers, plus tiles,
tanneries, and refined oil. The excessive functional division of the territory in
residential, commercial, and productive areas makes it more difficult to assure a
capillary distribution of services to every part of the city. Such simplification of
settling units outlines stable, though convoluted, built environments that are unable
to interchange with each other. The formal city does not seem to be effective in
building enduring and coherent integration among all parts and so improving the
accessibility of certain areas in relation to emerging activities. The small-scale,
spontaneous urban fabric is more hybridized and varied, enhancing its transitional,
fast-changing vocation. Finally, the elusive character of informal settlements do not
interact with more stable assets provided by the planned city: the lack of social,
administrative, and healthcare services makes this exchange impossible, because
the total autonomy of each district is protected.

1.7 Informal Settlements in Dar es Salaam. Taxonomy

and History

Dar es Salaam’s urban fabric is classified into four typological categories [11] in
relation to the time in which they developed.
1.7 Informal Settlements in Dar es Salaam. Taxonomy and History 13

Old planned areas: urban areas built before 1970, including the city center,
Oysterbay, Kariakoo, Upanga, Kinondoni, Ilala, Magomeni, Temeke, the industrial
plants of Chang’ombe, and the area near Nyerere Road. These are all low-density
residential areas with good urban services as they were reserved for European
colonists. The city center and the area of Upanga present a medium level of pop-
ulation density with institutional, administrative, and commercial functions. Other
areas, such as the Kariakoo district, display lower density with commercial and
residential functions, retracing the boundaries of the original colonial settlement.
Services and infrastructures are well distributed in this context, however they are
inadequate in relation to number of inhabitants. The same situation can be detected
in high-density districts, such as Magomeni and Kinondoni, originally devoted to
the African population during the colonial era, with typical Swahili houses, rect-
angular buildings, regularly allocated within the plots, where sanitary conditions are
quite problematic.
New, planned areas: developed after 1970, including, Kijitonyama, Mwenge,
Sinza, Mikocheni, Mbezi Beach, and Tabata. These residential areas are charac-
terized by a variable range of densities of dwellings (where this indicator is lower,
quality-of-life standards are higher) and a good distribution of services and
infrastructures.
Older, informal settlements: developed before 1980 such as Keko, Buguruni,
Msasani, Mwananyamala, Hanna Nassif, Manzese, Mtoni, and Tandika. Again
these districts are primary residential with an irregular distribution of buildings.
Roads and routes are narrow, often located in open spaces in between dwellings
where informal commercial activities can take place, facilitating pedestrian acces-
sibility to the area. The quality of infrastructures and services in this context is low,
and, in certain areas, they are completely absent.
New, unplanned areas: developed in the last 30 years such as, Ubungo Kibangu,
Savei, Kimara, Mabibo, Goba, Boko, Bunju, Mbagala, and Ukonga. Many of the
emerging informal settlements in Dar es Salaam fit into this category, located on the
periphery of the city along main formal roads (Bagamoyo Road, Morogoro Road,
and Pugu Road). These areas possess low-building density with no primary services
or infrastructures. Unbuilt areas are exploited for agricultural and farming purposes.
The quality of the constructions varies from zone to zone in relation to the wealth of
the landowner.
Uncontrolled demographic growth and the consequent overcrowding of irregular
settlements produce a high demand for formal services (electricity, water, etc.),
decreasing their availability and efficient supply for the rest of the population.
People are continuously exposed to sanitary, economic, and environmental risks,
due to the lack or the unsuitability of water and sewage systems, as well as to
pollution due to the inefficiency of the waste-management system. Even in more
formal areas, the availability of such services is low and scattered. Major admin-
istrative financial resources are based on property taxes, urban services bills, local
communities contributions and donations, governmental subsides, and excise duties
[12]. In most cases, fiscal pressure on low-income inhabitants forces them to move
to non-authorized irregular settlements. Dar es Salaam’s housing emergency
14 1 The Imageless City. An Aural Approach to Locative Media …

requires the construction of low-cost dwellings, basic services for the population, as
well as employment for the occupants of such communities. Recent political
changes in urban governance should foster participation and collaboration between
local and national authorities in shared actions of territorial strategic planning. Even
if the local government strives to promote forms of collaborative urban planning,
formalizing property rights in informal areas in order to reduce the number of
squatter areas, the lack of economic capacity to provide services makes these efforts
unsatisfactory [12]. Still extremely relevant is the development of economic
activities of subsistence such as agriculture and farming for a sustainable trans-
formation of the territory. Such a planning approach arises from the need for
technical implementation and optimization of the productive potential of these
activities [13]. In this scenario, architecture still represents an irreplaceable resource
to shape a new urban condition to formally establish the emerging integration
between city and countryside as many informal settlements already try to suggest.
Analyzing the morphological development of many informal districts, it is
possible to detect a set of common growth dynamics (Fig. 1.4). John Modestus

Fig. 1.4 Aerial view of the informal district of Yombo Vituka, object of this study (Google Maps)
1.7 Informal Settlements in Dar es Salaam. Taxonomy and History 15

Lupala’s studies on the city’s typological taxonomy [14], as demonstrated by the

case of Msasani Makangira, indicates the evolution of a univocal pattern of
aggregation behind the spontaneous development of these urban enclaves. Even if
this model is repeated, without relevant mutations among all districts, the geo-
graphic conformation of the territory often implies a revision of the application of
such rules in relation to location, exposure, and climatic conditions. Lupala presents
three main stages of configuration: the first phase regards the occupation of the
land, the second the consolidation of the original dwellings, the third phase outlines
the densification and compaction of the urban cell. The first phase describes an
ordinary mode of land appropriation in the case of peripheral grounds, for which
informal settlements develop from small rural dwellings built on these areas (farms,
stables, and huts) to defend and to cultivate the soil according to the presence of
water and trees. If water allows the blooming of the crops, trees naturally compact
the soil, and preserve it from crumbling during the rainy seasons, especially in
proximity to rivers.
The spontaneous occupation of land for agricultural purposes is then directed by
the presence of tall forest trees, from which it is possible to obtain edible fruits
(mangos, coconuts, oranges, bananas). They also guarantee shading during the
hottest months of the year. In the Tanzanian tradition, trees represent the main place
of aggregation for the community. Around them the rural village is often built. The
typical village is an irregular aggregation of dwellings and animal shelters sur-
rounding an inner courtyard (a communal space for the use of all the families who
live in the dwellings). In the middle of the courtyard, there are spontaneous or
cultivated trees. Finally, in order to avoid flooding or landslides during the rainy
seasons, a consistent distance can be detected between dwellings, grounds, and
rivers. The phase of the consolidation of the settlement refers to the possibility of
selling the crops to customers that are not part of the clan that owns the land. When
the fields become very productive, the surplus of goods coming from agricultural
activities can be sold. This case happens informally along the main routes and near
the borders dividing each parcel of land or along streams and rivers where the soil is
dry and resilient.
A community of farmers becomes a commercial society, shaping the spaces
destined to sell goods, like those areas located along the narrow pedestrian paths
that once were used to divide the rural properties. Next to these commercial
facilities, all kind of services and cultural activities can take place in the developing
rural-urban village. They take the architectural form of workshops and ateliers.
Workshops are single-story, prismatic constructions with one face completely open
to the street and with a closed back wall. Ateliers are made of light materials in
order to speed up the building process, normally involving wood or metal sheets.
Even if the appearance of these buildings may suggest that they are temporary, in
reality they are strongly rooted in the urban fabric, underlining the path of public
routes and open spaces, while protecting the private dwellings at the back with this
system. At times, ateliers and workshops constitute a thick curtain between private
and public areas, hiding clusters of private houses behind their walls.
16 1 The Imageless City. An Aural Approach to Locative Media …

1.8 Accessibility and Orientation: Emerging Suburban

Issues

The process of densification of these settling structures represents perhaps the most
complex and, at the same time, unreasonable building dynamic related to the
growth of informal settlements in Dar es Salaam (Fig. 1.5). This is a process of
infill between consolidated elements of the urban landscape, saturating the available
space without considering minimum conditions of openness and exposure in order
to make the places livable. The densification is caused by two main reasons: the
need to obtain maximum profit from the fragmentation and the sale of rural
properties (which have become unproductive as now they are completely urban-
ized), and the lack of other available grounds with similar geographic and hydro-
logic characteristics. People who are poor, or those new families that are less
productive for a clan, settle in between plots and so filling all the possible gaps with
additional constructions. These houses, in comparison to the older rural clusters, do
not include an open courtyard, nor do they contains open areas for the execution of
ordinary domestic activities. Sometimes the inhabitants of these buildings make an
agreement with the landowner to rent the ground upon which they then constructed
these temporary structures.
The process of densification constitutes the most relevant issue concerning the
inhabitants of consolidated spontaneous settlements, especially because, in general,
these minimum dwellings are built on the limits between one clan and another, one
property and another, enlarging the problem of the so-called “inner backyards”. The
compaction and saturation of the space between houses recreates a series of inac-
cessible voids within the clusters. Such voids are preserved in order to offer the
necessary light exposure to the houses and their windows, though they cannot be

Fig. 1.5 Process of urban densification in Dar es Salaam from 1982 to 2002 [15]
1.8 Accessibility and Orientation: Emerging Suburban Issues 17

accessed by the inhabitants. Often these voids are filled with garbage and they
become unsafe as nobody is able to reach them without passing through someone
else’s property.

References

1. Lynch, K. (1964). The image of the city (pp. 1–2). Cambridge, USA: MIT Press.
2. Vidal de La Blanche, P. (1922). Principes de géographie humaine (p. 231). Paris: Colin.
3. Donatoni, F. (1970). Questo. Milan: Adelphi.
4. Farinelli, F. (2003). Geografia (p. 134). Torino: Einaudi.
5. Farinelli, F. (2003). Geografia (p. 176). Torino: Einaudi.
6. Ortiz, P. (2013). The art of shaping metropolis. Boston: McGraw-Hill Education.
7. Kombe, W. J. (1995). Formal and Informal Land Management in Tanzania, the Case of
Dares Salaam. SPRING Research Series No. 13, Dortmund.
8. UNDP (United Nations Development Programme). (2007). Lo sviluppo umano, rapporto
2007/2008. Resistere al cambiamento climatico (titolo originale: Human Development Report
2007/2008. Fighting climate change: human solidarity in a divided world, Rosenberg &
Sellier, Torino, Italia.
9. UN-HABITAT (The United Nations Human Settlements Programme), UNEP (United Nations
Environment Programme). (2004). The sustainable Dar es Salaam Project 1992–2003. From
Urban Environment Priority to Up-scaling Strategies City-wide. UNION, Publishing Services
Section, Nairobi, Kenya.
10. World Bank. (1999). Tanzania-Dar es Salaam Water Supply and Sanitation Project.
Washington DC, USA: World Bank.
11. Kironde, J. M. (1994). The Evolution of Land Use Structure of Dar es Salaam 1890–1990.
A Study in the Effects of Land Policy. Ph.D. thesis, University of Nairobi, Nairobi, Kenya.
12. UN-HABITAT (The United Nations Human Settlements Programme) (2). (2009). Cities and
Climate Change Initiative, Launch and Conference Report, Oslo, Norway, 17/03/2009,
UNION, Publishing Services Section, Nairobi, Kenya.
13. Sawio, C. J. (2008). Perception and conceptualization of urban environmental change: Dar es
Salaam City. Geographical Journal, 174(2), 149–175.
14. Cfr. Kyessi, A. G. (2002). Community Participation in Urban Infrastructure Provision.
Servicing Informal Settlements in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Ph.D. thesis, University of
Dortmund, Germany.
15. Lupala, J. M. (2002). Urban Types in Rapidly Urbanizing Cities: A Typological Approach in
the Analysis of Urban Types in Dar es Salaam. Ph.D. Thesis, Department of Infrastructure,
Division of Urban Studies, Royal Institute of Technology, Stockholm, Sweden.
Chapter 2
From Territorial Surveys to Mental
Mapping. The Recognition
of the Anthropological Image

Abstract In this chapter, the notion of anthropological image is applied to the

understanding of the process of formation of informal settlements in prehistoric and
historic sub-Saharan Africa, especially in the geographic region of Tanzania and
Dar es Salaam. The concept of anthropological image emerges in this work from a
semiotic reflection on Claude Levi-Strauss’ investigations regarding the constitu-
tion of social structures in native communities. Levi-Strauss’ creative and abductive
approach to the construction of meaning in primary formations and his interest in
rituals and their performance provides a methodology we can employ in the close
readings of spatial configurations. Inhabiting units of nomadic and settled com-
munities are analyzed in their parts and the way those parts are interconnected
(Bantu, Tswanas, and Swahili). The role of musical (Muziki wa Dansi) and pictorial
artistic practices (Tingatinga, batik) is also taken into account to offer a wide range
of compositional systems to compare and distinguish recurring configurational
practices.

2.1 The Notion of Anthropological Image

An anthropological image is a spatial scheme generated by the trajectories a

community activates in order to inhabit a place according to common necessities
and attitudes. Generally, an anthropological image is the result of an instinctive
process of artistic transfiguration in relation to shared values and beliefs emerging
from propitiatory rituals of appropriation of the land. Quite often, in complex and
discontinuous conditions of urban growth, it is not always easy to detect the
anthropological image that generated that settlement.
The inability to recognize the anthropological image of a settlement is inversely
proportional to the degree of livability of a place, as the atavistic features that
characterize the praxis of organization of the built environment remain hidden
behind a set of superimposed elements introduced by rationalistic and exclusive
projects. Anthropological images provide the appropriate spatial configuration for a
community to acknowledge a place as its own settlement, suggesting rhythms and

© The Author(s) 2017 19

R. Pe, Agogic Maps, PoliMI SpringerBriefs,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-48306-1_2
20 2 From Territorial Surveys to Mental Mapping. The Recognition …

gestures for the topographic dance of inhabitation of an environment. Moreover, an

artistic transfiguration constitutes a rendering of the real from the point of view of
those who depict it. An anthropological image is a tool for the characterization of
the place that outlines viable routes of navigation for the communities.
The elements that constitute the anthropological scheme of the settlement are to
be researched among the artistic forms produced by an urban culture, narrative,
musical, agricultural, or architectural. According to Claude Lévi-Strauss, the
anthropological image of a place “…requires that we look at a population or a
group of neighboring populations with the highest degree of practicality for what
concerns the construction of the settlement […] Exploiting a small number of myths
taken from the native societies we are using for the research, we will experience
something with a universal validity, as we expect from this to prove the existence of
a logic of the sensible qualities of development that will manifest its rules of
formation” [1].
A myth is a cultural expression, as ethnomusicologist Ernesto de Martino would
say, that we can study on a rational level to understand the economic dynamics from
which it was generated: “When the pain, with its polarities of pleasure and sorrow,
and with its composite reactions, are framed within a rational perspective of pro-
duction of goods according to a set of rules of action, chosen without restrictions and
historically interchangeable, Vitality is resolved in Economy, and the human cultures
emerges” [2]. The myth is the product of a natural economy that transforms actions
into a ritual, or an expressive agreement. “The acknowledgement of the existence of
an expressive convention—codified words and gestures, that can be transferred to
others, that can be suspended or rejected, at times for individual choices, at times
according to social obligations that imply hierarchies and times of intervention—all
these matters can be explored only deepening the structure of the ritual discourse”
[3]. The architectural ritual is manifested in the recurrent spatial behavior the
inhabitants of a place enact when they move across a site. Learning the performative
logics that support the construction of a built environment facilitates the investiga-
tion of spatial forms revealing the movements of the rituals they disclose.

2.2 Prehistorical Settlements

Urban farming is the most common production within the informal districts of Dar
es Salaam, something rooted within an agricultural tradition developed in rural
settlements from the countryside. In this geographical area, the South African
settlement of Molokawe [4], from the ethnic group of the Tswanas—originally
Bantu—constitutes a relevant archeological site to study the development of
pre-historical rural villages. Even if the Bantus were originally from the north of
Africa, due to several migrations, Bantu settlements were found in various parts of
the continent, including East Africa (in the Tanzanian area) and South Africa. The
Molokwane settlement contains circular settling units organized into more complex
conglomerates. The unit is a small dwelling of few square meters. It is called
2.2 Prehistorical Settlements 21

Fig. 2.1 The village of Molokwane, South Africa: morphology of the bilobial house

“bilobial” (Fig. 2.1) as it stands at the encounter of two walled rounded courtyards,
one in front of the access to the house and the other one at the back. The courtyard
at the forefront of the bilobial house was the most public part of the dwelling, from
which it is possible to access another smaller open space before entering the inner
rooms. At the back of the house, the other open courtyard was conceived for
productive activities such as harvesting and the treatments of goods coming from
agriculture and pastoralism.
In general, all houses are built in the vicinity of trees in order to provide shade
during the day. Bilobial houses for single users are organized along a circle reserved
for the male individuals of the community. The group of houses belonging to a
family or a clan are called Kgoro (Fig. 2.2). In this configuration, women normally
occupy the external area that surrounds the houses reserved for the men, while, in
between each house and the inner enclave, a little open area is left for the treatment
of the agricultural products. In this area, animals for the production of milk and
meat are also gathered. They were located here to protect them from robberies and
to avoid their escape. The settlement presents also another unit in between the size
of the house and the size of the Kgoro. This unit is called Kraal (Fig. 2.3), in which
single dwellings are assembled into groups of three units, each with an unbuilt area
to guarantee access to the houses.
The combination of several Kgoro generates a type of settlement called Motse
(Fig. 2.4), the sum of multiple circular nuclei, one next to the other, apparently
without any transversal connection to link the dwellings. These settling forms grow
together with the growth of the number of individuals within the families that
inhabit them. On one hand, the settlement should enlarge its boundaries in order to
allocate all the family members according to an eccentric vector, while, on the other
hand, it encloses these people within an enclave that protects them from external
forces.
22 2 From Territorial Surveys to Mental Mapping. The Recognition …

Fig. 2.2 The village of Molokwane, South Africa: the settlement of the clan called Kgoro

Fig. 2.3 The village of Molokwane, South Africa: configuration of multiple Kgoros

The area covered by each Kgoro is about 63 m2. The articulation of multiple
Kgoros follows curvilinear shapes in relation to the topographic conformation of
the land on which they are built, not necessarily in closed circles. From a territorial
view, the Motse is organized along major routes where all the accesses to the
houses are located. At the scale of the Kgoro, this community seems to accept a
circular enclosed conformation, while the Motse is effected by the vectorial force of
the linear route (Fig. 2.5). The geometric identity of the nucleus is preserved,
2.2 Prehistorical Settlements 23

Fig. 2.4 The village of Molokwane, South Africa: multiple Kgoros aggregate in a linear figure

Fig. 2.5 The Swahili village of Shanga (left) and Songo Mnara (right)

although, potentially, the presence of other Kgoros and Kraals not directly con-
nected to the main routes could generate more congested settling forms during the
most advanced phases of their development.

2.3 The Configuration of the Swahili Settlement

The Swahili settlement instead is constituted of very different elements and forms.
If the Bantus and the Twanas have nomadic origins, the culture of the Swahilis is
sedentary, located in the east of Africa, in the region of Dar es Salaam. In Arabic,
24 2 From Territorial Surveys to Mental Mapping. The Recognition …

Swahili means coastal, because of their geographic distribution. These people were
among the first to start commercial exchanges with the other communities of the
Indian Ocean, including the Persians, and the Indonesians. Swahili settlements are
generated by different cultural and religious reasons from the ones of the Bantus,
however some comparisons can be made. The diffusion of the Muslim faith across
Africa through these commercial routes, made Dar es Salaam as an important urban
center, introducing in this region a new settlement model inspired by the settling
forms of Central Asia. At this historical moment, we recall the birth of cites like Dar
es Salaam with an evident Swahili imprint in their morphology.
The Swahili village occupies an area of 40,000 m2 in a square shape, like a
fortress or a little castle. This area includes several housing units of the same size as
the Kgoro settlement. In the archeological remains of Shanga and Songo Mnara, all
the dwellings are located along the border of the village, while the area in middle is
left unbuilt to allow commercial use for the clans. The settlement is similar to a
square with a width of 200 m. Each segment is fragmented by the presence of
transversal lanes linking the outside with the open space of the village. In the
innermost area of the piazza, the excavations unearthed a burial sector.
As we can see from the plan, houses are combined in modular series, also here
following the topography of the land. The house of each clan presents an open
courtyard for productive activities as in the case of the Kgoro settlement. On the
perimeter are located dwellings for the women and their children. We detect in this
spatial organization the passage from the Bantu curved approach to the rectangular,
almost mathematical, pattern of the urban organization of the Swahilis. The
introduction of the Swahili settlement in Dar es Salaam constitutes a relevant
historical threshold for the Tanzanian area, a model that will be developed until the
diffusion of the informal districts of our current time.

2.4 Artistic Practice as an Asset. The Tingatinga

Art Movement

Following the approach of Ernesto De Martino, in order to understand the character

of Tanzanian cities, we combine the study of the morphological origins of their
settlements with a broader investigation of artistic skills emerging from the cultural
praxis of a community. We suggest here that, if artistic tendencies can be studied to
explore rituals and anthropological uses, this should be applied to architecture, too,
especially for what concerns the formation of the anthropological image of a city. In
the case of Dar es Salaam, we refer to one of the most prominent artistic movements
in Tanzania started around 1970, called Tingatinga [5], after the name of its
inventor Edward Tingatinga. Tingatinga’s works introduce us to an interesting
research in painting, using recycled materials like pieces of wood and paint for
bicycles. Bright colors and naturalistic topics are the main characteristics of these
paintings, something particularly appreciated by tourists visiting Dar es Salaam in
recent years. The case of Tingatinga can be considered as the beginning of a proper
2.4 Artistic Practice as an Asset. The Tingatinga Art Movement 25

school of painting, as some of the pupils of Edward Tingatinga wanted after his
death, in order to preserve and develop this style. When Tingatinga passed away,
his activity called Tingatinga Partnership became the Tingatinga Arts Cooperative
Society around 1990, following the artistic path of its initiator.
For the first ten years of existence of the Tingatinga movement, subjects were
exclusively taken from the world of animals, with its patterns, its shapes, and its
colors, which are particularly vivid in the Tanzanian environment. Tingatinga
works of art exaggerate all these elements, translating them into an expressionist
vision of nature. We could almost describe this art world as “naïve”. Looking at
these works, we can see an interest in what is enigmatic and complex, the result of a
specific aesthetical intention emerged from a deep morphological research. Natural
figures are composed and decomposed according to an articulated geometric order.
It is interesting to note that the second generation of painters of the movement
actually introduced some relevant innovation in the Tingatinga style: after the death
of the master, during the 90s, his pupils adopted a new set of subjects for their
paintings. Since then, even the city and its transformations have encountered the
attention of the artists, revealing some important social changes of the Tanzanian
metropolis. Perspective was introduced as a technical tool for representation,
passing from a natural chromatic environment to a regulated art space with a
geometric organization. Such a tendency coincides with the meeting of some parts
of the population with art dealers coming from Europe, the United States, and Asia.
Tingatinga paintings are generally created for tourists on small formats in order to
be transportable on a plane. The little canvases are realized on masonite with layers
of non-dilute varnish which provides a typically lucid texture to the drawing, with
the boundaries of the figures in relief. More recently, Tingatinga naturalistic sub-
jects have been applied to the decoration of pottery and other objects too.

2.5 The Batik Painting Technique

Very popular in the same geographic area is also the batik painting technique. Batik
represents both a pictorial subject and a writing technique, as emphasized by the
name itself, which means “drop writing”. The term has Indonesian origins: “amba”
means writing, while “titik” means point or drop, and the action of the artist is
called “membatik”. The batik is a technique for the wax-resistant dyeing of fabrics.
Drops of wax or grease applied to a cloth prevent it from absorbing the color. When
the wax is removed, the canvas assumes the typical striping that confers varied
nuances to the drawing. The batik—very popular in India and on other Continents
—reproduces in Africa recurring subjects such as the stroll of the women loaded
with goatskins toward the pit or carrying out domestic work, some of them with
their children on their shoulders. This is a very frequent image in rural Africa,
where women are required to take care of all these labors. In Tanzanian batiks the
human figures are strongly stylized on a multi-colored, almost surreal, background
obtained using the drop-writing technique. We could say that this technique implies
26 2 From Territorial Surveys to Mental Mapping. The Recognition …

the construction of the image in negative, in relation to the picture we intend to

create. With the batik technique, the composition is somehow inverted, as what is
designed first is the configuration of the drops from which the final outline will
emerge after their removal.

2.6 Musical Composition. The Muziki Wa Dansi

The city of Dar es Salaam was also particularly renowned for the musical devel-
opment of the country since the 1930, when across its clubs the Muziki Wa Dansi
spread the oldest musical genre in Tanzania. This genre descends from Soukous
music, originally from the Congo and characterized by a rumba rhythm mixed with
an international swing style. The Muziki Wa Dansi is a dance in four that includes
elements of jazz and the swing tradition. A part from the typical percussive
rhythm—a characteristic of all African music—vocal interventions alternate with
instrumental ones. Also, non-percussive instruments used for this music are guitars
and winds coming from the American and the European traditions. Vocal inter-
ventions could be solos or include more voices. Choral interventions are typical of
this music, linking this sound to older tribal songs where voices always appear in
ensemble, developing the melody homophonically, though according to local
harmonic rules.
This condition provides a local quality to a music type that could easily be
considered as international. Muziki Wa Dansi is the result of a mixture of various
cultural influences in an heterogeneous, inclusive way. This music renovates the
sound of various tribal songs toward a global and modern development. As proved
by several cultures in history, dance motives are among the most resilient music
types for a community, because, through sounds and gestures, people find a way to
connect their bodies to the topographic features of a land [6]. Other dance styles in
Tanzania that have developed more recently are the Taarab, coming from Zanzibar,
and the Bongo Flava, an African interpretation of the international hip-hop genres.
Both music types are dances with an incisive percussive rhythm and a simpler
organization of the vocal parts.

References

1. Lévi-Strauss, C. (1964), Il crudo e il cotto, Bollati Boringhieri, Milano (2000), p. 13.

2. De Martino, E. (1958). Morte e pianto rituale nel mondo antico: dal lamento pagano al pianto
di Maria, Bollati Boringhieri, Torino (2000), p. 18.
3. De Martino, E. (1958). Morte e pianto rituale nel mondo antico: dal lamento pagano al pianto
di Maria, Bollati Boringhieri, Torino (2000), p. XXXVII.
References 27

4. Hall, S. (1995). Review of Pistorius, J. C. C., 1992, Molokwane: An Iron Age Bakwena
Village, Perskor, Johannesburg. South African Archaeological Bulletin, 50, 88–89.
5. Banks, P. (2010). Represent: Art and identity among the black upper-middle class. London:
Routledge.
6. Warburg, A. (1988). A lecture on serpent ritual. London: The Warburg Institute.
Chapter 3
Urban Samples. The Reconstruction
of the Settlement Model

Abstract The agogic map of Dar es Salaam is built upon an urban quadrant
studied in its geographic and anthropological characteristics. The choice of the
quadrant is influenced by the intention to work within a context of informality in
proximity to other more structured parts of the city. The chosen urban sample
embraces a large variety of informal settling features, and it is close to major
infrastructural elements. The presence of these elements constitutes a reference for
the modern development of informal enclaves, although a sustainable exchange
between all parts requires a revision of the current system of accessibility and
spatial orientation. Combining the elements of the anthropological image of the
settlement detected in the previous chapter, with Kevin Lynch’s five urban elements
of the image of the city, a mental map of the informal district is reconstructed and
discussed as a possible structure for the development of an agogic map of Dar es
Salaam.

3.1 Sustainable Settlement Models in Urban-Rural

Metropolitan Scenarios

This research investigates the implementation of new settlement types that are
generic and flexible as well as sufficiently structured in order envisage a feasible
scenario of urban growth for areas that are irregularly built and occupied. The
current perspective of integration between urban configurations and rural forms of
land colonization presents three models of development that could be applied to the
case of Dar es Salaam: the Desakota model developed by Terry McGee, the
Mega-block model introduced by Grahame Shane, and the BUD model theorized
by Pedro Ortiz.
The Desakota model emerges from urban geographer and social scientist Terry
McGee’s studies about Southeast Asia and in general about those geographic areas
that could be defined with the obsolete notion of Third World, including Africa.
The model proposes the creation of urban-villages as new metropolitan units

© The Author(s) 2017 29

R. Pe, Agogic Maps, PoliMI SpringerBriefs,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-48306-1_3
30 3 Urban Samples. The Reconstruction of the Settlement Model

(Desa stands for village, while Kota means city), combining rural territories and
urban settlements [1]. This model promotes the construction of a technological,
highly-proficient, rural landscape enabling new modes of high-speed motion within
a large region, while preserving all the necessary conditions to enhance
slow-mobility. This is a typical condition in rural villages and farms. McGee
describes this model as a “trans-active environment”, in which the countryside and
the city develop in parallel, while exchanging assets coming from the exploitation
of both landscapes. A large-scale infrastructure made of streets, canals, and water
control systems guarantees the efficiency of the entire urban region, while the rural
architectural features of historical settlements are preserved. The Desakota model
applied to the context of Dar es Salaam could represent an effective approach to the
transformation of informal areas that include a significant number of rural activities.
The Mega-block model constructed by urban theorist Grahame Shane takes
advantage of many features implied by Terry McGee’s Desakota model such as the
urban-rural character of the metropolitan units and the productiveness of the
landscape for the economic sustainability of the settlement. However, this model
makes a point in regards to the size of the interventions. Shane’s Mega-block
measures 1 k  1 k, with a large variety of functions and forms within a sub-
stantially rural fabric. This fabric is more complex in forms and functions in
comparison to the Desakota model in the way it combines and overlaps a large
variety of urban uses. Each tone of the landscape in this model is like an
exchanging patch, a patch-dynamic [2], where functional features are mixed and
ambiguous. What is mono-tonal does not activate the urban life of the Mega-block,
therefore all the layers are intertwined. The Mega-block superimposes “grey” ele-
ments for the movements of the inhabitants on a “green” productive territory for a
proactive exchange between the two systems.
The BUD model (Balanced Urban Unit) [3] insists on an even larger size of
intervention, covering an area of 5 k  5 k. It potentially includes multiple
Mega-blocks. Urban planner Pedro Ortiz defines the BUD model as an urban
archetype to apply each time differently according to the topographic condition of
the territory encountered. The BUD model is an urban unit in which a city
demonstrates its accomplishment, i.e., its development at the scale of a metropolis.
This model is the result of various investigation on multiple case studies around the
world for different metropolises. The 5  5 k block incorporates the landscape as a
design variable, as a tool for the environmental temperament of the city. The system
exploits a commuter train to connect all the locations of the urban region. In the
middle of the system, we can find a train station with direct access to the historical
nucleus of the settlement, while, along major regional routes, we recognize the
so-called “great regional equipment”, mostly industries and commercial plants for
the sustenance of the metropolis. The model is assessed comparing thirty case
studies and numerous master plans conceived for such cities. The measurements of
the BUD model do not seem to recall any specific anthropological rule, nor image,
however the empiric confrontation of different metropolises highlights the relevance
of the topography concerning the localization of the model within a real context.
3.2 An Exemplary Metropolitan Section: The Informal District … 31

3.2 An Exemplary Metropolitan Section: The Informal

District of Yombo Vituka in Dar es Salaam

The urban sample we have chosen in Dar es Salaam is the informal district of
Yombo Vituka (Fig. 3.1), less than 4 k from the city harbor, South of Pugu Road,
half way between the old town center and the airport. Pugu Road defines the
northern boundary of Yombo, while the informal district of Tandika (Old Informal
Areas) and the formal settlement of Temeke (Old Planned Ares) represent the
western and the eastern boarders of this area. Yomobo Vituka is included within a
quadrant of about 5  5 k, containing a wide variety of functions and morpholo-
gies, regular and irregular, a train station for commercial exchanges between the
city and the region, and a large unbuilt strip occupied by the presence of the railroad
between Yombo and Tandika. Finally, the project presented in this investigation
requires a focus of about 1  1 k, aiming to validate the introduction of innovative
intra-scalar settling units within a BUD model applied to Dar es Salaam. This
smaller quadrant is included between the station, the border of Tandika,
Makarangawe, and the industrial area of Kipawa.
Although the area is mostly flat, the morphology of this territory shows the
presence of numerous natural water basins derived from the River Kinziga. Most of
them are seasonal streams that follow the Kinziga until it encounters the sea near
the harbor of Dar es Salaam. This condition suggests that the slope of the soil
declines towards the southeast. Infrastructures, in fact, are located along Pugu Road
on dry, resilient land. Unbuilt areas present florid spots of spontaneous vegetation
due to the humid quality of the soil on these sites. Next to these spots, we detect
also the presence of small rural plots along watercourses and canals. Along Pugu
Road, next to the railways, there are also numerous industrial plants, including,
among others, some aluminum refineries, paper makers, furniture builders, and

Fig. 3.1 Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. The informal district of Yombo Vituka
32 3 Urban Samples. The Reconstruction of the Settlement Model

logistics companies. Such activities are directly related to the presence of water and
canals to support the processes of production and transformation of the goods.
The unplanned areas emerging in between the outlines of the basins and the main
infrastructures are occupied and often saturated by the presence of spontaneous
settlements and illegal dwellings. The proximity with any water feature is an asset
for those who settle on these sites, however, during the rainy seasons, these areas are
off limits because the soil becomes very unstable and wet. Informal settlements seem
to be very compact urban entities enclosed within the lines of railways and motor-
ways. Yombo Vituka is rooted around some industries and ateliers, while it seems to
settle away from water features and the major infrastructural system. Moreover,
streams and natural canals influence the morphology of Yombo, employing dry
lands as the more resilient geographical environment for the urban development.
On the other hand, the structured city interprets the “informal blockage” as a
threat to the future expansion of formal districts due to the impossibility to include
informal settlements within a more inclusive metropolitan plan. Informal settle-
ments in this sector present a special relationship between the countryside and
somehow the anthropological modes of cultivation and transformation of the land,
introducing residential functions and forms typical of the rural communities of
Tanzania, divided into clusters of clans and families. In the western part of the
quadrant, a more complex morphological case emerges where an exchange happens
between the residential blocks of Makarangawe and the main infrastructural routes.
At this point, a process of urban movement between two different morphologies can
be detected.
Here some urban elements, which in usual metropolitan conditions should be
able to create centralities and exchanging patterns in reality, are inhibited by the
inability to establish long-term effects on the transformation of the district. Sites like
the railway stations of Magakawe or Yombo, or even the industrial plants along
Pugu Road, are more like barriers instead of ecotional thresholds that structure the
overall urban system. At the same time, at the small scale of the informal district,
informal dwellings introduce a recurring constructive persistency that constitutes a
reference for the navigation of the city. Such settlements establish an innovative
compromise between urban and rural environments within the city-region.

3.3 The Mental Image of an Informal Settlement:

Centralities, Enclaves, Landmarks, Paths, Densities

Within the urban sample of Yombo Vituka, we can detect topographic disconti-
nuities passing from the ancient to the modern and from the rural to the urban. The
reconstruction of the settling model reflects this condition. The construction of the
map of the informal district of Yombo Vituka starts outlining the presence of major
formal built elements. Concerning the informal features of the quadrant, the
topography of the land is investigated, highlighting basins and orographic
emergencies.
3.3 The Mental Image of an Informal Settlement: Centralities … 33

Following Kevin Lynch’s procedure for the individuation of the urban image,
paths, margins, districts, nodes, and references should be identified; however
Lynch’s approach is conceived for formal cities like Boston and New York. For this
reason, as we are working on an informal sector, the parameters set by Lynch are
assumed from the characteristics of the anthropological image of the rural village as
the archetype for the development of informal districts within the city of Dar es
Salaam. Looking at the Molokwane village, we acknowledge the centers of the
settlement, boundaries for inclusion and defense, territorial landmarks, and vectors
of navigation.
Centralities in informal settlements can be found within the circular suburban
isles of the city fabric (Fig. 3.2). In between various units, there are areas of friction
where other forms of centrality emerge. Those centralities constitute an attractive
system at the scale of the district. They are localized at the meeting point between
various paths, generally where a vector divides into two or more branches. For
example, where the system of pedestrian paths along the river develops into more
routes, this condition provokes an enlargement of the street section, recreating a
triangular square. On the short basis of the triangle, we can normally find an atelier,
a shop, or a service for the community.
Looking at the organization of the paths within the informal district of Yombo
Vituka, there is also a longitudinal system of semi-public pedestrian paths. The
continuity between each unit is avoided by the presence of a building or an atelier,
as if the general flux of people is inhibited in moving along this network of routes.
For this reason, we call this system “semi-public”, referring in particular to the fact

Fig. 3.2 Yombo Vituka: map of suburban centralities

34 3 Urban Samples. The Reconstruction of the Settlement Model

that these streets are for the private use of the family or the clan that occupies each
circular unit.
The morphology of the informal district presents a direct continuity between
social forms of aggregation and the spatial configuration of the habitat. The clusters
of dwellings are normally constituted by three to five prismatic single-story
dwellings (20–40 m2) organized around an open courtyard in the middle of the
informal urban isle. These dwellings are not aggregated in compact structures,
instead, they are free standing, allowing the formation of secondary paths and visual
trajectories in between houses. This irregular configuration includes also a number
of smaller private courtyard for farming activities, and it implies the shrinking of the
thresholds in order to make the access more controlled and defensible. Courtyards
in the center of the urban isle are wider and articulated, normally with a wide tree in
the middle. The houses that surrounds this open space are the oldest buildings of the
island, often belonging to the first family who occupied the land on that site. The
relevance of this cluster is confirmed by the presence of wider accesses to the
central courtyard, while other conformations of buildings within the same isle
overlook smaller and less accessible courtyards. The access to the entire island is
regulated by few thresholds in relation to the relationship that the inhabitants and
the clans intend to establish with the external urban entities: the more heteroge-
neous the community is, the greater is the number of accesses.
Analyzing thresholds and boundaries of the spatial objects of the quadrant
(Fig. 3.3), the morphology of the settlement shows that a building is always located
at the end of a route [4]. Near rivers or water basins the shores (width 30–50 m) are

Fig. 3.3 Yombo Vituka: map of the enclaves

3.3 The Mental Image of an Informal Settlement: Centralities … 35

left unbuilt for safety reasons. Each urban isle occupies an area of about 2000 m2, a
square with a side of 30–50 m. In order to understand the origin of this measure, it
is necessary to study the configuration of the cluster that belongs to the owner of the
land. In general, one single building constitutes the origin of the cluster, a rectangle
of a single story, normally located next to a tree. The presence of trees provides
shadow and cooling during the hot seasons, but it indicates also that there is water
in the soil and therefore that the land can be treated for rural purposes. The trees
becomes an indicator of potential urban development, as from one house the family
stretches out to other buildings creating a courtyard around the tree. The tree is the
point of aggregation for the family to enact all the productive activities, farming,
cooking, weaving, and even entertaining. When the farm becomes part of the city
due to the current dynamics of conurbation, clusters multiply into a group of
constructions until all the property is filled with buildings.
In the context of an informal settlement, the urban block (or suburban isle) was
once a farm. The outline of this entity is retraced by a set of ateliers along the main
routes. The morphological studies on this region, collected by urban researcher
John Modestus Lupala, recall the rural origin of these lands before the activation of
the great fluxes of immigration in recent times, which necessitated the fast con-
struction of emergency shelters and irregular houses everywhere [5]. However, as
proved by the research on Yombo Vituka proposed in this book, this development
follows in most cases the rural division of the “fields”. This means that most of the
routes that were used to indicate a separation between rural properties are now
transformed into pedestrian, suburban paths. The routes dividing farms and fields
were also the most appropriate location to sell rural products directly to travelers or
people passing by. In this location, products could be collected and then carried
away to local markets or other villages. For this reason, together with the increase
of migrations, little shelters and provisional ateliers were built along the routes, for
the farmers to harvest and sell their products. In order to control effectively the rural
property, the farmer’s house was located in the center of the land, while ateliers
constitute a link between the most private part of the property with its public
thresholds.
Dynamics of compaction of rural properties (Fig. 3.4) confirm the central cluster
as a resilient built element that structure the new spontaneous urban fabric. Around
this point, until the boundaries of the property, the land is now filled with houses.
The central cluster is recognizable because it always contains an imaginary line that
divides the isle into two equal parts. The central cluster, once the fundamental
element of the rural organization of the land, seems to interfere with the new urban
configuration of the district: the cluster is inward-looking, like an enclave that has
little relationship with the public routes surrounding the suburban isle. This con-
dition provoked the formation of an autonomous north-south network of
semi-public streets to interconnect all the clusters, thus avoiding public routes.
In the degenerative phase of compaction of the land with houses and clusters, a
condition of ambiguity is created between the notion of front- and backyard. This
situation in recent years has generated a very relevant issue of inaccessible back-
yards: narrow open spaces constricted between the perimeter walls of different
36 3 Urban Samples. The Reconstruction of the Settlement Model

Fig. 3.4 Dar es Salaam, Analysis of the development of the informal settlements of Msasani
Makangira (left) and Ubungu Kibangu (right) (Lupala 2002)

houses remained empty to guarantee air and light to the dwellings. These spaces are
not reachable if not through private houses. These irregular spontaneous backyards
are very important for the survival of the settlement as they provide natural ven-
tilation during the hot seasons. However, they also represent an issue of health and
sanitation because most of these plots are filled with garbage and used as private
dumps.
A specific study on the spatial density of the settlement of Yombo Vituka
focuses on the degree of separation between buildings. This parameter indicates
that, the greater is the density of the polygons in which each building is included
and the smaller is the area covered by the construction, then the greater the sense of
division among all parts. This condition is directly related to the property of each
structure. Bigger dwellings belong to larger family and clans, normally rooted in the
land they inhabit, possibly inherited directly from the first colonists of the land.
Smaller plots belong to immigrants and newer families. The highest degree of
openness in this system is detected when the width of the street section varies
between 20 and 50 m. The lowest level of accessibility of the spaces in between
houses is between 0 and 5 m. Between 5 and 20 m of width of the street section, the
analysis shows the presence of an urban environment whose accessibility is regu-
lated by the land owner of by the members of the clan.
The functional differentiation of communal spaces within the informal district
seems to be directly related to the formal articulation of unbuilt areas along the
paths. Where the vector of a path changes direction to encounter a new branch, the
meeting point between the two linear elements is a wider open space that can be
catalogued and defined according to parameters such as distance from the water
features and the slope. The buildings located along this system are very important to
understand the way the spatial movement is configured in this context (Fig. 3.5).
Even if informal settlements are shifting and continuously changing due to their
spontaneous transient nature, some elements are more resilient. They are landmarks
kept on a longer term to mark the landscape. The openings in the compact line of
3.3 The Mental Image of an Informal Settlement: Centralities … 37

Fig. 3.5 Yombo Vituka: maps of the landmarks

ateliers along the borders of the urban isle can be interpreted as resilient architec-
tural elements that mark the presence of the central cluster, the family of the first
colonist who—in most cases—still inhabits the land. At the local scale, the presence
of the central cluster is also the marker of the network of secondary pedestrian paths
interconnecting all other clusters. Finally, at the scale of the city, the passage from
formal sectors to informal districts is established by a much wider and evident
threshold along which there are less built elements, where pedestrian routes unfold
becoming paths into the landscape. This can be also detected along rivers and water
basins. In certain cases, like the north connection of Yombo to Airport Road, a
voided strip with a width of 30–50 m indicates a clear separation between the two
environments. On one hand, the strip is still a porous line that allows people to enter
the informal district on foot, while, on the other hand, this line defines a border that
cannot be easily overcome (Fig. 3.6).
Finally, a topographic investigation of the conformation of the settlement pro-
vides an overview on the geographic distribution of all the elements of the
anthropological image of this built environment. The topographic is employed in
this study to test all the conjectures arising during the morphological analysis of
each element. Topography should answer the final question: Why a recurring
element is located in such place? Why would it assume such specific shape?
Zooming in on Yombo Vituka and looking at the topographic conformation of
the place, it is possible to notice that all the main routes move in parallel with the
direction of the river, marking the presence of several shores at different heights. In
fact, the posture of each path follows in fact a contour curve of the soil. The
38 3 Urban Samples. The Reconstruction of the Settlement Model

Fig. 3.6 Yombo Vituka, Dar es Salaam. Maps of pedestrian paths

network of the so-called semi-public routes is instead organized transversally in

respect to the network of main connections. Where they encounter the main system,
they outline the boundaries of urban cells, the suburban isles. Ideally dividing the
area included between the main route closer to the river and the coastal line within
five lines and four spaces, like a stave (Fig. 3.7), the houses are generally located
within the spaces while, as we said before, the central cluster sits on the lines.
Central clusters normally occupy an area that is dry and easy to defend, confirming
their importance in the organization of the settlement.
Confronting spatial density and routes, the settlement presents another important
relationship between the size of buildings and the width of streets. If we look at the
parametric map of the densities, three thresholds of accessibility emerge. The

Fig. 3.7 Yombo Vituka, the

Stave figure: the topographic
configuration of the
settlement
3.3 The Mental Image of an Informal Settlement: Centralities … 39

Fig. 3.8 Yombo Vituka, Dar es Salaam: map of building density

greater is the distance between two neighboring buildings, the bigger is the degree
of public accessibility (Fig. 3.8). The three thresholds express the low density of
main public routes, the medium density the paths of the urban isles, and the high
density expresses the presence of inaccessible backyards, where the passage is
obstructed and movements are unsafe and unhealthy. The thresholds individuate the
degree of separation between spatial objects while defining the urban qualities of
some vectors.

3.4 Anthropological Images and the Reconstruction

of the Settlement Model: Courtyards, Squares,
Backyards, Shores, Paths

The study of the anthropological image of the settlement of Yombo Vituka

delineates a degenerated settling form, originating from the transformation of rural
villages and farms into overcrowded semi-urban residential structures. Accepting
the condition of the built environment of Yombo as a spontaneous self-sustained
habitat, the elements proposed by Lynch applied to this case study have been
identified as follows: courtyards, squares, backyards, shores, and paths.
Houses are mostly distributed around courtyards (blue in Fig. 3.9) located away
from major streets and pedestrian routes in order to make them defensible. This
40 3 Urban Samples. The Reconstruction of the Settlement Model

spatial organization recalls the conformation of the old Swahili rural village, as
described in the previous chapter, in which the houses of the family members are
placed around a central void used for productive activities. The courtyard is always
characterized by the presence of trees that orientate the disposition of the houses in
order to gain shadow for open–air activities.
Along the main longitudinal routes several squares can be found at the meeting
point between two or more trajectories. The squares present normally a triangular
shape, and they also function as urban adaptors between different topographic
levels: In the quadrant, informal streets follows the contour curves of the ground,
and the squares allow to gradually move further away and higher from the water
level toward dryer and more resilient areas.
Within the suburban islands, there are areas of friction (yellow in Fig. 3.9)
between different clusters of dwellings that remain peripheral and inaccessible even
if they are enclosed within the line of ateliers. These empty areas represent an
element of release of the urban pressure on the land. Nevertheless, the fact is that
they have not achieved a clear role in the metabolism of the district, instead
transforming them into dangerous unhealthy places.
The shore of the water basin in the southern part of the quadrant is an unbuilt
strip of land with a width of maximum 50 m, creating a definite border for the
informal settlement in order to defend it from flooding during the rainy seasons.
Shores in this areas can be up to 5 m high, and they constitute an off-limit line
beyond which it is not possible to build.
Paths in Yombo Vituka are normally parallel to the watercourses, often fol-
lowing the orography of natural basins and hills on which the settlement is built.
Paths should be interpreted as routes that connect houses to the resources necessary
to sustain the community. Two main networks can be identified, a longitudinal one
(east-west), parallel to the river, linking the urban isles to the rural area enclosed by
two railway lines toward the east, and a transversal one, passing through all the
urban isles and intertwining the main clusters of each isle to avoid using main
routes (Fig. 3.10).

Fig. 3.9 Yombo Vituka, Dar es Salaam: map of the urban elements
3.4 Anthropological Images and the Reconstruction … 41

Fig. 3.10 Yombo Vituka: matrix indicating sound and spatial proportions in relation to the most
prominent urban elements within the agogic map

The finding of the fundamental elements of the anthropological image of Yombo

Vituka provides all the components we need to reconstruct the settling model of the
community, an immanent structure that can be employed to systematize the con-
struction of the informal district while envisaging the future urban development of a
metropolis that is facing issues of uncontrolled demographic growth, excessive
urban pressure, and infrastructural weakness. The model is a geometric system that
is essential for a parametric understanding of the urban dynamics of formation and
transformation.
We call the model described above “the Stave of Yombo”, as the five contour
curves of the shores are repeated symmetrically in the northern part of the quadrant
and then similarly over the river in the southern part (Fig. 3.11). The four shores of
the spaces between the lines represent the space available for construction. All the
42 3 Urban Samples. The Reconstruction of the Settlement Model

Fig. 3.11 Yombo Vituka: reconstruction of the generic settlement model

constructions are subordinated to the presence of original clusters at the center of

what once was a rural compound, intercepting the shore lines.
The anthropological image of Yombo Vituka is a relational map based upon the
distance or the degree of separation between spatial objects within the urban envi-
ronment. Detecting the metric rules that regulate the configuration of the informal
settlement constitutes an asset for the geometric modeling of the urban system.
The resilient structure of the informal district displays also a secondary palimpsest
of smaller routes which perhaps represents the most transformational of all the
elements of the settlement. These paths become inaccessible very easily following
the usual dynamic of compaction of informal areas. The focus on the shifting ele-
ments that characterize the quadrant establishes the passage from a static morpho-
logical study of the built environment to a temporal consideration of the urban
artifacts: the inclusion of the time among the variables of spatial definition enables
one to outline the landscape in terms of spatial behavior and movements. This
approach is suggested in this research as particularly appropriate to interpret informal
settlements, especially in regard to their moving and quickly-changing conditions.

References

1. McGee, T. G. (1971). The urbanization process in the third world. London: Bell and Sons.
2. Shane, G. (2005). Recombinant urbanism. London: Wiley.
3. Ortiz, P. (2013). The art of shaping the metropolis. New York: McGraw Hill.
References 43

4. Farinelli, F. (2013). Geografia. Milano: Einaudi.

5. Lupala, J. M. (2002). Urban Types in Rapidly Urbanizing Cities: A Typological Approach in
the Analysis of Urban Types in Dar es Salaam. Ph.D. Thesis, Department of Infrastructure,
Division of Urban Studies, Royal Institute of Technology, Stockholm, Sweden.
Chapter 4
Agogic Maps. A Topography of Sound
Signals for Spatial Orientation
and Configuration

Abstract The concept of anthropological image, intertwined with Lynch’s fun-

damental elements of the image of the city are exploited in this chapter to establish
an initial itinerary of locations and distances for the construction of the agogic map
of Yombo Vituka. Musical notions in spectralism, psychoacoustics, and ethno-
musicology all contribute here to generate a creative cognitive scenario of sound
signals to foster the experimental extent of the map. Environmental, social, and
spatial conditions of the place are described through a series of sounds that orientate
and make these locations memorable in order to increase the accessibility and the
livability of informal suburban structures. The agogic of the place is spatialized
through a digital prototype (Geoscore), and its extension is outlined through a
comparative table, where the sound spectrum is analyzed according to environ-
mental, social, and time variables. The space acquires a performative scope. The
project becomes a chronographic rendition of spatial transfigurations.

4.1 The Notion of Agogic and Its Relevance

to Space-Time Design

The term Agogic, as described by Hugo Riemann, is the practice of rhythm [1], a
practice for which the extent of each measure—or the cognitive distance between
the body and the space—varies. Such variation provokes in the body an expectation
in regards to the measures perceived, as a matter of experience of a combination of
space and time. Spatial configuration requires the reception of each spatial mark as
spatial pulsations, as if each sign could create attraction and involvement within the
inhabitant.
In the early Western musical tradition, an agogic motion converts a consistent
rhythm in a fluctuating horizon, normally on the basis of a poetic text. As English
anthropologist and writer Bruce Chatwin reminds us, often in certain cultures tunes
and songs are preeminent mapping tools for their capacity to provide meaning in
describing the relationship between our body and the topography of a place [2].

© The Author(s) 2017 45

R. Pe, Agogic Maps, PoliMI SpringerBriefs,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-48306-1_4
46 4 Agogic Maps. A Topography of Sound Signals for Spatial …

The agogic scoring of the space discloses a spatial behavior musically accepted
by a community. Agogic maps indicate possible spatial habits within a site, setting
to music the anthropological image that gave rise a settlement or a landscape.
Agogic is the discipline that regulates the mental and physical pace of individuals
moving through an unknown geography, employing musicality as an experimental
tool for spatial appropriation. We could claim that agogic is a protocol to access the
sensitive extent of the space, like an instrument of spatial and cognitive orientation.
Agogic maps require the identification of rhythmical variables of spatial definition
to determine the in-motion configuration of the space, identifying a tune that guides
the body in the process of acceptance of the qualifications of livability of the place.

4.2 The Pace of Inhabitation. Applying Agogics

to the Anthropological Image of the Place

The pace is the expression of material and immaterial aspects of a built environ-
ment. From the study of the rhythm of spatial movements, we can understand
morphological dynamics that are difficult to interpret if we simply look at the static
disposition of architectural objects. The case of Dar es Salaam and its informal
district is particularly telling, as in this context it is difficult to distinguish accessible
routes from dangerous or inaccessible ones at first sight.
On this matter, the words of Émile Jaques-Dalcroze, the founder of Eurhythmics,
are very relevant to acceptance of agogics as a time-space discipline. His books,
written during the 20th century, clarify the potential implication of agogics for the
development of a new generation of mapping tools: “[Those] who progressively
educate their own bodies to the rhythm and the dynamics of music, they will be
more musical themselves, and they will be able to interpret spontaneously the
intentions of the composer. Walking or dancing on Bach’s fugues will not ever be a
crime against the great genius […] this corporal interpretation does not intend to
accomplish the author’s ideas, nor to substitute his means of expression with an
arbitrary translation. This is an inner journey that replaces a fully intellectual
analysis with the experiences and the sensations of the whole body […] for the
pupil highlighting the different voices, disassociating polyrhythms, fulfilling strettos
or understanding the nuances of each dynamic will be something natural and
intuitive. [All these elements] will be clear to him because he will have experi-
mented them through his own body. This organic quality referred to compositional
means contributes to develop the human instinct, fostering the establishment of a
healthier social life” [3]. Dalcroze assigns to music a prominent role in involving
the body within the expressive configuration of a space. The tune that shapes and
orientate the construction of a settlement on a site is an expression of the anthro-
pological image. This image establishes an original spatial structure upon which the
language a community is articulated in order to settle in a certain context. It is like a
leitmotiv of the artistic intake of the inhabitants of a place applied to the geo-
graphical materials of the place.
4.3 Geoscore. A Prototype for an Agogic Map in Dar es Salaam 47

4.3 Geoscore. A Prototype for an Agogic Map

in Dar es Salaam

An agogic map helps in identifying and displaying such themes, introducing an

innovative way of communicating the expressivity of the space intertwining sound
and digital mapping (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RF3ZzyKXsrQ). The map
is an immersive tool for orientation that coordinates urban movements according to
a screenplay of images and sounds along various geographic lines.
In the case of Dar es Salaam, the screenplay combines a geometric model of the
informal settlement of Yombo Vituka—as outlined in the previous chapter—with
two interfering layers. The objective of this operation is to experiment with the
depth of the space through a digital tool that recreates a multi-dimensional expe-
rience. This experimental map marks all the resilient elements of the built envi-
ronment and classifies their relationships with ecological and anthropological
operators [4].
The ecological layer refers to environmental cyclical motions, while the
anthropological layer traces the accessibility of the urban fabric according to values
of spatial density. The settlement is analyzed focusing on its adaptations to values
of soil humidity and temperature change in relation to the distance between objects.
They define respectively the degree of resilience of the built environment and the
degree of accessibility and livability of the place. Moving elements of the map
correspond to dissonant sound signals, affecting the perception of safety and
accessibility typical of more resilient, established spatial objects. This approach
invites the user of the map to assign a meaning to those sensitive and weaker sites
with an unstable urban identity without imposing external definitions.

4.4 The Green-Grey Series

The layer representing eco-systemic interactions between the environment and the
settlement (Fig. 4.1) provides an interpretation of the range of “green” tones
detected within the quadrant. Each tone discerns different conditions of
bio-diversity, intended as a morphological and locative variety of the architectural
elements of the district. The tone presents certain formal outlines emerging from the
topographic characteristic of the site. The approach employed in this research
intends to study the topography of the built environment of Yombo Vituka from a
deterministic point of view, using a parametric technique of analysis while
emphasizing the relevance of chromaticism as an instrument of spatial orientation.
A tonal approach to the geography of the place transforms the settlement model
into a topographic, irregular image. The variation of the model is the result of a
compromise between anthropological and territorial structure. The various tonal
qualities of the landscape are here described by areas with different shades of green.
The image is then processed with a Rhinoceros Grasshopper Image Sampler, an
48 4 Agogic Maps. A Topography of Sound Signals for Spatial …

Fig. 4.1 Agogic map: ecological layer

application that detects the presence of a higher chromatic concentration where the
vegetation is more florid. This procedure constitutes an interpretation and trans-
formation of the available photographic material—the use of satellite data should
increase the reliability of the operation, however during the course of this research
no satellite images were accessed—the concentrations detected during the image
processing are translated into a continuous surface with the highest peaks where the
chromatic concentration is higher. The surface is then analyzed and intersected by a
series of transversal planes, all at the same distance, in order to define a set of
contour curves.
The contour curves are then classified in five qualifications according to five
landscape tones defined in regards to the presence of vegetation in the quadrant. We
could say that the five levels represent five different conditions of lushness of the
vegetation in relation to the presence of built objects. Also, the series establishes a
range of possible landscape tones concerning the presence of underground water.
The green-grey series is here introduced as a normalization of an environmental
gradient that interpolates a natural condition, such as the water level of the soil, with
an anthropic settling condition for the exploitation of the same water.
We name this series “green-grey”, as it clarifies the topographic relationships
between humid ground and the space occupied by buildings or infrastructures.
These last two elements represent often a restriction for the natural or simply rural
development of these territories. The green-grey map employs five different colors
to define such a premise: on the map, the green color represents the areas with the
4.4 The Green-Grey Series 49

highest concentration of vegetation, the yellow color the areas occupied by build-
ings, the green color identifies areas highly populated though with a good presence
of vegetation, while the blue color outlines the threshold between green and grey
areas—the eco-tone—where the two entities coexist in balance.
The water level on the soil in the quadrant is still quite high, even if the same
area is occupied by many dwellings. This is a specific settling mode which invites
consideration of the possibility to include bits of wild nature within an integrated
urban landscape. The proximity to water basins and infrastructural systems raises an
interaction between natural and built environment, identifying with the topography
the geographic premise for the construction of the habitat. The water basins and the
rivers constitute a set of attractors for the infrastructural system: in fact, they can
provide water for the sanitary development of informal settlements, especially
during the rainy seasons.
Alluvial basins in Dar es Salaam establish a rhythm for the urban development
of the space available on the territory of this metropolis. They define the metrics of
transitional areas passing from wet to dry lands. This condition can be fully
understood only through the study of the relationship between grey infrastructures
and topographic emergencies. Ecotonal areas provide an interesting insight for the
morphological analysis of irregular districts. The green-grey series outlines two
main attributes of the built environment: the first one, as noted in the previous
paragraph, is the correspondence between wet grounds and unplanned urban fabric,
and the second one is the complete autonomy of formal infrastructures with respect
to topographic emergencies. Both conditions testify to the interdependency existing
between the morphological development of informal settlements and the hydric
qualification of the ground. Moreover, the presence of water in the soil constitutes a
fundamental resource for the survival of unplanned settlements as often they do not
receive water supply from the metropolitan system. In some cases, they illegally
connect to these plants—weakening their effectiveness—or they exploit unsanitized
boreholes [5].

4.5 Accessibility Map

The map of the degree of separation between spatial objects (Fig. 4.2) refers to the
building density and the relative proximities between them, drafting the form of the
spatial habits of the community. To the distances between different objects corre-
spond the level of publicity of the sites and vice versa. There exists an intermediate
areal variance where movement is filtered and controlled by local landowners. This
map outlines the temporal order of reverberation of connecting elements and
infrastructures. In this context, the relationship with the topography qualifies the
architectural disposition of the buildings on the ground, establishing a spatial
metrics directly deriving from the geographic character of the place. The urban
metrics in particular is defined by the distribution of open spaces in the fabric. The
image emerging from the system of open spaces is complementary to the map of the
50 4 Agogic Maps. A Topography of Sound Signals for Spatial …

Fig. 4.2 Agogic map: the anthropological layer

tones of the landscape. Even in this case the condition of openness is translated into
a type of spatial density described by a surface. This surface is divided by a Voronoi
equation, parceling the areas according to a relationship of proximity to the peaks
with the highest concentration. The more the peaks are elevated, the greater is the
infrastructural hierarchy of the spatial object. The greater is the area contained
within each Voronoi, the greater is the level of publicity of the site. We display here
a qualitative study of the geometric configuration of the settlement, highlighting
emerging relationship between formal and informal contexts.

4.6 A Chronographic Rendition of the Variations

of the Model

The environmental map and the map of the degree of separation between spatial
objects constitute the two main variables defining what we call the “agogic” of the
settlement. They both provide special insight for understanding the morphological
variations of the settlement model: proximity to water and vegetation, proximity to
buildings. The first two elements refers to the degree of the humidity of the ground
and to the fact that the high level of humidity in the soil decreases the resiliency
factor of the land, and therefore its livability. The third element indicates the
4.6 A Chronographic Rendition of the Variations of the Model 51

accessibility of a place on the basis of social rules embodied in the configuration of

the urban fabric. The agogic map is a map made of three layers: the deepest level is
the geometric representation of the settling model, while the other two layers are
just layers of variation, the actual agogic of the model (Fig. 4.3).
If the model remains fixed and immutable, or at least if it modifies its config-
uration over a long-term basis, the other layers vary according to different speeds,
e.g., according to the season cycle, or to accidental demolitions due to flooding or
formal urban transformations, or even according to the spatial behavior of the
inhabitants. From this point of view, agogic maps are a chronographic rendition of
the time of development of the geometric variables of the place on the basis of
environmental and social motions.
Working on informal settlements requires an active mapping ability in order to
adapt to the fast-changing speeds of the morphological transformation of these
spaces. At the same time, this practice requires fixing the character of the place—

Fig. 4.3 Agogic map: an interactions of different environmental layers

52 4 Agogic Maps. A Topography of Sound Signals for Spatial …

somehow the center of gravity of the mapping system—around which can be

drafted a project of internal consolidation in exchange with external, shifting ele-
ments. As we noticed, this condition is typical for the city of Dar es Salaam due to
the frequent seasonal rains that cause important landscape mutations in the urban
region, especially in those degraded, less-resilient areas where the water flow dis-
mantles the weaker fringes of irregular dwellings along alluvial basins. In this
context, it is difficult to outline informal settlements as consolidated entities using
traditional surveying tools. A cyclical writing of the transformation of the mor-
phology of the settlement should be preferred. The chronographic tracing of the
agogic map intertwines space and time in an harmonic field of interaction,
according to various modes of absorption and refraction [6].

4.7 Sense-making Through Agogic Maps: An Aural

Revolution

A tonal understanding of the landscape requires configuration of the map on the

basis of a programmatic semantic instability. Tones are moving elements variously
distributed on the territory in relation the time variable. The map invites the users to
provide a new meaning and therefore a new life to the elements that characterize
their own landscape. The objective of an agogic map is to introduce ambiguity in
the way things are written and defined in cartographic representation, while
enhancing memorability in the way they are proposed to the user. Each tone of the
landscape is directly connected with a tone of inhabitation, a specific spatial
behavior. It refers to specific architectural solutions of the issues of interaction
between different environments. Each tone traces a threshold. The map of the
environmental tones expresses the vocation to resilience of the settlement: It is like
a song that every inhabitant knows that recalls the settling rules upon which the
landscape is built.
The use of the musical term tone to measure the variability of a built environ-
ment leads our thoughts to the aural extent of this entity and to its communicative
value. This research proposes a specific declension of “agogic maps” or “maps of
the spatial variations”. An agogic map based on environmental tones could actually
be a sound map if we reconstruct a synesthetic chain between sound signals and
topographic characteristics. A sound map exploits an acoustic environment as a
field of action for urban reconfiguration and transformation.
Sound cartography not only introduces linguistic mutations in the way geogra-
phy is communicated, but it enables also innovation of its writing modes. The
space, transcribed through the map, is rendered in its experimental quality through
aural signals and site-specific metrics. The bi-dimensional transcript of a sound map
is a spectrum of these kinetics. In this sound map, a correspondence between the
spectrum of sounds and timbres of the environmental tones is established
(Table 4.1).
4.7 Sense-making Through Agogic Maps: An Aural Revolution 53

Table 4.1 Agogic map: Space variables Sound variables

matrix for the interpolation of
sound and space variables Tone Timbre Spectrum
Dynamic Intensity Amplitude
Rhythm Height Frequency

As we know, timbre, intensity, and height, are the three variables with which we
measure the sound. They correspond to the three variables of motion of the sound
wave in space: tone, dynamic, and rhythm. Tone and timbre in particular are
included and compared within the spectrum of the sound map. Tones of inhabi-
tation and acoustic timbre are used here to increase the expressivity of each
topographic emergency, invite the user to name the sounds encountered.
Eurhythmics in this research is proposed as a synthetic indicator of spatial
configuration, according to the anthropological image of the settlement. The tools
exploited by Eurhythmics are tone, dynamics, and rhythm [7]. Hugo Riemann was
induced to introduce the term “agogic” to indicate all the time mutations that could
be manifested, even in the smallest rhythmical combination of sounds. In
Riemann’s aesthetic vision, the musical pulse is the combination of agogic and
tones: “The movement of the human voice in tonic, dynamic and agogic changes,
[…] is to be referred to the innate impulse to impart” [7]. In this definition, agogic
indicates the variation of a regular model. A work of art, to fully express its artistic
potential through the body of who perceives it, has to consider the rhythmical
motion of the body that moves around it to be understood. In the agogic definition
of space, tones and dynamics are variables that transform the rhythmical mono-
tonous extent of geometric forms into something organic. As happens in music,
where the voice provides a large variety of tones and dynamics in order to express a
musical work, in space, tones and dynamics collaborate to manifest the inner agogic
embodied in the shape of an architecture. In particular, dynamics work on the basis
of rhythm and tone. The agogic variation of space elects tone and rhythm as its
preferred operators: both of them are implied in the notion of dynamic.
The writing of the space requires the understanding of its expressivity in order to
report on the map a realistic rendition of it. Discerning these three operators in
relation to the elements that structure the settlement clarifies a qualitative approach
to site surveying, describing the place as a combination of various densities. The
analyses of the anthropological image of the settlement—a range of numeric values
representing tonality, rhythm, and dynamics—is bestowed on each nodal point of
the model. This operation enables expression of the agogic of the place, establishing
the quality of each site (Fig. 4.4). In particular, the tonality of the place is con-
sidered according to the location of the site in relation to its distance to the river or
to any other water feature. The rhythm emerges from the extension of the buildings
along major and secondary routes. Finally, the dynamic results from the progressive
increase or decrease of rhythmical measures approaching each relevant point on the
map. The dynamic introduces the speed variable in the process of agogic deter-
mination of the field of action of the map. Each point of the map constitutes a cross
54 4 Agogic Maps. A Topography of Sound Signals for Spatial …

Fig. 4.4 Yombo Vituka: correspondence on the agogic map among values of tone, dynamic, and
rhythm

section of the agogic extent of the built environment, describing the kinetic artic-
ulation of that specific spatial configuration.

4.8 Spectralism and Spatial Variance

The spectrum of an agogic map is a correlative system (Fig. 4.5). It is a device that
builds a bond of interdependency between sound and space variables. This tool
intends to translate on a bi-dimensional or tridimensional environment the perfor-
mative and experimental extents of space. The writing of the expressions creates a
relationship between the spectrum of sound signals produced both for the left and
the right ear. This approach is applied to a mockup of the device based on a
two-minute path around a small portion of the informal settlement of Yombo
Vituka. The path intercepts signals traced on the map in the shape of circular areas.
Each circle is provided with a value of sound intensity, volume, and tonal height.
The sounds applied to the relevant points of the anthropological image of the
settlement are consonances (unison-fifth-octave), sounds that are easier to recog-
nize, producing no sense of bewilderment nor disturbance in the users. Along the
path, a number of more irritating sound are encountered. These sounds are named
dissonances, and they invite the user to acknowledge the state of emergency of
those sites and to consider their unstable condition for potential reform and
transformation.
4.8 Spectralism and Spatial Variance 55

Fig. 4.5 Agogic map: spectrum of dissonance and kinetic variations

Urban pressure and building density constitute an important parameter for the
variation of the speed of navigation, therefore affecting the site accessibility. On the
stave of Yombo Vituka, consonances and dissonances are placed according to the
settlement model; the score is divided into bars following a grid of consistent bars.
The speed of navigation resizes the width of each bar according to the user’s
movement. The various tonal heights of the consonances are connected to the key
sites of the anthropological image of the settlement according to the following
scheme: trivium—fifth, cluster—unison/octave, quadrivium—seventh.
56 4 Agogic Maps. A Topography of Sound Signals for Spatial …

The quadrivium is the point of the settlement model where the approach to the
cluster is prepared, and therefore it corresponds to the most sensible of all the
intervals. The fundamental sound of the scale emerges encountering the cluster that
produced the model, although the tonal overlaps and intervals located along the
path before entering the urban isle create a dynamic tension that pushes the users to
proceed quickly from one point to the other in order to settle in a place of aural rest.
Finally, also the ecological layer and the anthropological one are sonified and
included in the sound map as variable interferences. The extent of their manifes-
tation provides the space with an undulated character [8]. Where the ecological
interference is more evident, the anthropological layer is less perceptible. This
interaction enables the user to understand the place accessibility and the possibility
of the ecological layer to develop, in respect to the anthropological one.
The implication of all these elements in the agogic map builds a collection of
experimental tools for the writing of the performative essence of an architectural
configuration. The protocol of the map tunes a reform of the settlement model
according to the perceptive instances introduced by the user who moves around the
site. In the cartographic rendition of the experimental agogic map of Yombo
(Fig. 4.6), all the expressive variations of the geometric configuration of the set-
tlement are transcribed and translated into graphic signs on a comparative scheme.

Fig. 4.6 Yombo Vituka: agogic transcript of the space of the quadrant
4.8 Spectralism and Spatial Variance 57

This operation interprets the agogic of the place as a regulating tool of the curvature
of the linear elements of the spatial grid of the settlement model from which
emerges the variations of the spatial configuration in relation to topographic,
environmental, and anthropological emergencies. This condition implies the tracing
of drifts and pace changes while navigating through a built environment.

4.9 Provisional Conclusions

The comparative scheme proposes a comparison between the geographic structure

of the settlement model with sound signals. The position of the central cluster that
engendered the development of the settlement can be considered in its starting
location and confronted with performative deformation. The map offers a rendition
of topography as an embodied writing of the expressivity of the space for which an
experimental correlation between geography and built environment is fostered and
enhanced through a common spatial habit (body, behavior, rhythm). Reading
through the words of Paul Valéry, the map is a cuttlefish bone [9]. It is the form in
which the life and death of things collide, evoking the antecedent of its essence and,
at the same time, outlining the way it will be remembered.
Topography as a tool for spatial orientation expresses the geographic reasons of
the structure of a built environment. An agogic map, as a writing system of a
sensorial movement in space, combines sound and visual images inviting users to
create their own innovative sensorial chains in order to make the place livable and
memorable. Agogic maps open our discourse on perceptive topography as a pos-
sible discipline to study and to improve the composition and the construction of our
habitat. More sensible spatial forms will be conceived as a result of an enhanced
care for our environment, for its ecology, and for the infinite expressions of our
human behavior.

References

1. Riemann, H. (1884). Musikalische Dynamik und Agogik. Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel.
2. Chatwin, B. (1987). The songlines. London: Franklin Library.
3. Jaques-Dalcroze, E. J. (1920). Il Ritmo, la Musica, l’Educazione (p. 148). Torino: EDT.
4. Cfr. McHarg, I. (1967). Design with nature. London: Wiley.
5. Cfr. World Bank. (1999). Tanzania-Dar es Salaam water supply and sanitation project.
Washington DC, USA: World Bank.
6. Cfr. Donatoni, F. (1996). Codici: l’errore come elemento mutageno. In A. Morelli & S. Scarani
(Eds.) Sound design (pp. 145–146). Bologna: Pitagora. Ciò che nell’estetica donatoniana viene
nominato come errore rispetto a una serie certa di suoni, nella mappa agogica l’errore è
l’incerto, il non nominato “a priori”, quindi il “sensibile” e aperto alla risemantizzazione.
58 4 Agogic Maps. A Topography of Sound Signals for Spatial …

7. Riemann, H. (1895). Catechism of musical aesthetics (p. 23). English edition: (trans:
Bewerunge, H.), 2013.
8. Cfr. Deleuze, G., Guattari, F. (1980). Mille Plateaux (p. 698). Paris: Éditions de Minuit.
9. Cfr. Valéry, P. (1923). Eupalinos, o l’architetto. Milano: Bilioteca dell’Immagine (1997).
Bibliography

1. Alberti, L. B. (1991). On the art of building in ten books. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.
2. Adorno, T. W. (2006). Philosophy of new music. Minnesota: Minnesota University Press.
3. Alexander, C. (1964). Notes on the synthesis of form. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press.
4. Ardalan, N. (1999). The sense of Unity (Persian Architecture). New York: ABC.
5. Arnheim, R. (1969). Visual thinking. Los Angeles: University of California Press.
6. Arnheim, R. (1971). Entropy and art. Los Angeles: University of California Press.
7. Arnheim, R. (1977). The dynamics of architectural form. Los Angeles: University of
California Press.
8. Appia, A. (1895). La mise en scène du drame wagnérien. 1892–1894. Paris: Léon Challey.
9. Appia, A. (1899). Die Musik und die Inscenierung. Münich: Bruckmann.
10. Appia, A. (1921). L’Oeuvre d’Art Vivant. 1916–1920. Genève-Paris: Edition Atar.
11. Bachelard, G. (1957). La Poétique de l’espace. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.
12. Banks, P. (2010). Represent: Art and identity among the black upper-middle class. London:
Routledge.
13. Bandur, M. (2001). Aesthetics of total serialism. Contemporary research from music to
architecture. Berlin: Birkhäuser.
14. Barbara, A. (2012). Sensi, tempo e architettura. Milano: Postmedia Books.
15. Bateson, G. (1972). Steps to an ecology of mind. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
16. Bateson, G. (1991). Sacred unity: Further steps to and ecology of mind. Lyme CT: Cornelia
& Bessie Foundation.
17. Batty, M. (2005). Cities and complexity. Understanding the cities with cellular automata,
agent-based models, and fractals. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
18. Baudrillard, J. (1981). Simulacres et simulation. Paris: Galilée.
19. Baudrillard, J. (2003). Mass, identity, architecture: Architectural writings. Chichester:
Wiley.
20. Bergson, H. (2001). Time and free will: An essay on the immediate data of consciousness.
London: Dover Books.
21. Bertin, J. (1967). Semiologie grafique. Paris: Mouton.
22. Berio, L. (1956). Prospettive nella musica. Ricerche ed attività dello Studio di Fonologia
Musicale di Radio Milano. Elettronica, 3, 108–115.
23. Berio, L. (1981). Intervista sulla musica. Milano: Laterza.
24. Berio, L. (2006). Un ricordo al futuro (Lezioni Americane). Torino: Einaudi.
25. Boethius, S. (1990). The consolations of music, logic, theology, and philosophy (Clarendon
Paperbacks). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
26. Bossini, O. (2009). Milano, laboratorio musicale del Novecento. Scritti per Luciana
Pestalozza. Milan: Archinto.
27. Boulez, P. (1963). Penser la musique aujourd’hui. Paris: Tel Gallimard.

© The Author(s) 2017 59

R. Pe, Agogic Maps, PoliMI SpringerBriefs,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-48306-1
60 Bibliography

28. Brambati, R. (2011). Écologie sonore et technologie du son. In Sonorités. Écologie Sonore
Technologies Musiques (pp. 9–41), n° 6 September 2011. Paris: Champ Social.
29. Branzi, A. (2006). Weak and diffuse modernity. Milano: Skira.
30. Bunschoten, R. (1999). Stirring the City. Berlin: Fonden til Udgivelse af
Arkitekturtidsskrift.
31. Bunschoten, R. (2002). Public Spaces. London: Black Dog.
32. Bunschoten, R. (2005). CHORA: From matter to metaspace. Wien: Springer.
33. Bunschoten, R. (2006). Touching the second skin. In K. Oostheruis & L. Feireiss (Eds.),
Game, set and match: No.2: The architecture of co-laboratory (pp. 598–611). Rotterdam:
Episode.
34. Cage, J. (1969). Notations. New York: Something Else Press.
35. Camillus, J. S. (1994). Urban Agriculture and the Sustainable Dar-es-Salaam Project. CFP
Report 10—University of Dar es Salaam, Dar es Salaam, United Republic of Tanzania.
36. Carpo, M. (2011). The Alphabet and the algorithm. New York: MIT Press.
37. Carratelli, C. (2006). L’integrazione dell’estesico L’intégration de nel poietico nella poetica
musicale post-strutturalista. Il caso di Salvatore Sciarrino. Una composizione dell’ascolto.
Università degli Studi di Trento, Tesi di Dottorato, Trento.
38. Cattaneo, C. (1858). La città considerate come principio ideale delle storie italiane. Torino:
Einaudi.
39. Chatwin, B. (1987). The songlines. London: Franklin Library.
40. Choay, F. (1969). The modern city: Planning in the Nineteenth Century. New York:
Braziller.
41. Contin, A., Paolini, P., & Salerno, R. (2014). Innovative technologies in urban mapping,
built space and mental space. Milano: Springer.
42. Contin, A. (2015). Questo. Metropolitan Architecture. Santarcangelo di Romagna:
Maggioli.
43. Cosgrove, D. (1989). Social formation and symbolic landscape. London: Crum Helm.
44. Cosgrove, D. (1999). Mappings. London: Reaktion Books.
45. Crespi Morbio, V. (2013). Appia alla Scala. Milano: Ricordi.
46. D’Alfonso, E. (1997). Intrecci spaziotemporali dell’architettura. Milano: Electa.
47. Dalcroze, E. J. (1906). Les gammes, les tonalités, le phrasé & les nuances. Paris:
Sandoz-Jobin.
48. Dalcroze, E. J. (1916). La rythmique, la plastique animée et la danse. Lausanne: Jobin &
Cie.
49. Dalcroze, E. J. (2011). Le Rythme, La Musique Et L’éducation. Paris: Nabu Press.
50. Dalcroze, E. J. (1945). La musique et nous. Genève-Paris: Slatkine.
51. Dar es Salaam City Commission. (1998). Strategic urban development plan for Dar es
Salaam, draft plan on city growth/expansion, vision and pattern. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania:
Sustainable Cities Programme.
52. DAWASA (Dar es Salaam Water and Sewerage Authority). (2000). Management Report
(technical report covering the period October–December 1999), Internal Management
Report. Dar es Salaam, United Republic of Tanzania: DAWASA.
53. De Martino, E. (1958). Morte e pianto rituale nel mondo antico: dal lamento pagano al
pianto di Maria. Torino: Bollati Boringhieri.
54. Dematteis, G. (1970). «Rivoluzione qunatitativa» e nuova geografia. Torino: Università di
Torino.
55. Dematteis, G. (1985). Le Metafore della Terra: la geografia umana tra mito e scienza.
Milano: Feltrinelli.
56. Derrida, J. (1972). Positions. Paris: Minuit.
57. Deleuze, G. (1988). Le pli. Leibniz et le Baroque. Paris: Éditions de Minuit.
58. Deleuze, G., & Guattari, F. (1972). L’Anti-Oedipe. Paris: Éditions de Minuit.
59. Deleuze, G., & Guattari, F. (1980). Mille Plateaux. Paris: Éditions de Minuit.
60. Deleuze, G., Guattari, F. (1983). Rhizome. New York: Semiotext(e).
Bibliography 61

61. Dewey, J. (2004). Essays in experimental logic. London: Dover Publications.

62. Debord, G. (1967). La Société du spectacle. Paris: Èditions Buchet-Chastel.
63. Diaz, Olvera L., Plat, D., & Pochet, P. (2003). Transportation conditions and access to
services in a context of urban sprawl and deregulation. The case of Dar es Salaam.
Transport Policy, 10, 287–298.
64. Donatoni, F. (1970). Questo. Milano: Adelphi.
65. Donatoni, F. (1980). Antecedente X. Milano: Adelphi.
66. Donatoni, F. (1996). Codici: l’errore come elemento mutageno. In A. Morelli & S. Scarani
(Eds.), Sound design (pp. 145–146). Bologna: Pitagora.
67. Dorfles, G. (1996). Il divenire delle arti. Milano: Bompiani.
68. Dorita, H., & Harslof, O. (2008). Performance design. Copenhagen: Narayana Press.
69. Duchamp, M. (1959). Marchand de sel: Ecrits de Marcel Duchamp. Paris: Sanouillet.
70. Eco, U. (1962). Opera aperta. Milano: Bompiani.
71. Eco, U. (2012). Scritti sul Pensiero Medievale. Milano: Bompiani.
72. Eisenman, P. (1998). Blurred zones: Investigations of the interstitial: Eisenman Architects
1988–1998. New York: Monacelli Press.
73. Eisenman, P. (2003). Giuseppe Terragni: Transformations, decompositions, critiques by
Peter Eisenman. New York: The Monacelli Press.
74. Eisenman, P. (2008). Ten canonical buildings 1950–2000. New York: Rizzoli.
75. Eisenman, P. (2009). The formal basis of modern architecture. New York: Lars Muller.
76. Farldi, G. (2010). Valutazione della vulnerabilità al cambiamento climatico delle comunità
costiere di Dar es Salaam (Tanzania) rispetto al fenomeno dell’intrusione salina nella
falda acquifera. Roma: Università della Sapienza.
77. Farina, A., & Belgrano, A. (2006). The eco-field hypothesis: Toward a cognitive landscape.
Landscape Ecology, 21, 5–17.
78. Farinelli, F. (2003). Geografia. Torino: Einaudi.
79. Favaro, R. (2010). Spazio Sonoro. Musica e architettura tra analogie, riflessi, complicità.
Venice: Marsilio.
80. Focillon, H. (1989). The life of forms in art. London: Zone Books.
81. Formaggio, D. (1990). Estetica Tempo Progetto. Milano: Città Studi.
82. Franzini, E. (1991). Metafora, Mimesi, Morfogenesi, Progetto. Milano: Guerini.
83. Franzini, E. (1994). Arte e mondi possibili. Estetica e interpretazione da Leibniz a Klee.
Milano: Guerini.
84. Franzini, E. (2001). Fenomenologia dell’invisibile. Al di là dell’immagine. Milano: Cortina.
85. Franzini, E. (2008). I simboli e l’invisibile. Figure e forme del pensiero simbolico. Milano:
Il Saggiatore.
86. Gadamer, H.-G. (1986). The relevance of the beautiful. New York: Bernasconi.
87. Gaube, H. (2007). Der frühe Islam. Berlin: Schiler Verlag.
88. Gombrich, E. (1986). Aby Warburg. An intellectual biography. Chicago: University of
Chicago.
89. Gregotti, V. (2010). Architecture, Means and Ends. Chicago: University of Chicago.
90. Greimas, A. J. (1984). Structural semantics: An attempt at a method. University of
Nebraska Press.
91. Grunebaum, G. (1962). Modern Islam: The search for cultural identity. Los Angeles:
Berkley University Press.
92. Guattari, F. (1995). Chaosmosis: An ethico-aesthetic paradigm (trans: Bains, P., &
Pefanis, J.). Sydney: Power Publications.
93. Hall, E. (1990). The hidden dimension. London: Anchor.
94. Harper, A. (2011). Infinite music. Alresford: John Hunt Publishing.
95. Harris Stahl, W. (1993). Martianus Capella and the Seven Liberal Arts (Records of Western
Civilization Series). New York: Columbia University Press.
96. Heidegger, M. (1977). On time and being. New York: Cotler Books.
97. Heidegger, M. (1964). Corpo e Spazio. Genova: Melangolo.
62 Bibliography

98. Henderson, L. (1983). The fourth dimension and non-Euclidean geometry in modern art.
Princeton: Princeton University Press.
99. Henderson, L. (2002). From energy to information: Representation in science and
technology, art, and literature. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
100. Hillier, B. (1993). The social logic of space. London: Bell & Bain.
101. Hillier, B. (1998). Space is the machine. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
102. Hourani, A. (2013). A history of the Arab Peoples. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
103. Husserl, E. (1982). Ideas pertaining to a pure phenomenology and to a phenomenological
philosophy: First book: General introduction to a pure phenomenology. Berlin: Springer.
104. Husserl, E. (1997). Thing and space: Lectures of 1907. Berlin: Springer.
105. Kironde, J. M. (1994). The evolution of land use structure of Dar es Salaam 1890–1990.
A study in the effects of land policy. Ph.D. Thesis, University of Nairobi, Nairobi, Kenya.
106. Kironde, J. M. L. (1997). Towards efficient urban land use in Tanzania. In W. Kombe & V.
Kreibich (Eds.), Urban land management and transition to market economy in Tanzania
(pp. 59–68). SPRING Research Series No. 19, Dortmund.
107. Kjellen, M. (2006). From public pipes to private hands. Water access and distribution in
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Ph.D. Thesis, Department of Human Geography, Stockholm
University, Intellecta DocuSys AB, Solna, Sweden.
108. Kyessi, A. G. (2002). Community participation in urban infrastructure provision. Servicing
informal settlements in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Ph.D. Thesis, University of Dortmund,
Dortmund, Germany.
109. Klee, P. (1925). Pädagogisches Skizzenbuch. Weimar: Neue Bauhausbücher; Kombe, W.
J. (1995). Formal and informal land management in Tanzania, the case of Dares Salaam.
SPRING Research Series No. 13, Dortmund.
110. Kombe, W. J. (1999). Urban poverty, service provision and land development in Tanzania:
Predicaments and prospect. Report of Workshop Proceedings (pp. 6–27). Arusha, Tanzania:
Institute of Engineers of Tanzania (IET).
111. Kombe, W. J., & Kreibich, V. (2000). Formal land management in Tanzania. SPRING
Research Series No. 29, Dortmund.
112. Kombe, W. J. (2005). Land use dynamics in peri-urban areas and their implication on urban
growth and form: The case of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Habitat International, 29(1), 113–
135.
113. Jacod, J. (2000). Probability essentials. Berlin: Springer.
114. Jankélévitch, V. (1961). La Musique et l’Ineffable. Paris: Colin.
115. Latour, B. (1987). Science in action. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
116. Latour, B. (1991). Technology is society made durable. In A sociology of monsters.
London: Routledge.
117. Le Corbusier, (1991). Precisions: On the present state of architecture and city planning.
Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.
118. Le Corbusier, (1923). Vers une Architecture. Paris: Cres.
119. Le Corbusier, (1948). Le Modulor. Boulogne-Billancourt: Éditions de l’Architecture
d’aujourd’hui.
120. Leatherbarrow, D. (2004). Topographical stories: Studies in landscape and architecture.
Philadelphia US: Pennsylvania University Press.
121. Lefebvre, H. (1974). La production de l’espace. Paris: Anthropos.
122. Lembi, P., & Moro, A. (2010). Esperienze dello Spazio. Milano: Politecnica.
123. Lévi-Strauss, C. (1955). Tristes tropiques. London: Penguin Modern Classics.
124. Lévi-Strauss, C. (1958). Anthropologie Structurale. Paris: Pocket.
125. Lévi-Strauss, C. (1962). Le totémisme aujourd’hui. Paris: Presses Universtiaires de France.
126. Lévi-Strauss, C. (1962). La Pensée sauvage. Paris: Presses Universtiaires de France.
127. Lévi-Strauss, C. (1978). Mythologiques - Le cru et le cuit. Paris: Plon.
Bibliography 63

128. Lupala, J. M. (2002). Urban types in rapidly urbanizing cities: A typological approach in
the analysis of urban types in Dar es Salaam. Ph.D. Thesis, Department of Infrastructure,
Division of Urban Studies, Royal Institute of Technology, Stockholm, Sweden.
129. Lupala, A. (2002). Peri-urban land management for rapid urbanization. The case of Dar es
Salaam. SPRING Research Series 32, Dortmund, Germany.
130. Lynch, K. (1964). The image of the city. Cambridge, US: MIT Press.
131. Lynch, K. (1964). The view from the road. Cambridge, US: MIT Press.
132. Marsciani, F. (2007). Traccati di etnosemiotica. Milano: Franco Angeli.
133. Mato, R. R. A. M. (2002). Groundwater pollution in urban Dar es Salaam, Tanzania:
Assessing vulnerability and protection priorities. Ph.D. Thesis, Eindhoven University of
Technology, University Press, Eindhoven, Netherlands.
134. Mbonile, M. J., & Kivelia, J. (2008). Population, environment and development in
Kinondoni Districts, Dar es Salaam. Geographical Journal, 174(2), 149–175.
135. McGee, T. G. (1967). The Southeast Asian city, London. London: Bell and Sons, Ltd.
136. McGee, T. G. (1971). The urbanization process in the third world. London: Bell and Sons.
137. McHarg, I. (1967). Design with nature. London: Wiley.
138. McHarg, I. (1970). Conversations with students, Dwelling in Nature. New York: Princeton
Press.
139. McLuhan, M., & Fiore, Q. (1967). The Medium is the massage. New York: Bantam.
140. McLuhan, M. (1969). Understanding media. London: Routledge.
141. Merleau-Ponty, M. (1945). Phénoménologie de la perception. Paris: Éditions Gallimard.
142. Merleau-Ponty, M. (1966). Sens et non-sens. Paris: Éditions Nagel.
143. Merleau-Ponty, M. (1979). Le visible et l’invisible. Paris: Éditions Gallimard.
144. Mersenne, M. (2013). Harmonie universelle, contenant la théorie et la pratique de la
musique (Vol. I, II). Paris: Hachette Livre BNF.
145. Mjemah, I. C. (2007). Hydrogeological and hydrogeochemical investigation of a coastal
aquifer in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Ph.D. Thesis, Ghent University, Ghent, Belgium.
146. Mila, M. (1976). Maderna musicista europeo. Torino: Einaudi.
147. Mosi, J. B. R. (1996). Urban population growth and accessibility to domestic water supply
in Tanzania. A case study of Dar es Salaam. Dar es Salaam: University of Dar es Salaam.
148. Msindai, K. (1988). Engineering geological aspects of soil and rocks in the Dar-es-Salaam
region, Tanzania. Ph.D. Thesis, Institute of Quaternary Geology, University of Turku,
Turku, Finland.
149. NBS (National Bureau of Statistics). (2002). Population and housing census. Dar es
Salaam, United Republic of Tanzania.
150. Norberg-Shultz, C. (1988). Architecture, Meaning and Place. New York: Rizzoli.
151. Jankélévitch, V. (1961). La Musique et l’Ineffable. Paris: Colin.
152. Kanach, S. (2001). Music and architecture by Iannis Xenakis. New York: Pendragon Press.
153. Kandinski, V. (1945). On the spiritual in art. New York: The Guggenheim Foundation.
154. Koolhaas, R. (1997). Delirious New York. New York: Monacelli Press.
155. Koolhaas, R. (2006). S, M, L, XL. New York: Monacelli Press.
156. Koolhaas, R. (2006). Junkspace. Macerata: Quodlibet.
157. Ortiz, P. (2013). The art of shaping metropolis. Boston: McGraw-Hill.
158. Paci, E. (1947). Esistenza e imagine. Milano: Tarantola.
159. Paci, E. (1954). Tempo e relazione. Torino: Taylor.
160. Paci, E. (1961). Diario fenomenologico. Milano: Il Saggiatore.
161. Paci, E. (1966). Relazioni e significati (tre volumi). Milano: Lampugnani Nigri.
162. Panofski, E. (1991). Perspective as symbolic form. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.
163. Panofski, E. (2005). Gothic architecture and scholasticism. London: Archabbey
Publications.
164. Peirce, C. S. (1868). Questions concerning certain facoulties claimed for man. In Collected
Papers. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
64 Bibliography

165. Peirce, C. S. (1893). Of Reasoning in general. In Collected Papers. Cambridge: Harvard

University Press.
166. Peirce, C. S. (1895). What is a sign?. In Collected Papers. Cambridge: Harvard University
Press.
167. Peirce, C. S. (1923). Chance, Love, and Logic. New York: Brace.
168. Peirce, C. S. (1931–58). Collected Papers of Charles Sanders Peirce. Cambridge: Harvard
University Press.
169. Peirce, C. S. (1977). Semiotic and significs. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.
170. Planck, M. (1965). Vortrage Und Erinnerungen. Berlin: Wissenschaftliche.
171. Poincaré, J. H. (1929). La Science et l’Hypothèse. Paris: Flammarion.
172. Portugali, J. (2000). Self-organization and the city. Berlin: Springer.
173. Reimann, H. (1884). Musikalische Dynamik und Agogik. Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel.
174. Reimann, H. (1908). Handbuch der Harmonielehre. Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel.
175. Reimann, H. (1919). Musik-Lexikon. Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel.
176. Reimann, H. (1920). Lehrbuch des Contrapunkts. Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel.
177. Ricoeur, P. (1965). Universal civilization and national cultures. In History and truth.
Evanston: Northwestern University Press.
178. Rykwert, J. (2008). The judicious eye. Architecture against the other arts. London:
Reaktion Book.
179. Ricci, L. (2010). Assessing the local adaptive capacity to climate change: A pilot study to
understand the autonomous environmental management in Dar es Salaam. 20th
Conference INURA (International Network for Urban Research and Action), “The New
Metropolitan Mainstream”, Zürich, Switzerland, June 27–July 3, 2010.
180. Rogers, E. N. (1958). Esperienza dell’architettura. Torino: Einaudi.
181. Rogers, E. N. (1980). Gli elementi del fenomeno architettonico. Milano: Mariotti.
182. Rognoni, L. (1974). Fenomenologia della musica radicale. Milan: Aldo Garzanti Edizioni.
183. Rossi, A. (1966). L’Architettura della Città. Padova: Marsilio.
184. Rowe, C., & Koetter, F. (1978). Collage city. New York: MIT Press.
185. Rowe, C. (1982). The mathematics of the ideal villa and other essays. Cambridge, MA:
The MIT Press.
186. Sartre, J. P. (1940). L’imaginaire. Paris: Solio Dessais.
187. Sauvaget, J. (1965). Introduction to the history of Muslim East. Los Angeles: Berkeley
University Press.
188. Sawio, C. J. (2008). Perception and conceptualization of urban environmental change: Dar
es Salaam City. Geographical Journal, 174(2), 149–175.
189. Schlemmer, O. (1990). The letters and diaries of Oskar Schlemmer. The Northwestern
University Press.
190. Schönberg, A. (1983). Theory of harmony. Los Angeles: California University Press.
191. Schumacher, P. (2012). The Autopoiesis of Architecture (Vol. I, II). London: Wiley.
192. Sciarrino, S. (1985). L’immagine del suono (grafici 1966–1985). Le Batiment Deux: Latina.
193. Sciarrino, S. (2001). Carte da suono (1981–2001). Roma-Palermo: Cidim/Novecento.
194. Shane, D. G. (2011). Urban design since 1945: A global perspective. London: Wiley.
195. Sini, C. (1991). L’espressione e il profondo. Milano: Lanfranchi.
196. Sini, C. (1992). Pensare il progetto. Milano: Tranchida.
197. Sini, C. (1993). L’incanto del ritmo. Milano: Tranchida.
198. Sini, C. (1994). Filosofia e scrittura. Roma-Bari: Laterza.
199. Sini, C. (1996). Gli abiti, le pratiche, i saperi. Milano: Jaca Book.
200. Shepard, M. (2011). Sentient city. Cambridge, US: MIT Press.
201. Smithson, R. (1969). Incidents of mirror-travel in the Yucatan. California: Artforum VIII.
202. Smithson, R. (1996). The collected writings. Berkeley: University of California Press, San
Francisco.
203. Stefani, G. (1982). Il linguaggio della musica. Roma: Paoline.
204. Stefani, G. (1987). Il segno della musica. Saggi di semiotica musicale. Palermo: Sellerio.
Bibliography 65

205. Sudgen, S. (2007). Excreta management in unplanned areas. London: London School of
Hygiene and Tropical Medicine.
206. Tafuri, M. (1973). Progetto e Utopia. Bari: Laterza.
207. Thom, R. (1994). Structural stability and morphogenesis. New York: The Westview Press.
208. Tschumi, B. (1983). The discourse of events. London: Architectural Association.
209. Tschumi, B. (1996). Architecture and disjunction. Cambridge, US: MIT Press.
210. UNDP (United Nations Development Programme). (2007). Lo sviluppo umano, rapporto
2007/2008. Resistere al cambiamento climatico (titolo originale: Human Development
Report 2007/2008. Fighting climate change: Human solidarity in a divided world). Torino,
Italia: Rosenberg & Sellier.
211. UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) Commissione
Italiana. (2007). Sviluppo sostenibile e cambiamenti climatici. Roma, Italia: Tipolitografia
Trullo.
212. UN-HABITAT (The United Nations Human Settlements Programme), UNEP (United
Nations Environment Programme). (2004). The sustainable Dar es Salaam Project 1992–
2003. From urban environment priority to up-scaling strategies city-wide. Nairobi, Kenya:
UNION, Publishing Services Section.
213. UN-HABITAT (The United Nations Human Settlements Programme). (2009). Tanzania:
Dar es Salaam City Profile. Nairobi, Kenya: UNION, Publishing Services Section.
214. UN-HABITAT (The United Nations Human Settlements Programme) (2). (2009). Cities
and climate change initiative, Launch and Conference Report, Oslo, Norway, 17/03/2009.
Nairobi, Kenya: UNION, Publishing Services Section.
215. UN-HABITAT (The United Nations Human Settlements Programme). (2010). Citywide
action plan for upgrading unplanned and unserviced settlements in Dar es Salaam.
Nairobi, Kenya: UNION Publishing Services Section; WaterAid. (2003). Water reforms
and PSP in Dar es Salaam. New rules: Does PSP benefit the poor?, WaterAid—Tanzania,
WaterAid and Tearfund, Dar es Salaam.
216. Vidler, A. (1994). The architectural uncanny: Essays in the modern unhomely. Cambrige,
MA: The MIT Press.
217. Varela, F., & Maturana, H. (1980). Autopoiesis and cognition: The Realization of the
Living. Boston: Reidel.
218. Varela, F., Thompson, E., & Rosch, E. (1991). The embodied mind: Cognitive science and
human experience. Boston: MIT Press.
219. Virilio, P. (1993). L’espace critique. Paris: Bourgois.
220. Warburg, A. (1988). A lecture on serpent ritual. London: The Warburg Institute.
221. Wardhaugh, B. (2014). The Compendium Musicæ of René Descartes: Early English
Responses (Musical Treatises). Brepols Publisher.
222. WaterAid. (2005). Water and sanitation in Tanzania: An update based on the 2002
Population and Housing Census. London: WaterAid.
223. Webern, A. (2014). The path to new music. New York: Nabu Press.
224. Wyshogrod, E. (2000). Emmanuel Levinas: The problem of ethical metaphysics. New
York: Fordham University Press.
225. Wittkower, R. (1971). Architectural principles in the age of humanism. London: Norton &
Company.
226. World Bank. (1999). Tanzania-Dar es Salaam Water Supply and Sanitation Project.
Washington DC, USA: World Bank.
227. Xenakis, I. (1976). Musique architecture. Paris: Casterman.
228. Xenakis, I. (1963). Musique formelle. In «Revue musicale», n. 253-4. Paris: Masse.
229. Xenakis, I. (1971). Formalized music. Thought and mathematics in composition. London:
Bloomington Press.
66 Bibliography

230. Xenakis, I. (1976). Arti/Scienze: Leghe. In «Quaderni della Civica Scuola di Musica»,
n. 18, Dicembre 1989.
231. Xenakis, I. (1996, tr. It. 1982). Musique et originalité. Paris: Séguier.
232. Yates, F. (1966). The art of memory. Chicago: University of Chicago.

Websites
233. http://www.everydaylistening.com/articles/2009/12/15/cymatics-visualizing-sound.html
234. http://ambientalternity.tumblr.com
235. http://www.ted.com/talks/david_byrne_how_architecture_helped_music_evolve.html
236. http://www.ted.com/talks/lang/tr/michael_pawlyn_using_nature_s_genius_in_architecture.
html
237. http://www.ted.com/talks/lang/tr/alain_de_botton_atheism_2_0.html
238. http://www.ted.com/talks/honor_harger_a_history_of_the_universe_in_sound.html
239. http://www.laboralcentrodearte.org/en/exposiciones/visualizar-el-sonido
240. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=05Io6lop3mk
241. http://www.ted.com/talks/evelyn_glennie_shows_how_to_listen.html
242. http://cymatica.net
243. http://www.labiennale.org/it/mediacenter/video/iannix.html