Manifestations of Commercialized Buddhism in Latin America -

A systematic approach

Frank Usarski, Rafael Shoji*

Introduction

Challenged by developments particularly in Western countries associated to tendencies

such the so-called “liquidity” of modern society (Bauman, 2000) and its correlations on
the subjective level such as “individualization”, “autonomy” or “multi-optionality”
(Gross, 1994) sociology has been compelled to widen its conceptional spectrum formerly
dominated by analytical categories such as “class”, “gender” or “ethnicity”. Under these
empirical and theoretical circumstances, researchers of Western Buddhism have become
aware that its subject is not limited to institutional manifestations and identifiable forms
of membership. Rather, in analogy to the general “fluidity” and “porosity” of
contemporary religions and the dislocation of its functions into other segments of modern
society (Pollack, 2008) Buddhism in West is characterized by a high degree of mobility
of adherents and sympathizers (Lüddeckens, 2010:11) in accordance with Grave Davie’s
renowned motto “believing without belonging” (Davie 1990). All that indicates that the
adoption of religion to the post-industrial society (Knoblauch, 2009: 41) in general did
not leave Buddhism unattached and has generated new demands for its research.

Against this background the present article problematizes manifestations of Buddhism in

Latin American countries, especially in Brazil, that can be understood as the outcome of
a process of “commodification” of Buddhist elements into “goods” and “services” that
can be acquired independent of an explicit commitment to a Buddhist institution. The
following reflections on these “extra-institutional” expressions of Buddhism are
organized in three steps. The first demand is the operationalization of what we call
“commodified Buddhism”. What exactly do we mean by this notion and how do we

*
Frank Usarski graduated in the Study of Religions from the University of Hannover (Germany) and
lectured at various German universities, moving to Brazil in 1998. He is Professor of the Study of Religion
at the Pontifícia Universidade Católica of São Paulo, where he founded the Centro de Estudos de Religiões
Alternativas de Origem Oriental (CERAL). In 2017 he founded the International Journal of Latin American
Religions published by Springer. Rafael Shoji graduated in the Study of Religions from the University of
Hannover (Germany). From 2006 to 2007 and again from 2010 to 2011 he joined the Nanzan Institute for
Religion and Culture (Nagoya, Japan) as a Research fellow. As the co-founder of the Centro de Estudos de
Religiões Alternativas de Origem Oriental (CERAL) at the Pontifícia Universidade Católica of São Paulo,
he is engaged in the study of Buddhism and other Eastern Religions in Latin America.

1
discriminate this phenomenon from “parallel” articulations within the wider Buddhist
field? Once identified, the question arises how commodification of Buddhist elements
takes place in a technical sense. Finally, we ask about the relationship between
“traditional” and commodified Buddhism both in terms of “philosophical” or “ethical”
implications and institutional, I.e. “political” consequences.

“Commodified Buddhism” as an analytical category

We understand “commercialized Buddhism” as a variation of the general tendency which

derives from the process of intertwining two logically disparate and previously relatively
separated segments of life, that is the religious and the economic spheres (Banet-Weiser
2012: 171-172) in favor of the latter so that economic interests prevail over religious
aspirations. (Gupta 2015:1). Since religion as a social phenomenon is unthinkable without
financial support, the emphasis of the preponderance of economy in relation to the
religious sphere is decisive. Instead of questioning efforts of religious organizations of
guaranteeing the material basis for their religious activities, the notion of
“commercialized Buddhism” calls attention to constellations in which the recourse to
Buddhist elements is mainly driven by market and profit motives.

As such, “commercialized Buddhism” is differentiated from religious and non-religious

activities promoted by different kinds of Buddhist institutions. For heuristic reasons, this
spectrum can be described in terms of four ideal types deduced from combinations of
three analytical dimensions. The first dimension has to do with the “nature” of the
supplier. Is the producer and/or the distributer a Buddhist or a non-Buddhist “entity”? If
it is a Buddhist institution or one of its representatives one can further ask whether the
“entity” is associated either with “ethnic” or with “convert Buddhism” composed by
individuals with or without Asian immigration background (Numrich, 1996). The second
dimension alludes to the intrinsic motivation behind the offer. Is the “good” or “service”
provided for religious reasons or is it “instrumentalized” for merely economic purposes?
The third dimension refers to the audience typically targeted by the supplier. The question
here is whether the “product” is mainly provided for Buddhists or for Non-Buddhists.
From these "dimensions," four ideal types can be deduced.

2
As for the first type, one must not forget that historically Latin American Buddhism has
its roots in Asian Immigration to the region. Japanese immigration to Mexico started in
1892, followed by immigration to Peru (1899), however in smaller numbers. Shortly
thereafter, Japanese immigration to the United States was restricted due to the
"Gentlemen's Agreement" that prohibited the entrance of Japanese. The alternatives were
Latin American countries, especially Argentina (from 1907 onwards) and Brazil (starting
in 1908). Until World War II, Buddhism in Latin America was almost exclusively
restricted to Japanese Immigrants. The 1950s witnessed the foundation of a series of
traditional Japanese temples, followed by a gradual pluralization of Buddhist institutions
mostly of East Asian and Tibetan origin (Usarski & Shoji, 2017).

Even before the establishment of ethnic Buddhist temples on Latin American soil,
traditional festivals and funeral ceremonies were the most important practices for
Immigrant families. More recent generations with an Immigrant background show little
interest in traditional Japanese temples thus reinforcing a steady numerical decrease of
the ethnic derived portions of the Buddhist spectrum in Latin America. However, this
does not mean that the ethnic temples have lost their meaning for the “Japanese diaspora”
in a wider sense. Rather, they still play an important role for the integration of associated

3
families by preserving Buddhist ideas and practices both for committed members and for
relatives indifferent towards Buddhism. One example is the maintenance of ancestor
rituals among the descendants of the immigrants regardless of their religious orientation.

Since from the perspective of an ethnic Buddhist institution the organization of funerals
and rituals for ancestors is religiously motivated the corresponding offers do not fall into
the category of commodified Buddhism although the attended families are charged for
these services.

The second ideal type refers to goods and services provided by traditional Asian Buddhist
temples which include in their routine’s activities that generally are in tune with the
cultural origin of the institution but not directly related to its religious aspirations in a
stricter sense. This can easily be observed in Japanese ethnic temples in Brazil and
Argentina whose calendar of weekly events Japanese language courses, karaoke, ikebana,
Japanese dance and theatre, and even martial arts such as karate and kendo. Other
examples for this ideal type are classes of Chinese language, cuisine or Tai Chi and even
Yoga offered by the Meditation Center associated with the Fo Guang Shan-Temples in
Cotia1 and Buenos Aires2.

Although participants must pay for this kind of courses and the financial profit may
contribute to maintaining a temple, the examples mentioned above are excluded from the
category of “commercialized Buddhism”. The main reason is the “non-Buddhist” nature
of the products. Language courses and lessons in cuisine represent culture-techniques and
even if the practice of Kendo or Tai Chi reflects an underlying spiritual mentality, they
are “by-products” in comparison to Buddhism in a strict sense, which is the temple’s main
religious concern.

One can speak of a third ideal type when religious motivated Buddhist goods and services
are offered by non-ethnic Buddhist suppliers for religious reasons. In many cases, Latin
Americans who were not born into a Buddhist family, become attracted to Buddhism by
books and magazine articles which then might inspire the potential convert to look out
for a lecture or workshop in a Buddhist institution.

1
<https://templozulai.org.br/cursos>, retrieved October 21, 2019.
2
<https://ibpsargentina.wordpress.com/actividades/> ,retrieved October 21, 2019>.

4
While an ethnically rooted temple used to attend members familiar with Buddhism since
their childhood, converts prefer to visit institutions that transmit its spiritual teachings or
methods in a way which is appropriate for candidates for whom Buddhism is still a
relatively “foreign” religion. In response to this, many convert groups assume the
character of a “spiritual academia” that organize meditation workshops and dharma-
courses given by teachers who favorize a more intellectualized approaches to Buddhism
to the detriment of devotional ceremonies typical for temples frequented by descendants
of Asian immigrants. The lessons and workshop taken by converts in exchange for a
financial compensation can be complemented by readings and meditation at home. In
certain cases, both study material and paraphernalia useful for the daily practice are sold
by the institution as shows the example of the shop “Loja Mandala” run by the Tibetan
Buddhist Odsal Ling Temple in the city of Cotia. The shop offers a vast spectrum of
religious articles such as books, CDs, Buddha-Statues and Malas that in the first place are
relevant for the adherents but – since they can be ordered via the internet – may also
attract clients who had nothing to do with the Temple3. Something similar is true for
cushions (Zafus) and clothing for Zen-Meditators promoted via the website of Monja
Coen Roshi, probably the best known converted female Zen-master in Brazil.4

Like the two previous discussed ideal types, the third ideal type does not fit into the rubric
of "commercialized Buddhism". The organization of workshops aand lectures as well as
the transaction of objects such as CDs, books and spiritual paraphernalia is not an end in
itself, Rather the items are offered to support the religious aspirations of those who make
use of the products.

The fourth ideal type embraces activities both of Buddhist converts and "non-Buddhists"
who incorporate certain Buddhist elements into a more comprehensive spectrum of offers
to attend the demands of a secular audience interested in the evolution of human potential
in the sense of higher efficiency at work or physical and psychological well-being.
Different from the first three ideal types, these activities can be classified as
“commercialized Buddhism” because the respective “goods” and “services” are designed
for the demands of certain market niches and are offered according to economic laws and
principles independent of the religious commitment of the suppliers.

3
<http://www.mandala.com.br/>, retrieved October 21, 2019.
4
<https://www.monjacoen.com.br/conexoes>, retrieved November 7, 2019.

5
One predestined field for this ideal type is the so-called “Spiritual Management”-sector.
Alfredo Avelinem the founder of the Center for Buddhists Studies Bodhisatva in Porto
Alegre, better known as Lama Padma Samten, for example, is frequently asked by
commercial enterprises to give talks from a Buddhist standpoint on issues such as
corporate communication, marketing, entrepreneurship or labour market. To this end, he
was frequently invited to participate as a lecturer, lecturer and consultant in business
environments. Among the companies and meetings attended by Lama Samten are
associations and events such as the Federation of Industries of the Federal State of Paraná,
the Center for Industrial Development of Camaçari in the Federal State of Bahia, the
Brazilian Association of Supermarkets (ABRAS) or the VIII International Forum on
Quality of Life at Work.5

Another example for suppliers of services for the marketing-sector is Petrucio Chalegre,
among Brazilian Buddhist better known under his Zen-name Meihô Gensho. Making use
both of his religious competence and his know-how in the field of administration, Petrucio
Chalegre founded in 1991 the company Prajna Consultoria to contribute to new business
ethics according to the increasing demand for spirituality in the sector.6 Inspirations for
this approach derive not only from the philosophy of Buddha, but also from the
contributions of other wise men of the past, such as Jesus or Gandhi (Chalegre, 2011: 9),
which allows Chalegre to address in a more general sense the issue “Spirituality in the
realm of business”.7

At the other end of the spectrum of suppliers of “this-worldly” goods deduced from
Buddhist sources one finds consulting firms whose identification with Buddhism is at
least unclear if not dubious. The Brazilian “Instituto MVC” engaged in the area of
corporative training programs, for instance, draws on “sensational experiences” made by
one of its employees during a six-day sojourn in a Buddhist temple8 and claims that the
incorporation of lessons on time-management, leadership, teamwork, gratitude,

5
<http://www.cebb.org.br/lama-padma-samten/>, retrieved October 21, 2019.
6
<http://www.chalegre.com.br/www/site/1/artigos.php?cod=22>, retrieved November 3, 2019.
7
<http://www.theresacatharinacampos.com/comp2094.htm>, retrieved November 3, 2019
8
<http://www.institutomvc.com.br/artigos/post/licoes-do-budismo-para-o-ambiente-corporativo>,
retrieved November 9, 2019.

6
sustainability and ethics into the firm’s schedule is a result of this sporadic encounter with
Buddhism.

A peripheric reference to Buddhism for propagandistic reasons is also characteristic for

the Spa Daissen and the Buddha Spa. The eclectic spectrum of alternative therapies of the
former includes courses on Zen-cuisine offered for clients who are interested in
combining the search for relaxation and Buddhist nutrition9 while the latter employs
Pilates-instructors who are familiar with Eastern Philosophy and ready to implement
complementary methods of Asian origin such as meditation and martial art-techniques10.

The transformation of Buddhist elements into consumable goods

This paragraph reflects upon the process of commodification of products and services
originally embedded in Buddhism in the sense of a religious tradition. Based on
publications on analogous matters (Banerjee, 2002; Zaidman et.al., 2009) one can
distinguish the following sets of constituents of the process of transformation of
Buddhism into commodities: a) abstraction and parcelling, b) rearrangement and
recontextualization, c) packaging and curricularization and e) validation. Like the four
variations of deinstitutionalized Buddhism identified in the previous section of this
article, the seven elements represent conceptual constructions in the sense of ideal types.
Hence, one can expect that the analytically differentiated constituents nor are always
100% congruent with the empirical reality neither do they necessarily appear in a
chronological sequence.

Abstraction and Parceling

A consumer attitude towards religion implies a disregard for the systemic character of a
belief system and promotes the treatment of certain elements of faith as if they were free-
floating single entities. (Miller, 2005) That means that the commercialization of religious
products and services isolates doctrines or practices from the overarching plausibility of
the respected religious tradition.

9
<http://spadaissen.blogspot.com.br/2011/05/cozinha-zen.html>, retrieved October 21, 2019.
10
<https://buddhaspa.com.br/>, retrieved October 21, 2019.

7
One expression for this tendency of abstraction is the following quote from Marc Fine’s
Buddha in a Business Suit.

Although it draws from the deep well of Eastern spiritual teachings, this book
is not about becoming a Buddhist. It offers simple and profound advice that
will serve you regardless of your background or spiritual outlook and shows
you how to do whatever it is you’re doing better - while living in a state of
contentment and happiness. (Fine, 2008:12)

The idea that one can benefit from a religious item without taken its original context into
account is re-affirmed by Andréa Falchi, an interior designer in Rio de Janeiro, who says:

“Everything from the Orient is fashion and the Buddha plays the role of its
official representative. However, when an interior designer places a Buddha
in a specific environment he or she is not necessarily concerned with the
religious side. Rather, the Buddha image humanizes the space”. (Fernandes,
2009:17)

The principle of “abstraction” is complemented by the strategy of “parceling” of those

elements of a religious tradition that the producer considers lucrative. Like “abstraction”,
“parcelling” ignores the totality of the integrated symbolic universe of Buddhism and its
corresponding practices in favour of only a segment of items to be transformed into
“consumable goods”.

What specific aspect is isolated depends on the character of the business or service offered
on the market. While a shop like the Oratórios Tsukuryo11, for example, is full of material
items from amulets to bells, an alternative health-centre is more interested in methods
which can be used for relaxation. Something similar happens with Zen / Ch’an-derived
elements used in clinics of acupuncture and traditional Chinese medicine or with offers
associated with corporal practices (Tai Chi Chuan) and food concerns (Buddhist
vegetarianism).

Rearrangement and Recontextualization

In a general sense, “rearrangement” means the combination of Buddhist elements with

aspects abstracted from other religious and spiritual contexts. In a more pejorative sense,
it can also be defined “as the blending of ‘serious’ esoteric knowledge with more popular

11
<https://www.oratoriostsurukyo.com.br/>, retrieved October 22, 2019

8
and commodified versions”. (Possamai, 2003:37) The principle of “recontextualization”
refers to the underlying spirit in which rearrangement takes place. The most obvious
issues here are “holism” and “spirituality" understood as ways to address the human being
as a whole, bringing segments together that from a modern point of view are separated or
even contradictory towards each other.

One example is the so-called concept of “Dharma-Marketing” which is the issue of a

homonymous book (launched by the publishing house “Maiytreya” Publications named
after the future Buddha) that relates the Buddhist Dharma-concept to spirituality in a
global sense and to the paradigm of Quantum-Physics. (Castro, 2011) The same approach
was offered by the no longer existent supplier “Dharma-Marketing” that combined
Theravada- and Zen-Meditation with “other practices of spiritual refinement” including
the art of leadership “Doshu” and methods of Raja Yoga.12

Yet another example for enterprises in the area of business consultancy services which
refer to Buddhism as one of its basic influences is that of the Holos Institute. Since the
first appearances of the enterprise in the Internet, Buddhism has been frequently
mentioned as one of the bases of the Holos-Approach13. These mentions were
complemented by references to other sources such as “Eastern Wisdom" or "Meditation
Techniques"14 as parts of the Holos-Program for coaches and mentors who are interested
in a systematic and complex vision capable of making a positive difference in their
professional lives. A more recent pamphlet sent by the Institute to potential clients,
reaffirm that Siddharta Gautama is considered one of the sources for the Holos-Approach.
In the same breath, however, not only other religious virtuosos, such as Jesus, Lao-Tse,
Rumi, Krishnamurti and the Dalai Lama are listed as sources, but also authors such as
Ken Wilber, Deepak Chopra, Rudolf Steiner, Rupert Sheldrake and Fritjof Capra.15

12
<http://www.dharmamarketing.org/>, retrieved September 19, 2011
13
<https://holos.org.br/category/budismo/>, retrieved November 3, 2019
14
<http://www.criarh.com.br/Artigos/MarcosW_02.html; http://www.holos.org.br/perguntas/enviar> ;
<http://www.marcoswunderlich.com.br/leituras_diversas.php?id=40>;
<http://www.marcoswunderlich.com.br/associados_mostra2.php?cod=22>, retrieved August 15, 2012.
15
Attachment of an e-mail (November 5, 2019) from the Holos-Institute to the authors.

9
Packaging and curricularization

The principles of “packaging” and “curricularization” are two intimately related

constituents of the process of commercialization of religious services and goods.
“Packaging” alludes to the integration of Buddhist elements into predefined sets of
spiritual commodities and the arrangement of these sets so that they become part of a
supposedly consistent product assortment. The term “curricularization”, on the other
hand, implies that the bundled offer is organized in logically and functionally interrelated
smaller units. One example for “packaging” and “curricularization” is the concept “Fator
Zen”, initially promoted by a homonymous agency that operated for some years in the
Brazilian city of Niteroi specialized in measures allegedly capable of promoting a
harmonious coexistence and fruitful collaboration of the employees thus guaranteeing
success and economic growth of a commercial enterprise.. The firm was created by
Wilson Medeiros de Moura in the year 2000 as a successor of his precursory Mahayana
Institute. While the Mahayana Institute was a Buddhist centre, the "Zen Factor"-agency,
designed for the solutions to different types of problems in the realm of business, referred
not only to Buddhism but also to several other sources. The enterprise’s program
consisted of a collection of courses, each of them subdivided into modules. It was up to
the customer’s free choice to enrol in single units according to their interest.

One example is the course on “Meditation and steady mental quietude”. Who signed up
for this module was attracted by the promise that he or she would learn how to calm down
one’s mind according to the following topics: a) Introduction to meditation: vision,
objectives, basic techniques and postures; b) Meditative concentration: dispersing
influences; objects helpful for focussing; objectives; c) The mind: its natures; how it
functions; universal elements and stages of spiritual evolution; d) initial difficulties of
meditation and countermeasures; e) Principal mantras: what they are, how they work and
how to utilize them in order to evolve and to concentrate; f) Steady mental quietude:
concept and practice; g) How to silence the mind: basics and life-experience; h)
respiratory reduction: techniques of respiration which promote spiritual evolution,
concentration, and deep relaxation of mind and body. Clients interested in these issues
could sign in or for an individual selection of certain units of for the whole course
composed of twelve meetings.

10
Although the Fator Zen-agency does no longer operate, Moura’s philosophy has survived
in the follow-up project “Engenharia de Vida”16 and in the form of the book “Factor Zen
- um convite à paz interior”. (Moura 2016) The latter contains, among other topics and
consistent to the author’s eclectic vision as a consulter, a chapter on meditation written as
a guide to progressive stages of mind developed by meditation-techniques such as
“mindfulness”.

Validation

“Validation” is given when suppliers of Buddhist goods and services strive for proving
the good quality of their products. This includes attempts to create a positive image of the
suppliers as sufficiently talented and adequately equipped to produce or distribute the
related commodities. The fact that Wilson Moura is “a teacher of Tibetan meditation and
yoga”17 is just one component of a complex biography that offered him – according to his
own account - the chance not only to absorbe philosophies and practices of different
origins during worldwide travels but also to acquire professional skills as a mechanical
engineer, product and marketing manager, technical-commercial superintendent. Such a
background suggests that he knows what he says when affirming that “meditation is a
science”.18 This downplaying of the religious origin of a commodity is a common feature
of the “validation” strategy. It is a “plus” that a “product” relates to Buddhism. However,
more important is, that it also corresponds to the insights of Transpersonal Psychology
and topics such as “collective consciousness”, “synchronicity”, “human intelligence” or
“spiritual quotient”.19

“Commercialized Buddhism” as a challenge for traditional Buddhism

One consequence of the availability of commercialized Buddhist elements from the

perspective of the clients is that in order to profit from Buddhist wisdom one does not
necessarily have to become a member of a well-defined religious community, to study
the teachings of the Buddha, follow the Buddhist ethics or become familiar with a spiritual
practice formerly transmitted within hierarchal lines of submission. Rather, Buddhism

16
<<https://wilsonmmoura.com/>, retrieved November 6, 2019.
17
https://wilsonmmoura.com/>, retrieved November 6, 2019.
18
<http://wilsonmmoura.com/a-ciencia-da-meditacao/ >, retrieved November 6, 2019.
19
<http://sapientus.blogspot.com/2009/10/o-dharma-marketing.html>, retrieved May 9, 2018.

11
can be “considered a component of the sacred cosmos of our times" (Soares, 2004: 139)
in the sense of religious practice on the individual, private level, spiritual pragmatism and
this-worldliness. Those who share these attitudes declare "that Buddhism permits men to
experiment and to autonomously construct an ensemble of his religious motivations."
(Soares, 2004:144)

In other words: to a certain degree deprived of the support and protected by organizational
structures, Buddhism has been partially absorbed by the so-called consumer culture, is
now an integral part of Latin America’s spiritual economy (Gelfer, 2010:55 and is today
surrounded by a climate of enhanced consumer choice. (Bowman, 1999)

This situation represents a double challenge for traditional Buddhism. One is

“philosophical”, the other one is “political”.

The first challenge is an issue that has not been explicitly discussed within or in relation
to the Latin American context. However, it is present in critical statements given both by
Buddhists and non-Buddhists from other parts of the world. The second challenge has to
do with the consequences of commercialized Buddhism for institutionalized Buddhism.
These effects are particularly far-reaching in pluralistic settings where different
denominations must assert their positions through successful competition with other
religions. Since this is the case in Latin America more general reflections about this issue
can easily be related to the empirical reality approached by this article.

“Commercialized Buddhism” as a “philosophical” problem

Buddhist organizations or their representatives which or who are engaged in the

production and distribution of elements rooted in the Buddhist tradition are confronted
with the critic that the economical spirit that determines the transactions of these “goods”
and “services” are in tension with a centuries-old worldview rooted in a sceptical attitude
towards the “mundane”. The main articulator of these concerns are Buddhists committed
to a more traditional understanding of their religion who fear that their heritage is
jeopardized by innovations incompatible with a position that reaches back to the Buddha
himself.

12
According to a widespread opinion, Buddhism is “the religion that is the most
oppositional in relation to economic activity in general, and goals declared by the market
capitalistic economy” (Aktamov et.al, 2015:94). Scepticism about selfish economic
activities is already documented in the Pali-Canon. In the “Kama Sutta” (Sutta Nipata
IV.1), for example, it is said that a person who is insatiable in his desire for pastures,
lands, gold, cattle, horses and labour, weakens himself and becomes vulnerable to
problems similar to a leaky boat that is threatened to be penetrated by water.

While one can expect articulations of these kinds in scriptures that are rooted in a
monastic environment, the economic ethos finally made its way into Buddhism in general
and was later confirmed by systematic approaches of Buddhist authors such as Ernst
Friedrich Schumacher whose book "Small is Beautiful: Economics as if People Mattered"
(1973) has become a much-quoted source of reference. In the latter, Schumacher
confronts the profit-orientated, ruthless and cruel-hearted capitalist economic system with
the Buddhist view that work is not only a means of earning a living but also an opportunity
for people to unfold their latent abilities and to overcome their ego-centeredness through
collective activity. For Schumacher, all that culminates in the ideal of a Buddhist society
in which material needs are self-sufficiently limited.

More recently, other Buddhists took the same line. Sulak Sivaraksa, Buddhist activist
from Thailand, for example, affirms that “greed”, i.e. one of the central Buddhist evils, is
the real driving force of capitalist economy that is only interested in profit. (Hewison
1999:15). Another example for an inner-Buddhist critic of the marketization of Buddhist
contents and practices is the effort of the Shaolin Temple Europe to distance itself from
“dubious attempts” of profit-oriented organizations, "false masters", "alleged monks" and
"Charlatans” to commercialize the Buddhist martial Shaolin.”20

A similar critical tone is also characteristic for Laszlo Zsolnai, Director of the Business
Ethics Center at the Corvinus University of Budapest and key speaker at the Conference
on “Buddhist Values and Economics: Investing in a Sustainable Future” at the Centre of

20
Shaolin Temple Europe: Vermarktung und Namensmißbrauch des Namens Shaolin,
<http://www.shaolintempel.de/faq/6.html>, retrieved June 19, 2013

13
Buddhist Studies, University of Hong Kong, in April 201921. Already in 2007 Zsolnai
asserted that

modern Western economics cultivates desires. People are encouraged to

develop new desires for things to acquire and for activities to do. The profit
motive of companies requires creating more demand. […] The Buddhist
strategy is just the opposite of the Western one. It suggests not to multiply but
to simplify our desires. Above the minimum material comfort, which includes
enough food, clothing, shelter, and medicine, it is wise to try to reduce one’s
desires. [...] Buddhism recommends moderate consumption and is directly
aimed at changing one’s preferences through meditation, reflection, analyses,
autosuggestion and the like. (Zsolnai 2007: 148)

According to this line of thought, contributions to an economy whose driving

fundamentals are conflicting with basic Buddhist principles are highly suspicious. From
this standpoint derives the accusation that when declared Buddhists put their religious
knowledge at the disposal of the dominant economic system, they contribute to the
triumph of Capitalism over their religion. What is rejected is, that by submitting itself to
the logic of the former, Buddhism “presents itself as the remedy against the stressful
tension of capitalist dynamics” but “actually functions as its perfect ideological
supplement.” (Ẑiẑek, 2001:n.p.). A similar counterargument is that Buddhist “practices
and doctrines” could be instrumentalized “as strategic elements in a corporate-driven
social vision that is demonstrably harmful mentally, physically, and financially to many
people, and environmentally to us all” (Wallis, 2019:32)

Among the criticized tendencies is the undifferentiated application of the Buddhist-

derived mental technique “Mindfullness” in secular fields such as business or education.
Ronald Purser, an ordained teacher of the Korean Buddhist Taego Order and the Zen-
master David Loy, for example, argue that the “modernization” of this century-old
method of meditation previously preserved within master-disciple relations has resulted
in a banalized and massified product which should better be called “McMindfulness”.
(Purser; Loy 2013)

Due to the lack of empirical research about the self-image of Latin American Buddhist
who are hired for “spiritual management”-training programs partly because of their
personal religious qualifications, one can only assume that they would justify their

21
<https://laszlo-zsolnai.net/content/buddhist-economics>, retrieved November 11, 2019

14
activities by drawing on an alternative line of opinion in favour of an adoption of the
Buddhist teachings to the contemporary conditions. This argumentation could be backed
up with recourse on the Buddhist concept of upaya (skilful means) that alludes to the
capacity of a Buddhist teacher to transmit the wisdom of the Buddha according to the
worldview of an audience insufficiently prepared to be instructed in conventional
Buddhist terms. (Schroeder, 2000).

This can imply that

commodification does not necessarily accompany a lessening of authenticity

or moral value or a decline in religiosity. On the contrary, the commodification
of Buddhism can also be understood to be a reaffirmation of the significant
religious influence that Buddhism has amidst global market forces and the
prominent place of religion, especially Buddhism, in people's lives in a hectic,
modern life. (Brox; Williams-Oerberg, 2017:510)

Correspondingly, Buddhism is appreciated for its “faculty of adaptation to other cultural

backgrounds and languages” (Pommaret 2012: 89) including to Western countries where
the “teachings were […] adapted to the western logic” while aspects not in tune with this
principle were minimized (Pommaret 2012: 93). For Garfield it is, therefore, reasonable
to emancipate Buddhist traditional teachings and practices from its original religious
horizon.

He affirms that

there is certainly nothing wrong with extracting technical ideas from

Buddhism and using them outside of a Buddhist context. [... ] If you go to a
stress-reduction clinic and somebody is using Vipassana technics to reduce
stress or to reduce pain, that doesn't need to be 'Buddhist' any more than if you
discovered a medicine in a Christian hospital, the use of that medication would
necessarily be Christian. And I think that's really the right an analogy, that
Buddhism has given us a number of things: it's given us insights, it's given us
teachings, it's given us an understanding of reality, and if somebody wants to
take something that comes to us as a fruit from the Buddha's tree, and serve it
in a non-Buddhist context, then you just don't pretend that it's Buddhism, but
you can acknowledge that it's something that came out of a Buddhist tradition:
no problem. (Garfield, 2010: n.p.)

In tune with this line of thought, Jon Kabat-Zinn, a committed Buddhist and a key figure
in the process of publicly promoting mindfulness, understands the technique literally as
a “skilful means” to teach the essence of Buddhism in an appropriate way to a modern
audience unfamiliar with Buddhism. (Kabat-Zinn, 2011).
15
“Commercialized Buddhism” as a “political” problem

While it remains open how the philosophical “dilemma” of the “commercialization”-

problematic is going to be resolved by the relevant acting Latin American Buddhist
instances and personalities, it is quite clear that the free-floating availability of Buddhist
elements is counterproductive for the religious authority that upholds the institutional
manifestations of Buddhism.

Traditional Buddhist communities are generally stratified in the sense of an unequal

distribution of religious knowledge. It is the possession of "secrets" representing
"symbolic capital", that brings prestige to its bearer and justifies the latter’s position in
the temple’s hierarchy. (Iwai, 2016) The unequal distribution of the “secrets” within the
community can be a stimulus for members in lower ranks to undergo religious training to
gradually qualify for more profound levels of religious knowledge.

Under this circumstances, the key-question is why someone who is attracted to Buddhism
and whose spiritual curiosity is to a certain degree (and without commitment to a master
or a school) immediately fulfilled by purchasable goods and services should submit him
or herself to a time-consuming and discipline-demanding routine controlled by higher
ranks of a religious hierarchy. In other words: the isolation Buddhist elements from their
religious context and their commodification represents a severe challenge for the
authorities active in the Buddhist temples and centres.

This is especially problematic in societies, such as those in Latin America, where one
finds a highly diversified religious field and where a religious branch can only survive if
it submits itself to the dynamics of competition. With the absorption of Buddhist ideas
and practices by independent providers, the competition aggravates for Buddhist
institutions not only through a numerical increase of alternatives but also because the
acquisition of Buddhist goods is less “costly” as the investment in a religious career in a
traditional Buddhist institution. Different to a religious commitment and the recognition
of the hierarchy of a Buddhist temple' or center, the market does not demand any other
prerequisite for the obtainment of Buddhist products than the power of acquisition in
terms of monetary capital. The client liberated from a religious authority’s “power of
definition” is free to pick up the product he can afford and is free to go if he thinks the

16
purchased good does not fulfils her/his needs. If she/he feels that the product did not
correspond to the standard or the supplier did not keep his promise, the client simply re-
orientates her/himself on the market.

Traditional Buddhists may argue that consumerism not only runs the risk of banalizing
religion (Borup, 2016: 49) but also “that it is primarily through the commodification of
Buddhism that the Dharma loses much of its capacity to transform individuals” (Cohen,
2017: 13). However, it is hard to imagine that these concerns will have any impact
whatsoever neither on the side of the supplier nor on the side of the "consumer."

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