Postclassic Pottery Censers in the Maya

Lowlands:
A Study of Form, Function and
Symbolism

By Bradley W. Russell
2017
Institute for Mesoamerican Studies Occasional Publication No. 17
University at Albany – SUNY
 Foreword

The Institute of Mesoamerican Studies adds to its collection of Occasional Publications by making
Bradley Russell’s (2000) master’s paper on Postclassic Period Maya censers available to the public.
This body of work presents the findings of the Belize Postclassic Project’s investigations (1996-
2002) at Laguna de On, Caye Coco, and Caye Muerto, along the Freshwater Creek drainage of
northeastern Belize. Russell compares effigy censers and non-effigy censers recovered from diverse
contexts at these sites, including altars, platforms, and burials. These features were sometimes
located within residential sites, but were also sometimes purposefully placed at a distance from
dwellings on promontories or islands that must have marked sacred spaces in the lacustrine
settlement systems.

The author provides a useful classification of effigy and non-effigy censer forms, and compares his
sample in detail to other published works at Postclassic sites from the Petén to northern Yucatan. He
also presents a thorough inventory of behaviors, actors, and occasions involving censer use from
Landa’s sixteenth century account, and explores analogies from Contact Period sources to Postclassic
archaeology. A key contribution of this study is the emphasis that censer use and ritual discard was
complex and varied. It is rarely possible to equate a single effigy censer context with a specific
occasion described in Landa’s work, but the variable taphonomies of censer deposits do tend to
reflect some of the processes of censer handling and their symbolic meanings described by Landa.

Russell also presents an innovative classification of pastes and rim forms of effigy censer vessels.
One question that arose during the Belize Postclassic Project’s work was how to explain the variable
compositional and attribute characteristics of censers comprising a single deposit. Clearly, pieces
from individual vessels exhibited variability. To what extent might censers from different production
loci be present? If so, might this be explained by censer exchange, or more probably, by pilgrimages
and gatherings of persons from multiple settlements for a single occasion? More work is merited to
provide formal, microscopic paste characterizations, and to help pinpoint censer production sources.
However, Russell demonstrates that paste color, temper, and consistency differences were visible
with the naked eye, and he provides important preliminary documentation of modal variability. The
classification of rim forms, technically, the rims of the tops and bottoms of pedestalled effigy censer
buckets or pedestalled non-effigy censers, also provides data on stylistic choices made by producers.
More work like this is needed, particularly because inter-site comparisons are essential to interpreting
such data. To what extent did producers at specific sites prefer certain rim forms? Alternatively, did
individual producers habitually vary rim characteristics, seeing no need for strict standardization?
This quantitative, replicable approach to studying censer modes represents a valuable contribution of
Russell’s paper. Metric attributes are also presented that are valuable for comparative studies.

Since this paper was written, more works have been published on Postclassic Maya censers. Notably,
the detailed studies of the Zacpetén project (The Kowoj, edited by Prudence Rice and Don Rice,
2009) look at similar issues to those investigated by Russell. Susan Milbrath and colleagues’ regional
iconographic comparisons, especially at Mayapan and in northern Yucatan, have also added to our
understanding of censer use and production on the local level. The most fascinating aspect of
Postclassic Maya censer studies is that they reflect close interaction among ritualists and elites across
the peninsula in terms of beliefs, rites, and material implements of ritual practice. At the same time,
details reveal ways that local authorities and producers adopted censer use and styles to fit local
agendas and to commemorate gods and ancestors important to local histories.

Marilyn Masson
Postclassic Pottery Censers in the lllaya Lowlands: A Study of Form,
Function, and Symbolism

A Masters Thesis
Presented to the Faculty of the Department of Anthropology
State University Of New York at Albany

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree ofMaster of Arts in Anthropology

by
Bradley W. Russell

Submitted May 2000

 Table of Contents

Introduction... .. . Page 2
Definition of C"nr.r... ... ... ... ... . . ... .. . Page 3
Archaeological Approaches to the Study of Religious Ritual. .. ..... Page 4
Classification of Postclassic Censer Forms. ....... Page 6
Distribution of Censer Forms. ......, Page 12
Contents and Contexts of Censer Deposits. ... .... Page 15
Mayapan. . ..... Page 15

Santa Rita.. . ..... Page 20

Lamanai. . Page 26
Northern Belize. Page27
Peten Lakes. ... Page 28
Laguna de On Island. . Page 30
Caye Coco . ...Page 32

Summary. ...Page37
Recently Discovered Deposits from the Freshwater Creek Drainage. ..... Page 38
Laguna de On Shore Box Shrine ..Page 38
Caye Muerto Platform Altar. Page 40
A Comparison of the Laguna de On Shore and Caye Muerto Deposits Page 42
Caye Coco Burial 20.. . . .. . ..Page 44
A Comparison of Caye Coco Burial 20 and Laguna de On Burial 17 .... Page 46
Summary. .......Page 47
Ethnohistoric Sources Pertaining to Postclassic Lowland Maya Censers. . Page 48
Effigy Censers as Idols. ....Page 49
Material Correlates of Rituals Documented by Landa ... .. .. Page 50
Gods and Ancestors. . Page 5l
Destruction and Renewal of Censers... .. Page 54
Iconographic Studies of Postclassic Censers .. Page 56
Studies of Censers from Mayapan... .... Page 56
Studies of Censers from Northern Belize. ..... Page 58
Deities Portrayed on Censers at Caye Muerto. Page 59
Iconography of the Ceramics from the Laguna de On Box Shrine... .... Page 66
Iconography of the Ceramics from Caye Coco Burial #20... . .. . . Page 69
Summary and Conclusions. .. Page 70
References Cited. ... .... Page 75
Tables. ... Page 86
Figures. .. .... Page 96

Acknowledgments: I would like to thank my wife, Megan who patiently supported me

while I produced this study, Marilyn Andrews Masson and Michael E. Smith who
provided comments and assistance thought out the process, Karl Taube who's
iconographic insights proved invaluable and Anne Deane, Ben Karis, and Paula Jarema
who provided many of the illustrations contained in this volume.
 List of Tables and Figures
Tables

Table 1 - Table showing distribution of censer forms at Lowland sites

Table 2 - Mayapan temples artd their associated pottery (Smith 1971:Table 20)
Table 3 - Attributes of censers frorn Caye Coco, Burial20
Table 4 - Sherd counts by paste group for the Laguna de On box altar deposit and the
Caye Muerto platform altar deposit
Table 5 - Rim types by paste group for the Laguna de On shore deposit
Table 6 - Rim Types by paste group for the Caye Muerto deposit
Table 7a - Idols, urns and braziers associated with rituals described by Landa (Tozzer
re4r)
Table 7b - Participants and deities associated with rituals described by Landa (Tozzer
1941)
Table 7c - Offerings associated with rituals described by Landa (Tozzer 1941)
Table 7d - Behaviors associated with rituals described by Landa (Tozzer l94l)

Figures
Figure 1 - Map of northern Belize showing the Freshwater Creek drainage (Masson and
Rosenswig 1999)

Figure 2 -Map of the Northern Maya Lowlands showing sites discussed in text (adapted
from Chase and Chase 1985)

Figure 3 - Chen Mul effigy censers from the site of Mayapan (Smith l97l:fi9.32)

Figure 4 - Kol Modeled effigy censers from Santa Rita (Chase and Chase 1988: fig. 8f
llny 22a,26a,b)
Figure 5 - Kol Modeled effigy censer fragments from various sites in northern Belize (note
a-e not to scale)(Sidrys 1983:fi5s. 142-146, 155)

Figure 6 - Effigy censer forms from a) Lamanai @endergast 1985:fig. 5) b) Cerros

(Walker 1990.fig. 5.llc), and c) the Peten Lakes region (Bullard 1970; figs 18,19; Rice
1987:figs. 61, 62,65, 66)

Figure 7 - Pedestal jar censer forms from a) Mayapan (Smith 1971.fr1.30, 31), b)
Lamanai (Graham 1987), c) Cerros (Walker 1990:fig. 5.5a"b) and d) the Peten Lakes
Region (Bullard 1970:fig. 23; Chase and Chase 1987: fig l1a,c; Rice 1987:fig. 60)

Figure 8 - Flanged pedestal jar censer forms from a) Lamanai (Pendergast l98lfig22)
and b) Caye Coco

Figure 9 - Pedestal bowl censer forms from a) Mayapan (Smith l97L.frg.3) and b) Santa
Rita (Chase and Chase 1988:fig. I lq)
Figure 10 - Tripod jar censers from a) Mayapan (Smith 1990:fig. 3l), b) Cerros (Walker
1990:fig. 5.11a)and c) Lamanai (Pendergast 1985:figs. 4,5)

Figure 11 - Modeled tripod jar censer form from Santa Rita (Chase and Chase 1988:fig.
l ll)

Figure 12 -Ladle censer forms from a) Mayapan, b) Cerros (Walker 1990:fig. 5.4), c)
Lamanai (Graham 1987) (oriented as published), and d) the Peten Lakes region @ullard
1970:frg.23r,s; Graham 1987; Rice 1987: fig. 58

Figure 13 - Map showing distribution of censer forms at the sites discussed (adapted from
Chase and Chase 1985)

Figure 14 - Map of Laguna de On, Belize (Masson and Rosenswig 1997)

Figure 15 - Representations of Ek Chuall God NI, from a) Chichen ttza Coggins and
Shane 1984:fig. 137),b, c, d)Mayapan(Smith 1971:fig32),e) SantaRita(Chaseand
Chase 1988:fi9. 22a),f) rural northern Belize (Sidrys 1983:fig. 146), g) Laguna de On
Island

Figure l6 - Map of Progresso Lagoon, Belize showing Caye Coco and Caye Muerto
(Masson and Rosenswig 1998)

Figure l7 - Map of Caye Coco showing structure numbers (Masson and Rosenswig 1998)

Figure 18 - Turtle effigies from a) Caye Coco, b) Tancah (redrawn from Miller 1982: fig.
6), c) Mayapan (Miller arrd Taube 1993:175), d, e) Santa Rita (Chase and Chase 1988:fig.
e)

Figure 19 - Vessels #l and #3 from Caye Coco, Burial20

Figure 20 - Map of the Freshwater Creek drainage, Belize (Masson and Rosenswig 1998)

Figure 2l - selected artifacts from the Laguna de On shore deposit. a) Goddess I efEgy
censer figurine, b) effigy jar face, c) Kol modeled effEgy censer face, d) fragments of two
Red Sandy Censerware effigy censers, e) caiman effigy with portion of snout broken off

Figure 22 -Plan map of the Laguna de On box altar (Wade and Masson 1998:fig 36)

Figure 23 - Profile of platform altar (unexcavated rubble surface) at Caye Muerto (Mullen
reee.fig.7.2)

Figure 24 -Planmap of censer deposit on top of platform shrine at Caye Muerto (Mullen
1999.fi9.7,r)
Figure 25 - effigy censer faces from the caye Muerto deposit

Figure 26 - other selected artifacts from the Caye Muerto deposit. a) fragments
of serpent
headdress, b) censer side flange, c) assorted marzeor copal otrerings
on"" h"ld by effigy
censer figurines, d) effigy arm holding offering, e) effigy censer
feei, f) chest ornaments
worn by censer figurines

27 - Tipodjar censer and possible

!s"t"
Caye Muerto
pedestal based jar censer fragments from the
platform altar

Figure 28 - Prominent rim tlpes by paste group from the Laguna

de on shore deposit. a)
Kol Modeled rolled rounded rinL b) Kol Modeled thickened flat rim (probable
base), c)
Red Sandy Censerware folded rounded rirq d) Red Sandy Censerwaii
folded flat rim
(probable base), e)Santa unslipped rolled rounded rim

Figure 29 -Depictions of yearbearers with tumpline and staff(Miller

and Taub e 1993:193;
Taube1988:figs.60,61)

Figure 30 - Dresden codex New years pages (pgs. 25-2g) from

Thompson 1972
 Introduction

The use of pottery and other types of vessels to burn offerings such as copal,

rubber, and blood stained bark paper has been a well documented part of many Maya

ceremonial activities since Preclassic times. Gven their functional association with

ceremonial activities, censers provide valuable information about Maya ideology and

religious organization. Because these artifacts and the activities they represent are

imbedded in a broader social, economic and political context, they can also illuminate

those aspects of ancient life. In this paper, I have three specific goals. First, I provide a

form based classification of all censers known from the Postclassic Lowlands. Second. I
compare the variation present in religious ritual throughout the Lowlands as reflected in

the distribution of censer forms. Finally, I provide an interpretation of three recently

discovered deposits from the Freshwater Creek drainage in Northern Belize (Figure 1).

To clarify my discussion, I begin by providing a comprehensive, seven-part, form

based classification of Postclassic Maya censers from the Northern Lowlands region

(Figure 2). This classification integrates the diverse descriptions used by the scholars

encountering these artifacts over the past one hundred years into a single consistent

framework. In order to fully explore the contexts of censer finds, I also address ritual

architecture and smaller ritual indicators such as altars. Comparisons are made between

finds from Mayapan at the high end of the urbanization continuum and a variety of smaller

Postclassic sites stretching as far south as the Peten Lakes region. These sites include

several smaller urban contexts such as Santa Rita, Caye Coco, Lamanai and Tayasal, as

well as, village sites such as Laguna de On Island, Chan Chen, Sarteneja, Ichpaatun and

others.
 J

My interpretations are informed by a variety of ethnohistoric and ethnographic

sources, including Landa's Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan (Tozzer l94l), The

Dresden Codex (Thompson 1972) and McGee's (1990) Life, Ritual and Religion Among

the lncandon Maya These sources provide likely material correlates of ritual behavior

and aid in constructing models capable of accounting for the deposits being compared.

The study also relies on iconographic interpretations of censer vessels themselves.

Understanding the iconography allows me to explore the symbolism of censers and make

comparisons to the ethnohistoric documents. Bringing these sources of data together with

the archaeological record provides a detailed picture of censer use in the Northern Maya

Lowlands during the Late Postclassic Period.

Censerr Defined

Censers (also called incense burners, incensarios, braziers, braseros, smokers and

sahumadores) are defined by Prudence Rice (1999.25) as "containers used to burn

naturally occurring aromatic resins and gums, although other materials and offerings may

have been burned in them as well." Archaeologists have recovered thousands of incense

burners made from a very broad spectrum of materials including, ceramic, stone, lime

plaster, wood, jade, rubber, and bone (Thompson I 970: I 89- 191 ; Rice L999 . 25- Coggins

and Shane 1984:155; Moholy-Nagy and Ladd 1992:138-139). As a result of the

widespread use of these artifacts, we can draw on an array of sources to interpret their

function and symbolism. In this review, I will concentrate on sources which pertain
directly to censer use in the Postclassic Yucatan. Please see Prudence Rice's (1999)
 4

recent publication on Classic period Lowland Maya censers for a thorough review of

sources pertaining to earlier time periods.

Archaeological Approaches to the Study of Religious Ritual

The past decade saw an increasing interest in developing methods to identify and

interpret the symbolism of ritual deposits. Renfrew and Bahn (2000:407-409) define

religious ritual as involving '1he performance of expressive acts of worship toward the

deity or transcendent being." They add that this practice can be broken into at least four

main components, each of which has its own archaeological indicators. The first
component is Jocusing of attention The act of worship frequently involves attention-

focusing devices such as sacred location, architecture, light, sounds, and smell to focus the

attention of the participants on the ritual action. The second component is a boundary

zone between this world and the next. Ritual is frequently focused on a boundary area

between this world and that inhabited by supernatural beings and forces. The authors

stress that these are areas which must be kept ritually purified to avoid the risks of

pollution. The third component of religious ritual defined by Renfrew and Bahn is

presence of deity Rituals usually involve invocation of the deity or supernatural force,

which is believed to be in some way present. In many cases, the deity is represented by an

idol or other symbolic cult image. The final component identified by the authors is

participation and offiring Rituals require active participation by the celebrant. They are

more than mere spectator sport. This participation can take the form of singing, dancing,

eating" drinking, prayer, and the offering of material things.

 The use of analogies from ethnohistory and ethnography can help archaeologists

understand the symbolism underlying ritual artifacts and their contexts. In a reaction to

the misuse of analogy by many early anthropologists, particularly evolutionists, many

researchers worked to establish more reliable methods for making analogical inferences.

Kluckhohn (1939, 1940) was one of the first to encourage anthropologists to develop a

systematic method for interpreting archaeological finds using ethnographic and

ethnohistoric data. His challenge was taken up by a number of scholars (Strong 1942;

Stewart 1942; Clark l95l; Hawkes 1954). Their efforts were summanzed by Ascher

(1961) who notes that a common theme in this early discussion revolved around picking

well suited analogs. One commonly suggested method for doing so is to select analogs

from living populations that can be shown to have a direct historic link to the group being

studied. This method came to be known as the Direct Historical Approach. More recent

writing (Wylie 1985) on the use of analogy continues to reaffirm the importance of using

analogs from historically connected people, whenever possible. A recent article by

Marcus and Flannery, establishes a method based on the Direct Historical Approach which

is well suited to the interpretation of Postclassic Censer deposits.

Marcus and Flannery's (1994) study of Zapotec ritual and religion provides a

method to investigate ancient ritual which combines three approaches, the Direct

Historical Approach, the analysis of public space and religious architecture, and the

contextual analysis of religious paraphernalia. Their approach draws on ethnohistoric

sources pertaining to Zapotec religion immediately following the conquest, in an attempt

to build a model of Formative period Zapotec ritual with a specific set of material

colrelates. Their model predicts the location and contents of deposits, as well as the form
 6

of the associated architecture. Marcus and Flannery test their model by making

comparisons to the archaeological record, finding many of the predicted features and a

few which were not predicted by their model.

The same methods are well suited to this study. I draw heavily on ethnohistoric
documentation by Bishop Diego de Landa of Maya rituals performed at the time of the

conquest to make predictions about the form and contents of deposits resulting from
different types of ritual behavior. Landa's work Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan

(Tozzer l94l) contains detailed accounts of native rituals, providing a wealth of

information on which I base predictions about the material correlates of specific rituals.

This study will differ in one important aspect from that conducted by Marcus and

Flannery. Their study was interested in tracking the historical emergence of various broad

characteristics of Zapotec religion over time. I am more interested in identifying the

synchronic variability and distribution of Postclassic rituals involving censers throughout

the Northern Lowlands.

Late Postclassic Censer Forms

I begin my discussion of censers themselves by presenting a form-based

classification which integrates all of the published Late Postclassic censer forms. Much

previous ceramic classification work in the area (Smith 1971, Chase and Chase 1987, Rice

1987, Walker 1990) has used the type-variety method of classification. Graham (1987)

used a different method to discuss the collection at Lamanai, relying on form-based

attributes in classifying the collection. I follow Graham's lead for this discussion. For the

purposes of this study a form-based classification has certain advantages over a type-
 7

variety classification which relies on paste and surface attributes. Most significantly, many

of these censer forms cross paste and surface boundaries. A single form can appear in a

number of paste types at a single site. If form is a significant determinant of function or

distribution of Postclassic Maya censers, the type-variety method may obscure the fact. In

devising this classification, I relied heavily on terminology and descriptions used by Smith

(re7r).

I delineate seven form types for censer vessels during the Late Postclassic period.

Of these severL five have names and descriptions based wholly or in part on Smith's work.

Most size measurements are based on Smith's published data. Some forms are widely

distributed, occurring at all of the sites under discussion, others are restricted to a single

site or even a single published example. Following is a list of definitions for the seven

types defined in this classification:

Type Name: Effigy Censer

Tlpe Definition: These censers consist of a pedestal-based, cylindrical vase with a

concave floor and slightly outflaring rim and base with a modeled effigy figurine attached

to the front.

Type Description: These censers are made of coarse texture paste. The surfaces are

usually well smoothed. Some have a lime plaster wash applied after firing. Some display
elaborate painting in wide range of colors (red, orange, yellow, blue, green, turquoise,

white black artd others). The figurines are most often male images. However, a few

females have been recovered. Typically the attached figurine is hollow although, early

examples such as Hoal Modeled type from Mayapaq have low relief modeled surfaces
 E

with a few attached applique elements. Smaller examples are often crudely modeled.

These figures are usually in a standing position, attached to the vessel at the torso. The

hollow, modeled arms and legs remain &ee. The arms are often held at the sides and are

bent ninety degrees at the elbow, with offerings held in the upright palm. Alternative

positions include arms held out to the side with fingers and thumb brought together as if to

hold a sta.ff or spear. Another example, discussed below, has arms which are positioned

up and away from the body. Her arms are bent at the elbow and her hands are held open

palms facing the front. The figurines are elaborately adorned with a variety of applique

elements. Most images have large headdresses adorned with fans of feathers. These

headdresses take a variety of forms. Most commonly they are the tall, funnel shaped

"mitef' style (Thompson 1957). Also common are headdresses in the form of an animal

heads, such as a birds, jaguars, and serpents. Sometimes the figurine is framed by two

vertical side flanges. The Mayapan collection has been divided into three size groups,

large, medium and small. Rim diameters of medium to large vessels are between I I and
30cm. The average rim diameter is l9.3cm. Pedestal diameters range from l0 to 22cny

with an average of l5.4cm. Smaller vessels are much fewer in number. They have neck

diameters between 6.8 and 7cm. These examples range from 9.5 to l2.5cm tall. Often the

vase have vent holes in the walls, pedestal and vase floor.

Frequency: very common

Examples: Figures 3-6

Comments. Evidence of burning is common on the interior floor and walls of the vases.

The site of Mayapan has the largest and most diverse collection of Late Postclassic Maya

effigy censers yet recovered.

Type Name: Pedestal jar censer

Type Definition: These censers have flaring necks, globular or barrel shaped bodies and

tall pedestal or occasionally ringstand bases.

Type Description: These censers are made of coarse texture paste. They are usually

adorned by some combination of finger impressed fillets, button appliques and spike

appliques in a variety of patterns.

Frequency: very common

Examples: Figure 7

Comments: Evidence of burning is common on the interior floor and walls and floor of

the vessel. These vessels are commonly associated with altars and stela beginning in the

Terminal Classic Period (Rice 1999). This type includes globular forms commonly called

ollas.

Type Name. Flanged Pedestal Jar Censer

Type Definition: These censers have wide flaring necks, globular or barrel shaped bodies

adorned by segmented basal flanges and tall pedestal bases.

Type Description: These c€nsers are larger in size than the common pedestal jar censer.

They are distinguished by their segmented basal flanges. Two examples from Caye Coco

display horizontal flanges around the base and the neck. One of these vessels showed

evidence of a lime plaster wash and blue paint. Some examples also have 2 vertical

flanges attached at the sides of the vessel. Examples from Lamanai are slipped. Vent

holes are commonly found in the pedestal and the floor of the vessel.
 10

Frequency: veryrare

Examples: Figure 8

Comments: Evidence of burning is common on the interior floor and walls of the vessel.

These vessels have been limited in distribution to burials at the sites of Lamanai and Caye

Coco. This type includes globular forms commonly called ollas.

Type Name: Pedestal bowl censer

Type Definition: These censers are shallow bowls with flat to convex bases and pedestal

supports.

Type Description: These vessels are commonly decorated with a combination of finger

impressed fillets and spike appliques in various patterns. Rare examples have segtnented

basal flanges. A single example of the form has a hole in the vessel wall.

Frequency: rare

Examples: Figure 9

Commqnts: Evidence of burning is common on the interiorfloor and walls of the vases.

This form has been recovered at Mayapan Santa Rita and Rio Frio Cave.

Type Name: Tripod Jar Censer

Type Definition: This censer has a high flaring, outcurving or nearly vertical neclg a

globular body with a convex floor, and three feet which may be either hollow or solid.

Type Description: These vessels are usually made of an unslipped coarse texture paste.

Some examples have a lime plaster wash and blue paint applied post-firing. They are
 1l

decorated with a combination of finger impressed fillets, button appliques, and spike

appliques in a variety of patterns. One example from Mayapan has an incised band.

Frequency: common

Examples: Figure l0

Comments: Evidence of burning is common on the interior floor and walls of the vases.

This type includes globular forms commonly called ollas.

Type Name: Modeled Tripod Jar Censer

Type Definition: This censer has a high nearly vertical neclg a globular body with a

convex floor, hollow three feet, and a low relief modeled applique effigy face.

Type Description: The only know example of this form (Chase and Chase 1988.fig 1li)

has a low relief effigy face featuring almond shaped eyes with two small clay balls attached

beneattq a large skinny nose, and a large open mouth adorned with a clay beard. The

tripod feet are hollow and have large triangular vents. Two flanges adorn the temples/rim.

Frequency: veryrare

Examples: Figure 1l

Comments: The single published example is from Santa Rita. This type includes globular

forms commonlv called ollas.

Type Name: Ladle Censer

Type Definition: Ladle censers are shallow bowls with a singJe, attached, hollow, tube-

like handle.
 I2

Typq Description: The hollow handle on these censers can be open or closed at the end.

Decorated examples frequently have modeled serpent effigy heads at the end of the hollow

handle. The handle can open into the bowl or be closed off from it. Most ladle censers
have plain upward curving walls. A single illustrated example from Mayapan has a bowl

with a distinct out-flaring neck. They occur in both plain and decorated examples.

Frequency: common

Examples: Figure 12

Comments: Graham (1987) argues that these vessels were not held open end up but

rather open end down as a ofcover for another vessel.

Distribution of Censer Forms

Figure 13 provides a map of the distribution of the seven censer forms discussed

above. As previously mentioned, this classification contains five types based on Smith's

descriptions of censers from Mayapan (Smith l97l), effigy censers, the common type of

pedestal jar censers, pedestal bowl censers, tripod jar censers, and ladle censers. Effigy

censers at Mayapan occur in two types (Smith 1971.196,2T0), Hoal Modeled, a form of

effigy censer with a low relief figurine attached to a pedestal vase, and Chen Mul
Modeled, the fully elaborated effigy censer with a hollow figurine attached to a pedestal

vase (see Figure 2). Both types belong to the Hocaba/Tases Ceramic Complex, dating

from 1250-1450. More effigy censers have been recovered from Mayapan than all other

Lowland sites combined. Based on the large number of Chen MulModeled effigy censers

recovered at Mayapan, Pollock (1962:8) suggested that an effigy censer cult promoted by

Mayapan elites inspired formally similar traditions such as the Kol Modeled effigy censer
 l3

common throughout the Northern Lowlands (see Figures 3-4). Temporal associations

between the rise of the Cocom lineage at Mayapan during Katun 3 Ahau (A.D. 1362-
1382) and the increase in effigy censers in the Late Postclassic period (Masson 2000)

provide additional evidence for the interpretation that Mayapan's new elite lineage
sponsored the widespread effigy censer cult of the Late postclassic.

Mayapan has four other censer forms in addition to the effigy censer. Common

type pedestal jar censers (see Figure 6a) at the site were primarily of the Cehac-Hunacti

Type, which was present in both the Hocaba and Tases Ceramic Complexes. During the

Tases phase two new pedestal jar censers occur in very low numbers, the Huhi-impressed

type and Acansip painted type. No examples of the flanged type have been published for

the site. These vessels have a limited intersite distribution. The largest number are from

Mayapan where they occur in two t)?es, Oxkutzcab Appliqud Type and Halaco Impressed

Type. Both of these belong to the Cehpech Ceramic Complex. Tripod jar censers (see

Figure l0a) at the site were primarily of the Cehac-Hunacti Type, which was present in

both the Hocaba and Tases Ceramic Complexes. The Tases Complex also contained small

numbers of the Huhi Impressed type and the Acansip Painted Type of tripod jar censer.

Ladle censers (see Figure I la) were present in all four of Mayapan's ceramic complexes.

Examples from the Cehpech Ceramic. Complex are of the Chum Unslipped Type The

Sotuta Complex contains examples of the Canche Red-on-slate Type, the Hocaba

Complex has the Navula Unslipped Type, and the Tases Ceramic Complex has both the

Navula unslipped type and the Chenkeken Incised Type.

Four types of censer, two common and two rare, are present at Santa Rita (Chase

and Chase 1987:64). The two most common censer forms at Santa Rita are the relativelv
 t4

common Kol Modeled effigy censer (see Figure 4), a member of the Cohokum Ceramic

Complex and the pedestal jar censer (see Figure 7). More riue are the modeled tripod jar

censer (see Figure l l) and pedestal bowl censers (see Figure 9b). These have a highly

restricted intrasite distribution, both being recovered from Platform 2 (Chase and Chase

1987:fig. 1l). The modeled tripod jar censer is the only one of its kind published for the

area. It belongs to the Cohokum Modeled Type, another member of the Cohokum

Ceramic Complex. The pedestal bowl censers are Pom Modeled.

Sidrys' (1983) survey of northern Belize used a broad classification of censers

dividing them into effigy and non-effigy forms. Non-effigy forms included tripod jar

censers, pedestal jar censers, pedestal bowl censers, and ladle forms (Sidrys 1983:239-

240). In total, the survey reported finds of five of the seven forms defined above. This is

interesting as it represents as many types as were found at the urban site of Mayapan.

Unfortunately, it is difficult to know how many types were represented at each site as the

work provides extensive data concerning the distribution of Kol Modeled effigy censers

while, ignoring distributional data for other types. Typically he reports the finds of censer

fragments, then mentions the presence of effigy adornos. Despite his regional coverage,

he does not publish a single illustration of the other common censer types such as the

widely distributed pedestal jar censer. Further excavation at some of the surveyed

deposits would further clarify this situation.

The Peten Lakes region displays three of the forms that I identify in my

classification, effigy censers, pedestal jar censers, and ladle censers. Bullard's (1970)

classification refers only to figurine and non-figurines. Figurine censers the same as my

effigy censer type (see Figure 6c) the second class included the remaining two types (see
 15

Figures lle,f). Chase and Chase (1988:fig.ll) report the presence of Puxteal Modeled
pedestal jar censers at the site of Tayasal. Rice (1987:fi9. 58) reports the presence of

pedestal jar censers and ladle censers of La Justa Composite Type, part of the Pozo

Ceramic Complex, at Punta Nina and pedestal jar censers of the Gotas Composite type

(Rice 1987:fig. 60) at Macanche Island. She reports that effigy censers from the island

(see Figure 5c) are of the Patajo Modeled type. Effigy censers have been reported from a

number of sites in the Peten Lakes region but, they seem to occur in unexpectedly low

numbers, a fact possibly attributable to the destruction of such artifacts at the hands of the

Spaniards (Rice 1987: 187).

The form-based classification of Classic period censers produced by Rice (1999)

defined only two types of censer, image and non-image, the same strategy adopted by

Bullard (1970). Image censers correspond to my classification of effigy censer, while all

other forms are classed together as non-image censers. Rice (1999:32) notes that her

classifications are not always 'tlean" as some attributes zuch as spikes and finger

impressed fillets are not always limited to a single form. I prefer to split non-image into a

variety of categories to highlight the diversity of forms found in the Postclassic Northern

Lowlands.

Archaeological Contexts and Contents of Postclassic Censer Deposits

Mayapn

Extensive excavations took place at the site of Mayapan from 1951 to 1955

@ollock et al. 1962). Working under the auspices of the Carnegie Institution of
Washington, Proskouriakoff (1962'.89-91) classified the civic and ceremonial architecture
 l6

at the site. She identffied two configurations for ceremonial architecture. In order to

clarifi later discussion I review her findings here. The first is a basic ceremonial group,

consisting of a colonnaded hall, a raised shrine and usually an oratory. The second is a

temple assemblage consisting of a temple pyramid, one or more colonnaded halls, a shrine,

a low platform in between the temple and shrine for holding lime plaster statues, and

occasionally an oratory to the right of the temple. Colonnaded halls are defined as having

"tandem long rooms with multiple front entrances, rear and side benches and a central and

square altar." A temple is defined as a'tall pyramidal structure supporting a small formal

upper building." Oratories are small structures, usually attached to another structure and

containing a bench. Proskouriakotr(1962) also defined three types of shrine for Mayapan,

interior shrines, enclosing altars usually in a colonnaded hall. She also describes statue

shrines, which usually oocur on stairways or low platforms in front of temples and raised

shrines, small buildings standing on independent substructures.

Smith's (1971) volume on the ceramics of Mayapan is an invaluable source dealing

with Postclassic pottery, including five of seven of the forms of censer defined here His

work is based on a collection of approximately 400,000 sherds located within the walls of

the site and another approximately 100,000 sherds from outside of the walls. In it, Smith

(1971:Table 20) defined a number of important associations between the ritual

architecture classified by Proskouriakoff (1962) and the ceramics from the site (see Table

2). Unfortunately, he lacks specifics on the forms of censers encountered in each context,

referring only to ceremonial pottery and ceremonial ceramics. He indicates that for the

purposes of his classification the group 'htilitarian" pottery contains jars, dishes, bowls,

basins, plates, covers and stands. The group "ceremonial" pottery is composed of censers,
 17

cups, vases, effigy vessels, masks, molds, figurines, and miniature vessels (Smith

1971:125). This classification scheme makes it impossible to know the precise relative

frequency of censers from context to context. However we can begin to get some idea of

what types of structures yielded incense burners and associated ceramic paraphernalia.

Smith (1971.107-108) used relative frequencies of these pottery goups to make

functional distinctions between the ceremonial architecture. He divided the 50 oratories at

Mayapan into two groups, Types A and B. Type A oratories contained 23 percent

ceremonial pottery, on the average. Type B oratories contain a much higher proportion,

having 65.3 percent ceremonial pottery. He suggests that Type A oratories are associated

with residential structures and probably served a single family. Type B oratories were

located in ceremonial architecture and probably served a larger group. Further work on

the form and iconography of these censers would help to confirm or refute this

explanation.

Drawing on Proskouriakoffs classification of shrines, Smith (1971:108-109)

further divided raised shrines into group shrines, ceremonial shrines and quadrangle

shrines. Group shrines tend to be associated with caches. Pottery from group shrines

tends to be predominantly utilitarian in nature. Utilitarian pottery represented 84.1

percent of the ceramics collected. Most of the utilitarian pottery was comprised ofjars,

which represented 56.7 percent of the total assemblage. It is possible that this high
percentage of jars may reflect ritual activity. Landa (Tozzer 194l:164-166) documents

the smashing of water jars as part of the annual war festival Pacum (see Table 7c).

Ceremonial shrines were associated with statues. Four of seven examples of this type of

shrine are associated with ossuary shafts which Smith defines as deep, sometimes bottle-
 18

shaped pits located centrally in pyramids or shrines and used as mass budal depositories

(Smith l97l 114). The remaining three structures are associated with caches.

Quadrangle shtines, the third type, show traits of both group and ceremonial shrines.

Smith does not provide specific percentages for the pottery in this type of shine.

However, he indicates that they contain a large percentage of utilitarian pottery. He adds

that these shrines have more ceremonial pottery than the typical group shrine.

Colonnaded halls are key components of both of Proskouriakoffs ceremonial

architectural groupings" the basic ceremonial group and the temple assemblage. These

structures tend to be associated with caches rather than burials (Smith l97l:109). The

pottery found in these structures clearly shows their ritual function. On average 84.2

percent of ceramics from colonnaded halls is ceremonial. The remaining 15.8 percent of
the pottery is of a utilitarian nature. 70.2 percent of the total assemblage consists ofjar

fragments.

Smith (1971:109) also refined Proskouriakoffs (1962) temple classification. He

suggested four types, serpent column, round, pyramid, and platform temples. Overall

these four types showed a strong association with ceremonial pottery. On average,
temples contained 61.7 percent ceremonial pottery. The percentages varied depending
on

the type of temple being discussed. Serpent column temples had the highest ceremonial

component, containing 77.8 percent ceremonial pottery. Platform temples had the second

higbest percentage (69.3). Pyramid temples were a close third, containing 65.3 percent

ceremonial pottery. On average, round temples had less than half ceremonial pottery,

containing 48.5 percent. It should be noted however, that only one of three of these

temples had less that 50 percent ritual pottery.

 19

Smith (1971:114-119) discussed 13 of the 53 burials from the site. Vessels

including censers are included as grave goods in a small percentage of these burials. Of

these, four had whole or reconstructable vessels as grave goods. Burial 42 is highly

unusual in having two red slipped dishes with hollow tripod feet and segmented basal

flanges known as Mayapan basal-break tripods, and eight ladle censers. Burial 48

contained a number of sherds including the remains of one restorable tripod jar. Burial 50
contained two Mayapan Red grater bowls, as well as, a number of unreconstructable

sherds. Finally, Burial 52 contained a single Puuc Slate bowl and a number of

unreconstructable sherds. Of Smith's sample of 13 interments just over 30oh contained

vessels. Censers were even rarer being deposited in only one case, Burial 43.

In summary, a great deal of research has been published on the ceremonial

architecture at Mayapan and its associated pottery inventory. Although Smith classified

censers with a number of other ceramics under the heading ceremonial pottery it is

possible to get some indication of the contexts containing incense burners and other

related artifacts. Smith (1971:107-108) identified ceremonial pottery associated with two

types of oratories, l) Type A containing a low percentage of ceremonial pottery and

probably serving a single family and 2) Type B containing a high percentage of ceremonial

pottery and probably serving a larger group. He (Smith 1971:108-109) defined three

types of raised shrine all of which are associated with low percentages of ceremonial

pottery. It is possible that the high percentage ofjars at these structures could reflect

ritual activity. Smith (1971:109) indicated that colonnaded halls are associated with very

high percentages of ceremonial pottery. He also suggested that temples of all four types

are associated with high percentages of ceremonial pottery. Pottery was rare in the
 20

sample of 13 burial contexts. Only one of those had associated censers, Burial 42 which

contained 8 whole ladle censers. Further research could separate the contexts of censers

from Smith's broader classffication of ceremonial pottery to provide a more precise

picture of the depositional contexts of incense burners at Mayapan.

Santa Rita

Gann was one of the earliest researchers to report finds of Postclassic censers in

the Northern Lowlands. At Santa Rita, he reported the excavation of three mounds (Gann

1900:678-685) 'tontaining, superficially, the fragments of two pottery idols, and more

deeply or on the ground level, a number of small painted pottery animals, either within or

immediately around a pottery urn." He reported (Gann 1900:678-682) that when the

topsoil was removed, two idols, badly broken, were found immediately on top of the layer

below it. One of these idols (Gann 1900:plate )OOilI, Figure 3) has a serpent headdress

suggestive of Kukulkan. Found in association with these two idols were the leg bones of

five or six birds, identified as curassow, and the maxilla of a rodent. He also reported a

number of rough unpainted potsherds mixed in with the deposit. Unfortunately, no other

information is reported for these sherds, leaving us to wonder if they belonged to censers

or some other type of vessel.

The reported cache (Gann 1900:679-682) of an urn and painted animal figurines

was recovered at a depth of six feet below the sur ce of the mound, along the centerline

but, closer to the front than the idol. The intact urn was 30.5cm tall and a diameter of

37cm at its widest point. It was placed on a hard layer of "cement" underlying the layer

which covered it. The animal figurines, four 'tigers" or jaguars, five turtles, and one
 2T

double headed alligator were placed in around the pot in pairs. These pairs consisted of a

turtle and jaguar at each of the four cardinal directions. The remaining turtle was paired

with the double headed alligator and buried in the soil directly above the center of the urn.

Gann (1900:682) suggested that a second mound, Mound 2 was built over the remains of

a previous structure, itself built on a 10 foot tall platform composed of limestone blocks.

He speculated that the two deposits were intentionally placed in the structure at the time

of its renovation, the urn and animals placed on the floor of the old building and the idols

and bird bones placed higher up in the new mound'

Mound 5 yielded two more pottery "idols" at a depth of I foot (Gann 1900:682),

which were placed approximately in the center of the mound. These idols were also

fragmentary. One of these (Gann 1900:Plate )OO([I, Figure 1) has a serpent headdress

very similar to the example from Mound 2. At ground level, directly in the center of the

mound, Crann found a stone cyst or chamber, a box created from flat slabs of stone set

vertically to form walls with the soil as a floor. The box contained a small lidded urn,

T2.6cm in height and 22.3cm in diameter. Within the urn was a single double headed

alligator figurine, with a human face protruding from one open mouth (Gann 1900:plate

)Ooilll, Figure 1).

A third deposit was recovered from mound 6 (Gann 1900:683-685). The deposit

contained a number of "rude, ill-made pottery" sherds and the remains of two effigy

censers. Once again Gann does not give enough information to know if the sherds

reported represent other censer forms. This deposit, recovered at a depth of 2 feet,

contained Gann's best preserved example of the effigy censer form (Gann 1900:plate

)OO([I, Figure 2). This specimen measured 42cm tall. In an arrang€ment similar to that
 22

seen at mound 5, a stone box was reported by Gann at ground level, directly in the center

of the building. This box contained a large, lidded urn 29cm tall and 29.4cm in

circumference with three hollow vented feet. This urn contained 19 small objects which

completely filled the vessel. These consisted of 13 animal images, I fish or shark, and 4

anthropomorphic beings. The final object was a small circular jar decorated with a human

figure in the diving position with arms protruding out from the bottom and the "legs being

held up in the air."

Gann's work at Santa Rita allowed him to establish a three part typology for the

buildings at the site (Gann 90A.662-663), mounds constructed over other buildings;

mounds containing, superficially, two broken pottery images, and more deeply a cache

containing an urn and pottery animal figurines; and mounds that represent a solitary class,

which could not be classified and whose use was unknown. This represents the first

rudimentary attempt to functionally distinguish Maya structures in northern Belize (Chase

1985:106). Gann's work at Santa Rita was expanded and further refined by Diane and

Arlen Chase (Chase 1985; Chase 1988; Chase and Chase 1988).

Chase (1986) carefully examined the contexts and contents of censer deposits and

caches. She identified a number of ritual indicators at Santa Rita. Drawing on

Proskouriakoffs work (1962.331-335; 1962b:89-91) identifying ritual associations

between artifacts and architecture, Chase noted that most of the ritual architecture found

at Mayapan is also seen at Santa Rita (Chase 1986:113-114), including the basic

ceremonial group and the temple assemblage @roskouriakoff 1962). Chase (1985:114)

indicated that temples visible in Gann's time are now destroyed. A single structure at

Santa Rita was identified as an oratory. Chase (1985:114) indicated that Santa Rita had
 23

examples of both interior and raised shrines similar to those identified at Mayapan

(Proskouriakoff 1962). She added that despite the fact

that no statue shrines have been
identified, they likely once existed as well.

In addition to examining ritual architecture, Chase (19g6:l

l4-l 16) also turned an
eye to smaller ritual indicators, altars, censers? and caches. Also documented are three
stone altar figures. She identified three different altar types used at santa
Rita, a rounded
stone, not formally attached to a building; a formal
square constructioq usually attached

to the rear wall of an interior shrine; and a low square line of

stone construction set in

open areas, often in front of larger buildings. Three

rounded stone altars were reported

for northern santa Rita, one composed of several stone

blocks apparently bound together

to form a round altar and two consisting of a single rounded stone.

No censers, caches or
altar figures were associated with these features (chase
lgg6:114-115). one square
architecturally constructed altar was detected within
the interior shrine associated with
Structure 8t' unlike the round altars, this feature showed a number indicators
of of ritual
behavior including, two axial caches, a double burial,
two smashed effigy censers, and a
large number of smashed vessels (Chase 1986:115). Three examples
of the stone
construction were recorded at the site. These features
are low, square, flat constructions

composed of multiple stones. They are located away

from buildings one example from
Platform 1 was placed above a Postclassic burial. The other examples, both from
Platform 2 in front of Structure 77, also showed associated
evidence of ritual behavior.

The first was placed above the interment of multiple disarticulated

subadults. A headless

bird effigy vessel was recovered in the vicinity of the second (Chase
l9g6:115).
 24

As we saw in the discussion of Gann's (1900) early work at the site, modeled

ceramics including figurines, censers, and cache vessels are found in a large number of

ritual deposits at Santa Rita. Chase (1986:115-116) documented four types of modeled

ceramic at Santa Rita. Two of these were types of censer, Kol Modeled (Chase and Chase

1988:figs. 8d, 8f, llnr, 21b,c,22a,26) effigy censers documented and Pom Modeled

pedestal bowl censers (see Figure 9) which take the form of bowls or basins with pedestal

bases or ring bases (Chase and Chase 1988:fig. llq). Kol Modeled censers are widely

distributed across the site, while Pom Modeled pedestal bowl censers and the single

modeled tripod jar censer (Chase and Chase 1988:fig.11I) were restricted to Platform 2

(Chase 1986:115-116). A Kol Modeled cup depicting a diving figure has also been

documented (Chase and Chase 1988:fig. l7b).

The Chase's 1988 report added six more types of modeled ceramic to this list, Cao

Modeled (Chase and Chase 1988:figs. 5a, 8c, 15, 16,27a), Zanga Modeled (Chase and

Chase 1988:fig. 8g), Nucil Modeled (Chase and Chase 1988:fig. 8h), Kulel Modeled

(Chase and Chase 1988:figs. 8s, lla, 11e), ArrobaModeled (Chase and Chase 1988:fig.

8dd), and Black Modeled Special vessel (Chase and Chase 1988:fig. 8a) in the form of a

bird, probably an import from South America. All of these types were encountered during

excavations of Structure 81 (Chase and Chase 1988:17-25), an unusual structure that

contained three special deposits and a building-wide scatter of ceramic vessels. This

multiple room building combined a shrine with a square altar. The Chases argue that

many of the vessel sherds appear to have been in situ since the most recent construction

phase. Evidence for this claim consists ofthe fact that sherds from the surface scatter are
 25

from the same vessels as those sealed within the altar and below a floor (Chase and Chase

1988:25).

Based on detailed comparison of the context and contents of ritual deposits, the

Chases have linked specific caches and scatters to a variety of calendrical celebrations

described by Landa (Tozzer 1941) including Katun ending celebrations" held every 20

years, and the Kan and Muluc (Chase and Chase 1988.71-75) Uayeb rituals. They reject

the notion that Postclassic ritual deposits are examples of discontinuity with the Classic

period (Thompson 1966,1970; Proskouriakoff 1955), citing "a regulated, directional, and

calendric system of ritual organization" as examples of the continuity of Classic and

Postclassic period religious systems. Recent work (Chase and Chase 1998) focuses on

applyrng the same methods to ritual deposits at the Early Classic site of Caracol.

In summary, both Gann and the Chases identffied a number of specific contexts for

effigy and other censer forms at Santa Rita. Gann (1900:678-685) reported finding three

separate cache deposits consisting of two fragmented effigy censers each. The paired

censers were located just under the surface and in the center of mounds (Mounds 2,5,and

6) which also contained caches composed of numerous small pottery idols inside or

around large pottery urns. Mound 6 also contained a small jar with an attached diving

human figure. Diane Chase (1986:113-116) identified a number of ritual structures at

Santa Rita which parallel those identified at Mayapan by Proskouriakoff(1962) including,

the basic ceremonial group, the temple assemblage, a single oratory, and interior as well as

raised shrines. Chase also identified a number of smaller ritual indicators including altars,

censers. She identified three types of altar; 1) a rounded stone not attached to a building

or associated with censers or caches, 2) a formal square construction found along the back
 26

wall of an interior shrine associated with two smashed effigy censers, two arial caches, a

double burial and a number of smashed vessels, and 3) a low square line of stone

construction located away from buildings and associated with burials (two cases) and bird

effigy vessels (one case). Chase (1986115-116) documents the contexts of three specific

censer forms at Santa Rit4 Kol Modeled effigy censers, Pom Modeled pedestal bowl

censers, and the Santa Unslipped modeled tripod jar censer. Effigy censers were often

found paired and were widely distributed around the site while the remaining two forms

were restricted to Platform 2.

Lamanai

A number of censers of Postclassic date have been recovered from different

contexts at Lamanai @endergast 1981; Graham 1987). Among these are flanged pedestal

jar censers. Unlike the flanged pedestal based censers from Caye Coco, Burial 20, the

Lamanai examples are slipped. A set of three censers were recovered from Burial N10-

4/46, a high status tomb burial as defined by the labor investment in burial construction

and extensive investment in the grave goods listed below. Two of the set of three censers

were the large slipped examples, both smashed and spread around the burial pit. A third
was a "large pierced stuccoed" censer interred intact. Also interred with this individual

was a copper bell, and two ca.rved bone tubes, one of which shows an elaborately

costumed individual with a bird headdress, and two Tulum Red tripod dishes which are

red slipped dishes with wide flaring walls, concave bases and hollow, vented tripod feet

@endergast 1981:fig.23). Little of the construction at the site is of Postclassic date.

However, censers indicate continued use of earlier structures. The fragments of numerous
 27

Mayapan-style effigy censers were recovered from the Classic period structure, N9-56.

Interestingly, these were scattered to all four sides of the structure much like those

discussed below at Laguna de On Island, Structure 1. So, Lamanai has a set of three

flanged pedestal jar censers in association with a high status burial containing numerous

grave goods and smashed as well as scattered effigy censers in association with buildings

of Classic Period date. Pedestal jar and ladle censers have been reported (Pendergast

1981; Graham 1987) at the site but the contexts of the finds are not clear.

Northwestern Belize

Despite lacking data on other censer types, Sidrys (1983) added greatly to our
knowledge of effigy censer distribution between the Rio Hondo and the New River in

Northern Belize by documenting ritual deposits at Adventura, Patchchacan, Chan Che4

Santa Rita" Cerros, and Laguna. Sidrys (1983:242-244) finds several patterns in the

distribution of effigy censers at sites in the region. First, he indicates that censer deposits

tend to occur in small dense concentrations that :!re restricted to a few locations per site.

Second, these deposits tend to be found in stratigraphically terminal humus levels, usually

at the top and/or at the base of collapsed Classic period structures. The same patterns of

distribution were reported for Quintana Roo (Fry 1972:490-491; Sanders 1960). Sidrys

notes one exception to these two patterns, at Santa Rita he reports that censers are found

in two unusual contexts, middens and construction fill. He also reports that censer

fragments occur in widely scattered locations in low concentrations, which he attributes to

very poor site preservation. Sidrys notes a third pattern which will become important

later, large censer deposits are found in areas removed from Postclassic habitation, as seen
 28

in a deposit from Adventura and another reported by Gann (1939.21) as being located

"halfwav between San Andres and Nohmul."

Peten Inkes

As discussed previously, the Northern Lowlands were integtated into a widespread

effigy censer cult, believed to be sponsored by Mayapan (Sanders 1960:245; Pollock

1962:8; Masson 2000). This is true as far south as the Peten Lakes region of Guaternala.

Bullard's (1970) survey of Lake Yaxha reported ceremonial architecture, altars, carved

and uncarved stelae as well as effigy, pedestal jar censers, and ladle censers from the site

of Topoxte. He notes that Topoxte censerware is light grey to light buff in color, with

effigy censers usually made of a buffpaste and the pedestal based jar censers made of the

grey paste. His sample consisted of 508 sherds and one partially restored efffigy censer

@ullard 1970.278, figs.l8-22). One hundred and ninety-seven of his sherds were
classified as image censers and 164 were classified as non-image censers, a class

containing both ladle censers and pedestal jar censers. The remaining 147 could not be

classified. He reported that effigy censers had fairly uniform rim diameters of around

30cm. They were about 45cm tall (Bullard 1970.281). Bullard provided a number of

illustrations of pedestal jar censers @ullard 1970:figs. 23, 24). These include what

Bullard calls 'the typioal form", a tall vessel with a pedestal base. The majority of these

were decorated with bands of finger impressed fillets, as well as, appliqued spikes and

disks @ullard 1970:285). Based on the published illustrations, they lack the elaborate

flanges seen on censers from Caye Coco and Lamanai (Pendergast 1981; Graham 1987).

Unfortunately, Bullard did not provide data on contexts with the exception of a list of
 29

seven locations tested @ullard 1970.277) and a note that smashed effigy censer fragments

were recovered from the floor of Structure C (Bullard 1970:285).

Rice (1996), summarized other censer finds in the Peten Lakes region. The

University of Pennsylvania's l97l work at Tayasal and Flores produced both effigy and

pedestal based jar forms. Most common among them was a tall form classified as Puxteal

Modeled (Chase 1983:1036, fr9.3-73c, Rice 1996:fig. 2), a member of the Cocahmut

ceramic complex, dated to the'Middle Postclassic" (1200-1450 A.D.). Structure 188 at

the site of Nixtun-Ch'ich' on the Candelaria peninsulq a colonnaded hall which contained

benches and a possible altar, produced a deposit containing eight partially reconstructable

vessels. Four of these were slipped serving vessels and four were censers (Rice 1996.132-

r 33).

Effigy censers are rare in the Peten Lakes region. This is likely attributable to the

fact that these idols were systematically destroyed by Spanish priests (Rice 1996.128).

Indeed early accounts early Spanish accounts suggest that 'the trade in pottery 'idols' and

a continuously active non-Christian ritual system" integrated the Peten Itza with

populations in the northern Yucat6n peninsula (Jones 1998:40). The Spanish effort to

destroy idols in the Peten began early in the colonial period. In 1618, Fray Bartolome de

Fuensalida and Fray Juan de Orbita visited the island and during a tour of the town,

smashed a large stone idol that the Itza called Tzimin Chak. This act and others enraged

the ltza, who responded in 1622 by massacring a party led to the region by Fray Diego

Delgado, whose hearts were reportedly offered to the idols (Jones 1998:43-48).
Following conquest of the island in 1697, Spanish efforts to eradicate idols began in

earnest, likely resulting in paucity of recovered effigy censers from the site (Rice
 30

1996:128). Perhaps, additional work will shed light on the disposal patterns of the

Spanish conquistadors, allowing us to recover additional examples.

Laguna dB On Island

Several structures serving ritual or combined ritual and domestic functions were

documented at Laguna de On Island (see Figure 14) during the Belize Postclassic

Project's 1996 and 1997 seasons @arnhart and Howard 1997; Masson, Shumake, and

Moan 1997; Masson 1997; Rosenswig and Becker 1997; Barnhart 1998; Masson 1999).

Structure 1, a C-shaped structure open to the east, was associated with four burials, nine

dense artifact concentrations, skulls of large game such as brocket deer, peccary, and

alligator, and a cached eccentric flint. The artifact concentrations contained ceramics,

including slipped, unslipped and censer wares, lithics, both tools and flakes; and faunal

remains (Masson 1999: 55-58). No single concentration seems to contain a whole

reconstructable vessel. Fragments from different concentrations were refitted to form part

of a singe censer vessel, indicating that these ceramics were broken prior to deposition in

discrete poncentrations. Also found outside of the structure was a large flat stone thought

to be an uncarved stela or altar.

Structure 2, a rubble platform located at the highest point on the island, is thought

to be an offeratory shrine platform (Gann 1928:53-54; Rosenswig and Becker 1997;

Masson 1999). It was surrounded with several concentrations of artifacts, which appear

to be non-utilitarian in function. Several concentrations of burnt rocks indicate that fires

were lit at the location. However, the form of the concentrations is not consistent with

cooking hearths detected on the rest of the island. The remaining conoentrations were
 31

composed of ceramics, lithic tools, human phalanges, and catfish spines. Part of the

assemblage was a whole triangular biface lacking signs of use wear, which was likely

cached on the east side of the platform. Obsidian blades recovered from the

concentrations also exhibited little use wear. This is consistent with the use of these lithic

tools in bloodletting. The presence of catfish spines may indicate the same.

Preliminary analysis indicated that the site of Laguna de On Island produced four

types of censer (Mock 1,997). Pedestal jar censers, are of Cehac-Hunacti Composite type.

Effigy censers from the site are of the Kol Modeled type. Also mentioned are two

unnamed types. All of these were found smashed and scafiered or deposited in discrete

concentrations (Rosenswig and Becker 1997). Each of these censer types represents less

that two percent of the total assemblage, compared to Payil serving vessels which

represent 34.5lyo of the assemblage. To this number we can add an undetermined number

of Santa Unslipped sherds belonging to tripod footed jar censers which are difficult to

distinguish from Santa Unslipped olla sherds.

One burial area, and several individual burials were excavated at Laguna de On

Island (Masson, Shumake, and Moan 1997; Barnhafi and Howard 1997; Barnhart 1998a;

Rosenswig 1998; Sheldon 1998;Wade 1998; Dolphin 2000). The burials at the site have

few, if any, grave goods. Notable exceptions to this rule are Burials 12 and 17
(Rosenswig 1998:152-153). Burial 12, an adult female with her incisors filed to points,

was interred wittr, a jaguar toottr, one obsidian blade, and a chert core. Burial 17 (Sheldon

1998) is the most elaborate on the island. This old (50+; male was interred with a whole

Payil tripod dish like the Rita Red example described above in the tomb at Lamanai, a

carved peccary bone, a greenstone bead, and an effigy oenser face representing Ek Chuah,
 32

the Merchant God (see Figure l5g). Out of a sample of 16 burials from the site, this is the

only one which contains censer fraglnents. Both burials had three cobbles placed above

the cranium. Some of these stones showed evidence of burning. The presence of elaborate

grave goods in Burial 17 mark this as an individual of high status. This is probably the

same to a lesser degree for Buriat 12. The status indicated by the elaborate grave goods is

further highlighted by their total absence in any other graves from the site

To summarize, censers at Laguna de On Island were found smashed and either

scattered or deposited in discrete concentrations. Structure I was associated with 9

separate artifact concentrations containing faunal skulls, an eccentric flint, and numerous

vessel sherds some of which were censers of unidentified form. Structure 2, an offeratory

platform, was associated with several artifact concentrations, some composed primarily of

burnt rocks and others containing ceramics, lithic tools, human phalanges, and catfish

spines. The majority of the ceramics associated with the structure were censer forms. A

single high status burial on the island contained a fragment of an effigy censer.

Caye Coco

Like its smaller neighbor Laguna de On Island, Caye Coco also had a variety of

structures with apparent ritual or domestic/ritual functions. Like Structure 2 at Laguna de

On Island, the most prominent construction on the island, Structure I (West 1999) is
located at the highest point of the island (see Figures 16 and l7). A large rectangular
structure, Structure I is the tallest building at the site, sitting 10m above water level

(Masson 1998). Initial reconnaissance at the site during the 1997 season (Rosenswig

1998), revealed two censer sherds belonging to a Kol Modeled effigy censer and a Tsabak
 33

Perforated colander censer located on top of the structure. Work during the 1998 field

season (West 1999) indicated that the structure atop the mound was C-shaped, open to

the south. Excavations on the surface of the mound revealed that it was for the most part

swept clean. However, concentrations of obsidian projectile points, ceramic spindle

whorls, and net weights, as well as utilitarian pottery were recovered. Surprisingly, few

additional censer sherds were recovered from the mound. Obsidian projectile points have

a very limited distribution at the site, occurring only in concentrations at Structure 1. The

same pattern was found at Laguna de On Island, where the majority of points were

restricted to the main ceremonial structure (Masson 1997). Postclassic points were also

cached in structure 4 at Santa Rita along with two eccentric flints (Gann 1918:68). The

spindle whorls are extremely similar in size and shape, possibly having been made from the

same recycled vessel.

Other structures on the island with ritual associations, Structures 4 and 5 @arrett

1999, 2000), were elite domestic structures (see Figure 17) with shrine rooms or oratories

built in. The inner portion of these buildings are typically divided into three parts, the

middle being the shrine. The surface of Mound 4 revealed a wide variety of materials,

many domestic in nature. Among these marine shell, lithic flakes, faunal bone, net weights

and utilized obsidian blades (Barreu 1999) were found in the front half of the structure.

Excavations of the shrine area revealed a fragmentary plastered pedestal jar censer

decorated with finger impressed filleting, button appliques, and vertical side flanges. The

matrix surrounding the vessel contained coral, fossil scallop shells, a crab claw, and an

obsidian blade fragment. Offerings with marine associations have been found in a number
 34

of burials at the site including two burials (5,6) discovered during attempts to identify

caches or midden deposits on the north side of the mound.

Excavatiorrs at Structure 5 during the 1999 season @arrett 2000) revealed very

similar architecture. However, the ritual indicators located on the two mounds were

notably diflerent. Along the north side of the mound, in the same relative position as the

burials found on the north side of Structure 4, was a deep midden feature containing a

number of domestic refuse items such as, a large quantlty of ceramic sherds, lithic flakes,

obsidian and faunal bone. Work on top of the mound uncovered well preserved

Postclassic architecture. Concentrations of censer fragments representing two pedestal jar

censers were recovered atop the structure in front of a feature believed to be a bench or

altar. A sculpted lime plaster turtle (see Figure 18) recovered from a cache in the center of

the platform is similar in form to examples recovered at Mayapan @roskouriakoff 1962),

Santa Rita (Chase and Chase 1988:fig. 9), and Tancah Miller1982). The Tancah example

was inthe shape of a seaturtle, the othersweretelrestrial species. All of these sculptures

have a niche hollowed out in the center of the carapace. Miller (1982.7) suggested that

the Tancah specimen functioned as a censer. This does not seem to be the case for our

example, however, as it lacks any indications of the blackening usually associated with use

as a censer. The niche, in this case, was intended to hold offerings that were cached with

the turtle. These included an obsidian blade, a chert blade, a greenstone celt, and a

ceramic sherd (Barrett 1999:fig. 4.6).

In contrast to finds at Laguna de On Island, Caye Coco has six stone disks around

the boundaries of the site's center (Barnhart 1998b). These disks, probably altars of the

type documented by Proskouriakoff (1962) and Chase (1986:114-115), appear to be

 35

intentionally rounded, having an average height of 30cm and diameter of 70cm. For the

purposes of this paper, I call them drum stone altars. None show evidence of decorative

carving. Like the examples from Santa Rita no artifacts seem to be associated with these

altars. In addition to these, two possible uncarved stelae have been documented at the site

@arnhart 1999, Mazeau 2000). One of these, the example located on top of Burial 20,

will be discussed later. An alternative explanation for these stone slabs is that they were

used in constructiorl like those found set as a wall along the north side of Structure l l
(Russell 2000) during the 1999 field season.

Two burial areas , Suboperations l3l34 and 30, were documented at Caye Coco

(Aguilera 1999; Rosenswig 1999; Goldman 2000; Mazeau 2000) during the 1998 and

1999 field seasons (Masson and Rosenswig 1998, 1999; Rosenswig and Masson 2000).

Of 23 burials detected on the island, 19 or 20 were associated with these cemeteries.

Predictably, the grave goods associated with burials at Caye Coco are more elaborate than

those seen at Laguna de On Island. This is consistent with the relative status of the two

sites, Laguna de On Island being a third tier site and Caye Coco being a second tier site

(Masson 1999). As noted above, many of these interments contained offerings with

marine associations. For example, seventeen percent of Caye Coco burials (1, 2, 5,6,13)
contained conch shell offerings (Aguilera 1999; Barrett 1999; Goldman 2000). These

were associated with both male and female burials. Two of the buriats (3, 13) contained

whole Payil tripod dishes offerings (Aguilera 1999; Goldman 2000). A third (6) contained

a Payil tripod fragment @arrett 1999). Hammerstones, obsidian, net weights, and spindle

whorls were recovered from a number of burials. This is consistent with Landa's (Tozzer
 36

194l:129-130) description of funerals in which he indicated that tools of a person's

profession were frequently interred with them when they died.

Burial 20 $vlazeu 2000) is rather unusual. Out of a sample of 23 burials at the site

it is the only burial containing censer fragments and it is the only burial known from either

island community to contain reconstructable censers. The three flanged pedestal jar

censers recovered from the burial were large and elaborately decorated (see Figure 19),

suggesting a great deal of material investment in grave goods indicating the interred

individual's high status. A full discussion of this burial can be found later in the paper.

The Belize Postclassic Project reported a number of contexts at Caye Coco

associated with incense burners. A small number of effigy censer other censer fragments

were recovered from Structure I within a large c-shaped structure. The structure also

contained possibly cached projectile points and spindle whorls. Pedestal jar censers,

possibly of the flanged type were associated with oratory or shrine rooms within elite

domestic structures on Mounds 4 and 5. Other associated artifacts included marine

offerings and obsidian blades at Mound 4 and a sculpted lime plaster turtle containing a

cache of an obsidian blade, a chert blade, a greenstone celt and a ceramic sherd at Mound

5. Six drum stone altars of the sort documented by Chase (1986) at Santa Rita were

recorded at Caye Coco. None were associafed with artifacts. While grave goods were

more common at Caye Coco than they were at Laguna de On Island, only one burial at the

site contained censers. Burial 2O, a high status burial, contained three large flanged

pedestal jar censers and a number of censer sherds of unidentified forrn. Effigy senser

fragments at the site were very rare for reasons to be discussed later.
 37

Summary

Several patterns can be detected in the data presented in the previous section.

Effigy censers are widely distributed though out the Northern Lowlands. They are

typically found cached in pairs or smashed and unreconstructable in dense, isolated

deposits. Sidrys' three findings about the distribution of effigy censers are confirmed.

Pedestal jar censers are equally as widely distributed. This form was associated with elite

residential oratories or shrines at Caye Coco however precise contextual information

about this form from the other sites discussed is lacking. Elite burials are associated with

a variety of censer forms including, effigy (Laguna de On Island), flanged pedestal jar

(Lamanai and Caye Coco) and ladle censers (Mayapan). The flanged pedestal jar censer

appears to be limited to high status burial contexts in Northern Belize specifically,

Lamanai and Caye Coco. The presence of so many distinct censer forms implies that elite

funerary ritual while associated with incense offerings in general varied in its the specific

details of their use from region to region. Two very rare censer forms, pedestal bowl

censers and the sole example of modeled tripod jar censer occur together at Platform 2

(Chase and Chase 1988:fig. 11) at Sarrta Rita. A number of ritual structures have been

linked with incense burners including, colonnaded halls, temples, shrines, oratories and

altars.
 38

Recently Discovered Censer Deposits from the Freshwater Creek Drainage of

Northern Belize

Lagna de On Shore

Over the past four years, the Belize Postclassic Project has identified a number of

settlements along the Freshwater Creek drainage (see Figure 20). It has been suggested

(Masson 2000) that these communities likely functioned as part of the Late Postclassic

trading network extending around the Yucat6n Peninsula. Two of the Postclassic

communities located by the project were the subject of extensive excavation. Laguna de

On Island, the third tier island settlement discussed earlier, was the subject of investigation

during the 1991, 1996, and 1997 (Masson 1993, Masson and Rosenswtg 1997,1998) field

seasons. Caye Coco is a Late Postclassic regional monumental center located on an island

located near the southern end of Proglesso Lagoon. It was located by the Belize

Postclassic Project n 1997 and was the subject of excavations during the 1998 and 1999

field seasons. In the following section I discuss three deposits recovered recently by the

project in more detail.

Laguna de On Shore, Box Altar

The first deposit that concerns us was located by Alice Wade and Marilyn Masson

(1998) during survey work along the bluffs overlooking Laguna de On (see Figure l4).

The deposit consisted of several concentrations of effigy censer, tripod jar censer and

possible modeled tripod jar censer fragments (see Figure 2l) in and around a three meter

square box shrine composed of vertical stone slabs (see Figure 22). I call this feature a

box altar. A similar feature was documented at the site of Chan Chen by Sidrys
 39

(1983:103-106). He called the feature a shrine but suggested that it may be an apiary.

Indeed, the feature may have seryed both functions. Landa suggested that bee keepers

held rituals involving idols at the sites of their hives. This will be covered in more detail

later in the paper. Nothing indicates that the Laguna de On shore box altar served to

house bees. The box altar was located on a bluff along the western shore of the lake five

meters northeast of a low rubble mound which produced typicat residential artifacts. The

box shrine was oriented 45 degrees east of magnetic north. In addition to the sherd

concentrations, an obsidian blade was recovered along one side of the shrine. Based on an

MNI count of the figurine feet recovered, the deposit appears to represent a minimum of

five effigy censers, three Kol (Cohokum) Modeled, and two made of a coarse, red, sandy

paste. This number is confirmed by MNI counts based on rim sherds. A single intact Kol

Modeled face was recovered and the badly fragmented face of the red sandy effigy censer

was identified during analysis. Reconstruction revealed that the deposit contained a bare

chested female Kol Modeled effigy censer (see fig. 2la) and fragments of a mask-like Kol

modeled anthropomorphic effigy face (see Figure 2lb) displaying modeled eyes and an

attachment point for a modeled nose. It appears that the efffigy face was attached directly

to the side of a vessel. It is unclear what form the vessel originally took. Also recovered

from the deposit was the modeled head of a caiman effigy (see Figure Zle) and a

fragmentary Santa Unslipped footed olla containing a small quantity of preserved copal.

The snout of the caiman effigy was broken off. The image is similar to animal effigies and

elements found on modeled cache vessels from Santa Rita (Gann 1900: plate >oo<iii; Chase

and Chase l98E:fig. 27a). All of the vessels in the deposit had been smashed and

deposited in concentrations around and inside of the shrine. Most vessels were only
 40

represented by a few fragrnents. Sidrys (1983) and Masson (2000) suggest that this

indicates that the vessels were broken elsewhere and parts brought to the spot for

deposition. Another possibility is that censers were broken on the spot and pieces

transported away, possibly to the homes of the participants. A similar pattern of censer

sherd distribution was documented for Structures I and 2, buildings with ritual functions

which were part of the settlement on the island itself (Masson et al. 1997; Masson 1997.

Aguilera 1998; Masson 1999.57). In both cases, sherds from different concentrations

were refitted to form a portions of vessels.

Caye Muerto, Platform Shrine

The second deposit that is being examined was recovered from Caye Muerto, an

island located 800 meters north of Caye Coco in Progresso Lagoon. Masson (1999)

suggests that this site may have served as a port for lagoon exchange, where diverse

groups could come together to exchange goods in a neutral setting. A platform shrine

Mullen 1999), a low square platform composed of intentionally placed limestone cobbles

(see Figures 23 and 24), was located on the island. The feature is probably the same type

of altar as the square square platforms documented by Chase (1986:114-115) at Santa

Rita. Both examples of the feature are located away from structures. Excavation of the

feature revealed that it was covered by a very dense concentration of vessel fragments, the

majority of which were Aom Kol modeled effigy censers (see Figures 25 and 26). Also

present were low numbers of tripod jar censers and slipped footed serving vessels (see

Figore 27).
 4T

The initial MNI count of rims indicated a minimum of 46 vessels represented by

the entire collection (Mullen 1999:74). Eleven of these were serving vessels. The

remaining 35 vessels were censers. However, this number is inflated by the fact that it is

diffficult to distinguish rims from pedestal censer bases because they have a very similar

form. All rim/base sherds were treated as separate vessels. 76 % of the rims in the initial

study were censers. If we divide the censer MNI of 35 by 2 to account for presence of

both a rim and a base on each vessel, we are left with a total of 17.5 censers. This gives

us a minimum of 28.5 total vessels in the entire deposit. Eight effigy faces (see Figure 25)

were recovered either whole (thee examples) or in part (five examples). We can compare

this deposit to other dense censer deposits documented by Sidrys (1983). In his

calculations, Sidrys (l983.2 ! uses 782 sherds as an average number of sherds per

deposit to fill in survey data where total sherd counts are not given. Based on this average

(calculated as the average of reported survey data), the platform altar deposit from Caye

Muerto (see Table 4) is very large. Containing 3,847 sherds, the deposit is almost five

times as large as the average reported by Sidrys.

It is important to note that a series of test pits from numerous locations around

the site reported a large number of domestic ceramics but no censers (Mullen 1999:76-

77). These observations concur with Sidrys' (1983:242) findings that censer deposits tend

to be well defined, dense, and restricted at a few locations within a site. The Caye Muerto

rim data show 61.4 percent censers mixed with 38.6 percent serving vessels. This

supports Sidrys' observation that censer deposits tend to contain mostly censers. The

presence of some serving vessels may indicate that they had ritual functions, perhaps being
 42

indicators of feasting or food offerings. It may also indicate that domestic items were

disposed of in the same location as ritual items such as censers.

A Comparison of the Laguno de On Shore and Caye Muerto Deposits

A comparison of the contents of the Laguna de On shore (see Tables 4 and 5)

deposit and the dense deposit recovered from Caye Muerto (Tables 3 and 6) will elucidate

some similarities and differences between the two. Table 4 clearly shows that the majority

of the contents from both deposits are censer fragtnents. The platform altar deposit at

Caye Muerto also contained 24Yo non-censer vessels while the Laguna de On box altar

deposit was composed entirely of censers. A clear difference in the two deposits is the

relative frequancy of the different paste groups. The dominant ceramic type in both

deposits is Kol Modeled, part of the Cohokum paste group which has a fine, buff to

orange paste lacking obvious temper. Kol represents 54o/o of the ceramics recovered from

the Laguna de On deposit, while Caye Muerto's deposit contained 57.60/o. Sandy

Censerwares, coarse paste wares coming in a variety of colors including red, grey, orimge

and buff and tempered with large quantities of sand are present at both deposits.

However, at Laguna de On Sandy Censerwares comprise 42.8Yo of the assemblage, nearly

half. Sandy Censerwares are oriy l}Yo of the deposit at Caye Muerto. Santa Unslipped

wares, coarse paste buff to grey wares tempered with large ground calcite, are a small

percentage of both deposits. The Caye Muerto deposit was highly diverse with eight

identified paste types and an assortment of unclassified slipped and unslipped forms. In

contrast, the Laguna de On deposit was limited to three paste groups, two (Cohokum and
 43

Sandy Censerware) strictly used for censers and Santa unslipped with both censer and

utilitarian uses. In this case, traces of copal and evidence of burning indicate the Santa

unslipped vessel was used as a censer.

Tables 5 and 6 provide a comparison between the censer rim types found at both

locations. Both Tables shows a correlation between the paste types and the rim form (see

Figure 28) used. This is most clear in Table 5 which shows a distinct tendency of Sandy

Censerware to be associated with folded rim vessels. Kol Modeled tend to be

predominantly rolled or thickened rims. It should be noted that Kol Modeled wares seem

less restricted in their rim type than the Sandy Censerwares. Table 8 shows that Kol
Modeled specimens display all but two possible rirn types at Caye Muerto. However, the

highest percentages are focused on just three types, everted flat (I4%). rolled rounded

(8.8%), and thickened flat (26%). It appears that many vessels had thickened flat bases

with more diversity exhibited in rim form. The limited number of rim types associated

with Sandy Censerwares may indicate that these wares were being produced in a very

limited number of locations or varieties. The diversity of rims found on Kol Modeled

wares may imply multiple producers. Additional support for this claim comes from the

Kol modeled figurine feet recovered from the deposit, which show a wide variety of

modeling and construction techniques. If it is the case that Red Sandy was produced at a

single location, the relative frequencies of Sandy Censerwares in the two deposits suggests

that the producer of the Sandy Censerware vessels was more closely linked. either

spatially or economically with the Laguna de On settlement.

 44

Caye Coco, Burial #20

The final deposit I will examine is Burial20 from the site of Caye Coco (Mazeau

2000) which contained a variety of smashed pottery including, three large flanged pedestal

based jar censers (see Figure 19). This was the most elaborate burial yet encountered by

the project. The deposit contained a large limestone slab, partially overlying a

concentration of three vessel feet and large slipped and unslipped sherds. This slab, a

probable uncarved stela, had fallen over on top of some of the vessel sherds in this layer.

Under the ceramic sherds was a layer of rocky fill which covered the three elaborate

censers. All three were apparently smashed and left in place at the time of the interment

(Mazeau 2000). Due to time constraints I was only able to reconstruct one and a half

vessels. A thin lenticular biface was recovered in association with these vessels. Mixed in

among and below the censer fragments were the bones of a single male buried in the

seated flexed position within a pit approximately 1 meter in diameter.

Masson and Rosenswig (2000) interpreted this deposit as an elite funeral involving

the use of three flanged pedestal based incense burners which appear to have been

smashed in situ and buried under a large stone stela above the interment. The association

of pedestal based jar censers with this uncarved stela conforms to a pattern of Terminal

and Postclassic censer use elucidated by Rice (1999). She notes that beginning in the

Terminal Classic period, pedestal based jar censers are frequently associated with stelae

and altars. The presence of serving vessels in the deposit suggests that food offerings

were also part of the funeral ceremony.

 45

All three of the large censers from the deposit share a variety of characteristics (see

Table 3), including a wide, flaring neck and base on a roughly spherical body with

segmented flanges projecting out around the attachment point of both the neck and base.

The base of all three had 4 symmetrically placed cruciform vents. These may be

analogous to the cruciform vents at the base of Aztec ladle censers such as that held by an

Aztec priest of folio 63 of the Codex Mendoza @erdan and Anawalt 1997 131). As

mentioned above, similar, slipped, vessels were documented in an elite tomb context at

Lamanai @endergast 1981:fig. 22;frgs 5a,c). Importantly, these were found in a group of

three. Pendergast indicated that these were specifically burial vessels.

Two of the three censer vessels recovered from Caye Coco Burial 20 (vessels 2

and 3) appear to very similar in decoration. Both have spike and button appliques, bands

of finger impressed fillets and the other characteristics listed above. One of these, vessel

3, showed traces of a lime plaster wash and blue pigment. The third vessel (vessel one)

differs from the two spiked examples, the body being decorated with two bands of incised

and punctated "mat" design (Robicsek 1975) separated by a plain band decorated with

three button appliquds. This design is only present on one half of the vessel, suggesting

that this vessel had a definite front. This can also be seen on the large, incised flanges

attached at the sides. The incised scroll and serpent tongue designs which decorate them

are found only on the front. Despite these differences, this censer also shares a number of

characteristics with the two spiked examples as noted above. Table 3 summarizes the

attributes of the three vessels. Their similarity in height, form, paste, rim type, diameter,

and depositional context suggests that these three censers may have been produced by the
 46

same maker and functioned together as set. This is in keeping with Taube's (1998)

argument that censers were frequently used in sets of three, which he concludes represent

the three hearth stones of the Maya creatiorl the center of the world, a powerful portal for

communication between sky, earth, and underworld (Schele and Freidel 1990:216; , Chase

1998, Houston 1998). The portal argument was also recently adopted be Diane and Arlen

Chase (1998:303-304) to explain caches and interments within buildings at Caracol.

A Comparison of Caye Coco Burial #20 and l-agurn de On Burial #17

The contents of Burial 2O are best compared to other burials at the two sites

investigated by the project. It was previously noted that burials at Caye Coco were richer

in associated grave goods than those from Laguna de On. This is a logical situation given

the fact that Caye Coco is a second tier settlement and Laguna de On Island is a third tier

settlement most likely subordinate to it (Masson 1999). Of the burials recovered from

both sites Caye Coco, Burial #20 is unique in having multiple reconstructable vessels and a

likely uncarved stela. The only possible stela at Laguna de On Island was found in

association with Structure 1, rather than in direct association with any of the four burials

found there. Burial #17 from Laguna de On Island is the only other burial, out of a total of

45 from both sites, to contain censer fragments, the face of an effigy censer depicting Ek

Chuah, the Merchant God. Burials #12 and #17 from Laguna share one additional trait

with Burial #20 ofCaye Coco, namely, the presence of cobbles placed above the burial.

The fact that three full vessels were deposited with Caye Coco's Burial #20 makes it

distinct. Of the burials excavated at the site, only Laguna de On Island, Burial #17
 47

contained a whole vessel. In addition to Burial #20, Caye Coco has three interments

containing whole vessels (3, 13, 19). two of these interments contained Payil tripod

dishes, the third, from Burial #19 contained a small unslipped olla. The large investment

in Burial #20, combined with the iconography of the censers (discussed below), the

presence of additional serving vessels, and a stela mark this as the highest status burial yet

recovered at either site.

Summary

How does this new data fit with the previously discussed patterns of censer

distribution? The box altar from the shore of Laguna de On and the platform shrine at

Caye Muerto both conform to effigy censer patterns first noted by Sidrys (1983:242-244).

They are both small dense concentrations limited to a few locations around the site. They

both occurred in stratigraphically terminate humus levels and they were found in areas

removed from Postclassic habitation. The deposits tend to be composed predominantly of

censers. As the majority of building construction at Caye Coco took place in a relatively

short time span during the Late Postclassic, it is impossible to say anything concerning the

association of collapsed classic period structures and efffigy censers. The censer deposit

from Caye Muerto is much larger that the average deposit reported by Sidrys. An

association is found between censers and both shrines and altars. A continued association

is found between elite burials and incense burners. Burial20 from Cave Coco contains the

highly restricted flanged pedestal jar censer seen also at Lamanai suggesting interaction

between the two sites.

 48

Ethnohistoric Sources Perteining to the Use, Function and Symbolism of Postclassic

Lowlend Maya Censers

Having reviewed the distribution and contexts of censers It is important to go a

step further and attempt to draw sorne conclusions about the specific function and

symbolism of this important class of artifacts. A number of ethnohistoric sources are well

suited to interpretation of the function and symbolism of Postclassic Lowland Maya

censers. Early accounts from colonial chroniclers contain explicit descriptions the use of

incense burners in ceremonial settings. These accounts can illuminate the likely material

correlates of different rituals and their expected contexts. Native texts such as the

Dresden Codex (Thompson 1972) provide evidence that many of the ritual behaviors

documented by colonial authors had their roots in very similar Prehispanic rituals.

Postclassic codices contain illustrations of ritual activity and, in some cases, text

describing ritual events. ln addition to providing researchers information pertaining to the

contexts and material correlates of religious ritual, native texts and colonial period

chronicles can also help researchers identfy the figures represented by effigy censer

figurines and determine their associated symbolism.

Landa's Relacion de las Cass de Yucatqr (Tozzer 1941), written in 1566,

remains one of the most important sources pertaining to censer use. Ironically, Landa's

orchestrating role in the July 1562 auto-da-f6 at Mani, in which he is purported to have

destroyed 5,000 idols, left him one of the new world's few experts on these important

images. The Relacion was written in the years shortly after the contact and it pertains

direaly to Maya with a known historioal link to the people under sfudy. These two
 49

factors make Landa's account a good source of direct historical analogs which can be

reliably projected back to Late Postclassic period, providing models capable of explaining

the presence and distribution of censer deposits.

Effig Censers ss Idals

A great deal of confusion in the study of efEgy censers results from the

terminology used by Landa (Tozzer l94l). He refers frequently to the large number of
"idols". However, rarely does the author mention the specific medium of the idols. In a

few passages, Landa reports the specific composition of idols. Importantly, he specifically

mentions "clay idols" being used in the Uayeb, and new years celebrations (Tozzer

194l:139-153). Researchers have suggested that Landa's term "clay idols" refers to

effigy censers (Chase 1986: 1988) which they have linked to the Uayeb and new years

rites.

We must remember however, that many other rituals also involved the use of clay

idols. We learn from Landa (Tozzer 1940:l l0-l l1) that "They had some idols of stone,

but very few, and others of wood, and carved but of srnall size but not as many as those of
clay." This is the only instance of stone idols mentioned by Landa in the entire volume.

He does mention "stones", known as the Gods called Kanal Acantuq Chac Acantun, Sac

Acantun, and Ekel Acantun (Tozzer 1941:141, 145,147), to which the ritual participants

offered their own blood. These resided in the houses of the Principales, sponsors the

Uayeb celebrations. I believe these to be references to stone idols, as indicated in Table

7a. Tozzer (1941:l I l) states that "pottery idols were much more numerous than those of

wood." He cites the Hocaba-Homun investigation of 1562, which indicated that clay
 50

idols were three times as numerous than wooden ones. This being the case, I believe it

safe to assume that rnany of the ceremonies involving idols of unspecified composition,

actually involved clay idols. In fact, based on the data from the Hocaba-Homun

investigatiorl three out of four references to "idols" of unspecified composition by Landa

can be interpreted as refening to clay idols. If we consider the number of rituals involving

generic idols of unspecified compositior\ we are left with ten additional ceremonies which

may have involved the use of effigy censers. Using this broader list of ceremonies, we can

attempt to see how effigy censers functioned in a variety of specific contexts rather than

lumping them together under a single umbrella interpretation. Researchers must begin to

examine the specific contexts and associations of indMdual finds to truly understand how

these items functioned in the Northern Lowlands during the Postclassic period.

Material Conelates of Rituals Duumented by Landa

The first step in applyrng the knowledge gained from Landa (Tozzer 1941) to

specific archaeological contexts involves making predictions about the material correlates

of behavior documented by Landa. In an attempt to manage the large number of rituals

reported by Landa, I present a series of charts (see Tables 7a-7d) which summarize 29

rituals described by Landa (Tozzer 1941:128-166). Table 7a summarizes the conte;rts of

the rituals, as well as, listing any statues, idols, urns, or braziers associated with them.

This will help us to recognize which rituals are likely to involve censers. Comparing the

context inforrnation &om our deposits with that given by Landa will also help us limit the

number of rituals that are likely candidates for the production of our deposits. Table 7b

summarizes the participants and deities associated with specific rituals. By comparing the
 5I

deities identified in the effigy censers from Laguna de On and Caye Muerto to those

associated with specific rituals, I will further ruurow down the field of contenders. The

information on participants can help us determine what segments of the community were

involved in the use of cens€rs. Table 7c lists all reported offerings associated with specific

rituals. This information is particularly usefi,rl when compared to the contents of individual

deposits, which will vary depending on the ritual. Table 7d shows the behaviors

associated with specific rituals. On the surface, some of these, like prayer or dancing,

seem to lack material correlates, although Renfrew and Bahn (2000:409) indicate that

both activities are often depicted in iconography. Other behaviors are highly likely to

produce an archaeological signature. For example, manipulation of skeletal remains

would produce disarticulated, sometimes worked, human bones. Through comparison

with the material correlates derived from these charts, I will attempt connect the three

deposits from the Freshwater creek drainage with different, highly specific ritual events.

Gods snd Ancestors

In order to understand the symbolism of effigy censers it is important to be able to

identify the personas being depicted, Two rites described by Landa (Tozzer l94l:130-

131) give us information about how Maya of the Postclassic Yucatan venerated their

ancestors. Landa indicates that elite funerals and continued acts of ancestor veneration

utilized "statues of pottery made hollov/' or in Landa's original Spanish, "estatuas huecas,

hechas de barro" (Landa 1959:59) into which they would put the ashes of a cremated

body parts of persons of 'lery high rank." Lower ranking elites were said to have

"estatuas de madera" or wooden statues with a spot in the back of the head hollowed out
 52

into which their ashes were put. The hole was then plugged up and a section of the

person's scalp was used to cover it. Landa indicated that "They preserved these statues

with a great deal of veneration among their idols." In the originat Spanish (Landa

1959.59), the passage reads 'luardaban estas estatuas con mucha reverencia entre sus

idolos." He added that the skulls of elites were frequently defleshed and covered in

bitumen to "gave them a perfect appearance characteristic of those whose skulls they

were." He indicated that these defleshed skulls were kept together'\vith the statues, with

the ashes, all of which they kept in the oratories of their houses with their idols, holding

them in very great reverence and respect." The fact that he mentions that these "estatuas"

were kept with the "idolos" indicates Landa considered these fwo image classes to be

different. Perhaps he considered these images "statues" rather than "idols" because they

were portraiture representing historical personages rather than mythic deities.

As indicated previously, Proskouriakoff suggested (1965:87) that effigy censers

may have been part of a ritual complex involving ancestor veneration. Masson (2000),

noting the common Mesoamerican belief in the deification of ancestors (Roys 1957.12;

McAnany 1995:23), suggests that the censers portray deities, deified ancestors, and

ancestors in the guise of deities. Focusing on the large number of unidentified censer

images, she suggests that these are the best candidates for classification as ancestor

images. The same argument was made by Joyce Marcus (1978; Flannery and Marcus

1983; Marcus and Flannery 1994) for Cocijo effigies in the Zapotec region. Tracing the

origin of ancestor deification back to the Early Formative Period (1150-850 B.C.), she

indicates that the numerous images being classified by colonial sources as gods could

contain many ancestors that have been misidentified by European authors. This argument
 53

may be particularly important for our discussioq as it has been noted that the Postclassic

Lowland effigy censer form may be related to Zapotec burial urns (Sidrys 1983.139).

While I acknowledge that it may be difrcult to tell a deified ancestor or one in the guise of

an ancestor from a deity, I believe that if ancestors took on the characteristics of specific

deities, it is still the deity and its powers that are the primary focus. After all, a deified

ancestor is still a deity.

Another line of evidence also supports the interpretation that effigy censers

represented specific deities. Ethnographic sources @avis 1978; McGee 1990) explored in

more detail below, report that Lacandon "god pots," a likely modern analog of the effigy

censer, represent major gods and their wives. These deities distribute offerings to lower

ranked deities as they see fit. If the ancestor fuses with a major god, it is still the attributes

of the god that are the focus. If a deified ancestor did not fuse with a major god, he or she

would be nourished by the major gods that out-rank them. Gven these arguments, I
suggest that it would be more profitable to look for Postclassic ancestor veneration to be

represented by modeled tripod jar censers as discussedby Tozzer (1941:131) and the

wooden idols recovered from the Cenote of Sacrifice at Chichen Itza (Coggins and Shane

1984: Coggins 1992). Both of these artifact classes are rare as would be expected given

the fact that these images are associated only with very high status individuals. It should

be noted, that these are both indicators of elite ancestor veneration. Further work will be

required before the archaeological indicators commoner ancestor veneration (if it existed)

can be identified.
 54

Deslruction andRenewal of Censers

According to Landa (Tozzer 1941:159-161), idols of wood and clay were replaced

annually in a process called "making gods." This process began in the month of Mol with

wooden idol owners contacting idol makers, who would make excuses to avoid the task,

"since they feared that they or someone of their family would die on account of the work."

Once the artisan agreed to make the idol, FOUR Chacs, or assistants, were selected to aid

in the work. All involved fasted, abstained from sex, and let blood throughout the

production period. Cedar wood for the idol was collected by the idols owner or someone

designated by him for the task. A special "hut of strau/' was constructed and outfitted

with a large urn to keep the idols in while they were being created. With these

preparations taken care of during the month Mol, the month of Chen was when actual

production began. Once the idols were'tnished and perfected," they were moved to an

arbour in the yard of the artist's patron, who repaid the artisans with gifts of birds, game

and money. While residing in the arbour, the idols were the object of consecration rituals

involving prayer and otrerings of incense. After the ritual the idols were wrapped up and

transferred to their new owner.

Unfortunately after dedicating so much discussion to wooden idol making, Landa

barely mentions the production of clay idols. He notes that this act took place in the

month of Yax and entailed renovating or rebuilding "the house." Toz,zer (1941:16l)

suggest that this the "house" referred to is the "house for idols, usually called an oratory

by Landa." We can assume from the comments of the Maya priest (Tozzer 1941.15F

16l) about the dangers of making gods without the proper fasting, abstinence, etc., that

the making of clay idols was very similar in dangers and procedures to the production of
 )f

wooden idols. Most likely, it would have entailed the same types of ritual purification,

prayer and offerings that we see with the wooden idol production. Unfortunately for

archaeologists, Landa does not specifically indicate how the old idols were disposed of at

this time of renewal.

Interestingly, Landa (Tozzer 1941:151-152) mentions that new year's celebrations

during the month of Pop involved the renewal of "all the objects that they made use of,

such as plates, vessels, stools, mats and old clothes and the stuffs with which they

wrapped up their idols." He goes on to indicate that these items were'thrown out on the

waste heap outside the town; and no one, even were he in need of it , touched it." Other

Mesoamerican civilizations of the time period also practiced cyclical renewal rituals
involving the creation of ritual dumps. A similar practice was documented in the Aztec

area. Ritual dumps of domestic artifacts, associated with the 52 year new fire ceremony

have been identified by Smith (Smith 1992:241-251; Elson and Smith in press) in
Postclassic, Central Mexican contexts. These deposits consisted of smashed vessels

covered by large piles of stones, possibly meant to prevent anyone from 'louching it".

The deposits were located in plaza contexts at the site of Cuexcomate. It is unclear from
Landa's (Tozzer l94l) description if colonial period ritual dumps contained domestic

items only or if they also served as the disposal point for censers. These locations may

have served for the deposition of common household items and idols or they mav have

had different depositional contexts.

 56

Iconographic Studies of Postclassic Censers

Studies of Censersfrom Mayapan

The often complex iconography of the censers themselves can provide insight into

how censers functioned and their associated symbolism. Thompson's (1957) Deities

Portrayed on Censers at Mayapan, one of the earliest and still one of the most important

works on the iconography of Postclassic censers, deals exclusively with the Chen Mul

effigy censer cult, which, based on the site's large quantity and diversity of forms, is

believed to have originated in Mayapan late in the Postclassic (Sanders 1960.245; Pollock

19628; Masson 2000). Mayapan produced the largest collection of effigy censer

fragments, whole vessels, and production molds from any single site (see Figure l). As

discussed above, many communities throughout the Lowlands produced local variants of

these prototypes (see Figures 2-5), such as Santa Rita's Kol Modeled (Chase and Chase

1988).

Based on ethnographic work,Tozzer (1907) reported that each Lacandon censer

(called "god pots") represents a specific deity. Thompson (1957.603-604) worked under

the assumption that "each of these effigy censers represents a definite member of the

Mayapan pantheon." This interpretation is also consistent with more recent Lacandon

ethnographies by Davis (1978) and McGee (1990). Davis (1978:73) states that 'TVhen a

god pot is made, it is crafted as a corporeal replica of the god to whom it is dedicated."

She goes on to note that the vessel itself is conceptualized as the body of the deity with

five cacao beans added to represent the vital organs, the heart Qtishan),lungs (sat'ot'),

hver (tamen), stomach (tsukir), and diaphragm (bat). McGee (1990:52) adds, "The
 )l

Lacandon make god pots representing each of the major gods and their wives except the

gods of the underworld, to whom offerings are not made." He goes on to note that god

pots are only made for major deities. Minor deities are believed to receive offerings

through the major deities who, if they choose to, redistribute gifts that they receive. Later

work by Thompson (1977, plates 1-l to1-10) illustrates a number of god pots from the

Lacandon area.

Thompson's (1957:604-620) classification of censer iconography identified l0

specific deities, including Itzamna, God D in the Schellhas system (Schellhas l9A4:22-

23); Chac, also known as, God B; Ek Chuah, the god of merchants who was called God

M by Schellhas; 'khiskered gods"; Xpe Totec; Tlazolteotl, an Aztec deity; the Maize

God or God E; a Venus God; the Death God known as God 4 and an old deity with a

cleft chin. In addition to these, he notes a number of unidentified specimens. For each of

the deities that he identifies, Thompson enumerates a set of diagnostic features derived

from a variety of iconographic sources, including murals and codices. His identifications

are a mix of local Maya deities and imported central Mexican ones. His work was aided

by the relatively well preserved painted surfaces of the effigies. The preserved coloration

allowed him to make a large number of comparisons with deities depicted in various

oodices and murals.

Smith (1971) drew on Thompson's iconographic analysis for his detailed study of

Mayapan's ceramic assemblage. However, he simplified Thompson's classification to four

major groupings: youthful-faced, old-faced, death-faced, and Xpe Totec (Smith 1971:

211). He also notes "that there are a few that do not conform" to these categories. These

groupings can be matched to Thompson's (1957) original classification. Smith indicates

 58

that depictions of individuals with the youthful face goup includes the Maize God,

Whiskered God, Kukulkan, Tlazolteotl, the possible Venus God, and l l other unidentified

youthful faces (Thompson 1957). The aged depictions are thought to represent Itzamna

or God D and "miscellaneous old gods not included with Itzamna." The skull-faced

depictions are thought to be Thompson's Death God (coa A in the schellhas

classification scheme). The fourth group includes images of Xpe Totec wearing a flayed

human skin. In contrast to Thompson's interpretation, Smith fails to mention any Chac or

Ek Chuah images in his classification.

Additional work has been conducted on the iconography of effigy censers by Karl

Taube (1988, 1992). He continues in the tradition of Thompson, attempting to identify,

wherever possible, specific deities. In many cases, he accepts Thompson's previous

classffications, while revising others. Like Thompson (1957), Taube's work has been

aided by comparisons to the murals documented at Santa Rita (Gann 1900) and Tulum

(Lothrop 1924).

Studies of Censersfrom Northern Belize

Sidrys' (1983:245-253) classification scheme is a blend of the previous two

classifications. In addition to the four classifications listed by SmitlL Sidrys mentions

having representations of Chac and Ek Chuatr, as well as, Ah Muzencab, the 'Diving

God" seen depicted at Tulum (Henderson 1981:fig. 116). Figure 5 shows several

examples of censers interpreted by Sidrys. Figure 5a shows images classified by Sidrys as

young faced gods. Figure 5b shows two images interpreted as Ek Chuah. The group

depicted in Figure 5c represents images identified as Chac. Figure 5d shows images with
 59

the traditional Itzamna characteristics. Figure 5e contains images identified by Sidrys as

being variant forms of ltzamna. I follow Thompson's (1957) lead and attempt to identify

the specific deities represented in the deposits under study in order to correlate them with

the gods associated with the wide variety of rituals (see Table 7b) described by Landa

(Tozzer l94l).

Deities Portrayed on Censers at Caye Muerto

By identifying specific deities represented in the iconography of this collection, I

am able to link these specimens to deities associated with specific rituals mentioned by

Landa (Toz,zer 1941). Figure 25 shows the 8 faces recovered from the large deposit at

Caye Muerto. Figure 26 shows a number of figurine elements from the deposit. I

concentrate here on the faces, as the bodies recovered were badly damaged and have not

been reconstructed. Also, faces formed much of the basis of Thompson's (1957)

interpretations. I also address the identity of the headless female figurine recovered from

the box altar on the shore of Laguna de On (see Figure 21a).

Thompson (1957 .604) listed seven characteristics used to identify the old god that

he identifies as Itzamna or God D in the Schellhas svstem. These include:

1. The mouth is toothless with the exception of two worn molars or fangs in the corners

of the mouth.

2. An oval area around the mouth including the upper lip and chin are painted gold and

outlined in black.
 60

3. The images have very prominent cheekbones, to accentuate the aged appearance of
their sunken eyes.

4. Occasionally they display a groove which extends from the nostrils around the eyes.

5. They have prominent noses with a bump on the bridge.

6. The have prominent eyebrows and eyelids which, adds to the sunken appearance of the

eyes.

7. Some examples have a white scroll with two 'lendent circles" under the eye.

However, he notes that this feature is not visible on all specimens.

Thompson found that all of these features were associated with Itzamna images at

Mayapan (see Figure 3g). Outside of Mayapaq these images rarely contain all seven

traits. It appears that the most important features of this deity are all indicate age (Criteria

1,3,4,5 and 6). It is possible that this variability is a result of imperfect local emulation, a

sort of distance decay of these diagnostic features in areas removed from the center

promoting the effigy censer cult. As the artifacts from the Caye Muerto collection lack

any remaining traces of paint, or were never painted to begin with, Criteria 2 and 7 will

not factor into my identifications. Although many have prominent noses, none of the Caye

Muerto examples have the bump on the bridge of the nose (Criteria 5). The remaining

four characteristics are present in Figure 25a. Figures 25c, and f both display the

prominent eyelids, and cheekbones. However, the mouths of both of these examples are

broken off. So, it is impossible to tell if they had the worn molars indicative of the old

god. I suggest that all three represent Itzamna of one of the conflated Itzamna deities
 6I

mentioned by Landa, such as, Itzamna Kauil or Kinich Ahau ltzarrlrn (Tozzer 1941).

Taube suggested (personal communication 2000) that Figure 25c's quincunx headdress

may mark him as the Central Mexican fue God, Huehueteotl, as it indicates that he resides

at the cosmic center, the source of heat and fire. He (Taube 1992.125-126) has

interpreted another censer from Mayapan (Thompson 1957:fig. 4a Smith l97l;fig.6Sb2)

as the same deity, which he compares to a specimen from Cerro de las Mesas (Taube

1992:fi9. 66c) that has a headdress interpreted by Taube as a brazier marked with

quincunx elements. I offer another possible interpretation. In his discussion of Itzamna,

Taube (1992.37) indicates that Itzamna also has strong associations with fire and heat. In

fact, the fire ritual celebrated in the month of Mac (Tozzer 1941.162-I6a) is dedicated to

Itzamna. I consider it likely that this Figure represents Itzarnna with fue associations such

as that associated with the Mac fire ritual. Figure 25c is unusual in another way. It is the

only example lacking the punctated pupil. Smith (1971:212) indicates that this type of eye

is typical of Mayapan, where a pupil would be painted in, while the punctated eye is more

characteristic of Quintana Roo, Belize and the Peten Lakes. This example may have

come from Mayapan or, at least, been made from a Mayapan mold. The plain eye of this

specimen may indicate that it was once painted. It is possible that the punctated eye

indicates of censers outside of Mayapan were not elaborately painted like those from the

center.

In addition to displaying the quadripartite element, the headdresses worn by

Figures 25b and c also pontain calendrical associations. I interpret the ropeJike element in

the headdress &s representing a tumpline, a head-strap used throughout ancient

 62

Mesoamerica to carry heavy burdens. These devices are frequently illustrated in the

surviving Postclassic codices (for examples see: Nuttal 1975: 22, 68; Diaz and Rodgers

1993: plates 4, 20, 21, 55; Berdan and Anawalt 1997: Folios 32, 58, ,60, 62) The

tumpline has calendrical associations as the four'learbearers" were conceived as carrying

the burden of the new yeer on their backs using the tumpline as discussed in Miller and

Taube (1993: l9l-193). Figure 79a depias the Toltec yearbearer I I flint carrying a

triangular element similar to that seen in the headdress of Figure 25c and another example

from Mound 5 at Santa Rita (Gann 1900, plate ,aodi). Figures 29b and c show similar

scenes from highland Mexico.

Additional support for the interpretation of Figures 25b and c as yearbearers, or

Bacabs comes from the new year pages of the Dresden codex (Thompson 1972 25-28).

These pages (see fig. 30), which are divided into three horizontal registers, depict events

from the Uayeb celebration of the each of the four years. It has been noted by both
Thompson (1972) and Taube (1988: 218) that these images correspond well to the

descriptions of the protohistoric Uayeb rituals documented by Landa. The top registers of
these pages show possums, which have been interpreted as the aged Mams or Bacab

skybearers associated with the Uayeb cclebrations, carrying the tainted gods of the old

year out on their backs (Taube 1988.227-229). They are depicted as merchants with staffs

and fans. Another feature commonly associated with depictions of merchants is the

tumpline. A good example of this can be seen in a depiction (see Figure l5a) of the

merchant god, Ek Chuah on an embossed copper disk recovered from the Cenote of

Sacrffice at Chichen Itza (Lothrop 1952. fig. 60: Coggins and Shane 1984: fig. 137). The
 63

Possums depicted on pages ?6 and 27 of the Dresden (Thompson 1972) appear to have

the same stylized rope element as part of their merchant costumes.

Examples of young faced deities from the platform altar at Caye Muerto include

Figures 25d and e. Taube suggests (personal communication 2000) that Figure 25d

represents God FI, the Maya wind God, This interpretation is based on three

characteristics, the character's youthful appearance, his open mouth, and the beaded

headdress that he wears. Taube (personal communication 2000) notes that the Wind God,

who is also associated with music, is frequently depicted with he mouth open as if he were

singrng or breathing out the wind. He (1992. 56-e) also indicates that God H is depicted

as a young deity who wears a close fitting'\urapped turban" whictr, in the Postclassic God

H appellative glyph and some full figured representations, is shown to be beaded. The

identification of Figure 25e remains tentative due to its fragmentary nature. Based on its

young appearance, I suggest that this individual represents either Kukulkan or the Maize

God. A serpent eye and fang (see Figure 26a) like those shown in Smith (1971:fi9.321)

and Sidrys (1983:fig. 155) were recovered from the deposit possibly part of a serpent

headdress (see Figures 3i and 5f for comparison) indicates that this or another figurine

which has not been recovered may represent Kukulkan.

The Death God, God A is shown in Fig. 25g. This identification is fairly clear with

the face representing a skeletal personage. Indeed, he is depicted as a'Tleshless gnnning

skull" (Taube 1992:ll). Taube (1992.13) notes that this god, known in the Postclassic

Yucatan as Uac Mitun Ahau, is related to the central Mexican Death God, Mictlantecuhtli.
 64

In the yea.rs after the conquest, this god became known as Cizin. The Modern Yucatec

Maya still worship Cizin (Coe 1973:15), who is believed to punish the dead in the afterlife.

Two images, Figures 25b and h, remain somewhat ambiguous. Figure 25b displays

very generic features, lacking any of the specific deity markers suggested by Thompson

(1957), with the possible exception of a general appearance of age. This example is

unusual in another way as well. It seems to have been hand modeled rather than mold

made like the rest of the faces, lacking the symmetrical appearance seen in the mold made

examples. If some effigy censers do represent ancestors instead of gods, this is the most

likely example from our collection. Another likely interpretation is suggested by the

tumpline in the headdress. As discussed above, the Dresden Codex (Thompson 1972.25-

28) contains possum characters (see Figure 30) which have been interpreted es the

Bacabs, the aged sky bearers discussed by Landa in association with Uayeb rites (see

Figure 28). I believe that the aged appearance of the figure and the tumpline in the

headdress suggests that this character may represent a Bacab. Figure 25h is too

fragmentary to identify with any certainty. However, it does display the exaggerated

eyelid and cheekbones indicative of an old deity.

In total, the deposit contains three, possibly four depictions of the old god,

Itzarnna, one God H, one Death God, a possible Bacab, one youthful deity possibly

representing Kukulkan or the Maize God and one specimen too fragmentary to be reliably

identified. It should be noted that a beaded headdress element identical to that worn by

two images of Ek ChuatL God M (see Figure 13b,d for comparison) from Mayapan (Smith

l97l;Fig. 32j, m) was also recovered from the same deposit. A similar example is found
 65

at Cerros (Walker 1990: Fig 5.7c). Based on these comparisons, I believe that this deposit

may also have contained an image of the Merchant God. As mentioned above, an easily

identifiable example of this deity, with the characteristic Pinocchio nose and hollow eyes

(see Figure 15g), was recovered from Burial 17 atLaguna de On Island (Sheldon 1988)

suggesting the importance of this deity locally.

The large censer deposit from Caye Muerto is somewhat anomalous when

compared to Landa's ritual descriptions. No single ritual described is associated with so

many different images. Even ignoring the specific identity of each censer, it is clear that

too many exist in the deposit to be explained by any one of the rituals documented by

Landa (Tozzer l94l). However, Landa still provides the clues necessary to identify this

deposit. His description of idol renewal during the month of Chen and Ya:< (Tozzer

1941:160-161) and his discussion of new ye:r related practices of disposal, when

combined, provide a plausible explanation for the large size and mixed nature of this

deposit. Landa specifically notes that ritual dumps were located "outside of the town" and

were considered tainted (Tozzer 1941:151-152,161). Contact with these items following

their disposal was strictly taboo.

Further evidence for the ritual dump interpretation is found in a comparison of this

deposit to others in the region. The location of this deposit --removed from the Caye Coco

community-- is similar to locations of large mixed deposits documented by Sidrys (1983).

He notes that these deposits were located away from populated areas. This pattern is

consistent with a concern for ritual purity repeatedly discussed by Landa (Tozzer

1941:l5l-I52, 161). The mixed nature of the deposit containing both ceremonal, (76%)

and utilitarian Qa%) pottery is another line of evidence supporting the interpretation that
 66

this, and otlrer large, isolated deposits represent ritual dumps associated with the annual

renewal of censers and possibly domestic items. Interestingly, no intact midden deposits

from either Caye Coco @arrett 1999) or Laguna de On (Masson 1999) contained any

censer fragments, suggesting that they were carefully removed from populated areas. The

density of this deposit was also higher than that encountered in local midden deposits.

Compared to the caches containing effigy censers reported at Santa Rita (Chase 1988), the

deposit at Caye Muerto is very large and fragmented. Chase reports that Santa Rita

caches typically contained paired effigy censers which appear to be smashed in situ and are

largely reconstructable. As mentioned earlier, the Caye Muerto deposit contains at the

minimum 17 separate vessels, none of which are reconstructable. It is difficult to be

certain whether this deposit represents a single episode or annual deposition over the
course of several years. However, the limited number of similar deposits that have been

identified, and the wide variety of deities identified in the iconography implies that the

location contains vessels from a series of rituals, including, but not limited to, the annual

Uayeb and New Years celebrations.

Iconography of the Ritual ceramicsfrom the Laguno de on Box Altqr

Unlike the deposit at Caye Muerto, the Laguna de On shore deposit lacks non-

censer vessels. As noted above the deposit consists of three Kol modeled effigy censers,

and two red sandy censers (see Figure 2la,cd). It also contained fragments of an effigy

jar face (see Figure 21b) which appears to have been attached to the side of another vessel
 67

showing signs of internal burning consistent with a censer. Two of the Kol modeled

censers were represented by just a few fragments, notably the feet and a face (fig. 2lc).

Figure 21a shows a partially reconstructable specimen from the deposit. It is a

bare chested female who wears a huipil or wide collar over her shoulders. The border of

the huipil had a beaded fringe as shown by the bead at the shoulder (side view). An

additional piece of this beaded border was recovered but it is not clear where it attached.

She also wears a wrapped garment which covers the area from her mid-chest down to her

hips. The garment is held together by two straps that cross at her abdomen. It is

impossible to determine what she wears from the waist dowrq as the figure is too badly

damaged. The hand position of this censer is extremely unusual. Most effigy censer

figurines have a 90 degree bend at the elbow and hands that are open and face up (See

Smith l97l.fi9.32), the necessary posture for holding copal, muze or other offerings (See

fig. 24e). Taube (personal communication 2000) suggests that this figurine displays a

common Maya dance posture similar to that seen in some figurines from Jaina.

Taube (personal communication 2000) zuggests that the bare chest marks this

deity as the youthful Goddess I (Taube 1999:fig. 29), a goddess identified with "human

fertility and sensual love" (Miller and Taube 1993:147), as well as, weaving (Taube

1992:68). Goddess I has frequently been confused with Ix Chel, who is now thought to

be an aged version of Goddess O. Consequently, the former has been mistakenly

associated with the moon (Miller and Taube 1993. 1471' Taube 1992: 64-69). She is

repeatedly pictured in the Postclassic Dresden Codex (Thompson 1972:16-23).

Thompson like others misidentified this character as the moon goddess.

 68

Of the three faces recovered from this deposit, only the Kol modeled example (fig.

21c) is intact. However, I am reluctant to positively identify this face. It has a rather
youthful appearance despite the lines around the mouth and the accentuated brow ridge,

normally markers of age. As a result, this face remains unidentified. The other two censer

faces (see fig 20d), both red sandy censerwarez are very badly damaged with one only

consisting of the upper halves of the eyes, split along the weak point created by punching

the holes of the pupils and the other just the edge of the left eye and cheek with an intact

ear flare. A hole was punched through the face below the flare presumably to allow

smoke to pass out and up around the flare. The corresponding flare was also recovered,

as was a single example of another style, a simple disk with a hole through the center,

through which smoke may have been able to pass. I can only assume that the unmatched

ear flare belongs to the first fragmentary face. Unfortunately, the censers from this

deposit are so badly damaged that only the Goddess I figurine has been identified.

Based on the presence of the Goddess I effigy censer, the Laguna de On shore

deposit appears to be related to fertility ritual. Unforrunately, Landa (Tozzer l94l) lacks

specifics for this type of ritual (see Table 7), merely sayrng that women offered gifts and

prayers to their idols. He indicates that the type of gifts offered included incense, "cotton

stuffs" presumably textiles, food, and drink. Landa specifically refers to idols, plural.
Because fertility rituals used more than one idol, it is difficult to determine if the entire
assemblage is the result of a singe ritual event? or represents more than one ritual.

Without more information about what and how many idols were involved in women's

ritual it is difficult to sav for certain.

 69

Iconography of the Ritual Ceramics Recoveredfrom Caye Coco, Burial #20

A number of researchers have attempted to address the symbolism of pedestal jar

censers. As suggested above, the flanged pedestal jar censers contained in Burial 20 at

Caye Coco may have functioned as a set of three, symbolically representing the three

hearthstones of creation, a centering device and portal to the other world (Schele and

Freidel 199O:216; Chase 1998; Houston 1998; Taube 1998). The application of this

theme to pedestal based incense burners is not new. Previous researchers (Benyo 7979;

Ferree 1972:169; Kidder 1950:48-49; Walker 1990; Taube 1994 668; Willey et al.

1994:86; Rice 1999) have suggested that the spiked appliques commonly found on

pedestal based censers are a reference to the spiked trunk of young trees such as the

ceiba, Kapok or cacao tree, the mis mundi of the Maya cosmos, another point of

communication between the layers of the cosmos. A related interpretation focuses on the

spikes being associated with the earttr/crocodile (Adams 1971:161). This interpretation is

ngt neeessarily at odds with the world tree interpretation since, the crocodile and world

tree seem to have similar associations (Rice 1999).

Apart from being large and highly elaborated, vessel one from Caye Coco, Burial

#20 is decorated with two incised punctated "mat symbol" bands (Robicsek 1975). The

mat or "pop" has been identified as a device to designate status by numerous researchers.

The design is used to mark council houses where lords met at Copan (Freidel, Schele,

Parker 1993:152-153) and Waxaktun (Freidel, Schele, Parker 1993 142-143, Schele and

Mathews 1998:44). Classic Period Maya nobles were depicted wearing the device as a

marker of high status (Schele and Miller 1986:71). Robicsek (1975:292) indicates that
 70

'the mat-design was one of the most important power-symbols irmong the ancient Maya

The honor of being distinguished with this sign was reserved for those with noble birtlr,

high office and supreme authority." The presence of the design on this elaborate censer

suggests high status for the buried individual and perhaps political office in the

community.

Summary and Conclusions

I would like to review some of the conclusions of the study. I'll begin with more
specific findings made about the three ritual deposits recovered along the Freshwater

Creek drainage and then present some broader conclusions. I have interpreted the censer

deposit recovered in association with the platform altar at Caye Muerto as a ritual dump

associated with the idol renewal ceremonies documented by Landa (Tozzer l94l).It was

most likely used repeatedly. This interpretation is supported by several lines of evidence.

Its location was separated from the nearby, medium-sized community of Caye Coco, a

location which agrees with Landa's description of ritual dumps which were located away

from the community. The very large deposit contains too many idols to be accounted for

by any single ritual documented by Landa. Interpretation of the iconography suggests that

the number of deities present in the deposit is too diverse to be accounted for by any

single ritual. The lack of other similar features in the vicinity suggests reuse as does the

labor invested in building the platform altar. Comparison to middens and caches from the

region shows that the deposit contains an unusually high percentage of censers. The

presence of utilitarian ceramics in the deposit can be explained in one of two ways. It is

possible that the looation was also the deposition site of domestic items disposed of during
 7I

annual Uayeb and new years observances. It is also possible that the vessels once held

food offerings and were associated with ritual activity.

Effigy censers associated with a box altar encountered on the shore of Laguna de

On probably resulted from reuse of a constructed altar. At least one of the rituals seems

to be related to the fertility rituals documented by Landa. Evidence for this claim is found

in the female effigy censer interpreted as Goddess I, a Postclassic Fertility Goddess.

Fragments of a modeled tripod jar censer recovered from the deposit suggest that ancestor

veneration may also have been the focus of a ritual at the site.

The last deposit under consideration, Burial 20 from Caye Coco, was interpreted

as a high status burial. The three flanged pedestal jar censers functioned together as part

of the funeral ritual and were then smashed and interred with the individual. Serving

vessels interred with the individual suggest that the ritual involved feasting or food

offerings. The elaborate nature of the censers and the stela interred at the site indicate that

the individual buried at the spot had high status in the community. The contents of the

burial were compared with those of high status burial from other sites in the Lowlands.

The censers recovered from the deposit were most similar to forms recovered from the

nearby site of Lamanai, possibly suggesting interaction between the two sites.

A number of broader conclusions can also be drawn from this study. Variation

was found in the distribution of the seven censer types defined in the classification. The

most widely distributed censer forms the effigy censer and pedestal jar censer. These

forms are found at every site considered, pointing to the widespread influence of the Chen

Mul censer cult originating in Mayapan. The widespread distribution of these two censer

forms suggests that the Postolassic Northern Lowlands shared a set of integrated religious
 72

beliefs and rituals. Two other forms, tripod jar censers, and ladle censers are also widely

distributed, although not as widely as effigy and pedestat jar censers. Less widely

distributed forms indicate a series of local traditions coexisting with the more widespread

traditions integrating the region. Two forms are highly restricted. In addition to hinting

at local religious traditions, these forms indicate some intersite interaction. The first,

pedestal bowl censers, are found only at Mayapan, Santa Rita and Rio Frio Cave. This

suggests interaction between Mayapan and the site of Santa Rita. It is impossible at this

to say if that interaction took the form of emulation, reflects trade relationships, or is the

result of a third factor. The second restricted form is the flanged pedestal jar censer. As

discussed above, these are restricted to two regional rural centers, Lamanai and Caye

Coco, suggesting interaction between the two Northern Belizean sites.

Some remarks on the function of different censer forms highlight the importance of

examining the relationship between the form and the function of Postclassic Lowland

censers. This research provides interpretations of the function of two classes of censer.

Effigy censers appear to have a variety of functions. This is reflected in the diverse

contexts and contents of deposits containing this form and the large number of deities

represented in the iconography of the figurines themselves. Another line of evidence

supporting the variable function of effigy censers is their widespread distribution. Careful

comparison of individual deposits to models derived from sources such as Landa will

eventually provide a fulI picture of the diversity of effigy censer functions and associations.

The second forrn, flanged pedestal jar censers, are very restricted in distribution. This

form, interpreted as elite funerary paraphernalia, is restricted to northern Belize. These

 73

two cases which represent contrasting types of intersite interaction highlight the complex

relationship between sites in the Postclassic Maya Lowlands.

High status burials are associated with incense burners, specifically, effigy censers,

ladle censers, and flanged pedestal jar censers. This has been demonstrated at a number of

Postclassic Lowland locations, such as Mayapan (Smith l97l), Lamanai (Pendergast

1981; Graham lg87),Laguna de On Island (Sheldon 1988) and now Caye Coco (Mazeau

2000). Evidence for the elite nature of these burials is seen in the unusually large amount

of investment which went into the graves themselves (in the case of Lamanai and Mayapan

tombs) and the investment in grave goods. The association between censers and high

status burials is found at all scales of Postclassic Maya settlement from the region, from a

first tier site, such as Mayaparq through second tier sites such as Caye Coco and Lamanai,

down to third tier sites such as Laguna de On Island. Interestingly, censers are not

associated with commoner funerals. Perhaps this indicates that the inclusion of censers

with burials was a marker of status. The variation present in the forms of censers found in

these burials and the limited distribution of one of the forms suggests that while censers

were associated with high status funeral practice, such practices were strongly influenced

by local beliefs and practices.

This study demonstrates the need to understand the relationships of censer form to

context and distribution. These relationships provide valuable information about Maya

religious organization and beliefs as well as providing information on regional interaction

patterns. Only through carefi.rl recording of censer forms, their contexts and associated

artifacts combined with interpretive insights gained from ethnohistoric, ethnographic and
 74

iconographic data can resea.rchers begin to understand how this diverse class of artifacts

functioned in Maya religious ritual.

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Sanders, William T.
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Washington Publication 606, Washinglon, D.C.

Sanders, William T. and Barbara J. Price

1968 Mesoomerica: The Evolution of a Civilizatiotl. Random House, New York.

Scarborough, Vernon L., Robert P. Connol$, and Steven P. Ross

1994 The Prehispanic Maya Reservoir System at Kinal, Peten, Guatemala. Ancient
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Schele, Linda and Mary Ellen Miller

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Schele, Linda and David A. Freidel

lg90 A Forest of Kings William Morrow & Co., New York

Schellhas, Paul
1904 Representations of the Deities of the Maya Manuscripts. Papers of the Peabody
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Scholes, Frances V. and Ralph L. Roys

1938 Fray Diego de Landa and the Problem of Idolatry in Yucatan .In Cooperation in
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Institution.

Sheldon, Stephanie M.
1998 Excavations at Subop 5: Testing for Cemetery Boundaries and Landscape
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The University at Albany - SlINry, Albany, New York.

Sidrys, Raymond V.
19gi Arcigeological Excavations in Northern Belize, Central America. Monograph
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Sinopoli, Carla
 84

l99l Apprtnches to Archaeological ceramics. plenum press, New york

Smith, Michael E.
1992 Archaeological Research at Aztec-Period Rural Sites in Morelos, Mexico. Volume
l, Excavations and Architecture. University of Piusbu.gh Monographs in Latin American
Archaeology, no. 4. Pittsburgh

Smit[ Robert E.
l97l The Pottery of Mayapan Papers of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and
Ethnology 66. Harvard University, Cambridge.

Steward, Julian
1942 The Direct Historical Approach to Anthropology. American Antiquity 7:3i7-343

Strong, William Duncan

1942 Historical Approach in Anthropology. In Anthropologt Tdoy, edited by A. L.
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Taube, Karl A.
1988 The Ancient Maya Yucatec New Year Festival: The Limirnt Period in Maya Ritual
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1992 Ihe Maior Gofu of Yucatan Studies in Pre-Columbian Art and Archaeology No.
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1957 Deities Portrayed on Censers at Mayapan. Current Reports, Carnegie Institute of
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Tozzer, Alfred M.
1907 A Comparative Study of the Mayas and the Lacandone,r Archaeological Institute of
America. New York.
 85

1941 Notes. Lando's Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan Translated by Alfred Tozzer.
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Waid, Alice, and Marilyn A. Masson

1998 Laguna de On Shore Reconnaissance and Testing. In The Belize Postclassic Proiect
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Walker, Debra
l99O Cerros Revisited: Ceramic Indicators of Terminal Classic and Postclassic
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West, Georgia
1999 Investigations at Structure 1, Caye Coco. In Belize Postclassic Proiect 1998:
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University ofNew Yorlq Albany

Wylie, Allison
1985 The Reaction Against Analogy. lnAdvances in Archaeological Methd and
Theory, vol. 8, edited by Michael Schiffer. pp. 63-107.
 o
.!! c
o o
o
o o
E !
(l, o o
E E E C'
(E E 'F =
o -5 IE
o
o
5
CL
G g G .c =o
(! E E g =t
E
(l,
G (! o(J oo 6 tE

=x x x zX o.x x x c)x
ln J
Effisy
Pedestal Jar x X x x x x x x
Flanged Pedestal Jar x x
Pedestal Bowl x x x
Tripod Jar x x x x
Modeled Tripod Jar x
Ladle x x x x

Table 1 - Table showins distribution of censer forms at several Lowland sites

 Percentaqes
Type Sherd Count Utilitarian Ceremonial Jars
Kitchens 13,308 94.4 5.6 79.5
Ordinarv dwellinqs 9,037 88.8 11.2 66.4
Elaborate buildings 40,831 76.4 23.6 59.4
Oratories, B 14,359 77 23 51.6
Oratories, B 13,789 34.7 65.3 23.7
Shrines, group 365 84.1 15.9 56.7
Shrines, ceremonial 19,182 32.2 67.8 14.8
Shrines, quadrangle 941 59.2 40,8 37.9
Colonnades 50.8E0 15.8 84.2 10.2
Temoles. serpent column 4,778 22.2 77.8 6.3
Temples, platform 10,048 30.2 69.8 16.4
Temples, pvramid 2,525 x4.7 65.3 14.2
Temples, round 12.608 51.5 48.5 34.9
Total 192.651

Table 2 - Mayapan structure types and thier associated pottery (Smith 1971:table 20)
{s
g
o o
(.t o aa
o
I !t
o g
o {*
o (, N
o
(n I 5 s(o Iotal Height (cm)
ra

q_ a {
0, $ {
J r\)
J Height of Neck (cm)

u
=.
c N
I
J OJ
Height of Base (cm)
r+

o
CN
N N N
aJr o N
Diameter of Base (cm)
*
o (, (l) (rl Diameter of Vessel Body (cm
-l C.t OJ Crl

J
o
qt
{(, N Cr)
N (rl diameter of rim (cm)
o
o Thickness of base (mm)
f
c N @ (o
v)
o s J @ CD
Thickness of body wall (mm)
-l
CN

o t9 CD o o thickness of rim (mm)

3 @
q)
a, U)
q)
o
0t !) o) g)

o oo
o o
o o
Paste
o
o
0)
a
qt q)
a a
o o o (D
o
-t o o o
o E 6
c *o o o
oo
=.
0t a a rim form
a c
N)
o = o o
o o- o-
t o.
tl
o
o o o o
0)
6o oo
f, o. o
o o base form
q, qt
0) o o o
g =
o
o o- o-
q)
o
o
 Context Paste Grouo Censenrare Rim Body Other Total (Nl Total (%)
Box Altar Cohokum X 34 484 69 587 54
Box Altar Sandy Censerware X 2'l 400 44 ,[65 12.8
Box Altar Santa Coarse X 12 23 0 35 3.2
Totals 57 907 fi3 1087 100

Platform Altar Cohokum X 149 963 1487 2599 87.6

Platform Altar Sandy Censerware X 33 321 33 387 10
Platform Altar Santa Unslipped X 11 13 6 30 0.8
Platform Altar Tsabak X 4 277 1 282 7.3
Platform Altar Grey Striated 1 13 11 0.4
Platform Altar Other Slioped 7 89 1 97 2.5
Platform Altar Other Unslioped 16 263 10 2E9 7.5
Platform Altar Payil 3 2 5 0.1
Platform Altar Rita Red 1 I 2 0.t
Platform Altar Siena Red 1 141 142 3.7
Totals 226 2083 1538 3847 100

Table 4 - Sherd @unts by paste group for Laguna de On, box altar and Caye Muerto, platform
altar
 ztl s
tl o o
z s o .D
G' $
€E !tq 0
(J
o
o ztl :s
tl
ag
o
G
o z s g au

E It c|E E E
o o o (U o o
Rim Tyoe E 5 5 o o F
folded flat 6 9.5 6 9.5
folded rounded 11 17.5 11 17.5
direct 1 1.6 1 1.6 2 3.2
direct inbeveled 1 1.6 2 3.2 3 4.8
rolled rounded 12 19 12 19 21 3E.1
rolled flat 4 6.3 1 6.3
thickened flat 13 20.6 13 20.6
Totals {N=} t9 32 12 53
fotals (%) 30.2 50.7 19 100

Table 5 - Rim types by paste group for the Laguna de On box altar
 ztl s zII ;e
E
tr
E' zll s E' E ztl s
G
o
0!
o
tr c
tl Itc (g
o
.E
o !t E'
o o (! G' o (|,
ctE tr
tE tl ztl s
El ctt
a o Ctt
c
Et ah o z s
!, Ito o o o (E E
J
E
5
Fo (E

o
Rim Type o Et E o o JEt ..ct xo o
5 F
direct rounded 2 1.5 2 1.5
direct squared 2 1.5 2 1.5
direct squared grooved 3 2.2 3 2.2
everted flat 1 0.7 1 0.7 19 14 21 15
everted outbeveled 4 2.9 1 2.9
everted pointed 1 0.7 3 2.2 1 2.9
everted rounded 11 I 11 8
folded flat I 5.8 8 5.8
folded outbeveled 3 2.2 3 2.2
folded outbeveled grooved 1 0.7 1 0.7
folded rounded 6 4.3 I 5.8 14 10
outflared rounded 3 2.2 3 2.2
rolled flat 1 0.7 1 0.7
rolled outbeveled 1 0.7 1 0.7
rolled outbeveled grooved 1 0.7 1 o.7
rolled rounded 12 8.8 12 8.8
thickened flat 1 0.7 35 26 36 26
thickened flat qrooved 1 0.7 I 0.7
thickened outbeveled 2 1.5 1 0.7 3 2,2 6 1.4
thickened rounded 1 o.7 2 1.5 3 2.2
Totals (N) 7 1 3 3 120 137
Totals (%) 5 2.9 2.1 2.2 88 100

Table 6 - Rim types by paste group from the Caye Muerto box altar deposit
 o o
vt
o
Ip 5 5
,n
Io
o
g g
g,
E
o g g ; U' o v,
!t It o o
o o !t .9
o
o o o o (! o o
Ritual Month Context
.E
(J tt, (,o o.o @ )
Fertility residence = X =
Childbirth residence x
Naming residence
Commoner Funeral residence X
Elite Funeral temple X X X
Anceslor veneration oratories X X
Uayeb Kan years Uayeb stone pile edqe of town X X
Uayeb Kan years Uayeb elite residence X X
Uayeb Kan years Uayeb temple X
Uayeb Muluc Years Uayeb stone pile edge of town X X
Uayeb Muluc Years Uayeb elite residence X X
Uayeb Muluc Years Uayeb temple X X
Uayeb lx Years Uayeb stone pile edoe of town X X
Uayeb lx Yearc Uayeb elite residence X X
Uayeb lx Years Uayeb temple X X
Uayeb lx Years Uayeb oratories X
Uayeb Cauac Years Uayeb stone pile edqe of town X X
Uayeb Cauac Years Uayeb elite residence X X
Uayeb Cauac Yeans Uaveb temple X
New Years celebration Pop temple X X
Pocam (divination) Uo elite residence X X
lhcil lx Chel (a healing ceremony) Zio elite residence X X
Dance of the hunters zip elite residence X
fisherman's ritual zip elite residence X
Bee keepeds honey ritual Tzec elite residence X
Fesiival of Kukulkan Xul temple/elite residences X
3ee keepers flower ritual Mol temple
Yolob u dzab kam yax Mol elite residence
Wooden idol making Chen idolworkshops X X
Consecration of wooden idols Chen arbor placed in yard X
Oc Na (a rain ritual) Yax oratories X
Clay ldolMaking Yax idolworkshops X X X
Hunterc expiation ritual Zac elite residence X
Tupp Kak (another rain ritual) Mac temple X
Cacao festival Muan Cacao orchard X
Cacao festival Muan elite residence X
Pacum Chac ( a war ritual) Pax temple X X
Pacum Ghac ( a war ritual) Pax nacom's residence X X
Sabacil Than (end of vear rituals) Pax elite residence
Sabacil Than (end of year rituals) Kayab elite residence
Sabacil Than (end of year rituals) Cumhu elite residence

Table 7a - Contexts, idols and ceremonial vessels associated with rituals described by Landa
(Tozzer 1941)
Ritual Participants Associated tleities
Fertility Women
Childbirth Women lx Chel
Naming Women, priests
Commoner Funeral household
Elite Funeral elites
Ancestor veneration elites
Uayeb Kan years elites, priests Kan u Uayeyab(Bacab)
Uayeb Kan years community at larqe Bolon Dzacab, Kan u Uayeyab(Bacab), KanalAcantun
Uaveb Kan vears priests. old women Itzamna Kauil. Bolon Dzacab
Uaveb Muluc Years elites, priests Chac u Uayeyab(Bacab)
Uaveb Muluc Years communitv at laroe Kinich Ahau, Chac u Uayeyab(Bacab), ChacAcantun
Uayeb Muluc Years priests, old women Yax Cocah Mut. Kinich Ahau. Chac Acantun
Uayeb lx Years elites, priests Sak u Uayeyab(Bacab)
Uayeb lx Years community at large Itzamna, Sak u Uayeyab(Bacab), Sac Acantun
Uaveb lx Years men, priests, old women Itzamna. Kinich Ahau ltzamna. Sac Acantun
Uayeb lx Years communitv at lanqe Kinich Ahau ltzamna
Uaveb Cauac Years elites, priests Ek u Uavevab(Bacab)
Uayeb Cauac Years community at larqe Uac Mitun Ahau, Ek u Uayeyab(Bacab), EkelAcantun
Uac Mitun Ahau, (4 idols)Chi Chac Chob, Ek Balam
Uayeb Cauac Years community at large Chac. Ah Canuol Cab. Ah Buluc Balam
New Years celebration men, priests, old women variable based on vear
Pocam (divination) hunters, fishermen, Kinich Ahau ltzamna
lhcil lx Ghel (a healing
ceremonv) Priests. wives lx Chel, ltzamna, Cit Bolon Tun, Ahau Chamahes
Dance of the hunters Hunters, wives, priest Acanum, Suhui Dzip, Tabai, "others"
fisherman's ritual Fishermen, wives, priest Ah Kak Nexoi, Ah Pua, Ah Cit DzmalCum
Bee keepefs honey ritual bee keepers. oriests the Bacabs especially Hobnil
Festival of Kukulkan communitv at larqe Kukulkan
Bee keepers flower ritual community at large "all gods"
Yolob u dzab kam vax Bee keepers. oriests the Bacabs especially Hobnil
Wooden idol makino workmen, priests the Acantuns
Consecration of wooden
idols priests. idol owners variable
Oc Na (a rain ritual) unspecified the 4 chacs
Clay idol makinq priests, idol owners The Acantuns
Hunters expiation ritual hunters Acanum, Suhui Dzip, Tabai, "others"
Tupp Kak (another rain
ritual) old men the four chacs. ltzamna
Cacao festival plantation owners Ek Chuah, Chac, Hobnil
PacumChac(awar
ritual) elites, priests
Sabacil Than (end of year
rituals) community at larye
Sabacil Than (end of year
rituals) community at large
Sabacil Than (end of year
rituals) community at laroe

Table 7b - participants and deities associated with ritual described by Landa (Tozzer 1941)
 o
I
o
(J E' o
ct c El
tt, El rE
tr
c c 'tr
(J
'i o
L C'
g o o au o "9 tr E
o
o E Q o o o
q o o (Ec, It g
tr
o T' x .E
o o
(J o .E E
= IE x
o G o
Ritual E IL o I= lr o
Fertility X X X no "cotton stuffs"
Childbirth X X X no "cotton stuffs"
Namino no
stones (cunency,
Commoner Funeral X X shroud divination), books, tools
Elite Funeral
Anceslor veneration X X
Uaveb Kan years X X turkey X
Uayeb Kan years X X X X
Uaveb Kan vears X X X dog beads, 2 plates
Uaveb Muluc Years X X turkev
Uaveb Muluc Years X X X X
ut tttt I lut ul\Jvl r51J

Uayeb Muluc Years X X dog, squinels X cloth beads, pottery dogs

Uayeb lx Yeers X X turkey
Uayeb lx Years X X X X
Uaveb lxYears X X X unspecified beads
Uayeb lxYears X X
Uaveb Cauac Years X X X turkey
Uaveb Cauac Years X X X X
ilowers, preoous
Uaveb Cauac Years X X rouana stones, beads
New Years celebration X
Pocam (divination) X X X verdioris, virgin water
lhcil lx Chel (healing ceremony) X X X
Dance of the hunters X X X X
fisherman's ritual X X X X
Bee keeoe/s honev ritual X X X honey
Festival of Kukulkan X X
Bee keepers flower ritual X honey
Yolob u dzab kam yax X X
Wooden idol making X X X X
consecration of wooden idols X
Oc Na (a rain ritual) X
Clay idol making X X X X
Hunters expiation ritual X X X
Tupp Kak (another rain ritual) X X X allanimals
Cacao festival X X X dog, iguanas, game cacao. feathers
Cacao festival X X X
Pacum Chac ( a war ritual) X dog 2 plates, 4 large jars
Pacum Chac ( a war ritual) X dog
Sabacll Than (end of year rituals) X X X
Sabacil Than (end of year rituals) X X X
Sabacil Than (end of year rituals) X X X

Table 7c - Offerings associated with rituals described by Landa

 r:o
otr

E' E' €E E'

c c,
(, .E
o o .Y
EE o uc
c
(E 6
o E9 o
tg
Ritual o ll. o Citation
Fertility X =6 = Tozzer 1941:128
Childbirth Tozzer 1941:129
Naming Tozzer 1941:129
Commoner Funeral X Tozzer'1941 29-130
Elite Funeral X Tozzer 1941 30-1 31
Ancestor veneration X f ozzer 1941:131
Uaveb Kan years X X Tozzer 1941 39.143
Uaveb Kan years X X X X Tozzer 1941 1 39-1 43
Uaveb Kan years X X X Tozzer'1941 139-143,166
Uaveb Muluc Years X X Tozzer 1941:144-'145
Uayeb Muluc Years X X X X Tozzer 1941:-'144-145
Uayeb Muluc Years X X T ozzer'l 941 :1 44-1 45, 1 66
Uayeb lx Years X X Tozzer 1941:145-147
Uayeb lx Years X X X X Tozzer 1941:145-147
Uaveb lx Years X X X X T ozzer 1941 :1 45-1 47, 1 66
Uaveb lx Years X X X X Tozzer 1941:147
Uaveb Cauac Years X X Tozzer 1941:147-149
Uaveb Cauac Years X X X X 'tozzer 1941:147-149
Uaveb Cauac Years X X X X T ozzer 1941 :1 47 -1 49, 1 66
New Years celebration X X X X Tozzer1941:151-153
Pocam (divination) X X X Tozzer 1941:153-154
lhcil lx Chel (a healing mremony) X X X X Tozzer 1941:154-156
Dance of the hunters X X X X Tozzer 1941:154-156
fisherman's ritual X X X X Tozzer 1941:154-156
Bee keepefs honey ritual X X X X f ozzer 1941:156-157
Festival of Kukulkan X X X Tozzer 1941:157-158
Bee keepers flower ritual X X Tozzer 1941:159-160
Yolob u dzab kam yax X X X Tozzer 't941:159-160
Wooden idol making X Tozzer 1941:159-160
consecration of wooden idols X X X lozzer 1941:160-161
Oc Na (a rain ritual) Tozzer 1941:161-162
Clav idol makinq X X X Tozzer 1941:161
Hunters expiation ritual X X X Tozzer 1941:162
fupp Kak (another rain ritual) X X X Tozzer 1941:162-164
Cacao festival X X X Tozzer 1941:164
Cacao festival X X X Tozzer 1941:164
Pacum Chac ( a war ritual) X X X X Tozzer 1941:164-166
Pacum Chac ( a war ritual) X X X Tozzer 1941:164-166
Sabacil Than (end of Year rituals) X X X X Tozzer 1941:166
Sabacil Than (end of year rituals) X X X X Tozzer 1941:166
Sabacil Than (end of Year rituals) X X X X Tozzer 1941:166

Table 7d - Behaviors associated with rituals described by Landa (f ozzer 1941)

 ffi
a,a
,
MEX|CO

{8
t5
tr BELIZE
+a

Lagrrna Sec.

D
g
ed=

Caye Llgon
Coes
o

ct
9

ose
Vo
o
Lqrna de On

N
+t i.i
505 -
l0 15 ^A
2OKibrres

l0 tS lvfihs

FigureI - Map of northern Belize showing the Freshwater Creek drainage (Masson and
Rosenswig 1999)
 A CHICHEN TTiZA
U.AYAPAI.I
^

SANTABITA
C,AYE COC()TCAIE tf,UES'nO
IJIGTJ^-ADEON^^

I^AMANAI I

I#
TAYASAL l . TOFCIffE

rn

Figure 2'Map of the Northern Maya Lowlands showing sites discussed in text (adapted
from Chase and Chase 1985)
.'-'----==
i:q,.---
i i-i-.

(Smithl97l'fig'32)
Figure 3 - Chen Mul effigy censefs from the site of Mayapan
Figure 3 - chen Mul effigy censers from the site of Mayapan (Smith
l97l:fig.32)
 FEIffi
Figure 3 - Chen Mul effigy censers from the site of Mayapan (Smith 1971:fig'32)
 {
L

ffi

Chase 1988: fig' 8f'

Figure 4 - Kol Modeled effigy censers from Santa Rita (Chase and
7lny22a"26ab)
ffi F tf $4
t &
a

ffi=ffi $ c
&$*

ffi,fl e.E
S& E,U wr#

f
in northern Belize
Figure 5 - Kol Modeled effigy censer fragments fromvarious sites
lnJte a-e not to scale)(Sidrys 1983:figs ' t42'146,155)
l.-
t

\
\r
@b ffi$
b) Cerros
Figure 6 - Effigy censer forms from a) Lamanai @endergast 1985:fig. 5)
Rice
(ilalker 1990:fig. 5.11c), and c) the Peten Lakes region @ullard 7970;figs 18,19;
1987:figs. 61, 62, 65, 66)
 +f

ffi

|^
\r
,, i.=.-z

I
o
o
higo.. jar censer forms from a) Mayapan (Smith 1971.fr9.30, 31), b)
T - pedestal
Latanai (Graham tbszy, c) Cerros (Walker 1990:fig. 5.5a,b) and d,e,f) thefeten
Lakes

R;t;" p"n*a D7 o:ig. 1z ; Chu"" and Chase 1987 : fig 1 1 4c; Rice I 987: fig' 60)
 t

(Pendergast 1981:fig 22)

Figure E - Flanged pedestal jar genser forms from a) Lamanai
and b) Caye Coco
 ttatt..;
\.tl . ' ltta,- ;/t
I qr '.:t3 -2a;*f
iA)
aJi

V) ,',"NJ .J,*''*,'

!.r .l J t -',i JJ*,;t- ,-l

J l+ t J tt J.J*,-:5.

b
Figure 9 - Pedestal bowl censer forms from a) Mayapan (Smith l97l:fig.3) and b) Santa
Rita (Chase and Chase 1988.fig. l tq)
 ffi

/'Figure 10 - Tripod jar censers from a) Mayapan (Smith 1990:fig' 3t), b) cerros (wallcer
1990:fig. 5.1la)and c) Lamanai (Pendergast 1985:figs. 4,5)
Figure 11 - Modeled tripod jar censer form from Santa Rita (Chase and Chase 1988:fig.
1ll)
 .--...r^

ffi

?
# c
d

L-

e- ffi
1990:fig' 5'4)' c)
Figure 12 -Ladlecenser forms from a) Mayapan, b) Cerros (Walker
Peten Lakes region (Bullard
Lamanai (Graham l9s7) (oriented as pubtisired), and d) the
197};fig.}3r,s;Graham 1987;Rice 1987' fig' 58
 r00 200 xm

N
A UAYAPAT.I OTO+EI

.TO; SANTAR TA
ortr+El cArE coc0tcAlBlruE8To e
at$ LAGU^*ADEON^

flElElr^aulxrt .r

OIEI TA}.ASALA a roPotmts orEl

r =Effisi Cen*r
I =Fe&l Jar Censer
tr =Fhnged Mal Borvl Cemser
O =kdsstalBowl CEnser
O =TtipodJar Cemer
I =ldoddcd Tripod Jar Cenmr
El =Ladh Censer

Figure 13 - Map showing distribution of censer forms at the sites discussed(adaptdfrom

Chase and Chase 1935)
 1 Doublmn Baak I'qmn I Crtwa Lagun
l-
-

h I
t'
v
V
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I,Hr and Su'amp I Foealassic .\rcteological Sitt

Bodvofwacr Oassic Arcfi*dogical Siu

*

Figure 14 - Map of Laguna de Orq Belize (Massln and Rosenswig 199?)

 c

{
L $4 €.sffi

Figure 15 - Representations of Ek Chualr" God lvl, frorn a) Chichen Itza Coggins and
Shane 1984:fig. 137),b, c, d) Mayapan (Smith l97l:fig32), e) Santa Rita (Chase and
Chase 1988:fig. 22a), f) rural northern Belize (Sidrys 1983:fig. 146), g) Laguna de On
Island
 Ceye
Muerto

I
Eiil|-
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tBm

Freshweter Creek

Muerto
Figure 16 - Map of Progtesso LagoorlBelize showing Caye Coco and Caye
(Masson and Rosenswig 1998)
 La-'hg Slrp
Edmlcd Btrclcr

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FEFE:F!=;I;;
Meters

Figure 17 - Map of Caye Coco showing structure numbers (Masson and Roseoswig
re98)
 b

1982: fig'
TancahJredrawn from Mller
ipigure 18 - Turrle qffigies from_ a) _C_ay-e Coco"!) '

pr5Z:llr:a,te)Santa Rita (Chase and Chase 1988:fig-

6), c) Mayapan Orfifl"r"*O Taube
s)
Figure 19 - Vessels #l and #3 from Caye Coco, Burial20
 Cocos Lagoon

Prtgresso Legoon

Frshwater Creek

Button Banks/Button Lagoons

f]f
EI
r-,
I H'i
q Leguna de 0n/Honey Cemp Legoon

Figure 20 - Map of the Freshwater Creek drainage, Betize (Masson and Rosenswig 1998)
c

Figure 21 - selected artifacts from the Laguna de on shore deposit. a) Goddess I effigy
censer figurine, b) effigy jar face, c) Kol modeled effigy censer face, d) ftagrnents of two
Red sandy censerware effigy censers, e) caiman effigy with portion ofsnout broken off
D
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36)
Figure 22 -P-lanmap of the Laguna de On box altar (Wade and-Ivlasson 1998:fi9
 H 2Ocm

Figure 23 - Profile of platform altar (unexcavated rubble surface) at Caye Muerto (Mullen
1999:fig.7.2)
,
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Figure 24 -Planmap of censer deposit on top of platform shrine at Caye Muerto (Mrrllen
1999:fig.7.1)
Figure 25 - effiry censer faces from the Caye Muerto deposit
 ffi
,ffi
a

Figure 26 - other selected artifacts from the Caye Muerto deposit. a) fragments of
serpent headdress, b) censer side flange, c) assorted maae or copal offerings once held by
effigy censer figurines, d) effigy arm holding offering, e) effEgy censer feet, f) chest
ornaments worn by censer figurines
Figure 27 - Tripod jar censer and possible pedestal based jar censer fragments from the
Caye Muerto platform altar
 d

Figure 28 - Prominent rim types by paste group from the Laguna de On shore deposit. a)
Kol Modeled rolled rounded rim, b) Kol Modeled thickened flat rim (probable base), c)
Red Sandy Censerware folded rounded rir4 d) Red Sandy Censerware folded flat rim
(probable base), e)Santa unslipped rolled rounded rim
 b c

Figure 29 - Depictions of yearbearers with tumpline and staff(Miller and Taube

i'
1993:193' Taube1988:figs.60,61)'
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Figure 30 - Dresden Codex New years pages (pgs. 25-28) from Thompson 1972 !
 ffiffi

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Figure 30 - Dresden Codex New years pages (pgs. 25-28) from

Thompson 1972