Language Planning and Policies in Pakistan
Language Planning and Policies in Pakistan
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Abstract
In this project, we have focused Langue planning and language
policy (LPLP) generally, in particular, in Pakistani context and discussed the
dilemma of language policy in Pakistan. The problems are as well discussed
which were caused by language policy and close study of language policies
have been done from 1947 to date. The language policies have been debated
and gaps have been pointed out. At last, a recommended proposal has been
given for language policy in Pakistan to be implemented.
Introduction
The language planning is essentially so important for the survival of
any nation which can elevate it to the level of high prestige or very lower
ones. The language planning was first introduced by Einar Haugen, an
American linguist, in the late 1950s, which states ‘…all conscious efforts
that aim at changing the linguistic behavior of a speech community.’ 1
Language planning and policy mainly are considered to be similar terms
relating to each other; however, language policy refers to more general
linguistics, political and social goals.2
1 (Mesthrie, 2009)
Language policy in Pakistan is meant to strengthen the state. This is taken to mean that there
should be a national language which should symbolize the nation-state. This language is
Urdu. The policy also claims to modernize the state (Rahman)
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(Crystal, 1987)
6 (Jr, 1997)
The strategy is to establish language policies on a local, regional, and international level
as part of overall political planning and resource management (Romanie, 2000)
(Jones, 1998)
(Mansoor, 2005)
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planning decisions take place not only at the policy level but also in
bureaucratic organization (Mansoor, 2005)’9
When devising language policy or working on language planning,
some very crucial factors are never neglected, be that social needs, religious,
technological and financial. Moreover, by the emergence of nation-states in
Europe, the significance of LPLP doubled, for every state endeavored to
prove itself as a distinct identity which made the language the strong ground
for it. Commenting on same process Mansoor states ‘The choice of language,
therefore, has to fulfill the functions of both nationalism and nationsim so
that the social structure is not disrupted and the country is not isolated from
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the outside world (Mansoor, 2005)’
From the day one, in Pakistan, government policy regarding the
language has faced on its each step sheer fiasco; however, no significant
lesson has ever been learnt by policy-makers. Given the national unification
the strong base, the ruling elites very earlier just decided one-prong-approach
to language problem in Pakistan, which was to impose Urdu both declaring it
the identity marker of Islam and unifying force to unite all ethnic groups
together. To the contrary, the same fruitless approach made the building
block to the separation of Bangladesh.
The dilemma in LPLP in Pakistan is that of no implementation but
only paper work or rhetoric, and no considerable attention towards regional
and provincial languages. Some writers carry the belief that the controversy
on languages in Pakistan is a sense of a pre-partition drama. As Rafiqul
Islam writes:
“The language controversy of Pakistan started even before the
creation of Pakistan. Dr. Ziauddin Ahmed, a former Vice-Chancellor of the
Aligarh University of India had suggested that Urdu should be the state or
official language of the future state of Pakistan. Simultaneously Dr. Md.
Shahidullah, a noted Bengali linguist from Decca University, opposed the
suggestion and put forth argument in favor of Bengali as the future state
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language of Pakistan (Islam, 2008)”
It was the dreadful beginning of a politico-lingual problem for
Pakistan which very harshly and compellingly led to the making of a country
on face of world as Bangladesh. By the time, Pakistan emerged as a state in
the world; it had two parts, West Pakistan (present one) and East Pakistan
(now Bangladesh). It was a blunder on part of West Pakistan to ignore
Bangla language and impose Urdu on Bengali people who were in majority,
as opposed to same illogical decision the agitation were waged. Bengali
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1948-1958
The first meeting on education was held at Karachi in 1947, but at
that time Pakistan was going through a critical period and education was not
a subject of high priority in the new state. Then the topic of language
12 We must think locally but act globally: local languages for expressing local identities and
global languages for communicating beyond local levels and expressing our identities as
citizens of the world (Romanie, 2000)
13 (Rehman, Language Planning and Politics in Pakistan, 1995)
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erupted, elite wanted to make Urdu national language while at the same time
a controversy between majority and minority language arose as the issue of
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‘Bengali as the national language of the country’. At the time of
independence, Pakistan was faced with the problem of language developing
a language policy. The problems in designing and implementing such a
policy were complicated by language groups competing to be recognized as
national languages, the two dominant native languages were Urdu and
Bengali. Urdu was used as a symbol of Muslim unity and Bengali was the
majority language of East Pakistan. Bengalis were in majority and half of the
total population of Pakistan. The prominent leader of Pakistan Muhammad
Ali Jinnah delivered a speech in Dhaka University in 1948, said that Urdu is
going to be a state language of Pakistan and no other language .According to
this speech Bengali recognized as a provincial language. The Bengalis
protested against this speech, many students were killed and several others
injured. The Pakistani leaders believed that there should be one national
language and more than one language could not bring the nation together.
This policy strongly criticized by Bengalis and the government towards
Bengali was symbolically terminated the Bengali culture and the Bengali
nationalist movement that eventually separated to form Bangladesh (East
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Pakistan) in 1971.
1958-1971
Ayub Khan was openly pro-English and he believed that most of the
qualified personnel should acquire their knowledge in English medium
schools. All training for military officers was in English and cadets were not
allowed to use regional languages.
In 1959 a comprehensive document in education policy was set up to
explore language issues in Pakistan. According to this commission, Urdu and
Bengali should be the medium of instruction in secondary schools in the
government schools and Urdu would reach to become the medium of
instruction at university level in 15 years. The Sharif commission stated
clearly that Urdu should replace English.
“English should continue as second language since advance
knowledge which was in English only needed for advanced study and
research”. In the government schools institutionalized Urdu was the language
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Recommendations
Having done a comprehensive study on this topic, our approach to
design a language policy for Pakistani society will be mainly trilingual
model which in some sorts has been mentioned in some commissions done
before.
This trilingual formula or model included the regional language,
communicational language and international language. Urdu to be changed
from National to Communication so that grudge against it lesser down, for it
has been the bone of contention among many ethnic groups in Pakistan, i.e.
Sindhi movement in case in 1971 to 1972. However, for this to happen a
modification in educational policy is worth needing or without it this would
either not be implemented or would be paid completely blind eye.
Let us give a brief sketch of the historical overview of the English
language policies in Pakistan. We have seen a number of educational policies
instituted by different governments but never has there been a
comprehensive document on language policy and these documents have not
been bolstered by institutional support. English is an important contemporary
language used for wider communication in the world. Pakistanis must learn
English but not at the cost of rejecting regional languages. In fact, we should
be striving for a balance between English and the local languages. There is a
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serious need to carve out a policy that is realistic in nature and that makes the
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attempt to preserve local languages and cultures.
Trilingual Formula
Regional Language Class first to Middle as medium of
instruction including Urdu and English
being compulsory subject within that.
Urdu It should be changed to communicational
language from national language and
English language should be national
language
English It should be given serious attention from the
beginning so as to equip students with
modern technology and fast running world.
Moreover, the status of 1973 constitution regarding Urdu to be
implemented but with modified version as the official language and
communicational language. After completing middle, the students should be
given their own choice to any language to further proceed their study in that,
be that regional language, Urdu or English. The most important thing is that
NLA should be empowered to work for the development of all languages in
Pakistan with having linguists or educationist from every region of country
to contribute. The language policies of Pakistan, declared and undeclared,
have increased both ethnic and class conflict in the country. Moreover, our
Westernized elites, in their own interests, are helping the forces of
globalization and threatening cultural and linguistic diversity. In this process
they are impoverishing the already poor and creating much resentment
against the oppression and injustice of the system.
Both globalization and the continuation of colonial language policies
by the governments of Pakistan has increased the pressure of English on all
other languages. While this has also created an increased awareness of
language rights and movements to preserve languages, it has generally
resulted in more people learning English. In Pakistan this means that the
poor are under more pressure than before because they cannot afford
expensive schools which ‘sell’ English at exorbitant rates. As such linguistic
globalization is anti-poor, pro-elitist and exploitative (Rahman)
Conclusion
Issues relating languages must be discussed with unbiased approach
by the help of any community and this should be given a lot of attention,
Most language policy deals with national or international levels rather than local usage (Romanie, 2000)
19 (Mahboob, 2002)
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Acknowledgments
I thanks go to Naeem, Sher Azam, Monica Gill, Syed Aziz, Madam
Shazia Akbar, Mumtaz Ali Sannd and Samia Kausar at Quaid e Azam
University, Islamabad. I have tried to acknowledge all sources and true to the
original data as much as possible, however there are undoubtedly still
corrections to be made. If anyone who reads this acknowledgements find a
piece of data that needs correction, please notify me at
[email protected].
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