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YK Kim Paleographical Dating of P46 - Biblica 1988

This article summarizes the author's paleographical analysis dating the important New Testament papyrus manuscript p46 to the later first century. The author examines the ligature forms, calligraphic features, and writing styles of p46 and compares it to other dated papyri, concluding that p46's writing style places it before the reign of Emperor Domitian in the later first century. Some key evidence includes that p46 preserves early letter forms and was not influenced by decorative styles seen in papyri from the Trajan-Hadrian period. This redating is significant as p46 was previously dated more broadly to the first half of the third century.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
314 views14 pages

YK Kim Paleographical Dating of P46 - Biblica 1988

This article summarizes the author's paleographical analysis dating the important New Testament papyrus manuscript p46 to the later first century. The author examines the ligature forms, calligraphic features, and writing styles of p46 and compares it to other dated papyri, concluding that p46's writing style places it before the reign of Emperor Domitian in the later first century. Some key evidence includes that p46 preserves early letter forms and was not influenced by decorative styles seen in papyri from the Trajan-Hadrian period. This redating is significant as p46 was previously dated more broadly to the first half of the third century.

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Eduardo Prado
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© © All Rights Reserved
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This is an article from Biblica Magazine, Vol. 69, No. 2, 1988.

In this article,
the manuscript p46, one of the Chester Beatty Papyri, was examined and
redated. This is an important NT manuscript, containing most of Romans,
most of 1 Thess, all of 1 Cor, 2 Cor, Gal, Eph, Phil, Col, and Hebrews (with
lacunae). The article was written by Young Kyu Kim and is reproduced in its
entirety below, with footnotes and diagrams. I believe that not many
Christians are aware of the redating.

Palaeographical Dating of p46 to the


Later First Century
During the last two years, I have attempted to marshal new palaeographical
evidence for evaluating P.Beatty II + P. Mich. 222 (p46). I was encouraged to
do this, above all, by the publication of two papyri, P. Oxy. XLI 2987 (AD
78/9) and P. Mich. Inv. 6789(1). As is well known, the first editor of p46 F.G.
Kenyon abandoned his former dating perhaps owing to statements by U.
Wilcken(2) and then assigned the papyrus to a date not later than the first half
of the third century(3). This dating(4) has since been accepted without
reference to dated parallel papyri from the third or second centuries. After
carefully examining the plates of p46, I have been able to isolate the decisive
criteria for establishing the date of the papyrus.

Firstly, I examined the ligature forms of p 46, which until now have not
received due notice(5). This sort of calligraphic hand with its striking effort to
keep the upper line(6) (fol 8r 9 and fol 24v 9) is unknown to me after the first
century at least in consistent usage and is found mostly in the later( 7)
Ptolemaic period. Another calligraphic feature, which belongs to an added
hand, seems to determine the papyrus' terminus ad quem. This style (fol
28v 11) appears from the second century BC to the early second century
AD(8); within the first century a similar form of writing is found in P. med. I 7
(AD 13/4); P. Oxy. II 326 (AD 45); P. Lond. II 1166 (AD 42); P. Ups. Frid 1
(AD 48); BGU I 350 (AD 98-117) etc. Secondly, all literary papyri similar to
p46 in its exact style (Fig. 1)(9) have been assigned to an early date, e.g:

P. Oxy. XV 1790 -- the middle or rather the latter half of the first century BC
(B.P. Grenfell and A.S. Hunt), the reign of Augustus (W. Schubart)( 10)

P. Mil. Vogl. Inv. 1181 int. -- I AD (Cl. Gallazzi)( 11)

P. Oxy. XXII 2337 -- terminus post AD 65


P. Mich. Inv. 6789 -- the latter part of the first century or the second century
AD (T. Renner)

P. Alex. Inv. 443 -- the second half of the first century (G. Cavallo and T.
Luzzatto)(12)

P. Med. Inv. 70.01 verso -- AD 55 (O. Montevecchi)(13)

P. Oxy. LIII 3695(14) -- the first century (E. Lobel), the later first century
(M.W. Haslam)

P. Ryl. III 550 -- early in the second century (C.H. Roberts).

Moreover, p46 may be compared with other similar literary hands, which


further disclose the particular style of p46:

P. Mon. Gr. Inv. 216 -- the second half of the first century BC (G. Cavallo,
C.H. Roberts, E.G. Turner, P. Fabrini and F. Maltomini)

P. Berol 6926 + P. Gen. Inv. 100 -- terminus ad AD 100/1, before the middle
of the first century, or probably the last Ptolemaic period (U. Wilcken)( 15), the
reign of Augustus (W. Schubart)(16), the second half of the first century (C.H.
Roberts)

P. Gr. Berol. 19c -- the last decade of the first century (W. Schubart)( 17)

P. Oxy. I 8 -- AD 50-150 (B.P. Grenfell)(18)

P. Gr. Berol. 29b -- the first half of the second century (W. Schubart)( 19), AD
50-150 (B.P. Grenfell)

P. Hamb. III 193 - I AD (B. Kramer and D. Hagedorn)(20)

P. Oxy. LIII 3721 -- the second half of the second century (M. W. Haslam).( 21)

In these papyri we perceive a somewhat independent and widespread style in


which the knobbed alpha, and sometimes the same movement of strokes as in
P. Oxy. XV 1790, is consistently found. For an understanding of the style I
may also suggest a comparison between BGU I 37 (AD 50) and P. Giss. I 69
(AD 118/9), for p46 makes it clear that a book hand is to a certain degree
correlative with its running hand. But p46 belongs to the earlier type of these
styles(22). The following reasons support this judgement:

1) P46 presents a distinctly early appearance in the form of finials at the feet of


letters, which is represented by the examples dated from the last quarter of the
third century BC to the third quarter of the first century AD; comparable are
P. Cair. 65445, the latter datable hand (?) and P. Med. Inv. 70.01 verso.

2) It exhibits the earlier forms in a few letters, especially the beta and


the upsilon; comparable are P. Cair. 65445, the latter datable hand (?) and P.
Mon. Gr. Inv. 216.

3) It has not been influenced by the blob-ornamental style, which is found in


e.g. P. Oxy. XLI 2987 (AD 78/9), or the decorated style finishing with an
obliquely rake-formed serif(23). Among papyri of the same type as p46, P.
Hamb. III 193 may be considered a good example of influence by this
decorated style. The same applies to P. Gr. Berol. 19c, but P. Hamb. II 193
makes an earlier impression. We are virtually able to determine the precise
period of this ornamental style. In particular, P. Oxy. XLI 2987( 24) is
comparable with P. Oxy. XXVI 2450 and XXX 2256, which also may be
readily compared with P. Hercul. 994, 1676; P. Oxy. VIII 1083, XVII 2453; P.
Oxy. Hel. 6. In this connection, P. Oxy. VIII 1082 agrees with P. Brem. 6 (in
the early reign of Hadrian) in groups of narrow letters (ε, θ, ο, σ), in the first
vertical movement of the alpha and the delta, and in the upsilon. The
decorated style may, therefore, be assigned at least up to the Trajan-Hadrian
period. This also seems to have been the view of A.S. Hunt( 25). The decorative
form, however, continues even afterwards to have influence on another style,
e.g. P. Turner 1, P. Oxy. XLII 3010, XXXIV 2689, and the probably very late
P. Oxy. XLII 3030. Here I may suggest that P. Ryl. III 550 belongs to the
more or less earlier type than P. Oxy. XIII 1622 (terminus ante AD 148,
probably Trajan-Hadrian period).

4) When p87 is compared to the second hand of P. Oxy. V 841 (terminus post
the reign of Titus; the first hand is not able to be assigned to a date after the
earlier decades of the second century AD), one may say that p 46 gives a very
early impression of style. Consequently, it may be said, if so useful, that p 46 is,
in agreement with A.S. Hunt and probably E.G. Turner(26), an upright
informal uncial of an early type.

For an adequate paleographical evaluation of p 46, I have given special


consideration to papyri: P. Med. Inv. 73.06 (AD 2); P. Lond. 136 verso( 27); P.
Ryl. II 131 (AD 31); P. Lond. 177 (AD 40/1); P. Oxy. II 318 (AD 59); P. Oxy.
II 320 (AD 59); P. Heid. Inv. G. 1017 (the reign of Nero); PSI XIII 1319, the
second hand (AD 76); P. Lond. 2078 (in the reign of emperor Domitian,
possibly AD 87)(28); PUG II 62, the second hand (AD 98). These I have
compared to dated documents in literary-type hands: P. Princ. III 147 (AD
87/8); P. Lond. II 141 (AD 88); P. Oxy. XLII 3051 (AD 89); P. Ryl. II 107
(AD 90); P. Oxy. II 270 (AD 94); P. Fayum 110 (AD 94); P. Oxy. II 211
(from the reigns of Vespatian, Domitian, and Trajan)( 29). As a result, a group
of forms (alpha, beta, epsilon, mu, rho, upsilon, omega) in p46 is distinguished
from the dominant group of forms [same letters, different style]( 30) since the
reign of emperor Domitian. This strongly suggests that p 46 was written some
time before the reign of the emperor Domitian. Thirdly, p 46 reserves
the εγ- form instead of the εκ- form before compounds with β, δ, and λ:

εγβασιν Heb 13,7; 1 Cor 10,13 εγδικος Rom 13,4


εγλεκτον Rom 16,13 (εκλεκτων, Rom 8,33)
εγλυω Heb 12,3,5 εγλελησθε Heb 12,5
εγλογη Rom 9,11; 11,5,7,26.

At the end of the nineteenth century it was generally thought that the
regular εγ- form before γ, β, δ, λ, μ, ν in Attic inscriptions was regularly
changed since the first century BC into the εκ- form(31). The research of W.
Cronert, E. Mayser, and F.T. Gignac, however, has disclosed that their
alternative or exceptional usage is found in papyri after the first century BC.
This was ascertained through the following examples, which have exact
parallels in p46:

/εκβασιν P. Ryl. II 122,5 (AD


εγβασιν P. Fayum 91,11 (AD 99)(32)
127); 157,9,11 (AD 135)
33
εγδικ&omicronς P. Merton 104,11 (Ia AD)( ) P. /εκδικος P. Oxy. II 237, vii. 39
Oxy. II 261, 14 (AD 55)(34); XXXVI 2757, ii, 3 (AD (AD 186); P. Strassb. 196, 3 (II
69/71) PSI 791,1 (VI AD) AD); PSI 1411,19 (II AD)
/εκλανθανω P. Lond. Lit.6 +P.
Ryl. II 540 + P. Lib. Congr.
εγλανθανω P. Iatr. (?) once(35)
408B (terminus ad the reign of
Domitian) once
/εκλεκτος P. Oxy. XXXI
εγλεκτος P. Fayum 102,3 (AD 105?)(36)
2603,31 (IV AD)
/εκλογη P. Ryl. III 598, (92/1 or
37
εγλογη P. Teb. I, 5, 116 (118 BC)( ); P. Oxy. XLI 58 BC); P. Hercul. 1007
1979, 13 (3 BC); P. Hercul. Philodemi (terminus ad AD 79)(39); P.
Ryl.II 157,5 (AD 135)
περι ποιηματων BETA (terminus ad AD 79) three
times(38); P. Oxy. Hels. 31,23 (AD 86); P. Soterichos
4,21,23 (AD 87); PSI 770,16 (AD 187)
εγλυειν P. Teb. III i, 798,7 (II BC)(40); I 49,6 (113
BC)(41); I 54,16 (86 BC)(42); P. Hercul. 182 (terminus /εκλυειν P. Oxy. XXVII 2457,2
ad AD 79)(43); P. Oxy. Hels. 45,14 (I AD); P. Teb. (I/IIa AD)
III/1 798,7 (IIa AD); P. Amh. 80,9 (AD 232/3)

On the basis of these examples, we should regard the regular usage of the εγ-
form as a clearly original feature of the Pauline epistles. It also seems most
likely that the regular usage of the εγ- form gradually disappeared probably
after the early second century AD. There is truly a good corrected example in
P. Oxy. XLIV 3152,ii, 13; Fr. 4,8. It is because of this change, I think, that all
biblical MSS (with the exception of εγλυου in p13 and p46, of course) show
only the εκ- form at least in the Pauline epistles( 44). Nevertheless, three early
biblical texts (P. Fouad 266(45); the Minor Prophets of Wadi Murabba'at(46);
4Q LXX Leva(47)) preserve the εγ- form. Finally, some previous
palaeographers(48) may sometimes have been influenced in their dating p 46 by
the omission of iota acscriptum, usage of nomina sacra, and perhaps the
Greek transliteration of a Latin name Σιλβανος. Now, however, these features
turn out to have no bearing on my giving an early date to p 46. Two biblical
papyri (P. Oxy. L 3522 and the Minor Prophets of Wadi Murabba'at) have
provided biblical texts(49) of the first century AD omitting iota adscript. And
the early usage of nomina sacra has been attested by a non-biblical papyrus
fragment (PSI 1200 addendum (50)), which was perhaps written about the
same time as p46. Finally, as early as 1892 Th. Eckinger cited examples of
Σιλβανος four times in an inscription of ca. AD 4/5 (but Σιλουανος three times
from the first century), and O. Cair. J.E. 38622 (I/II AD) illustrates the name
Σιλβανος together with P. Oxy. II 335 (AD 85) and an exceptional
calligraphical form of abbreviation [for] -υμεν( 51).

Young
Hermann-Reinst. 7/424 Kyu
KIM

D-3400 Göttingen

Footnotes:
1
 See T. RENNER, "Four Michigan Papyri of Classical Greek
Authors", Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik [ZPE] 29 (1978) 16-21.
2
 The dating of U. Wilcken was assigned on the basis of one leaf (fol 86 r) as
follows: "Ja, die Unzialschrift konnte ich mir schon in II. Jahrh. vorstellen,
doch weist die kursive Zeile mit der Stichenzalung vielleicht doch schon auf
das III. Jahrh. hin, aber mit einem alteren Eindruck als Taf. I" (Archiv fur
Papyrusforschung 11 [1935] 113). It is thus apparent that he also thought that
the stichometrical notes are more or less contemporary with the main hand. Cf
K. OHLY, Stichometrische Untersuchungen (Leipzig 1928) 86ff.; T. C.
SKEAT, "The Length of the Standard Papyrus Roll and the Cost-advantage of
the Codex", ZPE 45 (1982) 174.
3
 Cf. F. G. KENYON, "A Third Century Papyrus COdex of the Epistles of St.
Paul, edited by Henry A. Sanders. University of Michigan Studies,
Humanistic Series, Vol. XXVIII Ann Arbor, 1936", American Journal of
Philology 57 (1936) 93; IDEM, The Chester Beatty Biblical Papyri: Fasc. III
Suppl. Pauline Epistles (London 1936) Text XV and Plates preface.
4
 The newer criterion for estimating age was, according to F. G. Kenyon, that
calligraphically the finest is also the earliest. Though the letters of P 46 are
rather early in style, he said its type had lost a little of the simplicity of the
best hands of the Roman period. Consequently, the terminus ad quem of
P46 was confirmed, as usual, by the cursive stichometric subscriptions. Cf. The
Chester Beatty Biblical Papyri: Fasc. I, General Introduction (London 1933)
13-14; Fasc. III, Pauline Epistles and Revelation (London 1934) IX; "A Third
Century Papyrus Codex", 93.
5
 H. A. Sanders, who first saw the 30 most important leaves, claimed very
mistakenly that there are no ligatures and made no paleographical mention of
the added hands. F. G. Kenyon indicated only that the corrections in a second
hand are occasional and too small to assist the dating. G. Zuntz carefully
distinguished the different hands and noticed that the same hand added the
page numbers and wrote the number of stichoi under most of the epistles.
Recently, J. R. Royse has again classified the corrections in P 46. Cf. H.A.
SANDERS, A Third-Century Papyrus Codex of the Epistles of Paul (Ann
Arbor 1935) 12-13; F. G. KENYON, The Chester Beatty Biblical Papyri:
Fasc. III Suppl. Pauline Epistles (London 1936) XV; G. ZUNTZ, The Text of
the Epistles (The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy 1946; London
1953) 252-254; J. R. ROYSE, Scribal Habits in Early Greek New Testament
Papyri (Diss., Graduate Theological Union 1981) 627-640.
6
 Cf. P. Ryl. III 531. This convention to keep to the upper line may be of
ancient age like dots dividing into words (from Ugaritic scripts until the paleo-
Hebrew of Qumran) or the colophon-form containing the stichometric note in
ancient literary texts, e.g., J. A. BLACK, "Babylonian Ballads: A New
Genre", Studies in Literature from the Ancient Near East (ed. J. M. SASSON)
(New Haven 1984) Figure 1 Reverse, BM 47507; cf. also V.
GARDTHAUSEN, "Die alexandrinische Bibliothek, ihr Vorbild, Katalog und
Betrieb", Zeitschrift des Deutschen Vereins fur Buchwesen und Schrifttum 4-6
(1922) 85. In any event, Ptolemaic writing is clearly distinguished in the three
following ways from Roman writing: (1) the effort to keep the line, (2) the
informality of letters, (3) the directions of strokes. Especially in the Roman
period there are a few ways of keeping the line, e.g., to keep only the upper
line, to combine the horizontal strokes of ε, η, θ, σ, τ with wide spread in time,
to keep the lower line (cf. P. Oxy XLVII 3332, P. Tebt. Tait 46. W.
SHUBART, Griechische Palaographie [Handbuch der Altertumwissenschaft,
I, iv/1; Munchen 1925] Abb. 99), and to keep the upper and lower lines. The
ligature ways of vertical calligraphy in p 46 are a decidedly early type, as is also
the main hand.
7
 This agrees with comments by Revel Coles to me, but the ligature ways
would seem to have originated from the second century BC.
8
 This form is found exceptionally in P. Amh. I 92 (AD 162-3), 11, 14, 22, but
the vertical stroke of the kappa indicates clearly its own time. Conversely, a
great chronological difference is visible in two added hands (fol 37 v and fol
56v). Such a chronological difference is not a rare phenomenon, for a later
Ptolemaic papyrus (P. Oxy. XIX 2214), to which additions were made by a
hand of the later second century AD, was long treasured, probably together
with P. Oxy. XIX 2212, 2213 (cf. E. G. TURNER, "Roman
Oxyrhynchus", JEA 38 [1952) 93). In the case of p46, hands of the correctoi
ndo not all belong only to the later centuries. Of course, the stichometric notes
and paginations are no doubt additions from a so-called "Bibl. Majuscule
hand" (for this terminology I am indebted to the editors of the journal Biblica,
cf. E. G. TURNER, Greek Manuscripts of the Ancient World [Princeton 1971]
introduction 25; concerning its early type, cf. P. Hercul. 1457 -- D.
BASSI, Papyri Ercolanesi Tomo 1 [Milano 1914] 7 plates) in G. Cavallo's
system of classification (see Fig. 2). But the hand prefixed TA to 1. 7 of fol
54v appaers from SCHUBART, Griechische Palaographie, Abb. 26 l. 10
through P. Oxy. III 473 probably up to the third century AD, e.g., P. Oxy.
XLII 3075 (AD 225), but the slight looping, sloped toward the left, makes an
earlier impression. The hands added MEN on 1. 16 of fol 53 v and ΓΕΝΗ on
1.13 of fol 55v should not be dated late in the third century, as C.H. Roberts
thought (ZUNTZ, The Text of the Epistles, 254), but should be long-dated
e.g., from SCHUBART, Griechische Palåographie, Abb. 31 (AD 83) to P.
Amh. I 72 (AD 246). Particularly the hand of fol 53v may be assigned to [a]
somewhat earlier date by virtue of the flatly elongated movements.
9
 Generally speaking, most letters (Β Δ Ε Η Θ Κ Μ Ν Π Υ Ψ ω) are made of
three separate strokes. The upsilon has two forms, as also in P. Heid. 2 (130
BC, cf. R. SEIDER, Palaographie der grieschischen Papyri, I, Abb. 15) and
PSI IV 320 (AD 18, cf. R. PINTAUDI, "Papyri greci e latini a Firenze, Secoli
III a.C. -- VIII d.C.", Papyrologica Florentina XII [Firenze 1983] tav. XI); its
decoration is formed by the hyphenated foot or, more often, by the finial
stretched out toward the left like the vertical stroke of other letters. The
oblique strokes of α Δ Λ Μ ω have small heads rounded toward the left. Φ and
often Ρ are angle-formed, as one sees sometimes, though rarely, in early
inscriptions and papyri, e.g., Herculaneum papyri, P. Oxy. XXI 2295; XXX
2528 etc. The beta and the epsilon are early forms. For the beta, cf. P. Merton
29 (154 or 143 BC); P. Lond. II 354 (7/4 BC); PSI IV 320 (AD 18); P. Teb.
568r, the second hand (AD 20/1); P. Oxy. II 282 (AD 30-35); P. Oxy II 246
(AD 66) etc. For the epsilon, cf. P. Ryl. II 131 (AD 31); P. Lond. 177 (AD
40/1); P. Oxy. XXIV 2387; P. Lond. 136 verso; P. Ryl. III 486 etc. It may be
suggested that the tendency to be down-curved in the third stroke of
the epsilon is, alongside of beginning with a space slightly left blank, a
notable mark of early Roman hands (cf. P. Berol. 16895 + 21284; PSI X 1176;
P. Lond. Lit. 6 + P. Ryl. III 540 + P. Libr. Congr. 4082 B; P. Ryl. III 486; P.
Oxy. II 225; P. Oxy. II 216; P. Oxy. XXI 2299; P. IFAO Inv. 23, the second
hand; P. Fayum 6; P. Oxy. XII 2225; P. Oxy. II 282; P. Amst. I, 1 etc.). For
the general stroke of most of the letters p46 is apparently well comparable to
two literary-type hands: P. Fayum 6; P. Oxy. II 246 the first hand (AD 66).
10
 SCHUBART, Griechische Palåographie, 116. But to this dating there is
some room for doubt, for the coronis form comes near to the form of the
second century (see Fig. 3).
11
 CL. GALLAZZI, "Glossario a Homerus, Odyssea I 46-53", ZPE 45 (1982)
41. This school hand may be compared barely only with P. Oxy. XXXI 2555
among the examples of Cl. Gallazzi, or rather with PSI IV 320 and P. Oxy.
XXXIX 2879. These corrections were owing entirely to the careful
observations of the editors.
12
 About the papyri (P. Alex. Inv. 443 and P. Mon. Gr. Inv. 216), see A.
CARLINI, Papyri Letterari Greci (Bibliotheca degli Studi Classici e Orientali
13; Pisa 1978) 113-118, 237-266, reprinted in the Papyri der Bayerischen
Staatsbibliothek Munchen (Stuttgart 1986) II, 40-59.
13
 O. MONTEVECCHI, "Nerone a sua polis e ai 6475", Aegyptus 50 (1970),
5-33; IDEM, La Papyirologia (Torino 1973) tav. 42; O. MONTEVECCHI
and G. GERACI, "Documenta papyracea inedita ad Neronis atque Othonis
principatus pertinentia in Papyris Mediolanensibus reperta", Akten des XIII
int. Papyrologenkongresses (Munchner Beitråge zur Papyrusforschung 66;
Munchen 1974) 293-307. This is a rare example in which the archaic form
[of] Μ is grouped with the young form [of] Α (a new development in the
Ptolemaic form, e.g., P. Petrie , 19, 225 BC). The scribe may be someone like
an elder. Though notarial in style the hands of P. Oxy. II 318 and 320, both of
which belong to the latest material within the archive of Tryphon (AD 11-61),
may represent an already prevalent style, together with P. Heid. Inv. G. 1207
(AD 61/2) etc. P. Fayum 110, whose sender (Gemellis) was sixty-one years
old at the time, represents the hand of the later first century (the first hand
stands in close proximity to the second hand).
14
 The coronis form (see Fig. 3), asteriscus form (especially fig. 21), and
corrected hand belong, comparable with the textual hand, to an early date.
15
 U. WILCKEN, "Ein Neuer Griechischer Roman", Hermes 28 (1893) 161-

193. Of greater interest are  . Two features, the fluent movements of every
vertical stroke and the succeeding horizontal line of Π Κ Θ Ε Τ present an
independent style.
16
 SCHUBART, Griechische Palåographie, 112.
17
 SCHUBART, Griechische Palåographie, 118.
18
 About the dating of P. Oxy. I 8 and P. Gr. Berol. 29b, cf. B. P.
GRENFELL, The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Part XIII (London 1919) 180.
19
 SCHUBART, Griechische Palåographie, 124.
20
 B. KRAMER and D. HAGEDORN, Griechische Papyri der Staats-und
Universitåtsbibliothek Hamburg (Papryrologische Texte und Abhandlungen
31; Bonn 1984) 12-14.
21
 P. Parsons was kind enough to draw my attention to this papyrus. M. W.
Haslam has compared it with P. Oxy. XLIV 3156 an P. Oxy. XXVI 2450.
With the exception of the added hand, I would not agree with Haslam's dating.
I see an early feature in the epsilon (cf. PSI XI 1214; P. Oxy. LIII 3685) and
the xi (cf. P. Oxy. XXXVII 2632; P. Oxy. II 282, in comparison with the
elegant form Ξ). More notice should be taken of the upsilon, which is formed
with a deep bow on the top of an upright stroke (cf. P. Oxy. XXI 2295; P.
Oxy. XIX 2223, 2226; P. Gr. Vindob. 1999B; P. Oxy. II 318, 320 (AD 59)). I
am personally inclined to think a date up to the reign of the emperor Trajan to
be probable in the case of P. Oxy. XLIV 3156 (noticeable are the three
movements of the tau, the second and third movements of the mu, which are
deeply curved, an omicron that is a little too large, and the hyphenated
decoration) and P. Oxy. XXX 2526. The contrast between wide and narrow
letters does not prove much, for such a contrast can be seen as early as the
fourth century BC, cf. P. Gr. Berol. 2; P. Ibscher (G. MANTEUFFEL, "Papyri
e Collectione Varsoviensi. 4. Legum Iudicialium Fragmentum"; Journal of
Juristic Papyrology 2 [1948] 81-103, Tab. II); The Herculaneum Papyri (F.
SBORDONE, Ricerche sui Papyri Ercolanesi, II [Napoli 1976] tavv.); H. J.
M. MILNE, "A New Fragment of Theophrastus", The Classical Review 36
(1922) 66-67; C. H. ROBERTS, GLH 15b (AD 145-6); P. Hamb. III 198
(terminus ad AD 156).
22
 A later development of this type among Biblical papyri is witnessed in, e.g.,
P. Köln IV 170 (p87); probably P. Ryl. 457 (p52, a fairly exceptional style, but
not entirely only calligraphic); P. Ryl. I 5 (p 32); P. Oxy. IV 656 (Genesis); P.
Oxy. L 3523 (p90); P. Oxy. I, 2 (p1).
23
 These finals appaer frequently in the so-called Roman Uncial of G. Cavallo.
On the Roman Uncial, see G. CAVALLO, "Osservazioni paleografiche sul
canone e la cronologia della cosiddetta 'onciale romana'", Annali della scuola
normale superiore di Pisa (Lettere, storia e filosofia), Ser. II, 36 (1967) 209-
220 with 12 plates; P. J. PARSONS, "Cavallo, Ricerche sulla maiuscola
biblica", Gnomon 42 (1970) 375-380; TURNER, Greek Manuscripts, 38.
24
 In connection with p46, the two forms of the upsilon, nu, and mu, the vertical
stroke of the nu and iota, and the xi are of considerable interest.
25
 The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Part XV (London 1922) 191.
26
 The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, XV, 114; TURNER, Greek Manuscripts,
introduction, 24.
27
 H. J. M. Milne assigned the document on the recto to the reign of emperor
Augustus (Catalogue of Literary Papyri in the British Museum [London 1927]
21). Truly this Homer papyrus has to do with its own time only through the
form [of] Υ. Without this form it must be ascribed to the third century AD as
F. G. Kenyon did (Classical Texts from Papyri in the British
Museum [London 1891] 94). For p46 the oval epsilon is of greatest interest.
28
 Cf. New Palaeographic Society, Series II (1913-30) 98.
29
 In the original publication of this Menander papyrus, the editors
demonstrated that the papyrus was found together with a large number of
documents dated to the reigns of Vespasian, Domitian, and Trajan, e.g., P.
Oxy. I 45 (AD 95), 97 (AD 115-6), 174 (AD 88) and 373 (AD 79-80) (cf. The
Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Part II [London 1899] 11). About the other
contemporary examples, cf. S. DARIS, "Ricerche di Papirologia
Documentaria", Aegyptus 63 (1983) 161, n. 115.
30
 For the exact understanding of the spread of these rather rounded forms in
time, cf. P. Ryl. II 154 (AD 66); P. Fayum 110 (AD 94); P. Giss. Univ.-Bibl.
Inv. 251 (AD 136); P. Wisconsin II 81 (AD 143); P. Oxy. III 473 (in the reign
of the emperor Antoninus Pius); P. Merton 71 (AD 160-3); BGU V 1 (about
AD 170); P. Mich. 532 (AD 181/2); P. Oxy. XLII 3076 (AD 225?); P. Oxy.
XVII 2105 (AD 231-6); P. Oxy. XXXVIII 2854 (AD 248).
31
 Cf. K. MEISTERHANS - E. SCHWYZER, Grammatik der Attischen
Inschriften (Berlin 1900) 106-109; L. THREATTE, The Grammar of Attic
Inscriptions, I (Berlin - New York 1980).
32
 F. T. GIGNAC, A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and
Byzantine time Period, I (Milan 1976) 175.
33
 GIGNAC, A Grammar, 174.
34
 GIGNAC, A Grammar, 174.
35
 W. CRÖNERT, Memoria Graeca Herculanensis (Lipsiae 1903) 53.
36
 GIGNAC, A Grammar, 175.
37
 E. MAYSER - H. SCHMOLL, Grammatik der Griechischen Papryi aus der
Ptolemåerzeit, I/1 (Berlin 1970) 202.
38
 CRÖNERT, Memoria, 53.
39
 CRÖNERT, Memoria, 53.
40
 MAYSER - SCHMOLL, Grammatik, 202.
41
 MAYSER - SCHMOLL, Grammatik, 202.
42
 MAYSER - SCHMOLL, Grammatik, 202.
43
 CRÖNERT, Memoria, 53.
44
 At least within the Pauline epistles the εγ- form is not visible in any of the
MSS, on which point F. G. Kenyon and A. Debrunner (F. BLASS - A.
DEBRUNNER, Grammatik des neutestamentlichen Griechisch, Teil II:
Anhang [Göttingen 1943] 5) were mistaken. The word εγλυου is retained once
in p13 by conservatism as it is in a few of the examples listed above. By the
side of it, in P. Oxy. IV 656 (Genesis), which was unearthed together with
p13 and P. Oxy. IV 654 (The Gospel According to Thomas) and one of the
libelli (AD 250) from the mound with the shêkh's tomb belonged to the third
century AD, wit hsome specimens of the second and fourth centuries (B. P.
GRENFELL and A. S. HUNT, "Graeco-Roman Branch", Egypt Exploration
Fund. Archaeological Report 1902-03, 6-8), appears the εκ- form (εκλυ[εις,
Gen 27:40).
It is also noteworthy that βυβλον is used in p 46 together with βιβλον (Gal 3:10,
cf. βιβλιον Heb 9:19; 10:7, cf. MAYSER-SCHMOLL, Grammatik, 80;
CRÖNERT, Memoria, 21-22; GIGNAC, A Grammar, 268). In orthography
there is generally a strong preponderance of agreement with D * F G or B*.
When p46 disagrees with B*, B* agrees mainly with Dc E K L P or
exceptionally with F G. There are yet a number of notable spellings peculiar
to p46, e.g., εφ'ελπιξει (1 Cor 9:10, cf. Rom 8:20 εφ'ελπιδι -- for this spelling I
am also indebted to the editors).
45
 Cf. F. DUNAND, Papyrus Grecs Bibliques (Papyrus F. Inv.
266) (Recherches d'Archéologie, de Philologie et d'Histoire, XXVII; Le Caire
1966) 15. The suggested dating of this papyrus is very questionable. P. Fouad
Inv. 266, which is comparable with Würzb. Sosylos-Papyrus (U. WILCKEN,
"Ein Sosylos-Fragment in der W&252;rzburger
Papyrussammlung", Hermes 41 (1906) 104-105; for the Photographs, see
SEIDER, Palåographie II, Nr. 10 and ZPE 27 [1977] plate I), may be
assigned from the later third century up to the middle of the second century
BC, for the short horizontal strike on the top of the third vertical stroke in
the nu does not stretch long and the upper stroke of the oblique epsilon is
short and not rounded. The eta, mu and pi are also of interest. Moreover, a
calligraphy (Fr. 6, cf. SCHUBART, Griechische Palåographie, Abb. 7),
probably P. Fouad Inv. 266 Addendum, and the tetragrammaton script, which
is comparable with the Nash Papyrus (cf. S. A. COOK, "A Pre-Massoretic
Biblical Papyrus", Proceedings of Society of Biblical Archaeology 25 [1903]
57, plate I; W. F. ALBRIGHT, "A Biblical Fragment from the Maccabaean
Age: The Nash Papyrus", JBL 56 [1937] 146-172), support such a date. Now I
do not think of a date later than P. Mich. 6982 (see ZPE 51 [1984] plate II), P.
Sorbonne I, 5; P. Ryl. III 458; P. Teb. I 4 (= E. G. TURNER, Greek
Manuscripts, N. 13, terminus ad 140 BC). In any event, P. Fouad Inv. 266
should be assigned to an earlier date than P. Berol. 9767 (= P. Gr. Berol. 11a);
P. Oxy. XXIV 2399; P. Ryl. IV 586 (99 BC). Compare the epsilon and the xi.
On the other letters, cf., I Cret. III, iv 4 (246 BC). Of great interest is the text
of P. Fouad Inv. 266 in Deut 32:43 which preserves in Christian MSS (cf. Heb
1:6) and stands against the MT (cf. Z. ALY, Three Rolls of the Early
Septuagint: Genesis and Deuteronomy [Papyrologische Texte und
Abhandlungen 27; Bonn 1980) plate 47].
46
 Cf. D. BARTHÉLEMY, Les devanciers d'Aquila (VTS 10; Leiden 1963)
170-178; B. LIFSHITZ, "The Greek Documents from the Cave of
Horror", IEJ 12 (1962) 201-207. The first publisher assigned the texts to the
middle of the first century (D. BARTHÉLEMY, "Redécouverte d'un chaînon
manquant de l'histoire de la Septante", RB 60 [1953] 19, n.3; Les devanciers
d'Aquila, 168). C. H. Roberts, however, dated them more exactly between 50
BC and AD 50 in comparison with SCHUBART, Griechische Palåographie,
Abb. 72 and Abb. 76 (P. KAHLE, "Der gegenwårtige Stand der Erforschung
der in Palåstina neu gefundenen hebråischen Handschriften", TLZ 79 [1954]
81). In any event, the second writing (Zech 8:19-9:4) may be regarded as
normal in the case of more or less early date. The hand may be so early as that
of P. IFAO I 72 (23 BC) and is comparable to P. Hercul. 1425. Generally it
makes an impression of strongly early first century AD on short leftward
pointing serifs and the mu, but the strongly downward pointed horizontal
stroke of the tau and the xi rejects it.
47
 P. W. SKEHAN, "The Qumran Manuscripts and Textual
Criticism", Volume du Congrès (VTS 4; Leiden 1957) 159, l. 19. That dating
of the first century AD is entirely improper. This hand can be approximately
assigned to the first century BC in comparison with TURNER, Greek
Manuscripts, 45 (c. 160 BC), P. Oxy. VI 866 and P. Oxy. XXXIII 2654 two
hands, which cannot be apparently later than P. Oxy. II 356 (AD 27).
48
 On factors influencing the dating of early Christian papyri, see F. G.
KENYON, The Palaeography of Greek Papryi (Oxford 1898) 93; B. P.
GRENFELL and A. S. HUNT, The Oxyrhrynchus Papyri, Part II (London
1899) 2-3; H. I. BELL and T. C. SKEAT, Fragments of an Unknown Gospel
and Other Early Christian Papyri (London 1935) 2-3; F. G. KENYON, Books
and Readers in Ancient Greece and Rome (Oxford 1951) 97; J. MALLON,
"Quel est le plus ancien Exemple connu d'un Manuscrit Latin en forme de
codex?", Emerita 17 (1949) 1-6; C. H. ROBERTS, "Early Christianity in
Egypt: Three Notes", JEA 40 (1954) 94; E. G. TURNER, The Typology of the
Early Codex (London 1977) 2-4, 11; C. H. ROBERTS, Manuscript, Society
and Belief in Early Christian Egypt (Oxford 1979) 12, 26ff.; ZUNTZ, The
Text of the Epistles, 260.
49
 Here I follow a comment by Revel Coles.
50
 A. CARLINI, "Amicus Plato...: A Proposito di PSI XI 1200, Gorg. 447B
ss.", Miscellanea Papyrologica (Papyrologica Florentina 7; Firenze 1980) 41-
45. PSI XI 1200 is written by the less common hand in Egypt. As in the cases
of P. Oxy. III 405 (Irenaeus, Contra Haereses iii 9); P. Herc. 1676; P. Herc.
21457 it may not be a so-called 'Nationaltype' (cf. SCHUBART, Griechische
Palåographie, 112; E. G. TURNER, "Scribes and Scholars of
Oxyrhynchus", Akten des VIII internationalen Kongresses für Papyrologie
Wien 1955 [Wien 1956] 144). This type was also well witnessed in Egypt, for
many useful books borrowed from Athens were copied in the period of
Ptolemaios Euergetes, and the emperor Domitian had sent book-copyists to
Alexander in order to make copies of the classical texts for a burned-out
library in Rome (T. KLEBERG, Buchhandel und Verlagswesen in
Buchsbeschreibung verglichen mit der des vorderen Orients [Halle 1949] 59-
69). But PSI XI 1200 addendum seem to be a less unusual hand, which may
be compared with the hands of P. Fayum 6; P. Oxy. XXVIII 2502; PSI XI
1212; PSI IX 1091; P. Hal. 4; possibly P. Lit. Lond. 27 (rightly see W.
LAMEERE, Aperçus de Paléographie Homérique [Paris- Bruxelles 1960]
plates 3, 6); P. Oxy. XXVIII 2495. It is also a very similar hand of p46, though
the latter may be slightly earlier than the former with the well
rounded epsilon and duplicate types of the upsilon. Palaeographically it would
be possible that PSI XI 1200 addendum is assigned more to the early second
century AD, but might be as old as the last decade of the first century AD. For
it, compare P. Oxy. II 211; SEIDER, Palåographie, II Nr. 29, 32; P. Köln Inv.
7511 (ZPE 14, 1974, plate V); PSI XIII 1305; P. Giss. I, 19; P. Giss. I, 3; P.
Oxy. XV 1807 + P. Köln IV 185; P. Köln 178; P. Köln Inv. 2281 (ZPE 7,
1971, plate XI); PSI XI 1217, 1220 (PINTAUDI, "Papyri", plate LXI); P.
Oxy. XVIII 2159-64, 78-9; III 473 (= TURNER, Greek Manuscripts, Nr. 69).
51
 TH. ECKINGER, Die Orthographie lateinischer Wörter auf griechischen
Inscriften (Diss. Zürich 1892) 82-91. 52. C. GALLAZZI, "Supplica ad Atena
su un Ostrakon da Esna", ZPE 61 (1985) 101-109.

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