The word “Ibanag” derives from the prefix “i” meaning “native, resident, people of”

and “bannag” meaning “river,” and means “people of the river,” an apt name for the
people who settled along the banks of the Cagayan River and the northern coasts of
Luzon. The Ibanag are found principally in Tuguegarao, Solana, Aparri, Peñablanca,
Lal-lo, Camalaniugan, Abulug, Buguey and Amulung in Cagayan, and in Cabagan,
Ilagan, Tumauini, San Pablo, Santa Maria, Santo Tomas, San Mariano, Angadanan,
Reina Mercedes in Isabela. In 1960, the total population of the Ibanag—who are also
called Ibanac, Ybanag, Ybanac, Cagayan and Cagayanes—was placed at 178,954. By
1970, the Census reported that there were 196,319 mother-tongue speakers (Llamzon
1978:41). Ibanag as a language gained prominence over the years as a lingua franca
among the Ibanag, the Gaddang, the Yogad, and a few Aeta, because the Dominican
order made it their language of evangelization in the area. All these groups inhabit the
central part of Cagayan Valley.

History

The proto-historic Ibanag lived along the Cagayan River in what is now Cagayan and
Isabela provinces. Their main economic activity was planting rice, the staple food.
Vegetables and legumes grew abundantly in their fertile lands. Much of the protein
requirement came from hunting and from domesticated animals. The rivers along the
settlements provided the Ibanag with a variety of fish, especially the lurung and aguag
(Llamzon 1978:41). Aside from these domestic activities, the natives traded with the
Chinese, the Indians, and the Japanese.

The early Cagayanes lived in villages which maintained trade and security relations with
one another. The village was governed by an urayan who had executive powers, an
ukom or judge, and a kammaranan who made policies and regulations for the
community (Mallo Peñaflor 1983). A mengal (chief warrior) led the vuggayawan
(army) when the tribe went to war; while a kagun acted as ambassador for missions of
conciliation and appeasement.

The Boxer Codex reports that in the 16th century, the people of the Cagayan Valley
were engaged in unending wars with each other, the objective of which was to obtain
the heads of members of other groups, including women and children. In these
headhunting confrontations, the Cagayan warriors used buffalo-hide corselets, helmets,
and long, broad lances. Victory in these adventures was celebrated with a feast
characterized by drinking, dancing, the ringing of bells, and the crowning of warriors
with a headdress with golden feathers (Quirino and Garcia 1958).

The first Spanish conquistador to arrive in Cagayan was Juan de Salcedo who landed
at the mouth of the Pamplona River in 1572. However, Spanish occupation of Cagayan
took place only in 1581, when Governor Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñaloza, upon learning
of the presence of a Japanese fleet under the command of Taifusa at the mouth of the
Cagayan River, sent Juan Pablo Carreon to the north to drive away the Japanese (Mallo
Peñaflor 1983). The Spanish expedition was successful, and in 1583, Cagayan became a
Spanish province. Capitan Carreon established his garrison in the village of Lal-lo
which he renamed Nueva Segovia. The garrison was only a military outpost, however,
not a mission center, since the Augustinians and the Dominicans who came with the
troops came either as chaplains of the expedition or as observers representing the
Bishop of Manila. It was not until 1591 that Governor Perez Dasmariñas, in his
capacity as Vice Royal Patron, assigned the mission field of Cagayan Valley to the
Dominicans.

In 1595, Cagayan became part of a new ecclesiastical jurisdiction, namely, the diocese
of Nueva Segovia, which together with Cebu and Nueva Caceres, were suffragans to
the Archdiocese of Manila (Mallo Peñaflor 1983). The new diocese, which covered
the whole of northern Luzon, had its seat in Lal-lo, Cagayan. This seat was later
transferred to Vigan. Cagayan itself would become a diocese again only in 1910, and
an archdiocese in 1975.

The Spaniards brought with them new agricultural techniques. The production of
tobacco, corn, rice, vegetables, fruits, and tubers increased. In some parts of the
province, wine was produced from nipa palm juice, as it had been before 1647 by the
people of Bagumbayan, a barrio of Lal-lo (Castillet 1960:xi). Many of these weaving
looms were still operating in 1877 in Camalaniugan. In Pamplona, Fray Francisco
Borja introduced the silk industry.

The Spanish built many structures in the first two centuries of occupation. In
Tuguegarao, parochial schools were established. Roads and bridges were built primarily
to facilitate the Ilocano immigration. The road to Manila was completed in November
1738 while the road from Cagayan to the Ilocos was opened in February 1880. The
church, now Cathedral of Tuguegarao, was built in 1767.

The establishment of a Spanish settlement in Cagayan was met with resistance from the
local chiefs like Guiyab of Camalaniugan, the Tuliao brothers of Tular, and Sibiran of
Pata, who rallied their fellows to confront the Spaniards with their native weapons—the
duppil, the suturing, the uutug, and the dukkial (Mallo Peñaflor 1983). However, the
superior weapons of the Spaniards ensured their victory. With the help of the friars,
the Spanish crown eventually prevailed over the hostility and indifference of the
natives.

Like any other colonized people, the Ibanag came under the dehumanizing effects of
Spanish impositions which caused further resistance. In Iguig, Magalad and a younger
brother led the people in protesting against the imposition of tribute and forced labor
(Mallo Peñaflor 1983). The Magalads established linkages with neighboring villages for
a concerted resistance against the Spaniards who were already advancing towards the
upstream cornmunities. The Spaniards captured the Magalads and deported them to
Manila. The Dominicans, however, had them brought back to Cagayan to serve as
models for their policy of attraction. Back in Cagayan, Magalad continued to protest
against the tribute and forced labor, prompting the Manila authorities to send a
reinforcement led by Captain Chavez to kill Magalad.
In 1718, the abuses of the encomenderos, of Juan Clavijo and the other alcaldes of
Cagayan before him as well as of the soldiers in the fort of Tuao pushed the Ibanag to
stage a rebellion on the feast of the Virgin of the Rosary. Led by Matatangan, chief of
Malaueg, and his deputy Sinanguinga, chief of Tuao, the natives, aided by the Kalinga,
Itawes, and Iraya, were joined in Tuguegarao by one member of the principalia, a certain
Rivera, who proclaimed himself Papa Rey and instructed all his followers to return all
their rosaries, scapulars, and other religious objects of the friars. In Lal-lo, the alcalde
surrendered to the rebels, although Rivera assaulted but could not take the fort. The
uprising was ended by Captain Pablo Orduña who advanced for Vigan to Cagayan with
300 soldiers. Matatangan and many of his followers fled to the forests of Cabagan and
Tuguegarao to elude arrest. Later, in 1724, chapels were built in principal barrios of
Cagayan and given their corresponding patron saints (mostly Dominicans) in order to
establish better politico-religious control over the natives (Malumbres, Cagayan
1918:55-57).

In 1763, Diego Silang’s proclamation of revolt against the Spanish was brought by a
boatman Baltasar Magalona to Juan Damay of Piat, who then spread the message of
revolt to other parts of the valley up to Ilagan. The insurrection spread from Ilagan to
Aparri. But the Itawes of Tuao and the Kalinga of Pinapo opposed it, and soon Ignacio
de Arza of Urrutia, captain general of the rebel areas, tried 33 Cagayanes, 1 Ilocano, and
1 Pangasinan in Lal-lo, and deported them to distant towns. In 1764, the alcalde mayor
Jose de Arteaga had Damay flogged 200 times on the back as he rode “a knight on a
beast of burden” through the streets of Lal-lo (Malumbres, Cagayan 1918:79).

There were attempts on the part of the Spanish officials to correct the abuses of other
Spanish authorities. In 1739, Don Jose Ignacio Urzudum de Rebolledo, a member of the
Royal Audiencia of Manila came to Cagayan as a visitador (Mallo Peñaflor 1983). He
instituted 40 statutes of reform which included a definition of the powers of the native
gobernadorcillo or town mayor and the town missionaries, the election of native
officers, the prohibition of banquets, the manner of dressing, and the use of currency.

One of the principal objects of protest from the natives was the imposition of the
tobacco monopoly. From the year 1782, the Ibanag were forced to cultivate tobacco.
Because of this, the natives had to switch from rice to corn as staple, since corn did not
require as much attention to grow as rice. Also the agricultural season of corn did not
conflict with tobacco but alternated with it. The abuses brought into this monopoly by
the agents of the treasury became so glaring that in 1882, Governor General Moriones
forced the hand of the Canovas and the royal family to sell the monopoly (Sawyer
1900:252). Soon, the Compania Tabacalera de Filipinas established the haciendas of
San Antonio, San Rafael, and Santa Isabel in the province of Isabela.

Private enterprise introduced into Cagayan the finest seeds along with novel ways of
cultivating tobacco. However, there seemed to be little improvement in the lot of the
Ibanag themselves who cultivated the tobacco. A marked distinction between social
classes rose as a result of the monopoly. The avarice of the upper class, who were
usurers, led to many bloody outbreaks of the oppressed and enslaved debtors.

There were additional pressures created by Spanish officials. To maximize the benefits
obtained from cultivating tobacco, the government encouraged outsiders to settle in
Cagayan and plant tobacco. They gave free passes and money advances to other
people, among them the Ilocano. These Ilocano replaced the Ibanag who migrated to
other places because of abuses they suffered under the Spanish.

Up to 1839, the valley had been divided into two, for administrative and
Christianization purposes. The north, from Gamu to Aparri, constituted the province
of Cagayan; and the south, from Calaniugan to Cruz of Caraballo Sin, made up the
Territorio de los Misiones. In 1839, Governor General Lardizabal established the
province of Nueva Vizcaya, with its capital in Camarag and covering the areas from
Aritao to Ilagan and Palanan inclusively. Cagayan’s borders were also redefined and
now went from Tumauini to Aparri, with its capital in Tuguegarao. In 1856, the
province of Isabela was created, covering the areas from Cabagan to Cruz, with its
capital in Ilagan. Because of this, Cagayan’s borders were once more reset. A line was
drawn between Tuguegarao and San Pablo (Malumbres, Cagayan 1918:14-15).

During the Philippine Revolution, many people from Cagayan and Isabela enlisted
themselves as members of the new army under the command of General Daniel Tirona,
head of a revolutionary force from Manila. The army list was headed by Ricardo
Tuyuan, Emilio Gannaban, and Tomas Dichoso.

This army was organized on orders of Aguinaldo who felt that an organization of an
adequate army was needed for Cagayan and Isabela. The brigade had for its officers
names like Romillo, Macanaya, Alvarado, De Rivera, Villaflor, Fonacier, Guibani,
Paguirigan, Claravall, and Padilla. The civil government was administered by Vicente
Nepomuceno as governor of Cagayan and Dimas Guzman as governor of Isabela.

As in most Philippine provinces, the American period introduced elementary and high
school buildings, as well as more government structures into Cagayan. This period saw
the rise of local leaders like Engracio Gonzaga, Pablo Guzman, Antonio Carag, Vicente
Masigan, Honorio Lasam, Macanaya, Esteban Quinto, Vicente Formoso, Proceso
Sebastian, Nicanor Carag, Nicanor P. Carag, and Marcelo Adduru (Castillet 1960:xii).

In the fight for liberation from the Japanese, the two main groups in which the
Cagayanes were involved were: the USAFIP (United States Armed Forces in the
Philippines) which had such men as Cepeda, Balo, Tumaliuan, Casibang; and the
guerilla forces which were led by Peñaflor, Pagalilauan, Gaza, and Balleva. After the
“liberation,” reconstruction of Cagayan was pioneered by Baldomero Perez, Peregrino
Quinto, and Nicanor Arranz. In Manila, Adduru, Singson, Alonzo, and Siagon
contributed to the rebuilding of the nation (Mallo Peñaflor 1983).

Today, the Ibanag who stayed in their homeland are primarily tobacco farmers. Only
a small portion of the farmlands are devoted to rice and corn, although immigrant
settlers like the Ilocano, the Tagalog, and the Pampango are beginning to influence the
Ibanag into producing rice in commercial quantities (Llamzon 1978:41). Many logging
firms now operate in Cagayan, for which the province has the largest volume of
standing timber in the region. The manufacturing industry is limited to small food
industries, such as bagoong (fish paste) and patis (fish sauce) making, rice milling,
coconut dessication, and soap making.

Economy

The Ibanag’s chief product is rice followed by tobacco. Rice production is done by
mutual assistance among the villagers, from plowing to harvesting. Assistance is in
lending a plow or animal or in sharing of the harvest: 1/3 of the harvest goes to the
landowner, 2/3 to the tenant or principal tiller. One half of the share of the tenant is
distributed to the volunteers who each get one basket of rice for every 10 baskets they
reap while assisting in harvesting.

Sharing the produce is observed in fishing and piggery. In fishing, the owner of the
banca and net gets half of the catch while the other half is equally shared by other
fishers; the owner gets another share from this partition. In pig raising, the sow is
given to a caretaker who agrees to give the owner one piglet for every litter of four. If
the available number of piglets is less than four, the caretaker gets all; when there are
seven, the owner gets two.

Borrowing money is resorted to in time of need. The practice is to give a cavan of corn
every harvest for every 100 pesos borrowed. This mode of payment continues until
the loan is paid. Sometimes, farmers pay as much as a third of the harvest for only the
interest on the money borrowed.

Aside from agriculture, other gainful occupations in the area include animal husbandry,
forestry, fishing, and hunting (Census 1980:xxix). Some Ibanag are production workers,
transport equipment operators and laborers, while others are professional, technical,
and service workers. People in administrative, executive, and/or managerial positions in
private or public organizations comprise the smallest percentage of the work force.

Political System

The head of the traditional Ibanag community was called the dakal na barangay.
Among the early Ibanag, this leader was not someone whose authority was imposed
on the people (Gatan 1981:16). Rather, the leader must be one of them, someone from
their stock. There were times when the central govermnent would appoint a head of
the barangay who would be given all the rights and privileges of the office.
Simultaneously, the people themselves would acknowledge a leader of their own. To
the Ibanag, a leader should have charisma and honesty; the ability to control or placate
the people; and the intelligence to discover solutions to the problems of the
community. Above all, the leader must be a kin or karaga, as in the old datu (chieftain)
system (Gatan 1981:17).

Today, under the presidential form of government of the 1986 Constitution, the
province of Cagayan is governed through the Department of Interior and Local
Government which oversees the local government units: the barangay, the municipality,
and the province (Philippine Yearbook 1989:70-73). In 1990, Cagayan Province had
29 municipalities, which had a total of 158,948 households. Of these households,
19,492 were Ibanag speakers. In the same year, Isabela province had 34 municipalities,
which had a total of 204,409 households. Of these households, 28,060 were Ibanag
speakers (1990 Census of Population and Housing, Report No. 3-21B, Cagayan and
Report-45B, Isabela).

Social Beliefs and Customs

Traditional Ibanag couples place a great value on the child, which they consider as a gift
from God. There are several reasons for this: children are the source of luck for the
family; they are a proof of the father’s masculinity; they are manifestations of riches;
they are a form of investment or security. Couples without children are considered
unlucky and are believed to be punished. Many childless couples resort to prayers and
novenas to special saints. Others use prescriptions by older members of the
community (Gatan 1981:43). One such formula is called illug na tanggalawa (the eggs
of a house insect called tanggalawa). The illug is toasted and mixed with coffee. The
lupo (the sterile one) says a prayer and drinks the concoction (Gatan 1981:42).

Mangagug or magalluaring is the Ibanag term for conception. There are many beliefs
associated with magalluaring. One such belief is that characteristics of children result
from the food the expectant mother takes. A woman who craves for lubbang (orange)
will bear a round-faced baby. And a woman who craves for lumboy (a violet fruit) will
deliver a dark-skinned infant. Another popular belief is that symptoms of conceiving,
like restlessness and irritability, may be transferred to the husband if the wife, on
waking up in the morning, bends over the husband (Gatan 1981:44).

To ensure the health of the expectant mother, couples go through a ritual involving the
use of a lutung or container used for feeding pigs. Lutung is made from a piece of a tree
trunk hollowed out in the middle to contain liquids. A small piece is taken from the
lutung, pulverized and burned, and mixed with coffee. This will be served to the
conceiving woman on a full moon with the appropriate chanting of prayers. This ritual
is performed to free the expectant mother from sickness.

Another ritual is made to eliminate pains associated with pregnancy. This ritual, called
mamattang, involves the eating of a native cake called pinataro, prepared by a member
of the household. Aside from the pinataro, wari (food offering) for the nature deities is
prepared. These offerings are placed on top of the baul (chest). The couple bends over
the baul, face each other, and eat the pinataro, while they are surrounded by relatives
and friends. After this, the mother of the husband and the mother of the wife put coins
in a container filled with water. Then the relatives and other guests partake of the
pinataro. After eating, the coins are joined and sealed with wax which symbolically
dispels the anxiety of a possible abortion, while the pinataro suggests that the baby
stick to the womb until it is ready for delivery.

The newly born is called kalubi; after several days it is referred to as assitay (Gatan
1981:51). If the assitay is a first born, it is called palutarag, a term also used to refer to
the mother giving birth for the first time.

During the first few days of the kalubi, the partera or hilot (midwife) performs the
magassu ceremony which employs fumigation as a way of purification. Black clothes
are burned near the mother and child. Both of them are instructed to inhale the smoke.
This ceremony is done to drive away insects and to relieve the kalubi of stomachache.
When the soft part of the head of the kalubi is deflated, the remnants of the umbilical
cord is burned together with the black clothes.

After a few weeks, the Ibanag child undergoes the pacristian or baptism (Gatan
1981:55). Ibanag see this ritual as a means to cure a sick child or to protect the child
from illness. During baptism, the godparent pinches the child in order to keep it awake.
A kalubi who cries during the ceremony is expected to be alert and watchful, therefore
industrious.

The society recognizes the transition of the assitay from infancy to childhood when he
is referred to as abbing (Gatan 1981:58). At this stage, parents are watchful of their
children’s growth. When parents notice physical or mental defects in their child, certain
rituals and practices may remedy the situation. One such practice is to change the
child’s name which signifies a desire to start everything again. The new name is usually
given by the parents or a karaga. It is customary for Ibanag children to have more than
one given name.

Speech defects are treated with mannusian, also called makipenpenga, a ritual
performed by a relative who inserts a large key, usually a cabinet key, in the mouth of
the child and turns it as in opening a cabinet door.

When a child refuses to wear clothes, their godparents make panties or pants out of old
clothes which are considered sacred. Godparents are requested to put these on the child
who would then be expected to learn to use these garments. The ritual is called
makisinnung.

When the child suffers from hearing impairment, the matulipattan is performed. Here
the hole of the ear is covered with a small coin.

The mangagagakao is a ritual to bring back the kararua or soul of a child who is
shocked or scared. The Ibanag believe that shock or trauma is caused by the temporary
separation of the soul from the body.
Mangayaya is the native term for courtship which usually starts at age 16 (Gatan
1981:69). Dating is not easily permissible. The maginganay (young girl) is always
accompanied to social gatherings. This practice does not only protect the virginity of
the girl but also prevents her from being the object of gossip. The strong kinship
system can make private affairs public.

As in any other Christianized community, the formation of an Ibanag family begins

with marriage (Gatan 1981:71). There are two ways of getting a mate. The first is
through parental arrangement, where the man is required to present the usual
bridewealth consisting of two carabaos, a parcel of farmland, five cows, a trunk, a bolo,
complete kitchen ware, bedclings, and the aggo, a piece of cloth which is wound around
a woman’s waist after giving birth. Child marriage was practiced by parents on both
sides, although it was abandoned in the 1920s. The second way is through courtship,
which has become a popular alternative among the educated. When there is parental
disapproval, couples resort to elopement.

Marriage marks the end of courtship and is intertwined with the concept of adulthood.
The Ibanag’s high regard for the institutions of marriage is manifested in its meticulous
traditional rituals for the different stages leading to a wedding. Before marriage, the
bagitolay (young man) must first go through several stages to secure the permission of
the girl’s parents. In all these stages, he must be accompanied by his parents and a
gumakagi (spokesperson), proof that marriage is a union not only of husband and wife,
but also of their families.

The marriage process starts with the dalibasa (information). A gumakagi is chosen by
the bagitolay’s family and is sent to the house of the girl to inform her parents about the
love of the young man for their daughter. Next comes the mangidulo maptritindi, where
the man’s parents together with the spokesperson go to the house of the woman. Here,
the spokesperson of the bagitolay and spokesperson of the maginganay perform the
mabersu or talking in verse impromptu. During this ritual, refreshments are served by
the young man’s family, usually liquor or soft drinks, biscuits or pancit. Then, the
manubag follows. Here, a whole entourage of the man’s relatives pays another visit to
the woman’s house to get the final decision of the girl’s family. A week after the
manubag, the parents of the couple gather together for the mamakurung to talk about
the wedding preparations. Here the role of the spokesperson is dispensed with. The
kind of wedding is usually determined according to the financial status of the groom, but
the dote (bridewealth), consisting of cash, carabao, trunk, beddings, bolo, and jewelry, is
expected of all grooms. After these talks, the massulisitud or acquiring of a marriage
license follows, and then the mappasingan, where the priest advices the couple on the
Christian teachings on marriage. In the manulug, the provisions agreed upon during the
mamakurung are brought to the woman’s house on the eve of the wedding day. Three
days are alloted for the wedding festivities. The first is called the pasingan, the last, the
aggud. On the day of the pasingan, the couple, accompanied by their parents,
sponsors, relatives, and friends, go to the town to hear mass and to get the priest’s
blessings and return for the festivities in the bride’s residence.
There are several rituals observed during the wedding proper. The pamottagan, which
means “going down the house,” is a ritual exchange of coins between farnilies. These
coins symbolize prosperity and act as charms for good fortune. Some of these coins are
showered on the couple after the wedding ceremonies. The pagunekkan, which means
“going up the house,” is the ritual where the parents of the couple give coins to their
children, this time before the couple go up to the bride’s house.

The couple’s first destination inside the bride’s house is the altar where they offer
prayers to their dead relatives. Then, they proceed to the ballang where their first
dance is performed. After lunch, the mappagala follows. For this ceremony, two big
handkerchiefs are laid out on the ground for the money that relatives will present to the
couple. Relatives of the groom deposit their gifts on the handkerchief near the bride,
while relatives of the bride put their gifts on the one near the groom. Throughout the
ceremony, a wedding dance called maskota is performed by any of the couple’s
relatives.

There are rules on marriage that are strictly followed. Marriage between relatives down
to the third degree of consanguinity is forbidden. The married couple should stay with
the bride’s family. The older sister must must wait for the younger sisters to marry
before she does.

Separation is permitted on grounds of infidelity, maltreatment of the wife, negligence of

duties and obligations as spouse or as parents, and barenness which only applies to
women, as men are always presumed to be fertile. The separation is done before the
barrio dakal (big man) who performed the marriage ceremony.

When a couple separates, settlement is reached with the guilty party giving up his/her
rights for the custody of the children and the property. In the distribution of properties
among the children, the sons are given three times the share of daughters. This unequal
treatment based on sex has prompted the educated daughters to assert their rights based
on national laws and to bring their cases to court when necessary.

In most cases, death comes as a result of sickness or disease. Although the Ibanag
accept that sickness has natural causes, many illnesses are still attributed to
preternatural reasons (Gatan 1981:76). Faded or destroyed statues or paintings of
santo, for example, which manifest neglect by the owners are believed to cause sickness.
As atonement, these images are repainted and brought to the church. Food and prayers
are offered for the recovery of the patient.

Another cause of illness may be the neglect of the kararua of dead relatives. Illnesses
caused by them usually happen during the pagamiento or when the farmers receive the
payment for their crops, and serve as a reminder to the living relatives that the dead are
still part of the pattataman.

Many illnesses are attributed to the agguiriguira (also called arimasingan) or spirits
that cannot be seen. When someone is natukkal, i.e., touched by these beings, he/she
must offer a wari, an offering consisting of food, cigars with red ribbon, and wine, to
appease the spirits.

These illnesses and their causes are determined by the mangilu, the medium who
utilizes various traditional methods to diagnose the patient. The mangilu and his
methods become a popular alternative when all prescriptions from the doctor prove
ineffective. Should the physician and if the mangilu fail and the patient dies, the Ibanag
accept this as the will of God. Before the patient expires, a priest is called to anoint the
sick and administer the viaticum.

The death of an Ibanag is one occasion when the Ibanag kinship system is clearly
manifested. When the news of the death of a karaga spreads, people come into the
house and extend all forms of assistance to the bereaved family: some prepare the dead
for the tarag (literally, “lying down”) or wake; some build an improvised altar; some
construct lungun or coffin while others cook food for the visitors during the wake.

During the tarag, members of the immediate family may not sweep in and around the
house, help in the preparation of the lungun, touch candles or salt, take a bath in the
same house where the tarag is being held, comb one’s hair, and break a dish. Efforts are
made to follow these orders as disobedience may cause the death of other family
members. Close family members also prepare the balung— the things which the dead
must take along with him/her.

During the night of the tarag, the pasion is chanted by a male and a female volunteer.
At times, a mabbersu (one who sings in impromptu verses) takes over as intermission.

Black clothes are customarily worn, not during the wake but for the funeral. Women
also put on black veils called mantu.

There are rituals observed after the burial. After relatives have left the cemetery, a
family member, usually the one closest to the deceased stay behind for the
mangagagacao ritual. This ritual is actually an invitation for the kararua of the dead to
stay with the family temporarily.

The day after the burial, the mawwagga ritual is performed. This ritual, which
represents the purification of the family from the misfortunes that brought about the
death in the family, involves bathing in the river and disposal of the rags used during the
illness and death.

The nine-day prayers are said, and the novena culminates in a big celebration to thank
all those who condoled and extended help to the family.

Religious Beliefs and Practices

The Ibanag believe in spirits which inhabit the world. There are unseen spirits they call
i ari nga masingan or “those who cannot be seen” (Llamzon 1978:43). To appease
these spirits and allay their own fears, they make offerings. Sometimes, the minangilu
or minannanad (or mangilu), folk medics who claim to have contact with the other
world, are asked to be mediators and maintain harmony between the material and the
spiritual world.

Sickness and diseases are believed to be caused by offended spirits, who have to be
appeased. There are two methods employed by the minangilu or minannanad to
diagnose the infirm (Llamzon 1978:43). In the first method, the minannanad moistens
the palm with coconut oil called denu and lemon juice. The minannanad then massages
the sick and declares that the tu naponna ira (dead relatives) need something and are
asking for prayers. A makeshift altar is set up in the living room and a padasal is called.
Relatives, neighbors, and friends are invited to offer prayers. Food, such as choice
morsels, a tiny cup of sikulate (chocolate) and rice cakes, are likewise prepared and
offered to the soul. This ritual is called mattunnak.

The second method involves smoking or fumigation and is called assub. The minangilu
uses charcoal, chicken feathers, coconut frond blessed by the priest on Palm Sunday,
salt and a piece of alum or piedralumbre. Heated bunch charcoal is placed in a
container, over which the patient stands. The minangilu prays and burns the materials
one at a time, seeing to it that the fumes envelop the patient. The piedralumbre is
extracted from the embers and allowed to melt, changing into shapes which may suggest
the cause of the ailment.

Animal sacrifice has figured prominently in many Ibanag rituals. An example is the
netabba (sacrificial pig) offered to a patron saint. The netabba may be offered during
town fiestas or during the wake of a deceased member of a family. When offered during
fiestas, the animal offering is accompanied by the sambali and the parosa— a song and
dance dramatization of the life of Santo Domingo, the patron saint of Casibarag.

There are many other beliefs which have been classified as situational. The tabba
(literally, “opposite”) refers to the rule in life by which one may find oneself in a
situation which is the reverse of one’s present state. This belief has developed among
the Ibanag a sense of temperance and prudence. The concept of tabba is not limited to
human activities alone but also to the movements of nature. Thus, a bountiful harvest
will have its tabba in the form of a drought or sickness and death of children.

The concept of matulao sets in when an endeavor or enterprise suddenly fizzles out.
The term is derived from the root word “tulao” which implies that the charm of success
has been neutralized. This concept assumes a belief in objects of galing-galing or
charms which give power to humans, such as ilug na lalung (egg of a rooster), batu ta
unag na niog (stone inside a coconut), and inki na palutarag (forefinger of a first-born
boy) stolen from the cemetery on a Holy Friday. There are objects and activities,
however, which can neutralize the power of these charms. For example, salt placed
beside a gambler dispels the luck provided by the charms of the gambler. Roasting of a
lappang (owl) and praising the productivity of the farmland are said to cause bad luck.

Mangibariao, on the other hand, is a curse or bad wish. The person who performs
mangibariao can cause harm or injury to another person. A person would need matulao
to neutralize the mangibariao.

Amid the incursions of the Catholic doctrines and practices which appropriated native
cultural elements, the Ibanag belief system has survived through the years. The smooth
and spontaneous transmission of community values and beliefs was made possible
through the family which has served as a reinforcer of these beliefs.

Architecture and Community Planning

The traditional Ibanag settlement pattern consists of an outer and an inner group of
houses, and an outer and an inner circle of houses (Gatan 1981:13). Such is Barrio
Casibarag Sur which is made up of eight blocks, each one showing this outer-inner
pattern. This settlement pattern manifests a strong kinship system. Furthermore,
houses located in the inner circle are occupied by the older people, while those at the
outer circle belong to the young, which indicates that the construction of these houses
went from the inner to the outer.

Ibanag houses come in three types: the traditional, the transitional, and the modern
(Gatan 1981:13). The traditional house is a multiroom house, raised 1 meter or more
above the ground with two batalag porches—one in front where the family can relax at
night or where one can wash the mud off one’s feet especially during the rainy season;
and another at the back which serves as an open-air bathroom and an area for washing
pots, dishes, and clothes. The rear batalag also holds the gapa, the jar for drinking
water. This feature of having two batalag distinguishes the Ibanag dwelling from other
indigenous houses. In general, these batalag are unroofed and have ladders which can be
drawn up anytime to prevent animals from coming up the house. The walls of these
dwellings are made of split bamboo, while the roofs are of cogon or nipa. The house is
loosely divided into: the living room which also doubles as family bedroom; two small
rooms, one for the altar and one for storing rice and corn or tobacco; a dining room
which is also the kitchen; and the two batalag porches.

The transitional house is a bigger version of the traditional. Galvanized sheets are used
for roofing instead of cogon or nipa. The walls are still of split bamboos but the floor is
made of wood. In this house, the front batalag becomes dispensable or nonfunctional.
The house has two stories but only the top floor is used for household activities. The
ground floor, on the other hand, serves as an area for drying tobacco leaves and as a
working place.

The modern house, which employs contemporary architectural design taken from the
lowlands (e.g., the bungalow), is constructed with more permanent materials, like
hollow blocks and wood for floors and walls, and glass and steel for windows.Literary Arts
Ibanag folk literature consists of the folk speech, namely, proverbs and riddles, and
the folk narratives, composed of myths and legends. All are transmitted orally.

Riddles which are called palavvuh can be classified as a form of social literature, as
riddling often becomes a favorite pastime during work or leisure and provides
entertainment at most social gatherings. Most of the riddles take the form of
monorhyming couplets (Eugenio 1982:379, 388):

Egga y tadday nga ulapa

Funnuan na kanan y bagui na. (Kandela)

There is a certain fool

That eats up its own body. (Candle)

Egga y babui ta Manila

Maguinna toye y guni na. (Arugok)

My pig in Manila
Its squeal can be heard here. (Thunder)

There are numerous proverbs known as unoni which reflect the life and the world of the
Ibanag. These proverbs contain many of the basic tenets about life and human nature
upheld by the people. Like the riddles, these proverbs are often expressed in
monorhyming couplets of 5 to 12 syllables per line. Here are some examples (Eugenio
1982:353-354, 357):

Y baruasi nga inikkaw,

Nu ari atazzi, alawa nikao.

One who wears something borrowed,

Even in the street, will be stripped.

Ariammu ibilang tu kukuwan

Nu ari paga nakadde ta limam.

Do not consider as certain that

which you do not actually hold,
For even the rice you carry to your mouth
may still fall.

Kitu nga nepallo y uvug na

Awan tu makaga na.

Barking dogs
Seldom bite.

The myths are prose narratives that explain the origin of the world, people, animals,
places, and other natural phenomena. Its characters are either humans or animals and
deities with human attributes. The actions and adventures of these characters are set
in the remote past and in another world, such as the sky or the underworld.

Most of the recorded Ibanag myths deal with the origin of natural phenomena (Eugenio
1994:259-260). One such myth, “Y Naggafuanan na Aruguk, Kilakila, Kunam Anna
Uran” (The Origin of Thunder, Lightning, Clouds, and Rain) attributes the cause of
thunder, lightning, earthquake, and rain to the giant who is imprisoned by an enemy in a
big cave under the world. Smoke from his pipe forms the clouds. When he lights his
long pipe, lightning flashes across the sky. When he shouts at his enemy, thunder rolls.
When he kicks the wall of his cave, the earth shakes. When he blows, he brings the
clouds together and the rain falls.

Still another myth, “Y Paggafuanan na Lunig” (What Causes Earthquakes) attributes

the origin of earthquakes to the legendary Bernardo Carpio, who, as a child, already
exhibits extraordinary strength. Bernardo Carpio is the only son of a very poor couple.
Whenever the couple go out to work, they leave the baby in the house. Upon returning
home, they find all the baby’s toys broken into pieces. When there are no more toys to
break, the child breaks the walls and studs of the house. As he grows up, Bernardo
Carpio is recognized as the strongest man not only in the village but in the whole
country. This popularity makes him so proud that he challenges God himself. God
gives him several trials, the last of which is for him to stop the quarrel between two big
mountains. To prove his strength, he goes between the warring mountains, extends his
arms to part them but gets crushed by them. He is buried alive and only his head is left
sticking out of the mountains. Whenever Bernardo Carpio attempts to free himself
from the two mountains, the earth shakes (Eugenio 1994:264-265).

Compared to the myths, legends are generally set in a period considered less remote. A
popular Ilocano legend entitled “The Legend of Lakay-Lakay” is actually Ibanag co-
opted by the Ilocano who inhabit the northeastern part of Cagayan (Cagayan Almanac
1970). About 3 kilometers from the town proper of Claveria, there are two rocks which
take the features of a man and a woman. These rocks are called Lakay-lakay and Baket-
baket, which in Ilocano means “old man” and “old woman” respectively.

There is a legend behind these stones. Lakay-lakay together with Baket-baket and their
child, Ubing-ubing, lived near the sea. They are fisherfolk. Everytime Lakay-lakay has
a good catch, his wife offers fish to the gods. In return, the gods always give them a
bountiful catch. Ironically, as they became more prosperous, they also became more
proud. One morning, on his way home, Lakay-lakay meets a very old and sickly man.
The old man asks for some fish but Lakay-lakay turns him down and walks on. In the
afternoon, while the wife is pounding rice, a beggar comes and asks for some rice. The
woman hastily turns her down and continues pounding. The next day, the man goes out
very early to fish as usual. The woman is left to put the house in order and prepare
breakfast in time for her husband’s arrival. When the man does not arrive at the usual
time, the worried wife takes her child with her to look for him. They proceed to the
favorite fishing ground of the fisher. But there is no trace of him. As they are looking
out into the sea, a rock resembling the features of a man slowly emerges from the sea.
The mother, together with her child, takes a raft and rows towards the stone, only to
discover that it bears a strong resemblance to her husband. She finds close to it the
man’s raft, fishing net, and fish basket. The woman clings to the stone figure and cries
vehemently. The gods hear her sobs and also changes her to a rock. The child who is
left on the raft drifts away and he too is changed to a stone. The gods feel sorry for the
family so they give the man power over the sea and the winds in that area. Stories
relate that during the Spanish period, a vessel sailed near the rocks. The sailors were
alarmed at the sight of the figures. The captain, laughing at the sailor’s fears, ordered
that a cannon be fired at Lakay-lakay. As the bullet struck the brim of Lakay-lakay’s
hat, a strong storm came. The violent waves broke the vessel into pieces and drowned
the Spanish captain and the sailors. Since then, people have believed that Lakay-lakay
really has power over the sea and winds. For this reason, he and his family are feared
by the fisherfolk. Those who pass the stone figure offer gifts in the form of money,
food, cigars, and fruits.

Performing Arts

The songs of the Ibanag gathered from Tuguegarao, Abulug, Dana-Ili, and Pamplona are
called canta or cansion. Some of these songs are versu, pagirau, kinantaran, harana,
anthem, aguinaldo, salubong, and medley, all of which suggest Tagalog, Spanish, and
English influences on Ibanag music (Wein 1987:13).

Versu is a term derived from psalm verses sung in church. An example is the Ibanag
version of the “Our Father,” entitled “Ama Mi” (Wein 1987:240).

Songs accompanied by action are called pagirau or dance songs (also called sarswela).
Here is an example of a pagirau about the “delicious fish” (Wein 1987:40):

Si presyon si dalag
Si Afer ari makaddeddag.
Si ifun kawadittan,
Si munamun ya kakastan.

Si tangi karalletan,
Si bangus ya kasingngattan.
Ilutu ngana sangau. (2x)
Masingngo sangau ikan.

Pressured is “dalag”.
Afer cannot wait [to eat it].
“Ifun” is the smallest,
“Munamun” the most beautiful.

“Tangi” is the biggest,

“Bangus” the most delicious.
I am going to cook now. (2x)
Then the fish will be very tasty.

The kinantaran is characterized by singing and an enactment in the form of a dialogue.

An example is this one entitled “Lizard” (Wein 1987:33):

Itte, dua, tallu, appa, lima,

Annam, pitu, walu, siam, mafulu.

Alifa, ta alifa,
Taddanak ku ta issi.
Poppo, ta poppo.
Taddanak ku ta dufo.
Azzo lappaga ta zizzing,
Ari faga naguzzin.
Azzo lappaga ta daddal,
Ari faga nagatang.

One, two, three, four, five,

Six, seven, eight, nine, ten.

Lizard, oh Lizard,
I’ll pay [you] with sugar.
Clap, oh clap.
I’ll pay [you] with a banana.

It’s still at the wall,

Not yet reddish.
It’s still with the Chinese,
Not yet bought.

In Sanchez Mira, Cagayan, the kinantaran, a song debate, features a boy named Pepe
and a girl named Neneng, dancing as they sing verses to each other. In a typical
exchange, Pepe may tell Neneng “I love you so much. Please take pity on me,” to
which Neneng may reply, “Go away. I do not care to hear your pleas. Wait for
another day.” Today, young men and women shy away from the kinantaran.
Attempts to keep the form alive have brought in boys and girls to perform the debate
mainly at social gatherings.

Harana is the term used to refer to love songs performed for serenades. Here the men
beg the girl to get up from her bed to show her face at the window, begging forgiveness
for the disturbance and their poverty.

The anthem refers to patriotic songs dedicated to the province or to certain towns.
Performed during official days or functions, these include “Cagayan Anthem,”
“Cagayan Geography,” “Cagayan Day,” and “The Town of Pamplona.”

The aguinaldo are carols sung by children, as they go from house to house asking for
“aguinaldo” (gift) during the Christmas season. These may be songs in Ibanag or
contemporary carols in English or Tagalog.

The salubong is a song specifically sung by little children dressed as angels at the rite of
the salubong or padafung on Easter Sunday. It tells the Virgin, who suffered so much
for her son, to do “away with crying and her mourning dress,” because Christ is risen
from the dead. It also exhorts the Christian to “imitate the obedience of Mary… for by
this you can obtain later the holy glory, where you long to be.”

The medley is a series of songs which could consist of responses between a male and a
female as they court each other, or it could be a sequence of songs which may not
necessarily be connected in theme to each other.

Aside from these songs, there are also lullabies called cansiones para ammakaturug,
nursery songs called cansiones para abbing, and vendors’ songs called cansiones para
allaku (Wein 1987:15).

Ibanag dances play an important part in many social gatherings. A popular wedding
dance in the province of Cagayan and Isabela is the maskota. The dance is named after
the formal skirt worn by women at weddings and other social gatherings, which is a full,
tailless skirt usually with large floral designs (Reyes 1953:71-74). Performance of this
dance during wedding festivities follows a certain sequence. The bride and groom do the
dance first. Then, the other pairs follow. While the couple dances, two plates or
handkerchiefs are placed on the floor. On these, the relatives and friends place money
and other gifts to the couple. After the dance, the groom takes the two plates, or
bundles everything in the handkerchiefs and hands these to the bride. While the couple
is dancing, a singer stands beside them and sings original verses to describe the pair. An
example of the song which accompanies the dancing follows (Reyes-Urtula 1981:71-74):

Mapia nga magugammay,

Yoye immacasta nga babay,
Ariakku nga ipacacaturuc
Ibilang cu lappao nga mabangug.
Lappao na sampaguita,
Maguemmemmi auan tu caquita.

How well she dances and plays,

This beautiful and graceful lass;
At night I cannot sleep,
Because of you my sweet girl.
Like the sweet sampaguita flower,
To no one can you be compared.

The pinatalatto cu ta futu cao is another Ibanag song and dance which literally means
“pondering within my heart” (Reyes-Aquino 1953:83-84). This love song, popular in
Iguig and several other towns of Cagayan, narrates the refusal of a girl to accept a suitor
who suddenly left her and now wants to come back.

The dance performance is accompanied by the singing of the girl or any girl in the
audience. The song goes:

Pinatalatto cu ta futu cao

Y adde na pinalappa mu sangao
 Ta ya nga na y panoli na aya mu nie
Ngem ariac cu nga na manonono.

Refrain:
Ta sinni la-lagu y cunne nicao
Nga mangipipitta ca ta aghao
Ta ariam-mu la nga zinaddaddaddam
Ta ari ca mecunne niacam.

Nu egga y maya nio ta tanacuan

Ay ariam mu awaya cafugaddan
ta ya nga na nge, ta ari ca sohetowan
Ay conforms y eccu nga cuan.

I tried to ponder within my heart

All that you have said since the start
That again, your love you wish to return to me
But to welcome it, that can never be.

Refrain:
For why did you ever think
To make your decision in a wink,
And you did not even remember
That you’re not worthy to be my partner.

If another suitor comes to court me,

Pray, no hard feelings if I agree,
Since you could not be guided your way,
So let me be free, happy and gay.

There is also the parosa which is a song and dance narration of the life of Santo
Domingo, the patron saint of Casibarag (Roces 1988:16). In this presentation, a chorus
of about 20 girls, sometimes accompanied by male singers in duets, chant the gozos or
quatrains exalting the Virgin or the saints. The hymn starts with:

The day Saint Dominic was baptized

On his forehead, there appeared
A luminiscent star
Far more brilliant than the sun.

The following refrain punctuates each of the six quatrains:

Our guardian Saint Dominic de Guzman

We beseech you not to forsake us
For you’re the patron saint we chose
To be the intercessor of our barrio.

The parosa is performed in August on the eve of the “double eight” (i.e. August 8) feast
of Santo Domingo.

The Ibanag have their own version of the very popular jota called la jota Cagayana
(Reyes-Aquino 1953: 38-39). For this dance, women wear the maskota skirt, camisa
(traditional blouse with wide long sleeves), and stiff pañuelo (a kerchief folded on the
diagonal and worn over the shoulders), or any typical Ilocano costume.

The Ibanag’s known dramatic forms are closely tied with their religious practices. Like
many groups in Catholic Philippines, the Ibanag reenact the meeting of the Virgin Mary
and the Risen Christ on Easter Sunday. Called padafung or salubong, this early morning
playlet features an angel coming down to remove the Virgin’s mourning veil.

The infante is the Ibanag version of the pastores. Participants in this playlet are a choir
of 15 to 20 males and females in maria clara and barong tagalog costumes. They sing
christmas carols in Ibanag and are accompanied by two harpists and guitarists. Chosen
to play the part of the shepherds called infantes are girls, aged 9 to 12 years old, who
are attired in red dresses and decorated hats. Together with the choir, they sing Ibanag
christmas carols from house to house.

Since 15 years ago, the infantes included in its performance a 3-meter-tall giant
manipulated by men inside. Making sharp movements of its head, the giant wears a
crown and holds a scepter. Its role is to play around and chase the infantes. The
audience, in turn, gives him money to make him stop chasing the children. In the past,
there were two giants but now, only one is employed for the presentation. The person
inside the giant also plays a flute which is accompanied by a bamboo orchestra and by
the tinubong, a bamboo instrument played by a man with cape and sash.

The main event in the town fiesta of Cabagan is the sambali which seems to be a
prehispanic war dance developed into a “Christian-pagan” mock war dance (Roces
1988:17). Here, the Christians are represented by the Ibanag, the non-Christians by the
Kalinga, who opposed the reduction efforts of the Spanish missionaries. (“Kalinga,” in
Ibanag vocabulary, means “enemy.”) Like the theatrical production of the Spanish
period komedya, the sambali performers use costumes to identify each side. The Ibanag
are in white baag, white being the catechumenical color for baptism, while the Kalinga
are in red baag, the color associated with insurrections. As warriors, the performers are
armed with spears and shields. To symbolize bravery, they wear headdresses decorated
with feathers, similar to the Kalinga lawi.

The sambali starts with an Aeta warning the two groups of an imminent attack. The
warning is ignored by the warring camps. However, they proceed anyway and march to
battle. They meet face to face; the battle starts. Similar to the battles between the
Christians and the Moros in the komedya and the moros y cristianos, the ritual
culminates in the defeat of the non-Christians at the hands of the Christians. • G.
Zafra with notes from E.A. Manuel, N.G. Tiongson and R. Obusan/Reviewed by F.H.
Hornedo

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