Traditional Irrigation Systems Water Harvesting
Traditional Irrigation Systems Water Harvesting
Yemen
Documentary study on models of traditional irrigation systems & methods of water harvesting
in Hadramout & Shabwah governorates
Prepared by:
Eng. Salem Abdullah Baquhaizel, Environment Protection Council, Technical Secretariat,
Hadramout
Eng. Ibrahim Ahmed Saeed, Environment Protection Council, Technical Secretariat, Aden
Dr. Mohammed Salem bin Ghouth, Aden University, Education College, Mukalla
December 1996
“He it is Who sendeth down water from the sky, whence ye have drink, and whence
are trees on which ye send your beasts to pasture. Therewith He causeth crops to
grow for you, and the olive and the date-palm and grapes and all kinds of fruit. Lo!
herein is indeed a portent for people who reflect.”
(The Bee, 16:10-11)
“And We send down from the sky blessed water whereby We give growth unto gardens
and the grain of crops, And lofty date-palms with ranged clusters, Provision (made)
for men; and therewith We quicken a dead land. Even so will be the resurrection
of the dead.”
(Qaf, 50:9-11)
3
Acknowledgement
We would like to present our deep gratitude to all those who
contributed directly or indirectly to achieve this work by providing
valuable information or references or direct contribution by
accompanying us to the fields and smoothening difficulties. Also,
we would like to extend our thanks and appreciation to all people
who hosted us at their homes in remote areas and provided us with
everything possible for them. Furthermore we would like to thank the
Environment Protection Council and the project of the Dutch Support
Program for Technical Secretariat for material and moral support to
this study.
4
Foreword
Water is under severe stress in Yemen. Many blame inefficient water resource management or poor enforcement of the
water law. This book focuses on the lessons that we can learn from the past to better tackle these issues.
It gives me great pleasure to write this foreword, especially as it gives me the opportunity to thank Job Kleijn, First
Secretary Water and Environment of the Embassy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands for his initiative in publishing the
following research by Eng. Salem Abdullah Baquhaizel, Eng. Ibrahim Ahmed Saeed, and Dr. Mohammed Salem bin
Ghouth. Without his efforts, this vital study on traditional systems of irrigation in Hadramout and Shabwa would have
remained shelved until today and would never have been given the importance it deserves. I am glad that this important
work will now be readily available to students, researchers and other readers with an interest in Yemeni culture, water
management, and community organization.
This study highlights Yemen’s rich history in engineering and forming efficient organizational structures for water
management. It shows the remarkable harmony that existed between communities and their environment, as well as
their resourcefulness in achieving so much development with what little means they had available.
I hope that this book will inspire all those involved in the water sector to be as creative as our forefathers.
I also recommend it to all those interested in Yemeni culture as it gives an excellent insight into the water management
structures and lives of our people.
Finally, I trust that this study will motivate others to start research in the water domain and encourage the younger
generation to prepare themselves for their future leadership role in securing Yemens’ water resources.
March 2011
Abdulrahman F. Al-Eryani
Minister of Water and the Environment
Republic of Yemen
5
Content
Abstract 8
Introduction 10
6 2-1-2-1 Natural conditions behind the origin and evolution of the ma’aayeen system in Ghail 22
Bawazeer and surrounding areas
2-1-2-2 Sinaawa or open well irrigation system 24
2-1-2-3 Stages of the ma’aayeen system 29
2-1-2-4 Challenges to digging the saqiyya 35
2-1-2-5 Management of the ma’aayeen system 38
2-1-2-6 Land tenure system and ownership of the ma’aayeen 41
2-2 Spate irrigation 45
2-2-1 The Baihan Valley model 45
2-2-2 The Do’an Valley model 52
2-3 Spring irrigation 60
2-3-1 Water conduits on mountain edges 60
2-3-2 Diverting barriers and water conduits 60
Appendixes 75 7
References 86
Abstract
source to reclaim expansive areas of agricultural land.
God said, “There was indeed a sign for Sheba in their These systems are comparable to the qanat systems
dwelling-place: Two gardens on the right hand and the found in other parts of the world.
left (as who should say): Eat of the provision of your Lord We have reviewed the customs of irrigation water
and render thanks to Him. A fair land and an indulgent distribution, according to the different systems of land
Lord!” (Sheba, 34:15) ownership in the district, such as the private property
The governorates of Shabwa and Hadramout have systems of ajeez and fakhd. We point to the howam
long been renowned for their agriculture and irrigation (Arabic plural of houma), or karst pools, as being
systems. In an arid climate, their people developed important water sources, and to the khuwa’ (Arabic
irrigation systems to best exploit scarce water resources, plural of khu’a), or cracks in the earth, as important
leading to green lands and civilized cities. in directing rainfall toward groundwater reserves. We
explain the method of digging irrigation water channels
Today, the neglect of traditional techniques has led to through solid rock by hand, according to customs that
soil erosion, an increase in water salinity, and the spread cover both digging and maintenance of irrigation water
of drought and desertification. This work therefore aims conduits.
to lead the way in documenting the traditional systems
developed in selected areas of Shabwa and Hadramout The second part of this chapter discusses the methods,
as unique and effective systems to manage water and structures and customs of spate irrigation. Because these
exploit land for agriculture. are often similar from one area to another, the study will
mainly focus on two models:
Previous research into traditional irrigation and water
harvesting systems has rarely addressed all social, -‐ The traditional flood irrigation system in the
economic, geological and geographical aspects of the Baihan valley in Shabwa;
topic. In general, these studies have not given the natural -‐ The traditional flood irrigation system in the
aspect - geography and geology- sufficient attention. Do’an valley in Hadramout.
The first chapter of this work is therefore dedicated to Through these examples, we review the system of the
geographical and geological data including rainfall, sawaqi (Arabic plural of saaqiyya), or irrigation water
natural groundwater recharge, and water usage across conduits, from how floodwater is directed into them, to
the varied topography of the area. how it is distributed to the fields and the surplus then
In its second chapter, the study focuses on the traditional drained off.
irrigation techniques that depend on different sources In the third chapter, we document water harvesting
8 of water, for example spring water or floodwater, and systems in areas of severe drought, especially on the
on local topography. The first part of this chapter in Hadramout Plateau from the high valley of Jardan and
particular focuses on the prevalent model of irrigation in Arma in Shabwa to Mahra, in an area locally called the
the area of Ghail Bawazeer called the ma’aayeen system Sitan, where different life and development-sustaining
(Arabic plural of ma’yaan), where channels above and methods of water harvesting have been developed.
below the ground extend for kilometers from the water These include the naqab (Arabic plural of naqba),
karfaan (Arabic plural of kareef), dams, and the jawaabi economic change. From here, the objectives of this
(Arabic plural of jaabiyya). The shurooj (arabic plural of documentary study which pays attention to the following
sharj), or plots of land directly irrigated by rain water, are themes come up as follows:
also discussed in this chapter.
-‐ Paying special attention to studying water
In the fourth and last chapter, the study reviews some transferring system that is known for “Al Ma’ayen’
environmental aspects of traditional irrigation and water in the area of Ghail Ba Wazeer.
harvesting. It suggests recommendations to protect these
-‐ To identify and determine the use and spread of
systems as well as to study and develop them.
traditional systems of irrigation by flood.
This documentation also includes drawings, photographs
-‐ To identify the methods and techniques of making
and parts of interviews with local experts, all to make a
water available for different purposes in driest
few steps towards maintaining these unique traditions,
areas (water harvesting).
a wealth of knowledge inherited through generations
from those who established the consecutive civilizations -‐ To identify the status quo of these systems and how
of Arabia Felix. they are affected by the use of techniques and
modern methods, either negatively or positively.
Water is the source of life on earth. The issue of looking
for water sources and forms of its availability (surface -‐ Scientific documentation by drawings, photographs
and ground) received mankind’s attention long time ago and video footage of these systems.
across the history of first civilizations. There have been This study has been carried out in a period not exceeding
many wonderful archeological witnesses which indicate three months for information collection and field surveys
the efforts of man for making water available for different and office works. It has ended by making this report and
life purposes. The best example we can mention here is contains descriptions of irrigation systems and methods
the effects of surface water conduits in dry and semi- of water harvesting and supports them with drawings
dry areas to which many areas are belonging in the and photographs. Since water is the first aim, the study
world, especially in the Middle East. We shall mention, includes reviewing of natural factors which influence the
for example, Al Nubah desert, most of North Africa cycle of draught in nature like topography, structural
countries and areas of Arab Island, of which Yemen. The factors, rocky structure, climate,…etc. The study contains
areas of field and documentary study (in Shabwah and models of some customs and methods prevailing in
Hadramout in Yemen Republic), belong to these areas dividing water which has been depending on accurate
which had human activity, embodying the conflict of astrological calculations.
man with nature in order to receive water for drinking,
pasture and agriculture…etc. Many expertise, traditions, 9
and standing systems have developed over time till this
date. Such traditions and systems should be studied and
maintained by this generation, especially as they are
accumulated expertise across thousands of years which
are threatened in our time by the factors of neglect and
Introduction
Water is the source of life on earth, and man has long and video footage. Since water is the main focus of this
sought water out above and below ground. Archeological study, it contains a review of natural factors that influence
discoveries have attested to this, such as the remains of drought such as topography, rock structure and climate.
surface water conduits in the dry and semi-dry areas of The study also describes irrigation water distribution
the world, especially in the Middle East, in the Nubian systems based on the stars.
Desert, most countries of North Africa and areas of the
Arabian Peninsula including Yemen.
12
Figure 2: Map of the geological structure of Yemen
3 2 1
9 8 7 6 5 4
16
Chapter 2 : Traditional irrigation in the Hadramout and Shabwa governorates
Yemenis have long benefitted from the nature and because of the unique system and its positive features
environment that has surrounded them. Traces of ancient and as it is not registered elsewhere in Yemen.
irrigation can be found in many valleys like those of
Marib, Baihan, Markha, Jardan, Mayfa’a, Raikhaya and The ma’aayeen system transfers water from different
the large Hadramout Valley. sources (wells, springs, howam or karst pools) via open
conduits or via underground tunnels with openings for
Yemenis were also good at building dams, canals and ventilation and lighting, called naqab, to agricultural
reservoirs which enabled them to establish prosperous lands or to use it in rural and urban development.
civilisations along the edge of the desert in Shabwa and
Marib and in the valleys. Still today, the descendants of This system is widespread in the area, from the east of
those who built these structures benefit from them and Al-Mukalla to eastern Raida to the east along the coastal
use the same techniques to best utilize water from its plain of the Hadramout governorate. It is encountered in
different sources. the following areas:
Within the scope of this work, we can mention three main 1. Areas near Mukalla, like Al-Kirba and Al-
types of traditional irrigation systems which are: Baqrain
2. Ghail Bawazeer and surrounding areas like Al-
-‐ ‘Ma’aayeen’ irrigation Suda’, Habaayer, Al-Qara, Shaheer, Al-Naqa,
-‐ Spate irrigation Sahoot, and Katheeba
-‐ Spring irrigation 3. Areas belonging to the Shihr district, like Tibala,
Me’yaan Al-Masaajida, Al-Habs, Al-Huwa, Al-
Hami and Al-Waaset
2-1 Ma’aayeen irrigation (Ghail Bawazeer 4. Areas of eastern Dais like the ma’aayeen of Al-
model) Saiq, Sana’a, Thawban, and Swaiber.
The Almighty said, “Say: Have ye thought: If (all) your
water were to disappear into the earth, who then could Ghail Bawazeer has been selected as a research model
bring you gushing water?” for this study, notably because it has abundant water
(The Kingdom, 67:30) sources (springs and howam or karst pools) and a
unique irrigation system of underground water conduits
extending for kilometers to irrigate agricultural lands, 17
The study and definition of ma’aayeen irrigation con-
stitutes one of the main objectives of this study. This is known as the ma’aayeen system.
The story of the ma’aayeen in Ghail Bawazeer starts These so-called ‘horizontal’ wells carry water from
more than 700 years ago, when Sheikh Abdul Rahim bin underground springs through tunnels whose length varies
Omar Bawazeer came to the area in 706 AH. He was between hundreds of meters to 70 kilometers. Usually,
one of the wisest preachers to spread knowledge and however, they are between 4 and 5 kilometers long.
culture on the Hadramout coast, and is also considered Manholes are developed at 30-40 meters distances to
to be one of the founders of the town of Ghail Bawazeer secure ventilation and light in the tunnels and to remove
and the engineer behind the first irrigation in the area. sand and rubble that has accumulated in them. The
qanat system dates back more than 3,000 years and is
The beginning of the ma’aayeen in Ghail Bawazeer thought to have originated in Iran although it has also
is associated with the founding of its famous mosque. been found in some desert areas of Asia, Africa and
There was no source of water for ablution or washing as Southern Europe.
there was no source of water near the mosque. Bawazeer
shot an arrow from the mosque and ordered men to dig The ‘aflaj’ system
where it landed. There, they found a source of water at This system is similar. It exists in Oman where Omanis
modest depth. He ordered the construction of a conduit have developed irrigation systems through surface and
to the mosque and then to the agricultural lands of Habit tunnel conduits as deep as 50 meters underground
Al-Amal to the south of the mosque. These were irrigated extending over long distances to transfer water from its
by the sinaawa or open well irrigation system (described sources to agricultural land.
below).
It is worth mentioning that these systems (the ma’aayeen,
Some ascribe the overall development of the ma’aayeen the qanat and the aflaj) are typically implemented in areas
system to the arrival of Sheikh Abdul Rahim Bawazeer, yet where water sources are naturally at a higher altitude
ma’aayeen with open water channels were known long than the areas to which water is delivered. The slope of
before the sheikh’s time although their precise history is the tunnels being less than the lay of the land helps the
unclear. During the Sheikh’s time, Ma’yaan Al-Harth Al- water to run by gravity to the area that needs it.
Kafir and the Diwan Ma’yaan and other ma’aayeen were
already present. 2-1-1 Geography and geology of Ghail Bawazeer
Some of those interested in the history of the area like Location
Sheikh Mohammed Bin Hawi Bawazeer, nicknamed
For this study, Ghail Bawazeer refers to the area around
Abu Sirajeen, indicate that there were once more that
the town of Ghail Bawazeer, including the villages of Al-
361 ma’aayeen in the area. They irrigated thousands of
Qarah, Habair, Al-Suda to the east, the villages of Duru’,
hectares ensuring food security, as well as economic and
Al-Makhiba, Farja, Diwan, Naqa and Sahut to the west,
social prosperity.
and the village of Shahir to the south near the coast.
18 The ma’aayeen system is similar to other systems known The area of study is delimited by the coastline south of
under different names in other countries: Shahir to the south, by the Jad and Yamballah valleys
The ‘qanat’ system and the range of limestone mountains to the north, by
the Shoughal and Shanqah valleys to the east, and by
the Huwaira valley to the west. (Figure 3)
19
Figure 3: Map showing the depression of Ghail Bawazeer
and its most important ma’aayeen
A Houma Al-Fahl
B Houma Al-Harth
C Houma Tulaqa
D Houma Makhsousa
E Houma Aroos
F New houma, Saad
G Houma Sarur
20
To the northeast of these hilly highlands, there are In Ghail Bawazeer there has been no geological study
limestone layers that appear in a range of small mountains of the phenomenon, but some factors are clear. From
that reach maximum 280 meters altitude. They extend 7 the observation of the shape of the sinkholes and the
kilometers north to the area of Al-Niqaa’, more exactly inspection of the area’s rock structure, it is clear that
from the southeast of the Sahut area to the turn of the the surface layer of limestone has been affected by
Jad Valley in the east. dissolution, especially where it has been directly in
contact with stored water. In a dry to semi-dry climate
To the south of this area, a narrow depression includes with little rainfall and no permanent rivers, cracks must
the areas of Al-Fajra, Al-Niqaa’ and Al-Qif. Here fertile have led to the formation of underground cavities or
flood lands are flanked by a relatively high plateau of caves through rock collapses. This must have enabled
limestone that protects them and is locally called the surface water - and maybe ground water- to leak into
Howam, after the Arabic plural of huma meaning karst the cavities or caves that grew over time. This has led to
pool. It extends from the village of Sidaa’ to the northeast continued water storage, from where the formation of
of Al-Qaara. non-porous non-permeable limestone created semi-wet
conditions in which dissolution was possible.
The Howam refers to a group of water pools that appear
in a disorganized semi-circle containing water at depths As both dissolution and collapse contributed to the
of between 15 and 20 meters underground. These formation of these howam or sinkholes, there are two
sinkholes can be found at an altitude of 110-125 meters types:
above sea level and the level of the water depends on the -‐ Solution sinks
degree of feeding from surface water.
-‐ Collapse sinks
Scientifically, these sinkholes are part of karst topography In Ghail Bawazeer, some surface streams have been
in regions notable for chemical weathering by dissolution. identified as feeding into the cracks, locally called ‘khuwa’’
This happens in wet or semi-wet regions when rainwater (Arabic plural of khou’a), that lead to these natural water
causes cracks and holes in the rock, which leads to reservoirs. We cannot rule out that the formation of these
the collapse of rock near the surface. In general, karst karst sinks might have started in the rainy geological
topography is widespread in wet areas with soluble age that is known to have existed in the area. Chemical
bedrock, but rare in dry and semi-dry areas that lack the weathering was prevalent then and dwindled over time
conditions for dissolution. to cause the present day collapse.
21
These sinks constitute a main source of water for a group
of earth channels made by man to irrigate wide expanses ‘dubur’ to these surfaces. Thus, agricultural land has
of agricultural land around and downhill from this area, been reclaimed around Ghail Bawazeer.
like the outskirts of Ghail Bawazeer and the surrounding
villages, where the ma’aayeen system is well-known 2-1-2 Origin and evolution of the ma’aayeen
and altitude does not exceed 70-85 meters above sea in Ghail Bawazeer:
level. Thus, lands have easily benefited from the water
stored in the karst sinks through an effective traditional 2-1-2-1 Natural conditions behind the origin
irrigation system using tunnels dug into the ground on and evolution of the ma’aayeen system in Ghail
the model of the aflaj system from Oman. All irrigated Bawazeer and surrounding areas
areas are however not dependent on these karst sinks as
The lowlands and hills along the coastline are covered
some ma’aayeen are irrigated from springs and other
with springs and other water sources. This is because
sources of water such as in the cases of Habit Al-Amal,
local geomorphological and hydrological conditions
Ma’yaan bin Jaber, and Ma’yaan bin Qasem.
have created, at the foot of the southern mountain slopes
of the southern Hadramout Plateau, a water basin.
Ghail Bawazeer and the above-mentioned agricultural
This mountain range at the southern edge of southern
areas sit on a solid limestone layer less than a meter
Hadramout Plateau feeds water into the valleys and the
to several meters thick and an earth layer appears on
lowlands at their feet until the coastline. The solid rock
the surface where the limestone layer disintegrates.
structure of these basins holds back large quantities of
Here conditions are suitable for the formation of fertile
surface water and prevents it from flowing into the sea.
soil near groundwater level. This is a phenomenon of
The presence of limestone and limestone rocks have
geomorphology that contributes to both factors of the
helped to store substantial quantities of water. Karst
limestone’s erosion and cracking (Figure 4). In these
caves are considered to feed water to many springs and
low areas, there is usually water infiltration and water
water sources like in Ghail Bawazeer. The water flow
springs that can irrigate large agricultural areas in these
depends on the quantity of rainfall in these areas and
low lands.
the highlands that surround them.
When the thickness of the limestone is 1.5 meter or less,
man has perforated holes in the limestone layer and
planted palms in the earth layer. As for the areas where
the limestone is thicker and where the terrain is ready
22
for available irrigation (by sinaawa or ma’aayeen for
example), man has transferred fertile soil locally called
Figure 4: Map showing the link between topography and
land reclamation
1. Limestone layer
2. Transferred agricultural soil
3. Natural agricultural soil
4. Reclaimed pits to plant palms
5. Clay layer
23
It is believed that the ma’aayeen system started long ago houses for washing, bathing and watering animals, and
when the level of water was near the surface. This water to school and mosque gardens for irrigation (Figure 5).
was used for agriculture and was transferred from the Special water canals passed through town in a precise
higher lands where the sources were. This was done by system perfected to ensure the cleanliness of the water.
digging simple shallow open conduits through limestone To distribute the water between the different users, farmers
and sandstone with locally-made tools. The area, used an astronomical system depending on the shade of
however, was exposed to successive waves of drought sun during the day and location of stars at night. This
that led to the declining of the water level at the source, system will be explained further on.
causing the water flow to the agricultural lands to stop.
The main conduit was then deepened to reach the water Apart from the ma’aayeen system, another widespread
level at the source so that water could again be obtained system was used in which water was taken from wells
by gravity flow. Over time the main conduit was dug by bucket. It was called the ‘sinaawa’ system and will
deeper and deeper so that the ma’aayeen could still flow be briefly described so as to give the readers an overall
with water - until the water source reached its current view of outstanding irrigation techniques in the area.
level.
2-1-2-2 Sinaawa or open well irrigation system
Continuous waves of drought and a low water level as
Sinaawa is a traditional irrigation system widespread in
deep as 15 meters under the surface meant that digging
Shabwa and Hadramout. It is based on the extraction of
open conduits became undesirable as it demanded
water from a well using a leather bucket locally known
increasingly more money and effort.
as a ‘gharab’ by man, animal, or both. The water is then
used for agriculture, household uses, and other purposes
Digging the ma’aayeen (‘naqab’ method) was seen as
in urban and rural development.
the easiest method and became widespread, especially
in Ghail Bawazeer and surrounding areas. The length of
This system was efficiently used for different purposes in
the irrigation ditches varied between 4 and 5 kilometers.
Ghail Bawazeer before, during and after the digging of
Their depth reached 6 to 10 meters or more especially
the ma’aayeen. The system was distinguished for taking
in the area of the howam or sinks and over the elevated
maximum benefit from every drop. Water was collected
areas but decreased gradually to reach land levels
in pools called ‘jawaabi’ or ‘birak’ on farms, mosques,
where water ran through the distribution network to the
or schools. There local inhabitants developed an
agricultural land.
outstanding tradition of re-use of water used for different
24 purposes to irrigate new lands known as the ‘heyout’
The ma’aayeen were not only dug for irrigation, but also
(Arabic plural for ‘hayt’) that were palm tree gardens
to bring water to the mosques for ablution, to nearby
belonging to mosques as well as school gardens and
gardens belonging to big merchants called ‘banaqil’.
New house gardens called ‘duru’’ (Arabic plural for
‘dara’’) also appeared and grey water or water after
household use was re-used for their irrigation to grow
vegetables and fruit. This system has however now been
neglected in many areas which has led to the waste of
resources and created environmental problems such as
the pollution of ground water.
25
Figure 5: Components of Al Mayean (qanat) and the course of Al Sawaqi (water course)
26
Aqueduct
Water level
regulator
Man hole 1
Man hole 2
Orifice 1
Orifice 2
Orifice 3
Source
1 -‐ Well
2 -‐ Gharab: leather receptacle similar to a bucket
3 -‐ Ajala: wooden pulley
4 -‐ Rope
5 -‐ Tashru’a: two poles on which to fix the pulley
6 -‐ Laghba: used to pour the water from bucket into
the water channel
7 -‐ Miqwad: channel below ground level to facilitate
the movement of the man or animal pulling the
water out of the well
8 -‐ Sani: the prime mover - man or animal who
pulls the water out of the well
Identifying the water source -‐ The land is arable or, if it is not, fertile soil can be
transferred to it;
This first step identifies the water source to be be used.
Local experts find and evaluate potential water sources -‐ The land is situated in a large area where land
reclamation might be possible in the future
through theoretical and practical tests, for example by
according to water availability.
seeing if there is water infiltration on the ground in the
early morning, moisture known locally as ‘kahra’ rising
from the ground, or the existence of any fissures in the Determining the course of the main water channel
rock or khuwa’ in the area, as all these indicate the (saqiyyat Al-ab)
possibility of the presence of water. Local water experts
After the selection of the water source and the location
say that land that which takes water will also give it and
of the land to be irrigated, comes deciding on the course
the opposite is also true. In other words, there is a great 29
of the main water channel. These can be far away from
likelihood of water presence under land that easily and
each other and the water conduit can be up to 3 or 4
rapidly absorbs water. Other indications of the presence
kilometers long. A survey of local topography is made
using a piece of wood called ‘tab’ and a water level. is measured and the results are registered along with the
location of the perforations in the survey. The measuring
This is how the method works according to one of process is repeated twice to ensure accurate figures. If
the experts. figures do not match, the process is repeated until they
do. Finally, the volume of work and its costs is calculated
The depth of the water source, that we shall call X, is
and transmitted to the person who ordered the work.
measured as the vertical distance between ground level
The water conduit does not have to be entirely
and water level. A series of perforations are then made
underground. It can be part underground tunnel and
from the source in a straight line. Starting from the source,
part surface channel according to the topography of the
the distance between perforations is 15 feet or 4.5 meters.
area through which it is to pass.
The length of the opening of each perforation is 3 feet or
0.90 meter and its width is 1.5 foot or 0.45 meters.
During the process of conduit survey, a very important
matter should be considered, which is the matter of
The depth of the first perforation, which we shall call X1,
‘wala’ (Arabic for allegiance). This involves ensuring that
is then measured by placing the first end of the tab at
the level of the conduit is higher than the ground level
ground level of the source and the other at ground level
of the land to be irrigated, even though the conduit is
of the first perforation. The water level then measures the
dug deeper than the level of the water at the source, a
difference in level between the two points, which we will
process known as ‘suqa’.
call Y1. Thus, the depth of the water at the first perforation
is X1=X+Y1 if the difference is positive and X1=X-Y1
Ma’aayeen often run to the north or west. If, on the con-
if the difference is negative. If the difference in level
trary, ma’aayeen are not built running to the north and
between the two points is nil, then X=X1. The location
west, they tend to be unsuccessful and to only last for short
and depth of the first perforation are registered.
periods of time, as in the case of Ma’yaan Al-Diwan.
Similarly the depth of the second perforation, which
Second stage: digging the ma’aayeen
we shall call X2, is measured by placing one end of
the tab at ground level of the first perforation and After finishing the survey, feasibility study and estimate
the other at ground level of the second perforation. for the cost of digging the ma’aayeen, local man-made
Using the water level, the difference in level between tools are used to dig them (Figure 6-b). They are:
the two points, which we shall call Y2, is measured. 1. A ‘mizha’ to shovel up soil and broken down
The depth of the water at the second perforation will rocks;
be X2=X1+Y2 if the difference is positive, X2=X1-Y2
2. A mountain adze used to break down solid rock;
if the difference is negative, and X2=X1 if the level
between both points is the same. The location and 3. A digging adze used to break down clay layers;
depth of the water at the second perforation are then 4. A palm basket called ‘hahmala’ and rope to lift
30 registered in the survey. out broken rock from the conduits to the surface
In this way, the depth of water at the different perforations
5. A makhla’ and a maqsa’ (literally, a crusher)
used for breaking down the hardest rocks. The
maqsa’ is fixed to the hard rocks and hit by the
makhla’ until they are broken down
After digging at the water source or locating it if it is a
spring or a houma perforations are dug vertically along
the course of the underground channel according to the
survey for the ma’aayeen. After that, the ‘shattat’ (Arabic
plural of shatta) are dug out to connect each vertical
perforation to the next underground and so that a
man can easily move through them during digging and
maintenance.
31
Figure 6-b: Tools used to dig out the ma’aayeen
32
The marda’ below the level of the saqiyya or main water conduit,
the latter is deepened so that the water flows down it
The marda’ is a barrier constructed in the middle of the
naturally again. This is called ‘suqa’. The best example
main water conduit in which are different openings called
of this is what happened in Ma’yaan Lashol (Ghaleb) at
‘haraat’ (Arabic plural of hara) at different levels and
the beginning of the 1970s. The main water channel was
whose diameters measure 10 and 15 centimeters wide.
dug deeper so that water would flow by gravity from the
(Figure 7)
source into it and it has remained the same until today.
The aim of these openings is to control water flow down
A second solution when the water level drops at the
the conduit. In the event of heavy rain and the water level
source is called ‘taqduma’. It involves finding another
rising at the source, all openings are closed off except
water source nearby the water level of which is higher
for the highest. The lower the lever of the water at the
than that of the original. Water from the new source is
source, the lower the level of the opening that is opened.
then directed to the first source via a conduit which raises
More or less openings can be opened according to
the water level there so that water flows again into the
necessity. In the irrigation season, for instance in case of
ma’yaan’s main water conduit. This what happened at
heavy demand at the end of the harvest, more water can
Ma’yaan Dhahban, for example. In general, more than
be supplied. In this way, water is managed according to
one taqduma can me made according to the need.
requirements.
The jawaabi (Arabic plural of jaabiyya)
The marda’ is located at an appropriate distance
In the smaller ma’aayeen where water flow is weak, pools
between the water source and the nearest inhabited area
called ‘jawaabi’ are dug out near the land to be irrigated.
to make it easy to close up its openings when water flow
Water is then gathered during the night and used for
increases.
irrigation during the daytime. This creates enough flow
for water to travel to the channels and avoids small
The mawhed
volumes that may not reach anywhere.
This is a small dam made out of what is left of the water
conduit’s original rocks adjacent to the water source. Its
level is slightly below the level of the water in the water
source. Its main task is to regulate water flow from the
source to the main conduit according to need. When the
water level in the source drops, a small part of the dam
is removed to allow water to flow again according to
demand. This is repeated when there is a drought until
the water level at the source is the same level as the
bottom of the saqiyya or main water conduit. 33
When drought persists and the water level descends
Figure 7: Location of the marda’ (barrier) and its haraat
(orifices - openings)
Water barrier to
control outflow
Side slope
First hara (orifice)
34
Course of the saqiyya
(water channel)
2-1-2-4 Challenges to digging the saqiyya
The workers who dig out the saqiyya or main water
conduit often encounter challenges to their work. Here
we review the most important difficulties and how they
are handled.
-‐ When workers hit a solid rocky layer in one of the
vertical perforations planned along the course
of the future water conduit, the perforations on
either side of it are deepened until an easier layer
is hit. These two perforations are then connected
through digging, forgetting the one originally
in its middle. As the distance between each
perforation is 15 feet and the length of one is 3
feet, the two newly joined-up perforations are 33
feet or 10 meters apart which is a relatively long
distance especially deep underground. There is
however another solution which is to divert the
course of the saqiyya far away from the layer of
solid rock and then return to the course originally
planned. (Figure 8-a).
-‐ If a main conduit needs to flow over a valley or
naturally lower lands, an aqueduct is built with
rocks available in the area and lime mortar
(instead of cement). The main water conduit or
saqiyya runs along the aqueduct, whose height
and length depend on the depth and width or
the valley, while floodwater passes underneath
(Figure 8-b).
-‐ If a main conduit hits a road, a small bridge called
a ‘masha’ is built out of rocks, wood, and earth
over the water conduit so that the road remains
without obstacles.
-‐ When a main conduit intersects with that of 35
another ma’yaan, one passes over the other.
Figure 8-a: Sketch of a saqiyya’s course through a layer
of solid rock
Nagabah
(manhole)
location
Soft rock
Solid rock
36
Figure 8-b Aqueduct across a valley
Tunnel
Aqueduct
Saqiyya (canal) Wad
i cour
se
37
2-1-2-5 Management of the ma’aayeen system neglected or is not ready. He decides on the types of crops
that are to be grown each season. He distributes water to
The ma’yaan supervisor and his workers
each farmer according to his share of the ma’yaan. He
For each ma’yaan, a person is appointed to be responsible decides and supervises maintenance on the ma’yaan.
for its management. This supervisor is assisted by a group
of workers whose number depends on the size of the Ma’yaan water distribution system
ma’yaan. For example, Ma’yaan Al-Harth, the largest There are two types of ma’yaan:
and oldest ma’yaan in Ghail Bawazeer, has nine workers -‐ Large ma’aayeen where irrigation is non-stop
who help manage it in three shifts. The smaller and day and night;
private ma’aayeen are managed by their owners or by
-‐ Small ma’aayeen where water is collected in
those who pay for them. Some ma’aayeen are managed
jawaabi (pools) at night and land is irrigated
by committees that act as supervisor.
during the day.
A ma’yaan supervisor must:
-‐ Be one of the farmers owning land in the area of Water distribution in the ma’aayeen is usually done
the ma’yaan; according to the ‘farda’ system. In a large ma’yaan,
one farda is equivalent to the water from the ma’yaan
-‐ Be trustworthy, wise, honest, and able to take
for one day (from sunrise to sunset) or one night (sunset
decisions;
to sunrise). In a small ma’yaan, one farda is equivalent
-‐ Have good knowledge of the star system water from the ma’yaan for one day and one night (as
governing times of harvest and irrigation. water is collected in pools at night and land is irrigated
during the day). One farda is 32 feet, and one foot is
12 banana, a local measurement using the width of a
In a state-owned ma’yaan, the municipal council appoints finger.
a supervisor and his fees are paid by the state. In the
cases of a private ma’yaan, a public-private ma’yaan, or Each ma’yaan has a determined area that is irrigated
a ma’yaan owned by various private owners, a supervisor in a fixed cycle of 10 to 15 days. It is divided up into
is appointed by secret ballot. Profit made from the ‘surkal’, an uneven number of firad (Arabic plural for farda),
ma’yaan, the communal water share set aside for sale, for example 13, 15 or 17, so that the same land is not
pays his fees as well as maintenance costs. irrigated at the same time during night or daytime twice
in a row.
Tasks of the ma’yaan supervisor and his workers:
The supervisor gives out the instructions of the agricultural In the larger ma’aayeen, water would be distributed non-
overseer and municipal council. He decides on the stop throughout the day and night. During daytime one
38 punishment for those who violate the agricultural systems farda of water equalled 32 feet of water, and was divided
in place, and his decisions are effective as he has the up into four fourths or eight eighths. Thus, a fourth of a
right to deprive land from water, especially if it has been daytime was 8 feet of water and an eighth was 4 feet of
water. signifying 8 feet of irrigation water. Together, these
One daytime was then divided from sunrise to midday quarters signify 32 feet of irrigation water, or one farda
(when the sun is mid-sky) into two morning fourths and of water.
four morning eighths, and into two afternoon fourths or
four afternoon eighths from then until sunset (Figure 9). In the smaller ma’aayeen, one farda is also made up
of 32 feet. Irrigation water distribution follows the same
For the daytime, tables show the link between a foot of system as in the larger ma’aayeen, except that it is in the
shade (showing the time) and a foot of water, because morning only, as water is collected in the jawaabi (or
the length of the shade differs during the day and from pools) in the evening.
one season to another.
On this basis, the ma’yaan supervisor and his workers,
As for nighttime, it was divided up into 24 degrees who have a good knowledge of the stars, allocate
according to the appearance of the stars. irrigation water to the farmers. (See Appendix 1 for a
summary on reading the stars at the end of the study.)
1. The night’s first quarter was from sunset, and was
made up of four degrees or four stars appearing This system is applied to most of the ma’aayeen in Ghail
one after the other in the sky at a fixed time. Each Bawazeer, except for three ma’aayeen with a strong
degree signified 2 feet of water, and the first flow: Ma’yaan Al-Harth and Ma’yaan Lashol (Ghaleb)
quarter thus signified 8 feet of water. and Ma’yaan Wadi Sarur, all of which are stated-owned.
There, the irrigation system is that of land rented from the
2. The night’s second quarter was made up of three
state, which means that the ma’yaan supervisor decides
degrees or three stars that appeared one after
on the quantity of water necessary for each plot of land
the other. Two of the degrees signified 2 and
and on irrigation times so that they are not the same in
2/3 feet of water, and the second quarter thus
two consecutive cycles.
signified 8 feet of water.
3. The night’s third quarter was made up of three In some other ma’aayeen, like in the ma’aayeen of
degrees or three stars that appeared one after Southern Dais, there is a system similar to the farda
the other. Two of the degrees signified 2 and 2/3 and feet system, but in which a farda equals 24 qeeraat
feet of water, and the third quarter thus signified (Arabic plural of qirat) with one qirat being more or less
8 feet of water. equivalent to half and hour. One qirat equals 1 and
4. The night’s fourth and last quarter before sunrise, 1/3 foot, so that 3 qirat equals 4 feet, or an eighth of a
was made up of four degrees or four stars, each farda.
signifying two feet of water. The fourth quarter
thus signified 8 feet of water.
39
In this way, night was divided into four quarters each
Figure 9: Division of daytime from sunrise to sunset
according to the ma’aayeen norms of water distribution
1. Sunrise
2. Sunset
3. Midday Morning
4. Morning
5. Afternoon
6. Time shares
Sunrise
Midday
Sunset
Time
shares
Afternoon
40
2-1-2-6 Land tenure system and ownership of the The fakhd system
ma’aayeen
In this agreement between a single person or group
of persons and the state, the state would provide the
The different land tenure systems for the ma’aayeen agricultural land and the land through which the water
are: conduit of the ma’yaan would pass. The water users
-‐ Land tenure system before 1967 would manage the ma’yaan at their own expense or with
-‐ Land tenure system after 1967 a state contribution. The share of the state would be a fifth
or a third, according to the agreement, of the ma’yaan’s
harvest of its main crops like dates, grains and tobacco.
Tenure system before 1967 The other crops would be the users’ share.
There used to be several tenure systems for the ma’aayeen
and its agricultural land. These shares are defined after deduction of a number
of firad (Arabic plural of farda) for maintenance. Of
Private property the ma’yaan’s many firad, three to four were called
the ‘sirkaal’ and were sold or rented out. Their return
Land, water or both had been owned by the same covered the ma’yaan’s maintenance costs and the rest is
individual or group for a long time. The management divided between the state and water users according to
and maintenance expenses of the ma’aayeen were the conditions of the agreement.
covered by the owners relative to how big a share they
owned. In a fakhd agreement, the area was often not defined
in meters but with vague boundaries, far away from the
The ajeez system agricultural land. Here is an example:
The land was rented from the state or those responsible
for the awqaf (Arabic for endowments) on specific West: mountain
conditions. An agreement was made to pay a specific East: valley
amount each year to the state for the land and water, South: road
and management and maintenance expenses including North: name of a village or other ma’yaan
the fees of the supervisor and his workers were covered
by the state or by the endowments. The farmer only had The actual area of the ma’yaan was limited to the area
to cultivate the land and pay his rent to the state under of the land being cultivated only. If a farmer cultivated a
the agreement. Perennial plants like palms and coconut large area, then this would be defined as the area of the
trees might come under special arrangements: they might ma’yaan, and the opposite was true too.
have been rented for a specific amount, or according to
the ajeez contract. One of the conditions of the fakhd system was that, if
land stopped being cultivated or was neglected, the state 41
repossessed it without any compensation. When a person
was not able to manage it, the state repossessed it and home for vegetables, fruits, and animal fodder
had the right to offer it up in fakhd to someone else. and plots of land further away for field crops. This
encouraged good relations and fruitful cooperation
In this system, the state encouraged persons to manage between them.
ma’aayeen. Many did and agriculture flourished as a
result, with the state successfully providing food staples Land tenure system after 1967
like grains and dates as well as tobacco which was
exported to neighbouring countries like Saudi Arabia, After 1967, the same system continued in Ghail Bawazeer
Egypt, and Djibouti. despite the first agricultural reform in 25 March 1968
which focused on the following:
The state followed a special policy when leasing -‐ The confiscation of all property previously
agricultural lands, i.e. leasing out land in several different belonging to sultans, emirs, sheikhs and
locations to the same person. For example, if a farmer their families, previous ministers or agents of
has rented a farda of water and its equivalent in land, colonisation convicted by the courts.
then he would be given a plot of land near the village -‐ The limitation of the amount of land allowed to be
and another relatively far away. He might also be given owned by one person to 25 feddan for irrigated
one near to the source and the other far from it. This land and 50 feddan for unirrigated land, and a
method of distributing land prevailed for the following new compensation system for those who exceeded
reasons: the limit.
-‐ It allowed the farmer and his family members to
work daily on land near the city growing vegetables, -‐ The distribution of confiscated lands to following
berseem (a clover grown for forage) and other fast- categories:
growing crops that the can easily be transported -‐ Families of martyrs, the needy, and those severely
and sold every day, while growing main main crops wounded in the liberation war (armed struggle
like tobacco and grains on the land further away. against the British);
-‐ In case of drought, the water source dries up and -‐ Needy agricultural workers;
land far away from the source receives less water -‐ Farmers whose land ownership did not reach the
as irrigation is concentrated around the source. allowed minimum;
When a farmer was given a plot of land near the
-‐ Persons who had emigrated from the cities and
source and another far from it, he only made losses
deserts.
on the plot of land far away from the source.
According to the law, beneficiaries should receive 3 to 5
-‐ When a specific crop disease spreads in a specific feddan of irrigated lands and 6-10 feddan of unirrigated
area, not all of one farmer’s plots suffer because land, provided that they pay its price within 25 years with
42 they are in different locations. a yearly interest of 1.5% starting from five years after
-‐ This distribution system ensured equality between receiving the ownership documents.
farmers, who received both plots of land close to
As this law contained some negative points, it was This situation continued until the imbalances were
reviewed and amended in November 1970 after the redressed with the Agricultural Reform Law of 1989 on
Peasant Revolt on 7 October 1970 in the area of Hisn in the principle of land for the person cultivating it and the
the Abyan governorate that aimed to grab land from the principle of team work. The agricultural cooperatives
big landowners for the farmers. addressed the balance with the following measures:
Despite these two laws being issued, they were not -‐ Reconciliation of previous landowners and
applied in Ghail Bawazeer for the following reasons: farmers;
-‐ Small agricultural areas; -‐ Handing land back over to previous landowners
-‐ Lack of large properties of agricultural land; and compensating those who cultivated it before
the law was issued with another plot of land from
-‐ Most of the agricultural land was owned by the
those owned by the state;
state and in the possession of persons under
fakhd and ajeez agreements; -‐ Allocating state-owned land to the farmers
cultivating it when the law was issued through
-‐ Scarcity of agricultural land depending on rain
a usufruct contract issued by the Ministry of
for irrigation.
Agriculture for an agreed annual rent;
Local authorities therefore took precautions deemed to
-‐ Allocating awqaf (endowment) land to the
be appropriate to the conditions of the area. In 1973,
farmers cultivating it when the law was issued
the principle of ‘land for the person who cultivates it’
through a usufruct contract issued by the Ministry
transferred the ownership of leased lands from their
of Endowments for an agreed annual rent.
original landlords and the state to farmers. All previous
kinds of tenure were cancelled without consideration With these steps, more than 90% of the imbalances
to private ownership. There was a new production tax were corrected. A few problems occurred when former
payable to the state of around 10% on cash crops like landlords were unable to produce legitimate land deeds
tobacco, henna and different grains. In addition 5% of and farmers did not recognise them as the legitimate
the value of total production went to the agricultural owners. Some of these cases were transferred to the
cooperatives, of which 3% was for ma’yaan maintenance courts.
and natural disasters and 2% was social security for the
farmers. After a period, production tax on tobacco was Consequences of the land tenure system on the
raised from 10% to 15% in an attempt to encourage ma’aayeen
farmers to grow food crops. Our forefathers set up a complete agriculture and
irrigation system through building ma’aayeen, digging
In 1974, compulsory production teams of 3 to 4 farmers wells, and reclaiming wide areas of agricultural land.
were formed and allotted a plot of land of 4 feddan. They defined regulations for the good management of 43
The elderly were excluded and given areas not exceeding these ma’aayeen. This led to sustainable development in
half a feddan to work on individually. the modern sense of the expression, with food available
year round for these and surrounding areas, especially With this system, large areas of agricultural land were
different type of grain and dates, although spate irrigation reclaimed and cultivated. Farmers grew grain (maize,
continued in some small plots of land. millet and ‘musibili’) and tobacco considered to be
amongst the best types and famous with traders in and
The ma’aayeen system was efficient and led to food outside Yemen, including in Saudi Arabia, Egypt and
security and abundant production. In the days of famine Djibouti. Vegetables were grown according to the local
that struck the area before and during World War II in climate and growing animal fodder led to the provision
the 1940s, due to drought as well as the breakout of the of meat.
war, date production in the area reached 7,000 bahar
(1 bahar = 300 lbs) in Ghail Bawazeer only, according The land tenure systems before 1967 played a big role
to landowners at the time. These dates, along with large in determining relations between the state, farmers and
quantities of grains and other crops, helped to keep away landowners, and in defining the good management
the famine at a time when large segments of population of the ma’aayeen in conserving water, distributing it,
in the Hadramout Valley were migrating to the coast in and protecting its source. They were the result of the
search of food. accumulated experience of generations of farmers from
the area. The new system after 1967 did not take into
After this famine and the end of World War II, people consideration the traditional systems of private ownership,
realised the importance of the ma’aayeen and their role ajeez or fakhd, which led to many imperfections in the
in providing food in times of peace, war and drought. system especially in ma’yaan maintenance. At the same
Ma’aayeen of different sizes were constructed by both time, repeated waves of drought mean that water reserves
the state and persons along the coast line from the east had declined and water flow inside the ma’aayeen was
of Mukalla to eastern Raida to the east, as well as in low. To address this situation rainwater or floodwater
other places where conditions were suitable for their were diverted directly to the source of the ma’aayeen. As
construction. Thus, the knowledge of the sons of Ghail a result however, some of the khuwa’ became clogged up.
Bawazeer about surveying an area for water, planning, This all led to many ma’aayeen drying up and to the sons
digging and managing ma’aayeen was transferred to of many farmers emigrating or taking up government
these areas. jobs. All this led to:
-‐ Desertification in many agricultural areas,
Our forefathers understood the importance of the reducing the area of cultivated land by half;
ma’aayeen and their role in agricultural development. -‐ Many ma’aayeen drying up, causing the death of
They conserved them by regularly maintaining their water most palms;
conduits and clearing the cracks in the earth leading to
their water sources. They also rationalised water use by -‐ Reducing production from four to two crops per
building the barriers, small dams and pools to control year.
44 water flow and wisely manage water distribution, and by Despite efforts to pump water out of the source of the
depriving neglected lands of water. ma’aayeen and to line the main water conduit with
cement to prevent water loss, the water levels of the
past were not restored. All the measures taken were not Floodwater is not only a main source of irrigation and
enough to solve the problem. replenishment of groundwater reserves, but also a great
fertiliser for the land as it it carries organic materials
Mid-April 1996, heavy rain improved raised the water and fine sediment. It revives the soil and improves its
level in all water sources in the area which led to water to structure.
flow in the main ma’aayeen, especially those with pumps
at the water source where water conduits were clear of Spate irrigation involves inundating agricultural plots,
any debris because they had been used with the new surrounded by field bunds, called ‘soum’. These field
pumps. Water flow there has resumed as in the past, bunds are typically 50-60 cm high. The farm land is
according to some farmers also because the paths to the served by diversion canals of up to several kilometers
passages to the main water sources have been cleared long.
by animals such as hedgehogs who use these cracks in
the rock or khuwa’ as shelter. We will here discuss two models developed in the Baihan
Valley in the Shabwa governorate and in the Do’an Valley
2-2 Spate irrigation in the Hadramout governorate. The methods and names
used in both cases are very similar, but there are some
Floodwater is considered to be one of the most important differences linked to the nature of each valley, rate of the
sources of irrigation in the area, and accounts for the water flow, and degree of slope.
irrigation of 70% of total agricultural lands in Yemen’s
southern and eastern governorates. The following table shows the volume of floods into some
valleys in Hadramout and Shabwa:
Floodwater is the water that runs through valleys and
Estimated annual floodwater (in
water courses after rain or rain storms over a relatively Valley name
millions of cubic meters)
wide area. The area has limited permeability which leads
Hadramout Valley 280
to floods after the valleys and water courses surrounding
them have filled with water. These spate water flows Hajar Valley 200
continue for hours or days depending on the quantity of Maseela Valley 27
rainfall. Mayfa’a valley 110.5
Kher Valley 3
In the area of study, the nature of the rocks, the topography, Wadi Valley 12
and degree of slope in the valleys contribute to increasing Baihan Valley 15
the speed of the spate flood and high water discharge
Source: Ref. No. (8)
develop in a relatively short time. This is a common
feature of the floods that run in most of the area’s valleys.
2-2-1 The Baihan Valley model
Because of this, large quantities of floodwater flow to the 45
sea or to deserts without being utilized. The floods also Situated to the northwest of Shabwa, the Baihan Valley is
wash away agricultural land every year. considered to be one of the governorate’s most important
agricultural valleys and is well-known for its fertile soil against the direction of the floodwater and the valley.
and the variety of its crops (Figure 10). The height of the spur gradually increases from ground
level in the middle of the valley to 1-1.5 meters at the
This valley has a dry to semi-dry climate and is 1,000 beginning of the water channel. This gradual difference
meters above sea level. Its water basin extends for 3,600 in height is to avoid obstructing the water’s passage, to
square kilometers. Floodwater runs into the valley from avoid destroying the qaid or dhameer, and to control
areas as far as the Al-Baida governorate which is 2,000 incoming water flow. This sort of qaid or dhameer exists
meters above sea level and where rainfall is about 250 in the Nahr Valley above the town of Naqub. The qaid or
mm/year compared to 50 mm/year in lower parts of the dhameer is found higher up in the narrower sections of
valley. (Figure 1) the valley; they divert part but not all of the flood water.
Over history, irrigation has been developed in the area At the foot of the valley where it widens out into the
by various civilisations. The Qutban state (which coexisted agricultural land and the flow spreads out, the valley
with the Sabean, Hadrami and Awsan states), for example, needs to be closed off completely for the water to be
built diversion conduits, dams, and water channels. To the diverted to the flood channels. A barrier usually made of
north of the valley, the Qutban established their capital, thorny bushes, reinforced by trees and earth, replaces
now known as Hajar Bin Humaid. the qaid. However, these brushwoord barriers are usually
washed away by floods after some time.
Here we will review the sawaqi (Arabic plural of saqiyya),
flood water canals that span along the whole valley and Today, a barrier or bunds can be built using modern
play a vital role in diverting floodwater to agricultural mechanized tools to span across all or part of the valley’s
land. width. This diverts the water flow to the flood canals but
the risk is that these stronger diversion structures could
A saqiyya or water canal usually consists of two main damage agricultural land on either side of the valley in
parts: the entry of the saqiyya (a) and its main body (b). the case of a heavy flood, as too much flood water may
rush to the farmland, creating havoc. Therefore, when
a) The entry of the saqiyya or flood water channel enough water flows into the channel system, an opening
is made in the middle of the diversion barrier. This will
The diversion of flood water to the saqiyya is done with
quickly develop into a larger breach and flood water is
the help of the ‘qaid’ or ‘dhameer’ and the ‘ras’.
allowed to continue flowing down the middle of valley,
this sparing the farm land from high floods.
The qaid or dhameer
The ras
A qaid or dhameer is a spur-like diversion structure made
This is where the qaid joins up with the saqiyya or water
46 up of stones and rock. The structures have a deep base
channel. It is a conical abutment made of rocks with a
that extends at an obtuse angle from the ‘ras’ or beginning
deep base into the riverbed called ‘ajlama’ (Figure 11).
of the water channel up to middle of the valley, usually
These conicial abutments are found at the beginning of the wall, a number of ajalim (plural of ajlama) are there
water canals, on the edge of fields in the direction of to strengthen it and prevent it from it breaking down
the floodwater, and as partitions to support the wall of completely if any part collapsed.
the main body of the water conduit. The ajlama has a
circular base of 3 to 4 meters diameter and its height The mansam (plural: manaasim)
measures between 2 and 4 meters according to its size,
In the first 100 meters of the saqiyya’s wall along the
location, and the purpose for which it has been created.
valley is what is known as the ‘mansam’ (or sometimes
‘budd’). This is a strong, solid low structure built 50 cm
An ajlama is usually fixed on a solid rock base after
or more lower than the highest part of the saqiyya wall.
removing all rubble from the valley floor. They are
Its width is a few meters and it is usually built between
constructed with intersecting rock segments directed
two ajlama. It is usually built high up the saqiyya’s wall
inwards to reach a cone shape the diameter of which is
using trees and grass and fixed with stones. The mansam
1.5 meters at the top. The inner part of the ajlama is next
serves as flood escape. It is built to get rid of excessive
filled up with sand and gravel instead of clay as sand and
floodwater beyond the saqiyya’s capacity and return it to
gravel better resist pressures and does not absorb water.
to the valley, thereby reducing pressure on the network of
If clay had been used, the structure might have swelled
canals of the saqiyya.
and shrunk leading to the collapse of construction, or the
clay might have been washed away.
The ma’dhar (plural: ma’aadhir)
These constructions are usually undertaken by local This is a part of one of the saqiyya’s walls. It is constructed
experts. from loose rocks and its base extends to the bottom of
the saqiyya. The ma’dhar works as an escape too to get
b) The main body of the saqiyya or flood water rid of all water in the saqiyya and return it to the valley in
channel case there is no need for this water. It is also sometimes
used a safety valve, if there is too much water in the
This is made up of two parallel walls, one of them along
canal and there is a danger for agricultural lands. (This
the agricultural land and the other along the course of
water flow that can destroy land and structures is called
the valley, in between which runs the water. The structure
‘jahla’.) Any person can withdraw some stones which
is solid and strong to withstand the great pressure
might cause the ma’dhar to collapse under the pressure
of floodwater in the valley. As for its height, it differs
of the water as it is loosely built. Unlike the mansam
according to the depth of the conduit. Its base is 2 meters
usually the ma’dhar is positioned half way down the
deep and it is about 1.5 meters wide, and built from
saqiyya or in its last third.
large and medium-sized rocks. Cavities are filled with
small rocks. The conduit should always be as straight as
The masqat (plural: masaaqit)
possible. As for its depth and width, it is defined by the
area of the land on which rain is to fall, the location of This is built from stones on a solid base for the following 47
the conduit in the valley, and the volume of water flow. In purposes:
-‐ To split the main canal into the smaller ones; to their needs. Any excess water can be benefitted
from by others or returned through special openings
-‐ To transfer water from a higher canal to a lower
one; (ma’aadhir and manaasim) to the valley. Custom is that
priority is given to the irrigation of land at the top of the
-‐ To divert water from one field to another; valley, followed by the land immediately below it, and so
-‐ To help disperse the water flow’s energy and on. It is not allowed to irrigate the same plot of land for
reduce risk on the structure. a second time during the same season (khareef or saif)
when there are still plots of land in the lower part of the
valley which have not yet been irrigated.
The madkhal (plural: madaakhil)
This is a waterfall-like drop structure in which water flows When the saqiyya is built, a group people usually
from a higher field to a lower field. participate in bearing the costs according to the location
and size of their land, its distance from the saqiyya, and
The maasih its level in relation to that of the saqiyya. Land higher
than the level of the saqiyya is called ‘mintaah’, and
This is a protection wall built on the side of the riverbed the owner of this land pays more that the owner of land
to protecting agricultural soil from being washed away. It lower down below the saqiyya. The owner of a small plot
is as high as the agricultural land and it inclines slightly of land pays less than the owner of a large plot of land.
towards the agricultural land. However, these walls often The same considerations are applied for covering the
collapse despite their importance in protecting the land. cost of reparation and maintenance.
Irrigation customs in Baihan Before building the saqiyya, its capacity, depth, and the
Each area develops its own customs that become location of its beginning are determined according to
laws that cannot be ignored. Spate irrigation has its the volume of seasonal and annual floodwater flows in
own regulations, developed from the knowledge and the valley. The saqiyya should be as straight as possible
experience of those who have encountered challenges in in order to allow its passage through some plots of
their work with it. agricultural land. Either the owners of this land are
appeased or compensated with another plot of land to
Floodwater is considered to be a public property as long replace what they have lost, or they agree by themselves
as it runs down the main course of the valley. Every man or to evacuating it for the saqiyya to run through it.
has the right to benefit from it on the condition that he Appeasement and compensation rarely happen, as in
does not harm the interest of others. The ownership of most cases the saqiyya is allowed without any problems.
this water can however become private when it or part In this case, the landowner who has given right-of-way
of it is diverted to the land by a saqiyya or any other for the flood channel is allowed to cultivate the bed of
48 means. the canal, once the flood water has passed. He usually
grows fodder. As the right is given to the saqiyya’s owners
Water is therefore divided among landowners according to channel water into the saqiyya at any time the water
will destroy anything that is grown there – but fodder can
usually be harvested quickly.
49
Figure 10: Map showing the course of the Baihan
Valley and its most important towns and villages
1. DawAan wadi
2. Bayhan wadi
3. Hajr wadi
4. Hadramouth wadi
50
Figure 11: Design of the saqiyya’s mansam (water escape)
Direction of water
Conical abutment
Direction of spate
51
2-2-2 Model of Doan valley In a right-hand valley where the natural water course is wide,
the dhameer is built at a height of 10 cm at its beginning in
The Do’an valley has long been famous for being one of
the middle of the valley and gradually rises to reach 1-1.5
Hadramout’s fertile valleys. It is distinguished not only for
meters where it reaches the saqiyya (Figure 13).
its agriculture, but for the architecture of its mud towns, a
mark of the skill of those who built them (figure12).
It is to be based on solid ground. Digging will continue
until this is reached. Two walls are then built close to
Irrigation in the Do’an Valley is very similar to that in
each other using large and medium-sized rocks. The
Baihan Valley in that the water flow is channelled from
gap between them is then filled in with sand and gravel,
the valley to the land via a saqiyya, with a few differences
and closed off on top with medium-sized rocks. Today,
imposed by the nature of valley.
cement could be used instead.
Many of the valleys that feed into the Hadramout Valley
In a narrower (50 to 60 meters) left-hand valley, the
are narrow and flanked by high walls in which are
dhameer is built diagonally across valley, thus closing off
cracks, which leads to floodwater gushing through them
the water course (Figure 14).
at great speed. Specific structures have therefore been
put in place to protect the land as well as the irrigation
The structure needs to be solid to withstand high water
structures such as the sawaqi (Arabic plural of saqiyya)
pressure. At the base, it is 3 to 4 meters wide. After
and dams.
digging out its base and clearing out the rubble, large
rocks are used to build a front and back wall. The front
Here we describe the structure of a saqiyya or water
wall slopes slightly to the back, but the back wall is shaped
conduit in the Doan Valley, concentrating on differences
like stairs to break the force of water rushing over it. The
in construction techniques and terminology with one in
space between the back and front wall is filled with sand
the Baihan valley.
and gravel, and the top is closed off using large rocks.
The structure is at least 30 cm higher than the flow in
The two parts of a saqiyya or water conduit are: the entry
the valley. It redirects water to the saqiyya and any extra
of the saqiyya and its main body.
water flows over behind the barrier. To avoid scour at the
toe of the dhameer, the ground is covered with a layer of
a) The entry of the saqiyya
medium-sized and small rocks called ‘farsha’ or ‘salqa’.
It is made up of the dhameer and the ras. When it is damaged, it is repaired as soon as possible.
The dhameer One of the main benefits of the dhumur (Arabic plural
This is built on the valley floor to divert floodwater to the of dhameer) is to reduce the speed of water flow in the
saqiyya, but is not also called qaid like in the Baihan valley and stablilize the riverbed. These water barriers
52 Valley. Its construction is also different according to the are built alternatively sloping to the right and the left
nature of the valley. down the valley.
The qaid in Do’an is part of the saqiyya, and its function is
different according to its location. It refers to the part that
connects the two sides of the saqiyya at its entry. Part of
it rises slightly above the bottom of the flood canal. This
is to increase the water level to divert it to a secondary
canal or to divide it between several secondary canals.
The ras
This is the name given to each of the two large structures on
right and left hand sides of the beginning of the saqiyya.
A qaid, of which only a few centimeters are visible above
ground level, connects them. These ruus (Arabic plural
of ras) are similar in shape and function to the ajaalem
(Arabic plural of ajlama) in Baihan, except that they can
be in various shapes (not only conical) including that of
a cylinder or an irregular circle and can be coated in
cement or lime to increase their strength.
53
Figure 12: Map showing the course of the Do’an valley
54
Figure 13: Location and length of a dhameer in a wide
valley
Way to chann
els
55
Figure 14: Location and length of a dhameer in a narrow valley
Diversion structure
Drop structure
56
b) The saqiyya (channel network) The mansam
The main body of the saqiyya is made up of two walls, Within the first 100 meters of the saqiyya, it is a 10 to 15
one outside wall facing the valley and an inside wall meter long depression in the height of the wall facing the
facing agricultural land, containing openings to divert valley. It is similar to the system existing in the saqiyya of
water to agricultural land or back to the valley. Baihan, and helps excess water return to the valley if the
water level in the flood channel is very high (Figure 11).
Its construction differs from that of a saqiyya in Baihan.
The ma’dhar
The foundation of the outside wall that faces the valley
This is a part of the saqiyya wall that is built with loose
is dug 2 meters deep and up to 2 meters wide, often
stones half way down the saqiyya or in its last third. It
starting from the side of the land to be irrigated. The wall
can be easily opened to get rid of all the water in the
is built in two parts, i.e. two parallel walls in between
the saqiyya by redirecting it to the valley when there is
which is an empty space that is filled up with gravel and
a danger of the agricultural lands being destroyed from
sand. The side of the wall facing the valley is shaped
excess water or when all land has been adequately
like stairs, while the other leans slightly out towards the
irrigated.
valley.
The manki
Along the wall, there are various structures in different
locations that serve different purposes. The ruus (Arabic These are openings at the end of the saqiyya, the fields,
plural of ras) and quyud (Arabic plural of qaid) support or the secondary water canals to get rid of excess water
and reinforce the wall. The manaasim (Arabic plural of and redirect it to the valley.
mansam), and ma’aadhir (Arabic plural of ma’dhar) and
manaaki (Arabic plural of manki) protect the structure The mudla’
and adjacent land against destruction from the pressure It is similar to the maasih in Baihan. Its foundation is
of massive floods. Here these structures are described. dug parallel to the edge of the agricultural land at the
depth of 1 meter or more until it reaches solid ground. It
The ruus (Arabic plural of ras) and quyud (Arabic is made of two walls 0.5 meter apart, and slopes slightly
plural of qaid) towards the land. The rocks of the back wall of the wall
These are similar to the ajaalem in Baihan and are usually are fixed in the earth, and the space between the two
spread along the saqiyya’s wall that faces the valley and walls with gravel and sand. Medium and small rocks are
at its entry. Their purpose is to strengthen the structure used. The wall rises above the level of the land.
and to prevent its destruction in the case of part of a wall
collapsing. Each two ruus are connected by a qaid. Madaali’ (Arabic plural of mudla’) are widespread along the
course of valley to protect land from being washed away. 57
As for saqiyya’s inside wall facing the agricultural land, it As there is very little agricultural land in Do’an due to
consists of a number of openings with aim of conveying the valley being narrow, plots of land tend to be small
water into an agricultural land. so that usually at least forty people share the saqiyya. To
manage water distribution and ensure necessary regular
The harra maintenance, a committee of 5-7 people is formed,
headed by an expert in agriculture and irrigation locally
This is a square or rectangular opening in the saqiyya called the ‘khayyal’. He has an assistant, a treasurer and
wall that faces the agricultural field in order to divert a collector. Land, palms, or both from the users’ land are
water to it. set aside to fund saqiyya’s running and maintenance.
The return of investment in these is specifically written
The sada’ down in the name of the saqiyya.
This is a vertical opening in the saqiyya wall supported
either side by walls that prevent its collapse. The aim is to But the saqiyya committee’s duties do not stop there. There
divert water in secondary canals to the fields. is a person called the ‘raa’id Al-saqiyya’ and another
called ‘raa’id Al-nakheel’ (nakheel means palms).
The budd
The task of the first person, raa’id Al-saqiyya, is to monitor
The abdaad (Arabic plural of budd) are secondary water the state of the saqiyya when floodwater flows through it,
canals and field water canals. They divert water to the to immediately repair any damaged part of the saqiyya,
land, and their capacity varies according to the plot of and to remove obstacles (trees and floatsam) swept into
land and its share in water. the saqiyya by the flood. If he cannot do all this himself,
he can ask for the assistance of the khayyal (head of
Irrigation customs in Do’an the committee) who generally supervises irrigation or of
According to its natural conditions, each area develops people nearby.
its own set of rational norms or customs that are accepted
by the community. In Do’an, as in Baihan and other The destruction that is caused to the soum (the field bunds
agricultural valleys, local customs organize all agricultural surrounding the land to be irrigated) of the saqiyya due
works, including the construction and maintenance of to floodwater is called ‘tawl’, while the same destruction
the saqiyya, the distribution of water according to certain caused by water leaking out of a hole in the saqiyya
priorities, landowner and farmer relations, and the made by a rabbit or hedgehog is called ‘ghawl’.
resolution of disputes. There are authorities to implement
these customs. The task of the second person, raa’id Al-nakheel, is to
monitor secondary water channels in the fields, monitor
When the saqiyya is built, landlords share the costs and irrigation, and determine the needs of each plot of land.
58 the work. Usually, the saqiyya is established in an area of During irrigation, he throws a stick, the length of an arm
at least 25 feddans, and costs are allocated according to called ‘mar’ada’, into the beginning of a field’s water
size and location of the land they own. canal. If the stick floats to the middle of the canal, then
this means that the water is still reaching the land. If the well-known for this are the Aal Jaber family in the valleys
stick hits either side of the conduit, then this means that of Do’an, Al-Ain, and Amd, and Aal Badhamaan in the
the water has started to recede and the field canal should area of Al-Hajarain.
be closed off. No one can go against the orders of the
raa’id. If someone protests one of his orders, the khayyal
becomes the arbitrator. One of the raa’id’s tasks is to
remove any obstructions from the water canals, and to
open or close off the field canal intakes to distribute the
water.
61
Chapter 3: Rainwater harvesting
In dry and semi-dry areas, rainwater harvesting is the are no similar statistics, but we can say that countryside
collection of large quantities of rainwater and storing residents collect and store water from traditional sources
them for a long period for the benefit of agriculture, and open wells. The areas of Sitan are a unique and very
household purposes, and others. Man adopts techniques special case in which traditional techniques have been
to help to reduce the waste of floodwater and rainwater developed to collect and store water over a long period
and to protect its loss due to seepage, evaporation, or despite scarce rain.
pollution. In these areas human activity is not restricted
to diverting floodwater in the valleys and lower lands, but The topography and rock structure of the Hadramout
man also exerts efforts in water harvesting in the desert plateau influences the development of the water
highlands and high hills where shepherd and Bedouins harvesting techniques that have made life possible in
live. some parts of this plateau.
Man’s expertise has developed over time and his simple Geomorphology of the areas of the Sitan and water
techniques have become the most appropriate and harvesting
effective to provide water and to overcome natural The Hadramout Plateau is formed of a rock base of
conditions. Water is scarce in wide areas of Shabwa limestone (calcium carbonate) up to 200 meters thick.
and Hadramout as annual rainfall does not exceed In geology, this is called the formation of the Umm er-
50-100 mm, and any groundwater is relatively deep Raduma. The surface of this formation represents the
underground. This is the case, for example, for the areas base of the Jawl which is called locally Sitan. Above this
of the Jardan Valley, the Dahr Valley, and the Aram Valley formation, a rock layer made up of hard clay rocks and
in the Shabwa governorate, as well as the areas of the layers of limestone is called the Jeza’ Formation and is 70-
Jawl called ‘Sitan’, which are plateaus in the Hadramout 100 meters thick (Figure 2).
Valley.
The plateau has been exposed to tectonic movements
An economic and social study about shepherds in the upwards over the course of time, leading to large-scale
southern and eastern governorates indicates that 88% of bending of the rock layers and relatively wide cracks
shepherds in the Hadramout Valley receive water from (see geological profile). The area has been exposed to
karfaan (Arabic plural of kareef) or natural rainwater pools, different types of erosion, most importantly water erosion
62 6% from springs and other water sources, and 6% from during the rainy age which led to the formation of the
open wells (Ref. a). As for the Shabwa governorate, there water drainage network, as seen in the water course
of the current valleys, and to large parts of clay and Rock structure of the area
limestone materials being washed away to form the
The naqaba requires a solid layer of limestone for the
Jaza’ Formation. The depositions left behind a formation
feeding area followed by a clay layer (locally called ‘qaraf’
of isolated hills and the extensive forms of the mesa (old
due to its tenacity) on a limestone layer. This geological
crater pipes) spreading at different altitudes so that they
structure exists in the Jaza’e Formation as we mentioned
look like terraces.
earlier. At the end of the feeding area, an opening is dug
The population in this area has benefited from the natural into the clay layer until the limestone layer is hit. The hole
structure of the ground and rocks, especially limestone is then widened either side as much as possible until it
and clay, in developing methods to collect and store rain had the shape of a jar. Then surface clay is used to hold
water. We will briefly review the most important methods back collected water in the hole and to prevent it from
and structures in Sitan, which are the naqab, the karfaan leaking out underneath or to the side.
or natural rainwater pools, barriers and dams, jawaabi
and the shorooj. For this documentation, we visited naqab in the areas
between the village of Mahal and the town of Labna, via
the villages of Qamra and Fardakha, and found that they
3-1 The naqab (Arabic plural of naqaba) were often next to natural karfaan or rainwater pools.
These are cisterns dug out by man to collect rainwater for
The location of the naqab was documented in the village
drinking water and for different daily needs. Naqaba is
of Qamra as a model, and measurements were taken.
considered to be a model technique from the Hadramout
The diameter of the surface opening was about 0.70 m,
Plateau from the Jardan Plateau and Arama in Shabwa
and the solid limestone layer was 1.20 meter thick. At
in the west to most areas of Hadramout until Mahara
the bottom of the feeding area, the naqaba expanded in
in the East. They can store enough water to last several
the shape of a jar. Its horizontal diameter was 3-6 meters
months, according to what is used for and how many
maximum and 1 meter deep. These are the average
people benefit from it (Figure 15-16).
measurements for six naqab positioned in semi-straight
line with about 8 meter between them. Dug into the rock,
The naqab are dug in specific areas, according to the
an open kareef or natural rainwater pool exists beside
topography and rock structure of the area.
this naqab from where the water was used for washing
Topography of the area and to water cattle. Water from the naqab was only used
as drinking water.
A naqaba needs to be located at the bottom of a large,
slightly sloping area of solid, relatively non-permeable
rock surface to feed it. Water flow is directed across and 3-2 The karfaan (Arabic plural of kareef),
down this solid rock area and into the naqba by different and their barriers and dams
sawaqi, rows of rocks in a line called ‘habl’ (plural: A kareef (plural: karfaan) is a natural basin or wide hole 63
hibaal).
where rainwater gathers from surrounding slopes or
water courses.
64
Figure 15: The opening of a naqaba (cistern) on ground
level
Rai
nwa
ter Entrance to the cistern
cou
rse
65
Figure 16: Drawing of a naqaba (cistern)
Solid upper
layer
Soft formation
66
As man developed his skills, cement dams and barriers is immersed in floodwater to the level of field’s
were built at the start of valley water courses, places soum, water is left in the field until all particles
considered to be natural collection points for large suspended in the water such as soil, dirt and
quantities of water. (It is worth pointing out that these sediment settle. Then a conduit is opened and
areas were however not the location of the karfaan connected to the jaabiyya and clean water flows
mentioned above, due to the intensity of the water flow into it. In this way, this water can be used for
and man’s inability to control it with traditional methods irrigation, as well as for human and animal
like a clay barrier.) An example of a dam is the Labna uses.
Dam that provided water for 10,000 people in the town
2. A series of jawaabi are built one after the other
of Labna.
on one of slopes. Conduits and simple diverting
barriers direct the water towards them. When
3-3 The jawaabi (Arabic plural of water in one of the higher jaabiyya overflows,
jaabiyya) it runs down to the next, and so on. In this way,
These are tanks or open reservoirs built to collect rainwater water is harvested from the mountain slopes.
and floodwater for different purposes. The jawaabi we 3. Water is directly carried from the floodwater’s
mention here differ in terms of form and purpose from course. After the initial passage of the floodwater,
those known in many other areas. when the flow is slower later on in the day or
the day after, animals or humans carry the water
There are two types of jawaabi. The first is oval and open directly to the jawaabi within their houses. In the
at the top and is widespread in the Jardan Valley in the area of Hajrain, a small quantity of floodwater
Shabwa governorate. The second is cylindrical or barrel- is diverted from its natural course to a lower
shaped and becomes narrower at the base, and is covered and safe location. After all sediment has settled,
at the top with a dome-like structure. It is widespread in water is then transferred into the jawaabi to be
the areas of Hajrain in Do’an in Hadramout. Usually, used when needed. A household jaabiyya is
these Jawaabi are lined to prevent leakage (figure 17). usually relatively small compared to other types
and contains enough water to last 1-3 months
The jawaabi are built in different locations, like on the according to the number of family members.
sides of valleys near agricultural land, on mountainous Today, pumps or water trucks are used to suck up
slopes, next to houses. Location varies according to the water from the floodwater’s natural course and
method used to direct water to the jawaabi. to transfer it to the jawaabi or metal tanks within
the houses.
In the area of Jardan for example, there are three ways
of collecting water which are:
The size of the jawaabi varies. A jaabiyya near agricultural
land can be 3-4 meters wide, 8-10 meters long, and 67
1. A jaabiyya (plural: jawaabi) is built near
agricultural land. After a plot of agricultural land 4-6 meters deep. A jaabiyya this size provides for a
good number of humans and their animals for about 10 from animals, especially in the more isolated shurooj.
months, depending on how much water is available in
their homes. As for the cylindrical jawaabi in Hajrain, the In order to direct water to the shurooj, an opening is
diameter of their opening measures about 3 meters, their made in the wall of the highest plot of land. This opening
depth is 4-5 meters and the diameter of its base is 2-2.5 is the beginning of a water channel. When rainwater runs
meters. This structure has been used in valleys, but is not down the slope that faces a wall, it is intercepted by the
noticed on the plateau. wall which directs it to the opening so that it irrigates the
first plot of land. An opening is then made at the end of
3-4 The shurooj (Arabic plural of sharj) the first field. It is about 1 meter wide, is usually built with
rocks bound together by earth, and it is locally called
These are delimited areas of land that formed in natural ‘mafeedh’. It allows water to transfer to the next plot
depressions. They are formed by the breaking up of local of lands, which are usually divided into terraces in the
rocks as a result of natural erosion, notably by rain that natural slope. Thus, water makes its way from the higher
falls on the area or in its immediate surroundings. plots of land to the lower plots of land, and each plot
Locals call ‘sharj’ (plural: shurooj) land that is supplied receives an appropriate quantity of water. This process is
directly by rainwater, not by floodwater. One study repeated every time it rains. The first season of irrigation
indicates that up to 5% of total agricultural land in to the land is called ‘khola’, the second is called ‘zaha’,
southern and eastern governorates is rain-fed. Due to and the third is called ‘zahi Al-zahi’. Rain usually falls
the scarcity of rain in the area, agricultural production during the summer and autumn.
is weak. Cultivation focuses on grains that have a short
growth cycle, like local variety of sorghum called ‘tahf’ For lands located lower down the slope that might not
and millet whose growth cycle is three months for the receive water in the case of low rainfall, running water
three first crops. If the cycle is not completed, then the is directed alongside walls and into channels at the end
land is used for cattle grazing. of these walls. If there is no need for this water, then it
flows away from the land. In order to direct more water
Shurooj are scattered over the area of the Hadramout to this land, rows of rocks called ‘hibaal’ (Arabic plural
Plateau due to the scarcity of rainfall, in water-poor of habl) are laid down over hundreds of meters on the
valleys like those of Jardan, Arma, and Dahr, and in areas slopes around the shurooj to direct water to them. As
dispersed around the Shabwa governorate to make the water repeatedly runs along the same path, a natural
best use of rainwater for agriculture. conduit forms itself and becomes a source of irrigation
for these lands.
The sharj is surrounded by a wall facing the surrounding
slopes on three sides, and by barbed wire or a similar A number of local customs govern the priorities of
material on the fourth side to keep the animals out. The wall irrigation, cultivation, and work on the shurooj. There are
68 is made of three or four layers of rocks and is about one recognized rights for obtaining running surface water in
meter high. The other aim of the wall is to protect the crops the area surrounding the sharj, as well as the size of
surfaces and slopes from which water can be collected.
Figure 17: Tanks to collect rainwater and sheet flow
69
Chapter 4: Environmental aspects, proposals and recommendations
4-1 Environmental aspects of the traditional -‐ Irrigation water is not wasted on long-life plants
under an irrigation system. Palms can be irrigated
irrigation systems in periods between 45 and 52 days apart, while
Positive aspects of the traditional irrigation systems other crops are irrigated in periods between 10-
15 days apart.
Traditional irrigation systems are the product of man’s
accumulated expertise and effort. In this paper, we have -‐ A new ma’aayeen is only allowed to be dug after
reviewed various types of traditional irrigation including making sure that it will not cause any damage
spate irrigation, spring irrigation, irrigation by ma’aayeen, to the water source of a current ma’aayeen. It
methods of rainwater harvesting, as well as the set of is also not allowed to establish new agricultural
customs that developed to regulate them. We have found land at the expense of existing agricultural land.
that these systems are adapted to the local environment, -‐ In spate irrigation, rules are followed that give
efficient, and low on material costs, and that they have priority to the irrigation of certain plants. We
led to sustainable development in the modern sense of mentioned the rule of limiting irrigation to palm
the term. We can summarise these aspects as follows: trees when floodwater is scarce in valleys.
Water resource and soil conservation -‐ Additional irrigation is not allowed for a plot of
Certain practices are followed to dig the ma’aayeen land when neighbouring land has not yet been
irrigation conduits after a survey, planning and setting irrigated.
up structures to control water flow like the the maraadi’, -‐ In water harvesting, man has exerted efforts to
the haraath and mawaahid. maintain life by digging naqab water tanks and
-‐ Regular maintenance of the main water conduits improve the natural karfaan to collect water
is ensured to prevent any leakage or potential in the arid area of the Sitan and especially on
blockage, and regular cleaning out of the the Hadramout Plateau. Local customs help to
cracks and natural conduits that feed the water allocate water from the naqab for drinking only
sources. and water from the karfaan for watering cattle
and other purposes. The aim is to preserve water
-‐ Cultivation near the ma’aayeen’s water sources for as long as possible. Besides there are large
is avoided, except for nurseries so as not to dams that were built on the site of some of the
damage the water source. old caravans, a system in which huge tanks
70 -‐ A fair method is followed to distribute water provide inhabitants with the necessary water for
according to need of the land and firm commitment all household purposes through a network of
to prevailing conventions on its distribution. pipes.
-‐ Around the water source, any activity that leads without soil, thus leading to the reclamation of
to its pollution or contamination, like defecating land that can then be irrigated by any of the
or bathing, is not allowed. methods previously mentioned.
-‐ The water source’s good management is ensured -‐ Due to the widespread use of mud for the
by identifying someone to supervise all aspects construction of houses and other buildings near
of the irrigation system. This is the ma’aayeen agricultural land, new customs were established
supervisor in the ma’aayeen system and the to ensure its use did not harm agricultural land or
khayyal in flood irrigation system. the irrigation system.
-‐ The ma’aayeen are benefited from to the -‐ Protective walls, called madaali’ or maasih, were
maximum as the system is used for all purposes built to protect the soil and irrigation structures
of urban and rural development. This is clear along valley banks, and terraces were built on
from the water conduits’ passage through towns, valley slopes to better benefit from available
hamlets, mosques, from its use for ablution, from water and to reduce soil being washed away.
the delimitation of private areas for women to
bathe and wash in and other areas for watering The protection of biodiversity
cattle, in addition to the water’s main uses in
agriculture. Traditional irrigation systems have had a remarkable
effect on cultivation, and have improved man’s living
-‐ Extreme care is exercised to benefit from the standards and stability. This led to the development of
natural leakage of water through and over the a set of customs to manage these systems that where
sides of unlined main water conduits, and working handed down through generations from thousands of
to manage smaller water conduits to irrigate years ago until the present.
existing land and reclame new land. Making
the best of the sides of earth channels that are This human activity on land notable for its dry climate and
saturated with water by planting some long-life harsh nature had a positive impact on man’s environment
trees like date and coconut palms there. as different types of fauna and flora thrived. In fact,
-‐ Human and animal waste is used, when it is dried man’s behaviour within nature of an innate awareness
out and ground up, as fertiliser to increase the of the importance of maintaining a natural balance and
organic content of soil, as are dried sardines and protecting biodiversity.
fermented agricultural waste, especially in coastal We can feel the protection of biodiversity through well-
towns. These natural fertilisers increase the soil’s known systems like the hamaa system that protects plant
productivity, stimulate the development of micro- coverage. Through this system, shepherds organize
organisms (as in terra preta of the Inca culture), grazing according to specific times and close off certain
get rid of waste, and protect the environment. areas so that grasses can grow back again. It was also 71
-‐ Agricultural soil from non-irrigated land is not allowed to cut down or uproot trees, especially the
benefitted from, as it is transferred to areas sidr or Christ’s thorn (zizyphus Spinachristi) and misht.
As for wild animals, it is well known that traditions and disposed of into the ground, usually under the
conventions organised hunting. Specific seasons were limestone layer on which houses had been built.
determined as was the number of animals allowed to be This threatened them with land collapse as the
hunted. Female and baby animals were not allowed to wastewater would eat away at the rock base they
be hunted. were built on, as well as with the possibility of the
ground water being polluted, as is the case in
Negative effects of breaking with the customs of Ghail Bawazeer.
traditional irrigation
8. Less vegetation led wild animals to migrate and
Ignoring the customs of traditional irrigation during to some species to disappear. These are rarely
drought and the bad implementation of agricultural spotted today.
reform has had negative impacts on the environment
and agriculture. We can summarise these as follows:
In spate irrigation:
In the ma’aayeen system: 1. The customs for spate irrigation regulate the
1. The maintenance of the cracks in the rock that entire valley system. When structures to protect
feed the water source, of the natural courses, agricultural land from floods were not maintained
and of the main water conduits was ignored, because of the migration of landowners and the
causing the water level at the source to decline negligence of those sharing the system, large
and agricultural land to dry up in many areas. areas of agricultural land were washed away.
The best example is the floods of June 1996 that
2. Many sons of farmers emigrated which led to washed away large areas of land in both Shabwa
many negative impacts including: and Hadramout.
3. A decline in production and the size of the plots 2. Many ‘modern’ structures were damaged
of land causing land to be washed away because they
4. Desertification in many areas were not designed according to the traditional
way, as in the case of the dhameer of the saqiyya
5. Poor land production and an increasing depen- in Qurhat Bahameesh in the Do’an Valley, the
dence on foreign imports to provide food, which dhameer in Muza’ next to the town of Shibam in
is a continuing economic burden on the country the Hadramout Valley, and some barriers in the
6. Disappearance of traditional crafts dependent Baihan Valley in Shabwa.
on local raw materials, like weaving and making 3. Horizontal expansion of agricultural lands toward
rope, which has led to wider use of plastic the main course of the valleys which resulted in
materials with bad impacts on the environment this water course become narrower and in fertile
72 7. Wastewater from homes and mosques was agricultural soil being washed away.
4-2 Proposals and recommendations channels with cement to limit water loss and to
reduce waste.
From the above review, we suggest and recommend the
following: 7. To conduct studies on groundwater in the area
and to identify the links between these water
1. To hold a workshop with local experts and reserves and the neighboring valleys.
irrigation specialists to discuss the study’s results
and to agree on the most important techniques 8. To encourage and support palm cultivation to
of traditional irrigation as well as how to develop quickly save the remaining agricultural land in
them. Ghail Bawazeer from drought and negligence,
and to establishing a model farm to protect the
2. To declare that the area of underground water more than sixty different types of palms in the
pools in Ghail Bawazeer and the surrounding area.
areas as a protected area, as they containing
huge water reserves that supply both the towns 9. To take all necessary procedures to protect
of Mukalla and Ghail Bawazeer and their agricultural land in valleys from being washed
suburbs. Since this area of karst caves is prone to away, especially by floodwater, and to deal with
collapses from time to time, any building in the valleys as integral systems.
area could cause human disasters and pollute 10. To make the balance between traditional and
the groundwater. modern methods when building irrigation
3. To clear the natural cracks in the land that feed structures, so as to obtain maximum benefit from
the water sources cracks and natural cleaves in local expertise that have proved its efficiency.
the areas of feeding and protecting them from 11. To benefit from abundant local materials when
being clogged up or destroyed by some of the building irrigation structures.
farmers to whom agricultural lands have been
distributed in or near these areas. 12. To encouraging the introduction of modern
irrigation systems like drip irrigation which has
4. To take the necessary procedures to direct started to attract the attention of farmers in order
rainwater to these cracks and other natural to limit groundwater depletion.
feeding channels instead of directing them to the
sea. 13. To prevent the expansion of agricultural lands at
the expense of the valleys’ natural water course,
5. To provide the necessary assistance to the owners and local authorities should take strict measures
of ma’aayeen that have been filled with earth in this direction.
but cannot maintain them to benefit from them
again. 14. To document the customs that outline traditional
water and land rights, and not to accelerate the 73
6. To raise awareness among farmers about implementation of modern water and land laws
the importance of coating exposed irrigation until careful studies have been conducted and
the benefits of traditions and modern legislation
are reviewed.
15. To benefit from excess water that drains into the
sea either from floodwater or from valleys rich
is water sources, as in the Hajar Valley and in
Maseela, and to redirect this water towards
improving vegetation in neighbouring areas.
16. To conduct broad field studies on traditional water
harvesting techniques and look into expanding
and spreading its different applications.
17. To encourage and spread the construction of
small and medium dams and barriers to collect
water for arid areas.
18. To pay special attention to studying botanical
species planted by locals in arid areas, especially
grains to identify how well these types are
acclimatised to surrounding environmental
conditions.
74
List of appendices
Appendix 1
Irrigation water distribution system based on the changing location of stars and planets
Appendix 2
Table 1: Large ma’aayeen in Ghail Bawazeer (flow rate of 30-110 liter/second)
Table 2: Small ma’aayeen in Ghail Bawazeer (flow rate of less than 30 liter/second)
Table 3: Some of the small ma’aayeen in Ghail Bawazeer
Table 4: Some of the small ma’aayeen in Shaheer
Table 5: Some of the mineral water ma’aayeen in the Eastern Dais, Hami, and Tabaala
Appendix 3
Names of the persons interviewed
Appendix 4
Photographs of the area
Appendix 5
List of the illustrations
75
Appendix 1
Irrigation water distribution system based on the
changing location of stars and planets examples of old
documents
76
Appendix 2
Table 1 Table 2
Notes:
Table 1: Large ma’aayeen in Ghail Bawazeer (Flow rate of
30-110 liter/second) A qadam or ‘qadam turba’ is a measurement unit for
agricultural land and equals a quarter of feddan.
Table 2: Small ma’aayeen in Ghail Bawazeer (Flow rate of The area of the ma’yaan refers to cultivated land in the
less than 30 liter/second) area of the ma’yaan, which varies from one year to the
next and does not include the large palm plantations.
Source: Statistics of the Ghail Bawazeer Agricultural
* Water from this ma’yaan was diverted for drinking water
Cooperative
for towns of Mukalla and Al-Ghail and their outskirts.
77
Table 3: Some of the small ma’aayeen widespread in Table 4: Some of the small ma’aayeen in Shaheer
Ghail Bawazeer
Name of the Name of the Name of the Name of the
Area Area Area Area
ma’yaan ma’yaan ma’yaan ma’yaan
About 500 years old, this is one of the oldest, largest, and most famous of the ma’aayeen. Its
water is used in agriculture and for drinking, as well as to cure mild rheumatism and hypertension.
Al-Saiq
Women use its water after delivery. Its main water conduit went from being tunnels to open channels
after its two walls collapsed.
One of largest and oldest ma’aayeen, this ma’yaan was destroyed when its walls collapsed and
Sana’a its owners were unable to repair them. Its water is used for agriculture, drinking, and medical
purposes.
This is one of small ma’aayeen and famous as providing treatment for skin diseases and intestine
Swaiber
worms. It attracts people seeing treatment both from inside Yemen and abroad.
Thawban This is one of a smaller ma’aayeen and is famous for being good for rheumatism and diabetes.
In Tabaala
This is a small ma’yaan. Its water is used for medical purposes as well as drinking after it is collected
Al-Dula in settling and cooling pools. This water then used to flow down to the town of Shihr via a traditional
conduit. Today, metal pipes have replaced the traditional conduit.
Al-Ramada, Al-Salfi, Al-Dunia Water from these ma’aayeen is used for its therapeutical properties as well as for drinking and
agriculture after it is cooled down in jawaabi. Some of it passes through mosques and near homes
Bashaheer, Al-Tajar, Al-Bajar, Bafaleeh for ablution and washing.
In Hami
Head of the department for water Dr. Mohammed Saeed Irrigation department, Irrigation
Abdullah Al-Jaish resources in the conservation project Mur’ee Office, Hadramout
for land and water (Shabwa unit). Farmer and supervisor of the Shaqaq
Muawad [second name
saqiyya (irrigation conduit), Hajar
Mohammed Abdullah Agriculture supervisor for the Baihan missing]
Valley
Al-Fatimi district
Mansour Salem Deputy Manager, the Sadara Center
Abdulqader Ahmed Ali Head of the irrigation committee in
Hadi Higher Baihan
General manager, General Authority
Ali Salem Bamakrama
Agriculture office for Shabwa, for Water and Sanitation
Ali Mansour
accompanied the team in Shabwa
Planning director, General Authority
Saeed Faraj Khanbash
Deputy manager of the development for Water and Sanitation
Mohammed Al-Shabli
project for eastern areas
Acting general manager, Yemen
Yahya Mohammed Ali
Mineral Wealth and Geological
Mohammed Saleh Al- Teacher of Wadi Jardhan in Yusr
Survey Board
Sulaimai Amjakheera
Economic department in the executive
Haroun Mohammed Overseer for agriculture in Rawda in Salem Abdullah Al-
80 office, Hadramout, accompanied the
Habtour Wadi Habaan Khalaqi
research team
Name Occupation Name Occupation
Head of the Ghail Ba Wazeer Dr. Mohammed Top advisor to the Hadramout Valley
Ali Awad Bahameesh
Cooperative Abdalghani Ismail Development Project
Saeed Omar Sa’ad Teacher and actor on behalf of the Director of the Agricultural Research
Hussain Bamakhrama
Bar’iyya supervisor of the Firat ma’yaan Center, Seyoun
Haj Omar Mohammed Supervisor of the Sheer ma’yaan in Irrigation Manager, Hadramout Valley
Dr. Saleh Shakhdaara
Bamakhram Ghail Bawazeer Director.
Photographs
of man holes
and conduits
82
Conical
abutment Diversion structure
with cascade like drop
structures
83
Diversion structure Abutments
Aqueduct
Canals
84
Appendix 5
List of illustrations
Figure 1: Map showing the rates of rainfall and valley network in the area of study in Shabwa and Hadramout 12
Figure 2: Map of the geological structure of Yemen 13
Figure 3: Map showing the depression of Ghail Bawazeer and its most important ma’aayeen 20
Figure 4: Map showing the link between topography and land reclamation 23
Figure 5: Components of the ma’aayeen and the course of the water channels 26
Figure 6-a: Components of the sinaawa system 28
Figure 6-b: Tools used to dig out the ma’aayeen 32
Figure 7: Location of the marda’ (barrier) and its haraat (openings) 34
Figure 8-a: Sketch of a saqiyya’s course through a layer of solid rock 36
Figure 8-b: Aqueduct in a valley that interrupts the course of a saqiyya 37
Figure 9: Division of daytime from sunrise to sunset according to the ma’aayeen norms of water distribution 40
Figure 10: Map showing the course of the Baihan Valley and its most important towns and villages 50
Figure 11: Design of the saqiyya’s mansam 51
Figure 12: Map showing the course of the Do’an valley 54
Figure 13: Location and length of a dhameer in a wide valley 55
Figure 14: Location and length of a dhameer in a narrow valley 56
Figure 15: The opening of a naqaba on ground level 65
Figure 16: Drawing of a naqaba 66
Figure 17: Tanks to collect rainwater and sheet flow 69
85
References
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86
13. Al-Shu’aibi, Mohammed Ali, The Democratic Republic of Yemen, 1972.
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