CHAPTER FIVE

The World of Homer

and Hesiod
Christoph Ulf

Preliminary Remarks
-\ny attempt to describe the world of Flomer and Hesiod must start with their texts.r
Homer's lliad. and od.ysey and Hesiod's Theogony and works wnd. Days are classified
es epics and generally dated to 750-650 in histories of Greek literature.2 The epic
:s convenrionally regarded as a genre which conveys to its audience already existing
raditions without much intervention by the poet. It is commonly held that these
:erts therefore reflect the societies of the periods in which the traditions brought
rogether in the epics originated, i.e., that epics are a more or less consciously created
-amalgam" of different periods, down to the time they were written down. Flowever,
-Jre ever-continuing discussion of the nature of these texts and the historical realities
contain indicates that things cannot be so simple.3 The debate, which has become
-Jrey
:Imost impossible to sutvey, cannot be covered in detail here, but we will briefly set
out our views on the main Points.
Central to every historical analysis is the answer to the question of how FIomer's
md Hesiod's texts were created. For a long time, the dominant view was that they
rre part of a long Uadition of "oral poetry," which survived because it was recorded
n rvriting. Although oral poetry changed constandy, it, nevertheless) presewed core
elements which reached back to Mycenaean times at least. Texts were produced, it
s-as thought, tfuough "composition in performance," in which bards reproduced exist-
xrg rexts, which however they would modify - to an extent unwittingly - with every
:ecital. Homer and Hesiod were to be seen as such oral poets, with the qualification
*rat their texts differed from older, unpreserved versions in scale and quality. Proponents
oi this view continue to argue about when the extant written versions were produced
- according to the most extreme idea it did not happen until the classical age.a
This kind of reduction of the bard to an anonymous figure was opposed by
rdyocates of so-called "neoanalysis" who emphasized the independent creative con-
ribution of the poet to the epic text (Kullmann 1984). The poet would have made
 82 Chrisnph Ulf

use of fixed oral or oral-derived texts consciously to create a new work of his own.
Where neoanalysis already markedly reduces the significance of orality, "narratology,,
is only marginally interested in the possible oral pre-history of the texts. Narratologists
analyze the written epic texts by means of literary methods, and shift to the ..oralists,,
the burden of proof that tlre epics' oral origins make this inappropriate (De
long 1995;
Huse 1996).
These tlree views on the origin and thus the character of the epics are by no
means based merely upon linguistic or philological arguments. They are also linked
to underlying assumptions about the nature of the historical reality in which the texts
originated. For example, those who take "oral poetry" as their starting point also
postulate that the epic emerged in a "heroic age" characterized by a heroic-aristocratic
competitive ethos. In their oral performances, the poets conveyed values central to
this "heroic age" for the aristocracy's pleasure and instruction. why the traditions
of this world should have endured throughout turbulent historical epochs into
the Archaic Age is rarely explicidy explained. Implictly, however, it is assumed that
a "Greek" people existed from at least the second millennium rcu, and that the
existence of a people entails the existence of (national) oral traditions which preserve
their core despire all historical change.
Neoanalysis and narratology, by contrast) in their different ways allow the poet
to comment upon well-known, distinct oral or written texts which are not subject
to continuous change. This liberates the poets from both the almost compulsory
association with a "heroic age" and from dependence upon a supposed national tradi-
tion' This makes it possible for them to adopt a non-aristocratic perspective as well,
and even to criticize existing conditions by means of commenting on existing texts.
Since they postulate that fixed motiß and texts formed the basis for the creation of
new works, neoanalysis and narratology tend to assume that the poets, world knew
and used writing, and also to allow for the possibility of external influences.
When it comes to deciding in favor of one of these positions with a view to his-
torical evaluation of llomer's and Hesiod's works, one is in danger of falling into
circular argument. In the absence of other evidence, one is forced to deduce from
the epics themselves the historical conditions under which they were created. An
important step in breaking out of this circle is to examine the central modern con-
cepts usually used in describing the "historical" worlds of the texts, because these
concepts are not mere translations of key terms preserved in the texts, but they place
the world of the texts into overarching historical frames of reference. This step can
here be illusüated, by way of example, only with the concept of "a people" or ..narion,,
(volh), as used especially in German-language scholarship. without "a people,,, of
course, an oral "national" tradition (Volhsu,acl.iti.on) cortld not have existed. The
simple question is: what is a people, and where does it corne froml
contrary to what is often assumed, even today, "peoples" are not early but very
late forms of human community. The belief that the ',nation,, is a primordial entity
arose from Romantic thought as it developed in the late eighteenth cenrury. Against
this, more recent scholarship has been able to show - particularly by means of an
analysis of the peoples of the so-called European migrations that ..nations,, emerge
-
only under certain demographic conditions and with the aid of fictive stories of
 The World. of llorner und. Hesiod. 83

':--Ein so that, as a distinct political unit, they may advance their claims to power
-,rrrtr succ€ssfully. But even when they had come into existence in this manner, nations
i -e not - and still are not - fixed entities defined by straightforward (ethnic and/or
-- rural) criteria. To describe the complex processes which lead to the emergence
i r narion, the term "ethnogenesis" has been coined (PohI and Reimitz 1998; Gillett
- -O2 ). The notion of a highly characteristic "national tradition" which reaches far back
--:o the past thus no longer has any foundation, nor is there any reason left to think
:-ir the different forms of human society are not comparable to one another.
-\s with the term "people," which plays such a crucial role in some traditional
::erpretations, we must examine carefully whether other key terms such as "state,"
--<rng," '(aristocracy," "office" and "justice" are applicable to the period in which
iomer's and Hesiod's texts were created.s Archaeological research has shown that
----c inhabitants of the Balkans and t}le coast of Anatolia lived in small settlements,
:stinct but with an essentially simple structure. Before the start of the seventh cen-
:n', demographic developments in many places produce small towns.6 We can infer
----et the works of Homer and Hesiod were composed in a world where "states" were
.:rir just beginning to form. Accordingly, a historical and literary evaluation of these
::rrs should not merely apply concepts derived from the world of the state but take
--ro account the entire spectrum of concepts and models developed by anthroplogy
r Sahlins 1972;Johnson and Earle 1987), philology and historical theory, A con-
rcing interpretation will choose from this array with the aid of a model which accom-
::odates as many as possible - ideally all - of the elements which make up the world
,: the epics. Since this chapter analyzes texts, it can only discover literary worlds.T
fhese, however, can then be compared with the worlds "reconstructed" by archaeo-
r,rg'md its models, and with information derived from Near Eastern sources (Morris
i000; chs. 3, 4, above). It is only this comparison which enables us to draw conclu-
.:ons about the historicity of the societies portrayed in the epics.

Homer's World
The two epics attributed to FIomer, the Iliad and the Ool.yssey, recount completely
lifferent events. They, nevertheless, share important basic characteristics which are
oi fundamental significance for the reconstruction of Homer's world and its place
:n history. In the following brief summaries of the poems) we shall focus upon these
rspects alone.

Tlte I.liad: societi.es Dt wa.r

The Iliad is one of many stories about the Trojan War, but only deals with a period
of 51 days in the tenth year of the siege of Tro,v, not including t1le conquest of Troy
irself. Sections of the iong text are linked to one another by means of flashbacks and
tlash-forwards. The story incoryorates other tales fämiliar to its audience, such as the
story of Meleager or old Nestor's reminiscences of his youth. These comment on
the main story line and clearly signal the intentions of the text.
84 ChristoPb Ulf

Both combatants are comprised of many different groups with distinct names,
listed in the "Catalogue of Ships" and the "Catalogue of Trojans." The besiegers
are collectively called "Achaeans" or "Danaeans," and submit - voluntarily - to the
supreme command of Agamemnon. The defenders of Troy, called "Trojans" or
"Dardanians," consist of the inhabitants of the city of Troy and allies, won over by
Priam by means of gifts. Since he himself is too old, IIector, his eldest son, must
lead the army. The events of war, covering only four days, are depicted at length,
but they are not the central theme of the story.
The central theme is: how should a leader behave in order to ensure the well-
being of the community as a whole (d.erno)l This theme shapes the events on both
the Achaeans' and the Trojans' side. Amongst the Achaeans, the focus is on the conflict
between Agamemnon and Achilles, usually seerl as a mere private problem, and Achilles'
resulting wrarh (ruenis). A parallel treatment of the theme is found at the level of
the gods. According to a belief which pervades the Homeric epics, the gods largely
but not exclusively determine the fate of man, and they take sides not only with
Trojans or Achaeans but also with individuals. This may embroil them in quarrels
with one another, and if this does not lead to open fighting among them it is only
thanks to Zeus, who is represented in both lliad and Od,yssey as the authority to
whom the other gods must ultimately bow down,
The quarrel between Agamemnon and Achilles arises over a plague sent by Apollo
to afilict the Achaean army because Agamemnon has seized the daughter of his priest.
Agamemnon initially refused to recognize the problem, and then tried to solve it by
returning the woman, Chryseis, to her father, but by way of comPensation taking a
slave woman, Briseis, whom the Achaeans had given to Achilles after the same cam-
paign. Achilles accuses Agamemnon of being cowardly and greedy. He withdraws
from batde, and no one is able to stop him

You dog-eyed, fawn-hearted drunk! You have never had the courage to arm yourself
for battle alongside the men (laoi) or to join the best of the Achaeans in an ambush.
To you, that seems like certain death. Of course it is much easier to rob men of ttreir
gifts across the great Achaean army, whenever someone speaks out against you' you
basileuswho devours his people, because you rule over nobodies!
(L224-31; tr. van Wees)

Agamemnon cannot refute Achilles' accusations in the following battles. The result
is twofold danger for the Achaeans: they are threatened by an internal conflict which
destroys the community (polernos epid.ernios) and by annihilation at the hands of the
Trojans. In this situation, Agamemnon is forced to admit to his weaknesses and to
try ro compensate for his behavior towards Achilles by material and ideal means. I{e
must also acknowledge the partial superiority of other leaders, who signal that they
no longer accept Agamemnon as paramount leader. Agamemnon gives way in every
respect) and in parallel the Achaeans gain the upper hand. The funeral games (athlo)
for Patroclus, organized by Achilles for all the Achaeans, are symbolic of the inter-
nal unity recovered under the new conditions (Ulf 2004).
The Trojan counterpart of this intemal conflict arises as a result of the oppornrnity
created) at the very start of the action, to end the war by means of a treaty and single
 Tlte World of Horner and. Ilesiod. 85

:ombat between the main adversaries, Menelaos and Paris (3.82-If 5). Paris how-
:rer flees combat with the help of Apfuodite, and the Trojans proceed to break the
;-turistice agreement. This not only makes continuation of batde between Achaeans
urd Trojans inevitable, but also gives rise to debate amongst the Trojans concern-
og the correcr behavior of a leader (basileus). Paris is forced to listen to Hector's
iod Helen's vehement accusations of cowardice :

-{ECTOR: "Wretched Paris, you are the best man only in appearance, you woman-
crazy seducer! If only you had never been born and died unmarried.
I would really prefer that, and it would really be much better than for
you to be such a disgrace and an object of contempt to everyone ."
(3.3e-42)

-{ELEN: "Have you returned from batde? If only you had fallen on the spot,
brought low by a strong man who was once my husband. You used
to boast that your strength and fists and spear were superior to those
of warlike Menelaus."
(3.428-31. tr. van Wees)

-r doing so, he has endangered Troy. Later, F{ector himself is also criticized for
:ering lost sight of the actual goal, to protect the people and the city. He over-
:sdmates his own abilities, which ultimately leads him to his death in combat against
-lchilles, who thereupon defiles his corpse . It is at tiis point that the two strands of
events amongst the Achaeans and the Trojans converge. Achilles is forced
=rremal
mce more to contain his inhuman wrath, this time towards the defeated foe. With
ire approval of Zets, old Priam turns to Achilles with the plea that he return l{ector's
:orpse for burial. In a touching dialogue, Achilles accepts Priam's gifts and grants
is request. Priam returns to Troy and Flector can be buried. Thus, the lliad not
lerely keeps well away from the end of the tale of Troy as the audience knew it
iom other accounts, ending with the conquest and destruction of the city, but vir-
:ually contradicts this implacable conclusion.
With this ending, the reign of Zeus over the Olympian gods, which the epics
Jeliberately reinforce and systemattze by means of genealogical connections, also
froves meaningful. For not only has Zeus been able to get the other gods to agree
:o this conclusion, but even earlier, when all the gods intervened in battle between
Trojans and Achaeans (the "Battle of the Gods") he had been able to prevent an
open confrontation among them.

Tlte Odyssey: a. society i.n d,anger

Tbe Od.yssey offers no mere chronological description of Odysseus' return to Ithaca
'out
ardrlly elaboratd interweaves two main story lines: the different stages of Odysseus'
Jangerous homeward voyage, and the events and situation in Ithaca. In the last stage
of his journey, among the Phaeacians, Odysseus himself describes how close to home
alier only a few adventures, he and his comrades ruined their chances of an immediate
86 Christoph Ulf

homecoming. odysseus' men (hetairol) believed that he did not wanr to give them
a share of the valuable gifts of the wind god Aeolus. so they opened the bag into
which Aeolos had bound the winds that could endanger their journey. The winds
escaped and drove the ships completely offcourse (10.34-50). Thus, in the Od.yxey
as in the lliad., a smooth solution of problems is prevented by erroneous behavior
- on the part of both Odysseus and his companions. Odysseus alone can escape the
dangers of the mythical world into which they stray as a result.
He is shipwrecked and then rescued by the Phaeacians. The island society of
the Phaeacians, located between the mythical and real worlds, represents a sort of
counter-image to the situation in rthaca. Ithaca, the story's destination, has not had
a paramount bnsilews since odysseus' departure for Troy. A new one can only be
designated by Penelope, Odysseus' widow, marrying one of her young suitors. But
the way in which these suitors court the widow violates almost all accepted norms.
Not only do they destroy the economic basis of Odysseus' household with their
daily feasts at his house, but they even attempt to murder Telemachus, odysseus'
son and potential heir. When Odysseus returns to this world, he recovers his posi-
tion by force, fighting first against the suitors and then against their relatives. As in
the rliad, the story is resolved with the help of the gods: Athena is instructed by
Zeus to prevent a civil war and force the Ithacans to recognize Odysseus as theii-
paramount basilews.
In view of the plot lines of the rliod. and the od.yssey described above, these two
epics can be read as complementary texts which deal with a common theme from
different perspectives and with an eye on different societies, and which are guided
by a common message: a conflict (neihos) which cannot be resolved "privately"8 must
not carry on by means of violence. rnternal cohesion and a leader's duty to keep the
public good in mind must not be endangered by egoism and hwby,is. These clear,
complementary prescriptions are hardly conceivable without the existence of fierce
conflict and a discussion of the qualities required of leaders in the reality of the poet's
times. But before we can pursue this thought any further, we must first examine the
chief elements of which fhe societies described in the poems are constructed.

Swbsistence econorny ond. trad,e

A simple agricultural economy prevails in FIomer, despite the presence of a few luxury
goods, and in contrast to the economy of the Mycenaean age or of Near Eastern
empires. Agriculture is the almost exclusive source of subsistence. Farmland was owned
by households (oikoi).In the lliad. and the Od.yssey only the households of the elite
are described. They are located near or within settlements and have the best land
at their disposal. The plots of land are large enough to be divisible amongst heirs
(Il l4.2o&-10), or for pieces to be given away ro slaves. Besides the owner,s family,
the oikos includes male and female slaves, seryants, and hired laborers (thetes),who
either own no land at all or too litde to subsist on; and in addition free men who
have come as refugees and are dependent upon support (therap0ntes). The men ener-
getically cultivate the land, above all to produce grain; they also work in vineyards
and orchards. The women are responsible for all tasks related to housekeeping. Livestock
 The World of Homer and Hesiod 87

-eeding plays a special role in that catde selve as a status symbol and - presumably
fur this very reason - as a measure of value. Members of the elite pride themselves
--n personally being able to perform all tasks particulary well.
Apart from land owned by oikoi, not only common land but also uncultivated and
:ndlocated land of lesser quality seems to have been available. This might explain
ire conspicuous absence of any hint of conflict over land between rich and poor.
Besides the people Iiving in the o'ikos, we find in the epic world professional traveling
4recialists, such as the seer, healer, carpenter or singer, who are important enough
:o be called d.enaiourgoi, "workers for the d.ewls," i.e. the whole community (Ol.
\7.382-6). There is no direct mention of permanent local markets or trade, but
roth may have existed. Long-distance trade is dominated by foreigners, notably the
Phoenicians, but the elite also takes part in, and derives special advantage from, it.
Because it is directed toward profrt (herd.os) and may be connected with piracy, for-
cign trade is regarded with ambivalence.e

Strangers, who are youf Why are you sailing the wet lanes of the sea! Is it on some
businessl Or are you traveling at random across the sea, as raiders do - tnen who
rvander and put their lives at risk as they bring harm upon foreignersf
(3.7I-4; tr. van Wees)

Tbe principle of reciprocit)t

Reciprocity is a principle which is essential to the functioning of Homeric societies
rs a whole, not only of their elites. According to this principle, the exchange of
goods and services simultaneously creates social and economic obligations between
individuals or groups, which are to be discharged immediately or at some later point.
The services of a leader can be recompensed by the community as a whole (d.erwos)
nith a plot of land (ternenos) or a special gift (gerns). Leaders (gerontes) convened
in council drink wine (gerowsios oinos) placed at their disposal by the d,eru,os in exchange
tbr their advice, and some of them receive a special piece of meat by the paramount
leader in return for special services. Reciprocity is also involved in the relationships
between guest-friends in their exchange of gifts, as well as the relationship that is
tbrged between Priam and Achilles by means of the goods which redeem }lector's
corpse.lo
The typology of reciprociry established by Marshall Sahlins can help clarif,, what
the effects of reciprocity may be (Sahlins 1972 var, Wees 1998c). With regard to the
relationship between giver and receiver, we can distinguish "generalized," "balanced,"
and "negative" reciprocity. "Balanced reciprocity" is normally to be found in gifts
between guest-fiiends. "Generalized reciprocity" presupposes the generosity of the
giver, but puts the receiver into a position of dependency for as long as he is not in
a position to return similar gifts. This is Agamemnon's intention when he offers Achilles
goods and serwices in exceptional quantiry and quality to win him back as ally. This is
also what happens when the Phaeacians fill Odysseus' ship with coundess gifts for his
return to Ithaca. "Negative reciprocity" means that goods and services are demanded
and received, but the expected compensation does not follow, or is not adequate.
88 Chrisnph Ulf

If one wishes to avoid the obligations created by reciprocity) one can only refuse
to accept the goods and services offered. This is why Achilles does not accept the
gifts offered by Agamemnon. Yet the individual is not free to accept or refuse at will
the gifts offered. If one is in a weak social position, one cannot turn down such an
offer. Thus, for example, Agamemnon must accept the prize which he receives from
Achilles at Patroclus' funeral games, but in doing so falls, as he himself recognizes,
into dependence on Achilles. Because this game of acceptance and refusal is closely
connected to raising and lowering social status) it also entails intense competition
within the Homeric elite, as in all societies of this kind.Il
In this competition it is an advantage always to have goods (hei,rnelia, kternnta)
at one's disposal. For this reason, as many valuable commodities as possible are hoarded
at home. Such goods are textiles produced by the women inthe oihos, animals raised
on the farm, and metal artwork or raw metals (gold, iron) obtained through foreign
trade. Basilelswho present gifts can demand compensation from the deruos, but prob-
ably only when they do so as representatives of the community, rather than as indi-
viduals. On the whole, however, we must remember that the number of such luxury
goods is small, despite the efforts to depict a rich and splendid world; generally only
between one and three luxury items are exchanged or given away at a time.

Soci.ol sta.tas
Homeric societies are patriarchal in the sense that tlle power of decision-makng (kratos)
lies with dre men.r2 This is not to say that the female sex or its sphere of action was
devalued. For on the one hand this male power does not imply the use of force, and
on the other hand the (elite) woman has the same authority in her domain as the man
has in his. Men are explicidy assigned the areas of (public) speech and wadare, women
domestic work and tlle superuision of free and unfree maid-serwants (Il. 6.488-93;
Od. 1.346-59;21.344-53). In exceptional circumstances, the boundary between
the gender spheres is crossed. In the face of the threat to Troy, Andromache advises
her husband l{ector on how best to defend the city. Penelope must - and can -
manage the whole oikos as long as her husband is away and her son is not yet an
adult. Similar situations are found in the mythical fantasy world where Calypso
and Circe live. But the influence of women in the "real" world can also exceed their
normal sphere. The mothers of Nestor and Andomache are both explicidy designated
as leaders (basilei,n), and Arete, wife to the paramount leader of the Phaeacians, sets
out the parameters for decision-making by the men.
The position of an individual within Homeric societies depends upon two factors:
his socio-economic and socio-political esteem. Economic success is considered essential
proof of a person's quality. This makes it necessary to display one's prosperity and to
consume it in the company of others. However, Achilles' accusation that Agamemnon
is greedy, for instance, or the negative view ofthe long-distance trader, suggest that
it matters how one achieves economic success. One's own work as well as the suc-
cessful organization of work are valued positively, while success achieved at the
cost of others is valued negatively. Only free men and women are included in this
spectrum of evaluations. The foreigner, who often arrives as a refugee to become a
 The World. of l{onoer arud. Iles'iod 89

-resident ahen" (rnetana.stes), like the free hired laborer (thes) and the occasional
-gger (ptochos) or slave (d.ru.os), cannot attain the same status as firll members of
ociety. And yet, there are differences in the treatment of these lower-ranking per-
;ons. The thetes are subject to their master's moods and can even be cheated out of
Jreir rightful pay, like the gods Poseidon and Apollo, when they built the walls of
Trov in the guise of hired laborers (11.21.441-52; Od.. 11.489-91). By compari-
son, the small number of female and male slaves, who are p".t of an oihos, are
"lI
Jefinitely better off (Raaflaub 1997b: 638-9).
The degree of prestige a person has within society is what lies behind the term
ime. As a sociopolitical term, it covers the link between standing and prestige. The
c\tremes of the range of tiru.e are marked as "the best" (aristos) or "good" (agwthos),
md "bad" (hahos). A person's ranking within this range is not fixed once and for all,
but can vary according to context. Basilees may count fundamentally as agathos or
zistos, and also .rloy special relationship to Zers, but they are differentiated accord-
"
urg to their prestige . For example, at the beginning of the lliad., Agamemnon has
more of the quality of a leader (basilewteros) than Achilles. On the other hand, Achilles
s a.ristos in combat which Agamemnon is not. Agamemnon - and he is not alone
- can even lose his position as basilews if he does not take the well-being of the d.em.os
rnto consideration, for the d.ernos, or the laos, is the point of reference of every evalu-
ation. If he would no longer fuIfilI his role as "shepherd of the people," his tiru.e'tn
public opinion (pberue) would be much reduced (Ulf 1990b: 4f-8).
Gradations of tirne can be in evidence in all areas of human endeavor, and are
encountered in the organizaion in age groups, from child to old man, which per-
rades all of society (Ulf I990b: 5f-83). The child is foolish (nepios), youths and
!-oung adrilts (howros, houre) have not yet developed their firll intellectual abilities.
From the age of about 30, male adults are designatedgerzntesatd have more prestige
due to the greater qualities ascribed to them. But each age group is further differ-
entiated according to individual ability, which can result in a younger person receiv-
ing more tiruethan an older one. Concretely, Diomedes, for instance, who in age
is still a kouros, is nevertheless reckoned among the gerontes, as wise Nestor insists:

Son ofTydeus, you are exceedingly strong in war, and in council you are the best of
all your contemporaries. Not a single Greek will scoff at your speech or contradict you,
yet you have not brought the debate to an end. You are after all a young man, and
might be my youngest son . . . But come) I, who can claim to be older than you, shall
have the final word and run through everything; no one will disrespect my speech, not
even lord Agamemnon'
et.9.s3-62;tr. van wees)

Descent from a "good" elite family does endow a child with the important advant-
ages of this mi-lieu, but the complaint about the bad offspring of good parents
indicates tlrat they are not exempt from the competition for tirue (Od- 2.276-7;Ulf
1990b: 194-7). A person has to prove himself above a1l in warfare, in council, and
in the mediation of conflicts. A "strong warrior" who is able "to tlrink simultaneously
ahead and back" (1/. 1.343), has the best chance of improving his personal prestige
and thereby his social status.
90 Cbristoph Ulf

Soci. o -p o li.tic al un its

The establishment of a person's stanrs by means of socio-economic and socio-political
criteria takes place within what we may call a political framework, delimited by the
concept of tirwe. Only a full member of the commtnity (poli.tes) can have tirne. This
does not include either the refugee (phySrl who as resident alien (rnetanastes) enioys
no titme, nor the slave, because Zets has deprived him of half of the qualities of a
free person (arete).13
Just as the epics depict diverse societies, their political units do not look uniform.
In the lliad.'s Catalogue of Ships and Catalogue of Trojans, the contingents engaged
in the war are portrayed as ethne; they appear in the Od.yssey as e.g. Ithacans,
Thesprotians or Phoenicians. At the same time, numerous cities, such as Troy or the
town of the Phaeacians, but also the Achaean camp, exhibit the characteristics of a
potis (city-state).1a An ethnos can encompass an entire region with several, differendy
srructured settlements. The specific characteristic of the polis is its openly visible
communal institutions: it has a public square, streets, temples and a city wall; and
political arrangements are more easily set in motion within it. But both of these forms
of political community have basileis and a council of gerontes. These , and the public
assembly (ngora), operate according to fixed rules, such as the summoning by heralds,
or a particular order of speakers'Is
What the political unit is expected to achieve can be deduced from the goal pur-
sued by all deliberations. It is not a matter of imposing one's own view, but rather
of presenting a persuasive argument which promotes the common good; in other
words, which above all avoids internal conflict. How important a point this is can
be inferred from the plots of the ltiad.andthe Od,yssey oudined earlier, and from the
safeguarding of this duty by divine supervision: Zeus and Themis ("the norm") watch
over good order in the political communiry. Decisions in the agora are not made
exclusively by the elite, but on the principle described earlier by which individual
abilities and economic success (must) coincide, the elite are not only granted polit-
ical leadership but also dominate the formation of public opinion.r6
The unambiguous obligation to make political decisions collectively is formulated
in the face of latent tensions within the political trnits. These tensions arise out of
the parallel existence of an overarching political framework and of smaller units,
which each create identity and demand loyalty. For instance, the age grouPs of the
ger1ntes and the howroi, i.e. of older and younger adults, can have virtually opposite
views on important issues. This is the case e.g. in the agorn in which the Achaeans
publicly discuss the correct method of warfare against the Trojans (I/. 9.50-68)'
Here it becomes evident that a youthful leader such as Diomedes can represent a
danger for the internal peace of a community when he is supported by his peers.
We also hear of kinship groups, rarely and vaguely, but not only at weddings or when
a murdered man is to be avenged. Some Arcadians, for instance, are characterized
as group by their residence near the tomb of Aipytos) perhaps a collective ancestor
(Il. 2.603-4), and Hector gathers the Trojan leaders in a council at the tomb of
Ilos, eponymous founder of Ilion, in the plain outside the city (Il. IO.4L4-]5; cf.
n.t66-7).
 The World. of Honoer arud. Hesiod' 91

6y phratries
This recalls Nesror's advice that the Achaean army be subdivided
that kinship grouPs
:rotherhood s) a;rÄ pbylni. (sections) (Il. 2.362-3). The impression
to fend off the
::e meanr here is .orrfu-.ä by the fact that llector originally planned
r.;haeans without Trojan ,olji..s (laoi,) or allies (epihouroi),b:ut "with his brothers-
group which may be based
:.-larv and own brothers,, (il.5.472-4). In Ithaca, another
kinship makes an upp.".u,,.. in connection with Eupeithes, fat}rer
of the suitor
r
r.;rrinoos. This group äk p"., in a raid against Thesprotians in the face of protests
-:!)m rhe Ithacans and is therefore attacked by the d,erwos (od.. 16.424-29). The rela-
:_rrnslrip between these kinship grouPs and the oilzo'i cannot
be clearly determined'
of group which as a focus of identity
-:r any case, the oihoi r.pr.r"rrt * third kind
.rd läyalty can come into conflict with the interests of the d'encos'
of classifying
The tensions within societies also result from the near-impossibility
the commun-
:re actions of any individual as unambiguously private. This is because
for the alloca-
:1 as a whole (d.ewo) not only dominates as the point of reference
::on of tirne, b,ut also takes action in its own right' It awards
gifts of honor from
-()orv, or else land. It contributes to processes of arbitration (Il. 18'497-508),
can
interest is harmed, and in its gatherings
.ro.i"i- a penalty (thoe) when the collective it
,gorn).r.är., th. spu.. for political decision-making, in which also participates
interest for selfish reasons,
i. e.iOS-Z+; Z.Z+i-2e1. Vvho.,r., harms the common
:ren if only by influencing a speaker in assembly by means of a gifts, loses tince
Il. 9,123 -4; Od. 2,184-6).17
in the
The tensions thus inherent in the political unit§ seem to be reproduced
:j.rssification of the individual as orr. of four distinct types
of relationship between
::tairoi(companions), which are characterized'by different forms of reciprocity (cf'
in different groups could produce conflicts
--lf I990b: iZ-eA1, iarallel membership
,f loyalty, all the more so since groups of hetairoi. *.t. .tät confined to
the elite'I8

Theyelotionshipbe,weenpoliticalc|lnnch'nitöes
autonomous entities'
!{omer,s political communities are not self-contained, completely
practice of
]n" ,rore th an his oi.hoi are. we can tell this not only from the common
long-distance) trade, bur also from the fact that e.g. Troy or
the Phaeacians' polis
experiencele
rre newly-founded cities (.I1. 20.215-18; Od.6.3-10). The ambivalent
abroad finds expression in, on the
.)i trade contact and foundation of settlements
and Zeus' role as protec-
trne hand, the ethnographical interest shown by the epics
violent foreign basilews
ror of the stranger, urrd, on the other hand, the image of the
*'ho has peoplJs ,-tor., ,.rd ears cut off and genitals ripped out'20
the reasons for
The reiationship between political units is often not peaceful, and
;lying tales," Odysseus tells of how hunger and poverty
this are not uniform. In his
Jrive people into foreign parts'(od.. 14.214-15; Ulf 1990b:
1s0-2), but other stories
..r,.ul , Lore.o-plo pi.,o... It seems that single members of the community,
especially young *en, hop. to improve their social status as well as profit econom-
the
i.lfy. 1.fri, ,..Ä, ,o be the case foi the series of plundering expeditions between
pvlians and the Eleans (/1. 1I.668- 762), Achilles' raids around Troy (Il' 6'414-28;
20.188-94),andOdysseus'allegedadventuresinEgypt(Od'14'222-34)'butalso
92 Christoph Ulf
for Paris' behavior in sparta which leads ro the Trojan war. AII this is not far
removed from piracy, represenred by ..g. the Taphians, regarded as kidnappers (od..
t5.427-49).
The different kinds of aggression - from small-scale raid to organized warfare berween
political communities - may well have also been linked to different forms of warfare.
The great Trojan War is no more than a conflict between political units, blown up
to panhellenic proportions. These exaggerated dimensions presumably also explain
why forms of warfare corresponding to different occasions for military conflict were
all projected into the Trojan war. The very variable equipment of the Achaean con-
tingents might suggest this.2r
The political unit as a whole is also put at risk even when only one secrion wages
war' Although the danger of retribution becomes smaller as the victims are more
remote, but if claims for compensation are made, they are addressed to the political
unit as a whole. IIence political units try to find solutions beyond guesr-friendship,
which links only individuals. The Trojan War gives an exemplary demonsrration of
possible procedures. Menelaos and Odysseus were sent to Troy as envoys authorized
to clarify how the conflict could be resolved. Although no solurion was reached in
this way, the attempt was made to prevent a war by concluding an actual treaty. The
alliances of different political units which constitute the Trojans and Achaeans are also
based upon such formal agreements.22 Such alliances were apparently not confined
to military situations (Od. 16.424-9), but details are unclear.

I{esiod's World
In our description of Hesiod's epics, we will limit ourselyes to emphasizing those
to a reconstruction of Hesiod's world, and those that have
aspects that are relevant
bearing upon the comparison of Flomer's and Hesiod,s worlds.

Theogonyz tbe ord.er of Zews

The Theogonyjustifies the reign of Zeus and the olympian gods. Hesiod does not,
however, represent "the" Greek religion, but rather one - and the only surviving
-
attempt of many to systematize the multitude of religious ideas amongst the Greeks.
The particular world of Hesiod's Tbeogony also contains important Near Eastern
elements, which cannot be given their due here .23
In the beginning, the void (chaos), Earth, and Eros emerged. Gaia, the Earth,
brought forth the s§ and dre sea. She then gave birth to a generation of gods named
Titans, fathered by Uranus. Uranus hates his children because thev are a threat to his
power. so he "would not suffer them to come up into the light" (ls7). only the
youngest child, cronus, dares to resist. with his mother Gaia's help, he cuts off his
father's genitals and himself takes power amongst the gods. But he knew ..from Gaia
and starry l.Iranus that, for all his strength, he was doomed, by the plan of great Zeus,
to be subjected by his own son" (459-65). with this reference ro Zeus, who has
not even been born at this time, Hesiod shows that Zeus is the endpoint of his entire
 The World. of llorner and. IIesiod. 93

<enealogy of the gods, Cronus fhen devours all the children he begot with his sister
Rhea, but Rhea outwits him by giving him a stone wrapped in swaddling-bands
nstead of Zetx. Thus Zeus can grow up and rescue his siblings. With the youngest
otthe Olympian gods, Zeus, a new era begins. He forgoes the violence upon which
L-ranus and Cronus had relied. He liberates the Cyclopes and in return they give
rim the necessary instruments of power: thunder and lightning. Supported by the
Hundred-Handers, gods whom he has also set free ,Zews is able to defeat the Titans,
rtro rebel against the new regime, in a ten-year battle that shatters heaven and earth.
-t the request of the gods, Zeus establishes his new order, in which he assigns all
deities a status (tinoe) corresponding to their qualities. Furthermore, he binds the most
important goddesses to himself by marriage, and in this way begets further deities
- such as, by Themis, Eunomia (good order), Dike (justice) und Eirene (peace), to
q'hom fall important tasks in the new divine order (90f-3). Awealth of further deities
,ud stories are tied to this chronological and substantive framework, to fulfill the
eim of systematization but also to reinforce the basic idea.
The order of Zeus is not completely new but composed of elements which had
been positively valued in connection with the earlier generations of gods, including
dr. gft given in the appropriate measure and manner; the recognition of achievements
s'hich are to the benefit of all; the farsighted thinking which can see even through
uicks; quick and good decisions based on such thinking; the consideration of good
rdvice; the exercise of one's power to the advantage of all, which means that it should
nor be used in excess. Zeus completely embodies all of these characteristics, while
other deities do so partialty (e.g. Gaia, Nereus and the Nereids, Oceanus and the
Oceanids, Hecate, the llorae, the Moirae, the Charites and the Muses)' The con-
rasting negative characteristics and behaviors have already been mentioned: violent
use of power to one's own advantage; resort to trickery to damage others; hate. It is
significant that the evaluation of the basilews Zeus is not unquestionably established
from the outset, since he too has means of power which could be used in negative
s'ays. Only when it becomes clear that he puts these to wise use, does the latent
positive evaluation prevail.

Works and Days: d'aily life stri.pped. of heroisrn

-{t the center of this rvork is an inheritance conflict (30-9, 395-9) to which the
individual sections relate. Only those who assume an oral composition and tradition
of the text doubt this autobiographical element, and the historicity of the poet Hesiod
s.ith it (Nrgy 1996b). Hesiod accuses his brother Perses of pursuing a wrong form
of ambition (eri). Becarse he wrongly disagreed with the division of their joint inher-
itance, Perses had turned to the basilees. Against this background, an image is cre-
ated which transfers into daily life the kind of dispute setdement portrayed in the
ideal world of the description of the shield of Achilles in the llind. (18.497-508).
Aithough Perses gave the basileis not only his entire inheritance, but also property
stolen from Hesiod, they had not judged in his favor. "For we had already divided
our estate, and you had seized and carried offmuch else besides, paylng great honor
to the basileis who eat gifts (d.orophagol) who were keen to settle this dispute" (37-9).
94 Christopb Ulf
The reason for Perses' failure was that he had pretended to be wealthy. And now
he came to him to ask for support. "Do your work, foolish Perses, as ordained for
mankind by the gods" (397-8).
To give his admonitions a foundation, Flesiod ties this conflict and his advice to
the rules of a more comprehensive divine and human order. To this end he describes
parts of the divine world insofar as necessary for his argument. Two aspects of the
human order are represented. Against the power of the basiler-.s, wrongly understood
and selfishly used in his own world, he places the behavior and rules which can over-
come the problems of life to the advantage of all. In this way, Flesiod lends events
and situations in the litde town of Askra in Boeotia the character of a generally valid
paradigm. He speaks to Perses and the audience of a just human order safeguarded
by Zets, of the basilees'tasks, of the significance of material wealth to social recogni-
tion (tirue) and of the importance of working for it.
Unlike the Homeric epics, in l{esiod's works it is not the world of the wealt}ry elite
which dominates, but rather the perspective of the owner of an oih.os of middling size
who works on his land himself, together with a few servants, slaves, and animals (but
cf. ch. 23). such an oihos, ideally dependent on no one, can only be successful when
the principle of maximum thrift is added to one's own intensive work, to prudent
planning and to the observance of all economic and social rules (423-36, 538-46).
I(nsmen are less important in this than neighbors, whose support may be needed
in daily work. Hesiod's thoughts are not concerned with survival, but are to be under-
stood as instructions for attaining prosperity.2a For prosperity is a prerequisite for
social recognition. The path taken by Perses in seeking a legal decision by the bosilees
inthe agoratirthout this prerequisite is tierefore foolish, since "capability and renown
attend upon wealth" (312).
Hesiod presents these rules of conduct not merely to assert himself in his own
world, but also intends with their aid to lead foolish people (nepioi) like Perses and
the basilees back onto the straight and narrow. By means of four narrative strand.s,
Hesiod aims to make them see the error of their ways and at the same time to pres-
ent rules to guide the community. The sketch of how Hesiod is robbed by his brother,
and how Perses in turn is robbed by the basihes, is immediately followed by the story
of Prometheus, who tried to dupe Zeus. Zeus proved his superiority by giving pandora
to Prometheus' brother Epimetheus ("after-thinker"). The famous story which ensues
about the succession of human tlpes (genos) ends with the Iron Age, in which Hesiod,s
contemporaries musr live lives of toil and suffering. For them, Hesiod prophesies
the mutual destruction of cities because they respect violent man who has given in
to hybri.s (188-92). This general diagnosis is followed by the fable of the hawk and
the nightingale which warns the basilees that only a fool fights srronger opponenrs
(20r-r1). Mrhat this means is explained by the depiction of the "unjust" and the
"just" polis.

For those who indulge in bad aggression (hybris) and evil deeds Zeus, far-seeing son
of cronus, ordains punishment, and often an entire ciry shares the fate of one bad man
who commits crimes and performs reckless deeds.
(237-40)
 The World. of Horu.er ond. Ilesiod. 95

But, Hesiod warns, "a fool suffers first and understands later" (2I8). To avoid this,
-rne should organize one's community in accordance with the rules of d.ihe, |uslc.ce.
Then, the city will flourish and be protected by Zeus, his chosen guardians, and Dike
:rerself (225-37).
This diagnosis leads Hesiod to exhort Perses to change his behavior. He should
re guided by justice and turn away from violence (bie).Wealth obtained by violence
:nd deception rather than persuasion will be short-lived (320-5). Hesiod offers detailed
::lstructions for the practical application of this exhortation in the main part of the
tpic, in more than 500 verses, often derived fiom rustic proverbs.2s Work precedes
erosperity. Only property acquired by a year's labor with one's own hands will last.
Farmwork dominates but Hesiod briefly also mentions seafaring and trade, albeit
rrimarily their risks (617-93).
Iust like the lliad. and Od.yssey, the Theogony and Works and. Days can be seen as
;omplementary texts whose structure derives from a clear poetic intention.26 The proems
of both works leave no doubt that Zeus is the sole point of reference for the order
spresented by Dike and presented by Hesiod as the right one. To show this order
:n the right light, Hesiod makes complex use of the antithesis "positive -negative."
-\t the beginning of Works and. Days, we find two types of conflict (ads) defined in
-.Iese terms. In Theogony, only one type of edsis mentioned, but, unlike the older
gods, Zeus has chosen the right kind. We encounter the same contrast in the two
;'aths humans can choose to take. Perses should choose the more demanding path
md desist from deceit and violence. Zets does the same in the Theogony. In con-
üast to the older gods, he refrains from violence so long as he is not forced to use
it. This opposition is continued in the juxtaposition of the "just" and the "unjust"
polis. The good bosilees in the just polis behave like Zeus in Tbeogony and the ideal
basilews in the Od.yssey (Od. 19.109-14). The bad polis ends in ruin because d.ihe is
not respected and the basilees rely on hybris, deception, and violence instead.
With the story of Prometheus and Pandora, told in both texts, Hesiod creates a
link between his two works, and here too the opposition "good-bad" is fundamental.
Because of Prometheus' deception of Zeus, which should have brought advantages,
mankind suffers misery in the form of Pandora ("all gifts"). This woman, called "a
beautiful evrl" (Th. 585: halon hahon) has only one jar (pitbu) - not two) like Zeus
in the ltiad. (24.527-30) - which contains only the negative gifts. It is part of Zeus'
deception that her name suggests that she will bring all. But Pandora seems to be only
half. For rhere are some indications that this woman, created as a punishment by Zeus,
does not represent womankind per se, as is generally assumed, but only embodies the
*more feminine" kind of woman (genos gynaihon thelyteraon, Th. 590-l), of which
Hesiod says in Worhs nnd. Days (372-4) that they confuse a man's mind - just as Hera,
here negatively characterized, does to Zeus h the lliad. (14.214-21). Hesiod con-
rrasts this type with the hard-working, sensible woman (WD 694-704), represented
in the divine world of the Theogony by female figures such as Gaia or Hecate.27
Thlcrs Theogony and Works nnd, Days have the same goal: the establishment of an
order based upon justice (d.ike). Hesiod reifforces his exhortation to uphold its rules
to the benefit of all by pointing to divine sanctions. Those who drag Dike away not
only make the d.encos grumble (WD 219: rhothos), but they are also threatened by
 96 Cbristopb Ulf
Zeus' punishment. This message is proclaimed by both Hesiod and r{omer with a
claim to truth that is guaranteed by their having been made singers by the Muses
and Apollo.

The World beyond lfomerrs and I{esiod,s Texts

The differences between Homer and Hesiod are unmistakable. In lIesiod,s world,
the elite is not the center of attention. Hesiod, Perses and the basilees are part of a
highly concrete political unit. A problem affecting this group of people is Äe point
of departure for an analysis of the shortcomings and fundam.rrtd p.otl"-s of wery-
day life. rlowever, Hesiod does not see any way of firndamentally changing the
conditions of life. He puts his faith much more heavily than FIomer in the power
of Dike rather than in participation in public life in the agoro.28 perhaps this dis-
tance from the community is related to the fact that r{esiod, being the son of an
immigrant, was not wholly integrated into Ascran society. This in turn could explain
why he regards kinship as less important than neighborly assistance, with which the
Homeric epics are also familiar (Il. 5.488-90; Od..9.49-S0).
The Homeric epics examine in a more fundamental way a wider world of societies
which are not the same but similar, from the point of view of two exceptional situ-
ations, which makes them seem more "political" than Hesiodzs works. only at fust
glance, however, do the Homeric epics appear to focus upon the elite, because the
elite is always related to ttre community.2e The lliad. and t]le od.ysey seem to want
to draw attention above all to the means by which internal social hierarchies should
be organized. The basilerr must do justice to their privileged position in thought
and action to maintain their standing. This conception is not entirely alien to Hesiod
either. It finds drastic expression in a passage where people who pursue their self-
interest with brute force are compared to animals (wD 275-9). This is also how
Achilles is characterized when he defiles llector's corpse in breach of all norms (1/.
23.344-54; 24.39-54).
Neither the problematic concept of the "nation,, briefly noted at the outset nor
the kind of differences sketched above entitle us to attribute the differences between
IIomer and Hesiod to an evolutionary development of ,.the Greeks.,, The basic eco-
nomic, social and political structures of the societies portrayed by the two authors
largely coincide: agriculture prevails; trade only occurs on a relatively small scale; the
elite sets itself apart from the community tfuough wealth and behavior; basilees, a,g4?.a,,
and the problem of conflict settlement feature in both. Nor can the differences between
FIomer and Hesiod be explained by their different social backgrounds, as this would
presuppose the assumption erroneously deduced from Homeric epics that the his-
torical world of Homer and Hesiod was charactenzedby an elire which lived in its
own (heroic) world that was clearly separate from the d.enoos.
How, then, can the differences and similarities be explainedf First of all, one should
simply remember that a text cannot represent everything but must make a selection.
fu there nonetheless are such striking correspondences between the societies described,
it seems reasonable to suppose that the works do indeed refer to a common historical
 The Worhl. of Horwer and. Hesiod 97

,,rld. If the texts date between 750 and 650 -rvithout our being able to date indi-
:Jual epics more exactly within this period - thev were comPosed in a historical
rrld rhat was not ethnically, culturally or politically uniform and was also going
".:ough a process of transformation. Neither archeological finds nor written sources
'-. )nr the Near East leave any doubt about this. The historical situation is made erren
::,rre complex by the fact that neither the demographic nor the social, economic
-::.-[ cultural changes took place at the same pace everywhere.30 One consequence of
:'.cse changes was an increase in rnobility, which from ca.750 brought individuals
: ei'cn whole groups of people into intensive contact with foreign worlds, and prob-
-rh'also brought Hesiod's fätl'rer lrom C),me ir, fuia Minor to Boeotia. This explains
: '.c interest in ethnography and the adoption of Near Eastern and Egyptian know-
:Jge and culture in the Greek r'vorld.
The engagement with this inwardly and outwardly changing world was by no means
::srrictcd to epic texts like those of Homer and Hesiod, but is also found in archaic
ic poetry (Dalby l99B; Patzek 2004). The differences one can see between Homer
-:tr1 Hesiod might be due to their looking at historical processes fi'om nvo different
-:ographical viewpoints, Hesiod from Boeotia and Homer from Ionia.3t At all events,
r,rth poets r,vere attentive obserwers and keen analysts of their times, so that they
-.lre to very similar conclusions about the questions and problems of thcir age. An
-:.perience they er.idently shared was the effect of an unprecedented increase in social
-::tlerentiation, which led to "pou,er," based on rvealth and prestige, gaining an auto-
:-.omous status rvhich rvas felt to be unjust. The use of violence and fiaud, especially
:üractir.'e to youthful leaders, is a related phenomenon. Ap"rt from deployment of the
:o.1s as ideological tools, onl1, the personal qualities of individuals and the pressure of
-.-rblic opinion carl counter this trend. These are the only means to control the pres-
::ge and thereby the power of the new elite. From Homer and Hesiod to Solon and
i'l.reognis, this theme features ever nlore strongly in archaic Greek literature.32
Hesiod and Homer alike attempt to give their arguments special weight by means
,f nvo literary techniques. Both avor,r, that they proclaim the trr-rth, urd, like many after
:itern, appeal to the Muses on this point. And both make use of the past to make their
.onclusions appear irreftitable. Homer projects evervthing into a past heroic age. He
:onsciously creares a heroic world furnished r,vith archaic elements and woudrous
:ltings, about which he pretends to be well-informed. However, his plots are not taken
:iom any concretc knowledge of the past, but from traditional stories, which he com-
..ineci u,ith completely new elements to create his orvn. The result is, on the clne
.r,rnd, rvhat has been called "epic distance" (]. M. Redfield), and on the other hand,
:r'r "organic amalgam" (Raaflaub 1998: I88) n'hich reflects the poet's intention. By
.ontr."1st, Hesiod constructs a much more s\rstematic rvorld of the gods and a divinely
,rrdained human order, in r,vhich his or,vn rvorld represents thc futal phase of a pro-
srcssive decline of q,pes of man. This construct is designed to lend persuasive power
to his conclusions and instructions fbr righteous conduct.
Homer's and Hesiod's texts thus are neither a mere passing on of old stories, nor
.rre thc_v a depiction of conditions in their time: the.v are "intentional histor1."33 They
lim to of[er solutions to the problems of their olvn historical societies in an age of
rränsition. Hence one should not dismiss out of hand the idea, onl,v recendy formulated,
98 Chriooph Ulf

that Homer's, and Flesiod's, epics do not simply represent the end of a long oral
tradition but are literary experiments which successfully exploited this tradition to
draw attention to their "political" concerns. The stories are not mere tales of heroes
(Held.enlied.er), but offer wholly new arguments. The old tales are given ne\,v accents
and inserted in the narative arc of the new story. Furthermore, this new form of
epic not only draws on Near Eastern models, but, like these, also shapes its own
story as a kind of compendium of contemporary l«rowledge (Ulf 2003; Patzek 2004).
It can hardly be denied that the complexity and length of these works were only
possible in the new medium of writing. In this way) the epics of Homer and Hesiod
were not only especially large but also particularly successflrl forms of expression among
the various literary gen-res of their age.
Finally, we must ask once more to whom the poets addressed their "intentional"
texts. The argument of the texts) more in Hesiod than in llomer, aims at open
criticism of, not the existence of an elite, but its conduct. Thus the conclusion, sug-
gested by the texts themselves, has been drawn that they were not exclusively meant
for the elite, but addressed the d.ernos at large (Dalby 1995). Only if this is true can
we properly understand the panhellenic orientation of lIomer's and l{esiod's texts,34
since it fits well with the ambition of tlle "genre experiment" (Wolf 1995) to have
maximum impact on the new political and cultural situation. This however does not
mean that a panhellenic for-um already existed in historical reality. Quite the con-
trary, it was only the changes of the Greek archaic age, including the development
of new literary forms, which led to larger entities, such as those of the Dorians and
Ionians, taking shape, and with them also the sense of a "Greek" uoity. Not until
this point in time, in the sixth century, did Homer and Hesiod gain a wide appeal.3s

NOTES
t Cf. the overview in Cairns 200Ic.
2 Dating: West 1995; Dalby 19971, van Wees 2002c.650-600 sc: Dickie 1995.
3 Snodgrass 19741,in contrast: Morris 2001b.
4 Nagy 1996b;, Lamberton 1988; Rosen 1997.
5 This aiso goes for the notion of a heroic age: Haubold 2000; Dickie 1995; Dalby 1995,
Moris 2000: 84*94; van Wees 2002c: f f5-17.
6 Whidey 2001; see below n. 30.
7 Cairns 2001c: l-56; Blümer 2001. On the modern theoretical debate, see Rosen 1997.
8 Nagy 1979: 312-13; Ulf 1990a; Tandy and Neal 1996: 46-7; Curns 2001a.
9 Cf. e.g. Od.3.70-4; 11.7.467-75; von Reden 1995, 6I-68; Donlan 1997a; Foxhall
l99B; Wagner-IIasel 2000 246-60.
f0 Donlan 198I; Scheid-Tissinier 1994; friendship: Herman 1987, Ulf I990b: l9l-212.
tt Emphasized by Stein-Holkeskamp 1989. Method of comparison: van Wees 2002a.
L2 Wagner-FIasel 1997; Wickert-Micknat 1982; van Wees 1998a.
I3 Il. 9.648; 24.534*5; Od. 17.322. Walter 1993a: 76-88; Raaflaub L997a: 629-33.
14 Ethnos and polis: Fwnl<e L993; C. Morgan 2003; and Raaflaub 1993b: 46-59; L997c;
Don-lan 1989; Ulf 1990b: 215-23.
I5 See e.g. Od.2.25-9; Raaflaub 1997c:8-20; van Wees 1992 3),-8.
 The World. of llonoer and. Ilesiod. 99

16 Hölkeskamp J.997; Raaflaub 20O0:27-34; Hammer 2002; Patzek 1992 l3l*5; Ulf 1990b:
106-17.
17 Ulf 1990b: 4I-5, 99-105 , L54-7, 16O-2 (thoe),206-7; Raaflaub L997b: 632-6,644-5;
L997c,6, L9-23; Wagner-Hasel 2000: 167-8.
18 Raaflaub L997b refers to this. Od. 21.214-L6; 14.62-6.
19 Osborne 1998b; Papadopoulos 1997b; Haider 1996.
l0 Echetos: Od. 24.474-71 Laomedon: 1i..21.441-57;7 .452-3. Cf. Bichler 1996; Dougherty
200L.
ll Fiction: Ulf f990b: lt8-25; Raaflaub 1997c:6. War: Raaflaub 1997d; Ulf 1990b: 138*57;
van Wees 2000a; van Wees 2004: 153-65,203-6,249-52.
22 Friendship: Iferman 1987. Messengers and contracts: Raaflaub 1997c: Rollinger 2004.
Alliances: Donlan 2002.
l3 Burkert L992; Bernabö 2004; Walcot L966; West L966; L978; 1997.
l+ Millett 1984; Donlan 1997a 649-5I; Schmitz 2004b.
15 Association with ancient Near Eastern *wisdom literature": West 1978; 1997; skeptical:
Schmitz 2004a.
:6 Blaise 1996; Rosen 1997; Blümer 2001; differendy: West 1978: 46-7.
27 Similar: CIay 2003: 100-28. For the meaning of genos cf. Bourriot 1976: 266-9.
:8 Rosen 1997: 484-8; Hesiod: Raaflaub 1993b: 60-4;2000: 34-7;Homer: Ulf 1990b:
100-t.
29 Differendy: van Wees L992:78-83,87-9.
30 C. Morgan 2003; chs. 3 and 4, above. Demography: Scheidel2003. Near east: Lanfranchi
2000, Rollinger 200I.
il Dickie 1995; Latacz 1996:24-30; West 1966: 40-8.
32 Ulf 200I; Raaflaub I993b; 2000; differendy: Stein-Hölkeskamp 1989.
i3 Gehrke 2001; similarly: Raaflaub 1998: 183-4;PatzekL992.
i+ According to Nagy 1999; cf. Patzek L992:98-I0I.
55 Ulf 1996a; HalI 1997; ch. 3I, below; Malkin 2001; Siapkas 2003; Burkert 2001; West
1966: 48-50; 1978: 60-I.