Studies in Chinese Religions

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The Benji jing and the Anle jing: Reflections on two

Daoist and Christian manuscripts from Turfan and
Dunhuang

Huaiyu Chen

To cite this article: Huaiyu Chen (2015) The Benji jing and the Anle jing: Reflections on two
Daoist and Christian manuscripts from Turfan and Dunhuang, Studies in Chinese Religions, 1:3,
209-228, DOI: 10.1080/23729988.2015.1087515

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 Studies in Chinese Religions, 2015
Vol. 1, No. 3, 209–228, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2015.1087515

The Benji jing and the Anle jing: Reflections on two Daoist and
Christian manuscripts from Turfan and Dunhuang
Huaiyu Chen*

Arizona State University, Arizona, USA

(Received 12 July 2015; accepted 24 August 2015)

In Turfan, numerous Christian manuscripts have been discovered. Recent scholarship

has joined and identified some Syriac fragments. The verso sides of several Syeriac
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Christian fragments were written in Chinese and could be identified as the fragments
from chapter three of one of the most popular Daoist texts in the Tang dynasty, the
Taixuan zhenyi Benji jing. The newly identified fragments provide new opportunity in
comparing different versions of this Daoist text popular in the Tang and Song
dynasties, since it was cited in the Song encyclopedia Taiping yulan. While doing a
comparison between the Daoist text Benji jing and the Christian text Zhixuan anle jing,
it is striking that they shared a set of same vocabulary and metaphors in developing
their religious thoughts respectively. For instance, ‘true nature’ was used in both texts.
In Daoist text it refers to the Dao-nature, yet in Christian text it means the divinity.
Further study reveals that the Daoist temple where the Benji jing was formed was very
close to the Christian church in Chang’an, the capital city of Tang China. It seems that
the Daoist community and the Christian community mutually knew each other.
Keywords: the Benji jing; the Anle jing; Daoism; Church of the East; Tang Dynasty;
Chang’an

Introduction
During a 1904–1905 German expedition led by Albert von Le Coq (1860–1930) to the
Chinese Turfan region in Central Asia, one team member, Theodor Bartus (1858–1941),
discovered a Christian monastic ruin. Consequently numerous Christian manuscripts written
in a variety of languages including Syriac, Sogdian, and Uighur-Turkic were recovered from
this site and brought to Berlin where they have now been catalogued. This paper will focus
on a several of these fragments, T II B No. 66 No. 17r and T II B No. 66 No. 18r to argue that
they are, in fact, part of the Scripture of the True Unity Original Limit of the Great Mystery
(Taixuan zhenyi benji jing 太玄真一本際經, hereafter abbreviated as Benji jing). Of these
two fragments the one written in Chinese Benji jing and the one written in Syriac appear on
two different sides of a single sheet of paper in the Berlin Turfan collection. Additionally, as
will be demonstrated below, it may not be too much of a stretch to place the Daoist fragment
within a family of texts that share the same underlying cosmological vision and ritual
prescriptions. With respect to the relationship between Christianity and Daoism in Turfan,
this work further draws attention to the similarity between the Daoist text Benji jing and the
Jingjiao text Sūtra on Mysterious Rest and Joy (Zhixuan anle jing 志玄安樂經, hereafter
abbreviated as Anle jing).1 This paper will first identify these fragments and then discuss their

*Email: [email protected]

© 2015 Institute of World Religions, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences

 210 H. Chen

significance in the history of Chinese religious literature. Furthermore, it will offer a new
perspective on the connection between Christianity and Daoism in medieval China and
Central Asia by tracing their historical and cultural contexts.
Previous scholarship has laid foundation for a better understanding of the manuscripts
from Turfan this paper will discuss. In 1999, Nishiwaki Tsuneki 西脇常記 published an
article that discussed several Daoist fragments he discovered among the Berlin Turfan
Collection.2 Later in 2001 he published a catalogue of Chinese texts found in the Berlin
Turfan Collection, including an intriguing fragment from Turfan numbered T II B 66 No.
17 (SyrHT 3=1749), which included the Chinese texts mentioned in his article.3 The recto
side of T II B 66 No. 17 (abbreviated as T II B No. 66 No. 17r) is written in Chinese,
while the verso side is written in Syriac. Based on the following two typical Daoist
phrases he identified the recto side as a Daoist fragment: ‘guide and pull Three Luminaries
(daoyin sanguang 導引三光)’ and ‘visualizing spirits and visualizing perfection (sishen
cunzhen 思神存真)’. According to Nishiwaki, the fragment T II B 66 No. 17 consists of
eight lines of which only the first seven are legible. In all, we have only 44 characters to
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work on. Nishiwaki did not identify its Syriac counterpart, verso T II B 66 No. 17. From
the number 66 given to this text, he surmised that it must have come from a Christian ruin
site in the small village called Bulayïq near Turfan uncovered by the German expedition
to Turfan under Albert von Le Coq.
In 2012, Nicolas Sims-Williams published his catalogue of the Sogdian manuscripts
from the Berlin Turfan Collection, which also included the T II B 66 No. 17 fragment.
Sims-Williams further identified this fragment and another fragment T II B 66 No. 18
(no.296, 1750) as fragments from a single folio of Syriac liturgical texts that had
incorporated Sogdian rubrics. For this reason, he assigned them a new number, E 11 in
his catalogue.4 In other words, the Syriac text E 11 actually includes T II B 66 No. 17v
and No. 18v. Sims-Williams also pointed out that the Syriac liturgical text on these two
fragments was in fact, from the folio that the original text was written in Chinese. Yet he
did not discuss the Chinese text written on these fragments. The recto side of the second
fragment T II B 66 No. 18 (abbreviated as T II B 66 No. 18) was not reproduced in
Nishiwaki’s catalogue of the Chinese manuscripts in the German Turfan collection. The
reason for this is unclear. I suppose that the content of this fragment looks like a Buddhist
text, therefore Nishiwaki thought it was not a Daoist text and chose for this reason, not to
include it in his catalogue.
This paper will first identify the Chinese text on the recto sides of these fragments
(T II B 66 No. 17r and 18r) and discuss their textual features from within the context of
Daoist literature. Second, this will be followed by a discussion of the historical back-
ground that led to a Daoist connection between Central China and Central Asia. Third,
this paper will further contextualize the historical and intellectual connections between
Christian manuscripts and Daoism through a comparison of these texts to Christian
manuscripts from Dunhuang found in the Haneda collection housed in Osaka Japan and
to other Turfan fragments found in the Berlin Turfan Collection. This paper aims to shed
new light on the relationship between Christianity and Daoism in medieval China and
Central Asia and further contextualize this relationship with respect to the Jingjiao
translation practice prevalent in the religious milieu of the Tang dynasty.

Two fragments T II B No. 66 No. 17r and 18r and their contexts
There is no passage identical to the Turfan fragments T II B No. 66 No. 17r or 18r in
the current Daoist canon. However, for T II B 66 No. 17r, an almost identical passage
 Studies in Chinese Religions 211

can be found in an encyclopedia, Imperial Readings of the Taiping Era (Taiping yulan
太平御覽) compiled in 983.5 The Imperial Readings of the Taping Era repeats lines
one to six, but the seventh line differs. However, there are no passages from tradi-
tionally transmitted Chinese sources that correspond to the second fragment, T II B 66
No. 18r. Nevertheless, against the corresponding section in the Imperial Readings of
the Taiping Era, we can reconstruct the original paragraphs for the fragments T II B
66 No. 17r and No. 18r. These two Chinese fragments are part of a single text and
most likely come from the third chapter of the Daoist, Scripture of the True Unity
Original Limit of Great Mystery (Taixuan zhenyi benji jing 太玄真一本際經, third
fascicle; hereafter abbreviated as Benji jing), a very popular Daoist text in medieval
China.6
We can use the following tables to compare these three texts.

Table 1. The corresponding sections in three texts.

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The fragment T II B 66 The fragment of the Benji jing

No. 17r from Turfan in 本際經 from Dunhuang, P. 2795 in
the Berlin collection the Pelliot collection46 Taiping yulan 太平禦覽, juan 673

(1) 重科條防檢[ 自然本文者，天書八會，鳳篆龍 上帝校定神仙圖錄，政天分

(2) 仰進止容式軌[ 章，是為天地萬物之本，開化人 度，安國息民，攝制酆都，降
(3) 藥秘要神草靈[ 神，成立諸法，主召九天神仙上 魔伏鬼，敕命水帝，召龍上
(4) 明辯思神存真念[ 帝，校訂圖錄，調政璇璣，攝制 雲。論天地劫期，辯聖真名
(5) 元和導引三光仙[ 酆都，降魔伏鬼，敕命水帝，召 氏。所理城臺種種，因緣廣
(6) 載述學業得[ 龍上雲。天地劫期，聖真名諱。 宣，區別五方元精，服御求仙
(7) 聖之辭巧芳章句稱[ 所治城臺，眾聖境界，廣宣分 化形之法，皆演玄妙自然，虛
別，種種階差，服禦元精，化形 無正真，妙趣明了具足也。又
之法，皆演玄妙，自然虛無，正 有玉訣者，天真上聖述釋天書
真妙趣，明瞭具足.。神符者，雲 八會之文，以為正音。又有靈
篆之文，神真之信，召攝眾魔， 圖者，玄聖表化，示以靈變象
威制神鬼，總炁禦運，保命留 形述理，令物易悟也。玉皇譜
年。玉訣者，天真上聖述釋天書 錄者，眾聖紀述聖君名姓，宗
八會之文，以為正音，開示大 本繼詞，神官位緒也。誡律
道。靈圖者，眾聖化跡，應現無 者，玄聖制敕，詮量罪福，輕
方，圖寫變通，令物悟解。譜錄 重科條，防檢過失也。威儀自
者，眾聖紀述神真名諱，宗本胄 然經者，具示齋戒，奉法俯
胤，神官位緒。誡律者，條制敕 仰，進止容式，軌范節度也。
約，防非檢過，詮量罪福，分別 方法者，眾聖著述丹藥秘要，
輕重。威儀者，具示齋戒，進退 神草靈芝，柔金水玉，修養之
楷模，俯仰節度，軌式容止。方 道也。術數者，明辯思神，存
法者，眾聖著述丹藥秘要，神草 真念道，神心虛志，游空飛
靈芝，柔金水玉，修養之道。術 步，餐吸元和，導引三光，仙
數者，明辯思神，存真念道，心 度之法也。記傳者，眾聖載述
齋虛忘，遊空飛步，餐吸六炁， 學業，得道成真，證果眾事之
導引三光，練質化形，仙度之 跡也。
法。記傳者，是諸眾聖載述學
業，得道成真，通玄入妙，修因
方所，證果時節。贊誦者，眾真
大聖巧飾法言，稱揚正道，令物
信樂，發起迴向，生尊重心。章
表者，師資授受，妙寶奇文，登
壇告盟，啟誓傳度，悔謝請福，
關告之辭。
 212 H. Chen

Table 2. The corresponding sections in the Turfan fragment and the Dunhuang fragment.

The fragment T II B 66
No. 18r from Turfan The fragment of the Benji jing 本際經 from Dunhuang,
in the Berlin Collection P. 2795 in the Pelliot collection47

(1) 一乘[ 此十二事，總統衆法，一切意趣無不備周，化引三 乘，入

(2) 思惟洞解玄妙通達[ 一乘道。既從明師，稟受尊教，具得要訣，聞已
(3) 分析觀察知世俗相[ 思惟，洞解玄妙，通達明了，覺悟俗境，皆非真實， 分析觀察,
(4) 愛染心斷滅煩惚到[ 知世俗相，皆悉空寂，入無相門，離
(5) 清淨自在無礙[ 愛染心，斷滅煩惚，到解脫地，詣長壽宮，常住
(6) 身而以一形周[ 清淨，自在無礙，安隱快樂，非身離身，亦不不
(7) 非心離心亦[ 身而以一形，周遍六道，現一切相，隨類色像。
(8) 圓通眼照[ 非心離心, 亦不不心，而以一念，了一切法，以
圓通眼，照道真性，深達緣起，了法本源，解眾生性即真道性。
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Clearly both fragments are from chapter three of the Benji jing. In terms of the text,
the second fragment is the same as another fragment of the Benji jing from Dunhuang,
the manuscript P. 2795 in the Pelliot collection, yet the first fragment differs from the P.
2795 version. Instead it is closer to the passage cited in the Taiping yulan, which was
compiled and printed in the tenth century. In other words, the fragments T II B 66 No.
17r and 18r and the passage in the Taiping yulan all came from the same version of the
Benji jing.
In order to further clarify the relationship between the fragment T II B 66 No. 17r and
the Taiping yulan, in the following translation of the relevant section of the Taiping yulan,
I have further underlined the sentences from that text which correspond to the fragment, T
II B 66, No. 17r:

And there were also [his] Jade Instructions (Yujue 玉訣), which are the Celestial Writs and
Eight Conjunctions explained and annotated by the Celestially Perfected High Sage (Tianzhen
shangheng 天真上聖), in the standard tones. And there were the Numinous Diagrams (Lingtu
靈圖), which express the transformations of the mysterious sages, show the numinous
change, and narrate the principles through imitating [divine] forms, in order that the subjects
could be easily enlightened. The Genealogies of the Jade Thearch (Yuhuang pudie 玉皇譜牒)
were recorded by the assembly of sages, telling the surnames and names of the sages and
rulers, for tracing the roots, continuing the sacrifices and [outlining] the hierarchal order of
spirit officials. The Admonitions and Precepts (jielü 誡律) were made and ordered by the
transcendents and sages, for weighing and measuring guilt and blessings, with light and
heavy rules and regulations, in order to prevent and examine shortcomings and faults. The
Self-generated Scriptures of Majestic Protocols (Weiyi ziran jing 威儀自然經) completely
illustrated fasts and precepts, upholding the Rites for going up and down, including moving
forward and stopping, demeanor and posture, rules and guidelines for order. The Recipes and
Methods (fangfa 方法) were written by those sages on the secret essentials for cinnabar and
medicines, such as spiritual herbs, numinous mushrooms,7 soft gold, and liquid jade, for the
path of physiological cultivation. The Techniques and Numerical Algorithms (shushu 術數)
were for bright judgment in visualizing spirits and the Perfected, for mindfulness of the Dao
with a spiritual mind and empty will, [so that one might] roam through the Void with flying
steps, eating and sipping [the pneumas of] Primordial Harmony, and guiding and pulling
Three Luminaries, which is the method of Transcendent salvation. The Records and
Biographies were those documents in which the sages recorded and narrated their learning
and practice, they are the traces of their achieving the Dao and becoming the perfected, as
well as demonstrating their fruits, and so forth.
 Studies in Chinese Religions 213

This passage from the Taiping yulan does not include the last line of T II B 66 No.
17r. I did, however, find one line in a Daoist text that corresponds in meaning though not
in word choice to the last line in this Turfan fragment. The Daoist text Wondrous Scripture
of the Karmic Retribution of the Merit of the Ten Epithets from the Numinous Treasure of
the Cavern Mystery of the Most High (Taishang dongxuan lingbao shihao gongde yinyuan
miaojing 太上洞玄靈寳十號功德因緣妙經) has one line which reads as follows: ‘The
eleventh one refers to the eulogies and hymns. Various perfected and great sages skillfully
adorned with the words of the Dharma, appraise and expound the true Way, commanding
others to generate faith and joy, produce the thought of merit-transference and give rise to
the mind of respect 第十一讚頌者, 衆真大聖巧飾法言， 稱揚正道, 令物信樂, 發起回
向，生尊重心.’8 Basically it says that the eulogies and hymns were for appraising the
Dao and helping Daoists generate faith in the Dao so that they could transfer their merit to
others. The meaning of this sentence is very close to that of the last line of the Turfan
fragment. Thus the latter could be understood as follows: ‘[. . .] the words of [great] sages,
chapters and sentences are skillful and virtuous, appraise [. . .] 聖之辭, 巧芳章句,
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稱[. . .].’
The fragment T II B 66 No. 18r is identical with the passage in chapter three of the
Benji jing that is also found from Dunhuang. I translate it as follows:

These twelve matters incorporate in their entirety all of the methods; none of their meanings
is not thoroughly encompassed therein. They transform and lead the practitioners from the
three vehicles9 and help them enter the way of the one vehicle.10 Since these practitioners
have followed brilliant masters, they receive honorable teachings and comprehensively obtain
essential instructions. After they have listened and visualized, they thoroughly comprehend
the deep wondrous teaching and reach a profound understanding. They realized that the
profane realm is not the truth. They analyze and observe and understand that the form of the
profane world is all empty and void. They enter the formless gate and detach from the mind
bound by love, cut off and eliminate delusions, and arrive at the land of liberation and visit
the palace of longevity. They dwell in clarity and tranquility, and reach self-mastery and non-
obstruction. They live a safe, hidden, and happy life. They do not have bodies and detach
themselves from their body. They do not live without a body but use one form to travel within
six realms. They manifest all forms and imitate all forms in accord with different sentient
beings. They realize no mind and detach from mind. They do not have no mind, but use one
single mind to comprehend all dharmas. They use their comprehensive eyes to illustrate the
way and the true nature. They deeply understand dependent origination and comprehend the
original source of the Dharma. They understand that the nature of sentient beings is the true
Dao-nature.

Some lines in this fragment T II B 66 No. 18r also appear in other Daoist texts in the
Tang dynasty. For example, the sixth and seventh lines can also be found in chapter one of
a three-scroll text titled The Order of Succession of the Daoist Scriptural Legacy (Daomen
jingfa xiangcheng cixu 道門經法相承次序). This text was attributed to Pan Shizheng 潘
師正 and dated 680.11 Written in the style of a dialogue text, Pan is seen answering
Emperor Gaozong’s questions. This text focuses on Daoist doctrines, especially spiritual
attainment, and Daoist cosmology as well as the Daoist pantheon. The sixth and seventh
lines are the only lines that could be traced with some identical correspondence in this
text. However, these two lines seem to belong to a long paragraph that summarized ideas
about the Daoist goal of practice by means of the One Vehicle. In fact, The Order of
Succession is actually citing the second juan (scroll) of another Daoist text titled The
Scripture on the Sea-like Emptiness and the Storehouse of Wisdom of the Unique Vehicle
from the Most High (Taishang yicheng haikong zhizang jing 太上一乘海空智藏經) that
 214 H. Chen

was composed by Li Yuanxing 黎元興, a Daoist priest from Yizhou, and Fang Chang 方
惠長, a Daoist priest from Lizhou 澧州 during the reign of Emperor Gaozong. The second
scroll of this Daoist text focused on the idea that everyone has the same Dao-nature,
which corresponds to the idea of the Buddhist idea of Buddha-nature. Stephen R.
Bokenkamp has dealt with The Scripture on the Sea-like Emptiness and reconstructed
the ‘Haikong zhizang’ in the title as the Sanskrit phrase ‘*Sāgaraśūnya-jñāngarbha,’
which means ‘sea-like emptiness,’ or ‘the storehouse of wisdom.’ He also summarized
the contents of this text as follows: ‘The Heavenly Worthy12 expounded to his questioner
a forty-one-stage path composed of ten faiths, ten practices, ten goals, and ten cycles,
along with a final stage, the Heavenly Worthy bhūmi (di 地), which is clearly modeled on
the two final types of Buddha-enlightenment.’13 As I will demonstrate, T II B 66 No. 18r
is connected to this passage is cited in The Order of Succession where it has also shown
some similar Buddhism-inspired ideas, for instance the practices of 10 cycles for attaining
the Way of Grand Unity (Taiyidao 太一道). In sum, these Daoist texts in the Tang dynasty
shared some common doctrines and practices.
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I translate the passage in which we find two lines corresponding to the sixth and
seventh lines of the fragment T II B 66 No. 18r as follows:14

When the efforts of five fruits are completed and the practice of ten cycles15 is fulfilled, then
one departs from the bondage of three realms and ascends out of the nine clarities, achieving
the Way of Grand Unity, succeeding to the throne of the Dharma king, permanently cutting
the evil root, universally assembling all virtues, thoroughly shining with three supernatural
powers, and seeing brightly with five eyes. They do not have body and detach from body.
They do not have no body but use one body form to travel within six realms. They do not
have mind and detach from mind. They do not have no mind, but use one single mind to
understand all Dharmas. They know that the nature of sentient beings is the true Dao-nature.
One mark is not the mark, for this is empty, and uniquely it could be the origin of myriad
things. For this meaning, it is called the Primordial Commencement. Although he closely
followed all things, and the Way was uniquely honored, he was constantly dwelling in the
three-clarity heavens, out of all heavens. And five hundred million beings from eight
directions, as well as all heavens respect him, thus he was called the Celestial Worthy.

“五果功成，十轉行滿，然後離三界縛，昇出九清，證太一道，紹法王位，惡根永斷，
眾德普會，三達洞照，五眼明徹。非身離身，亦不不身，而以一形周遍六道。非心離
心，亦不不心，而以一念了一切法。解眾生性，即真道性；一相無相，以此為無，而
獨能為萬物之始。以是義故，故稱元始。雖近遵一切，道為獨尊，常處三清，出諸天
上，八方五億，諸天所尊，故稱天尊。

This passage summarizes some important ideas in The Scripture on Treasury of the
Wisdom, especially the idea of Dao-fruits and Dao-nature as well as the five-stage Daoist
attainment. If the Turfan fragment T II B 66 No. 18 really shows the idea from the Unique
Vehicle Scripture of Sea-space, the Reservoir of Wisdom, it would not be surprising since
more than 10 manuscripts (such as P. 1759) of the Unique Vehicle Scripture have been
found in Dunhuang.16
So-called 12 matters (shi’er shi 十二事) in chapter three of the Benji jing refer
to 12 genres of Daoist texts seen in the early Daoist textual corpus, especially those in
the Lingbao tradition that deal with Daoist doctrines, rituals, disciplines, and daily life.
Some manuscripts such as P. 2861, P. 2256, and P. 3001 from Dunhuang, which might
be from the Treatise of Comprehending Gates (Tongmenlun 通門論) compiled by Song
Wenming 宋文明, as some scholars suggest, also mention these 12 Lingbao genres.17
They include the Original Writs (benwen 本文), the Spiritual Talismans (shenfu 神符),
 Studies in Chinese Religions 215

the Jade Instructions (yujue 玉訣), the Numinous Diagrams (lingtu 靈圖), the
Genealogical Records (pudie 譜牒), the Admonitions and Precepts (jielü 戒律), the
Recipes and Methods (fangfa 方法), the Techniques and Algorithms (zhongshu 衆術),
the Records and Biographies (jizhuan 記傳), the Eulogies (zansong 讚頌), and the
Petitions and Memorials (biaozou 表奏). These 12 Daoist genres offer a general
classification of early Lingbao texts from the Six Dynasties.
In regard to the section in the fragment T II B 66 No. 17r, some typical Daoist rituals
and practices such as visualizing gods and mediating on the perfected are commonly
found in numerous Daoist texts. For instance, in the chapter of the ‘Most True Upper
Primordial Feast (Taizhen shangyuan zhai pin 太真上元齋品)’ of The Secret Essentials of
the Most High (Wushang miyao 無上祕要), this phrase appears together with some other
ritual actions:18

Next, return to face the east, offering three incenses to the incense stove, and exclaim that the
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three-effulgence disciple of the great cavern of the mysterious capital, the un-ordained priest,
the master of a certain marchmount, I, now establish feast and erect duty, light lamps and
chant scriptures, visualize spirits and mediate on perfection, walk the path and seek immor-
tality, and fly and jump to the nine heavens.

次回還東向，向香爐三捻香，稱玄都大洞三景弟子小兆真人某嶽先生臣某甲今建齋立
直，明燈誦經，思神念真，行道求仙，飛騰九天。

In this passage, ‘visualizing spirits (sishen)’ is listed along with other ritual practices,
such as lighting lamps, chanting scriptures, and mediating the perfected.
A similar ritual practice can also be found in Ritual of Confession and Atonement for
the Retreat of the Divine Incantations of the Samādhi and the Abyssal Caverns [Revealed]
by the Most High [Lord of the Dao] (Taishang dongyuan sanmei shenzhou zhai chanxie yi
太上洞淵三昧神呪齋懺謝儀) compiled by Du Guangting (850–933) in the late Tang
dynasty. This text says:19

The subject, I, carefully for the sake of my family offer and cultivate the divine incantations,
walking the path and turning the wondrous scripture of the divine incantations. First of all [I]
confess my sin and guilt, cut away and stop the devils and plagues, in order to clean and
pacify the family and the nation and protect the people. [I] burn incense and light lamps, and
visualize spirits and mediate the perfected. [I] take refuge in the Body, the Spirit, and the
Destiny of the Celestial Worthy of the Three Caverns of the Divine Incantations of the
Samādhi and the Abyssal Caverns [revealed] by the Most High of the Mysterious Old of the
Ultimate High in the East, and all spirits and deities.

臣某等，謹為某家奉修神呪，行道轉神呪妙經。首謝罪愆，斷截魔瘟。清安家國，保
護人民。燒香明燈，思神念真。歸身歸神歸命，東方無上玄老太上洞淵三昧神呪三洞
天尊，一切神靈。

In addition, ‘visualizing spirits’ was part of the inner-visualization cultivation in the

Shangqing (Upper Clarity) 上清 tradition. As The Superior Scripture of the Jeweled
Primordial of the Cavern Mystery from the Most High (Taishang dongxuan baoyuan
shangjing 太上洞玄寳元上經) said,20 ‘Those who study scriptures and practice inner
visualization, chant and sing numinous chapters, comprehend and master the wondrous
meaning, and look down with their eyes and visualize spirits, can reach perfection.’ 研經
內觀者，誦詠靈章，解了妙義，臨目思神，與真合也。 Apparently, here ‘visualizing
 216 H. Chen

spirits’ is part of the practice of inner visualization toward the goal of matching
transcendence.
According to Rong Xinjiang 榮新江 and Nishiwaki’s surveys of Chinese-language
manuscripts in the German Turfan collection, some fragments can be identified as the
following Daoist texts: Preface and Instructions to the Daodejing (Daodejing xujue 道
德經序訣, No. 8111 in the Ōtani collection, from Toyuq), The Commentary on
Daodejing by Heshang Gong (Daodejing heshanggong zhu 道德經河上公注, one frag-
ment in the Deguchi Jōjun 出口常順 collection), A Commentary on Zhuangzi (Second
Chapter on ‘Discourse on Seeing all things as Equal,’ Zhuangzi shu Qiwulun pian 莊子
疏齊物論篇) by Cheng Xunying 成玄英 (Ch 773r = T II T 1510), Scripture of the Inner
Teaching of the Ascent to Mystery of the Numinous Treasure from the Most High
(Taishang lingbao shengxuan neijiao jing 太上靈寳昇玄内教經) Chapter 7 (the
Chapter on Central Harmony, Zhonghepin 中和品, Ch 3095r = T II T 1007 and non-
specified chapter (Ch 935r = T III 2023), Scripture of the Retribution and Karmic
Causes from the Numinous Treasure of the Cavern Mystery of the Most High
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(Taishang dongxuan lingbao yebao yinyuan jing 太上洞玄靈寳業報因緣經, in the

Ōtani collection), Scripture of the Original Terminus of the True One of Great Mystery
(Taixuan zhenyi benji jing 太玄真一本際經) Chapter 8 (Zuishengpin 最勝品, Ch 243 =
T III T 514 and Ch 286 = T II 1178), Scripture of Divine Incantations of the Abyssal
Caverns from the Most High (Taishang Dongyuan shenzhou jing 太上洞淵神咒經),21
and Wondrous Scripture of the Upper Chapters on Limitless Salvation of the Numinous
Treasure of the Cavern Mystery from the Most High (Taishang dongxuan lingbao
wuliang duren shangpin miaojing 太上洞玄靈寳無量度人上品妙經)22 in the following
fragments (MIK III-7484r = T III Šorčwq: Stadt-o. Nāgarāja-Höhle, Ch 2401r = T II T
2070, Ch 1002r/v = T II T 1005, Ch 349 r/v = T II T 2052), as well as other fragments
(such as Ch 1245v = T II T 4004, unidentified text). By no means is this a complete list
since there are still some fragments that remain unidentified. Now perhaps two more
texts as I discussed above could be added to this group of Daoist texts found in Turfan.
In a brief glance, it seems that the Shangqing and Lingbao traditions have their strong
presence in Chinese Central Asia. Nevertheless, a comprehensive study on Daoism in
Central Asia is still underdeveloped.
As I noted above, the fragments T II B 66 No. 17r and No. 18r can be identified as
the third chapter (juan) of the Daoist text Benji jing, they add new materials for current
available collection of the Benji jing text from Turfan, including a fragment from
chapter five in the Ōtani collection 大谷文書 (Ōtani no. 4085) in Kyoto and another
two fragments from chapter eight in Berlin Turfan collection (Ch. 243) in Germany.23
So we have fragments from three chapters of the Benji jing. In my observance,
calligraphically the fragments T II B 66, No. 17r and No. 18r are very similar to the
fragment Ōtani no. 4085, which indicates that they might come from the same group
of the Benji jing copies. These fragments differ from Ch. 243 in terms of the
calligraphy.
In Rong Xinjiang’s study of Daoism based on manuscripts from Turfan,24 he first
traced the early development of Daoism in the pre-Tang era by examining four kinds of
sources including the burial inventories of clothes and items (yiwushu 衣物疏), the
talismans and registers, the tomb stele of peach figurines, and some Daoist-like
symbols on Buddhist stupas. Then in drawing upon some Turfan manuscripts he
discussed five Daoist temples and their related economic and religious activities.
Finally he also offered a list of the Daoist texts that have been found in the Turfan
region and suggested that the Numinous Treasure tradition played a crucial role in this
 Studies in Chinese Religions 217

region for the support of the Tang government. He concluded that in the post-Tang
period the Uyghurs occupied this region but Daoism somehow still remained its little
influence. Later on, Nishiwaki also published his report on the Daoist texts in the
German Turfan collection.
The fragments T II B 66 No. 17r and No. 18r for the first time show us that the
Sogdian Christians who lived near Turfan area reused the paper left by Daoists. These
fragments provide concrete evidence that Christians acquired the Daoist scriptures, in
particular the Benji jing, though the Christians merely recycled the paper itself.
Nevertheless, it is difficult to assess to what extent and how these Sogdian Christians in
Turfan area understood the Daoist scriptures. As far as is known, no Chinese Christian
manuscripts have been found in this area. It seems that the Christian community around
Turfan mostly consisted of non-Han ethnic groups, such as Turkic-Uyghurs and
Sogdians,25 and perhaps other Central Asian people. Many of these Christians either
came from Central Asia, or came from central China. For the latter, it is important to note
that after the political persecution against foreign religions in the Huichang 會昌 period
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(843–845), the Christians living in central China were forced to either give up their
religious identity or flee to neighboring states. Many Christians took shelter under the
Gaochang 高昌 Uyghur kingdom (850–1250) in Turfan from the ninth century onward. It
is likely that due to the shortage of paper many Daoist and Buddhist texts were recycled
by the Christian community.26 In the following discussion, I will provide the historical
context in which Daoism and Christianity were active in both the capital city Chang’an
and Dunhuang as well as Turfan.
It is important to examine the context in which this text was produced and
circulated and its implications to our understanding of the history of the Jingjiao in
medieval period. The Daoist text Benji jing was originally compiled by the Daoist
priest Liu Jinxi 劉進喜 in the Sui dynasty (581–617) and consisted of five fascicles, but
later, in the Early Tang, Li Zhongqin 李仲卿 extended it to ten fascicles. Both Liu and
Li were based in the Qingxu Daoist Temple (Qingxu guan 清虛觀) that was constructed
in the Fengyi Quarter (Fengyi fang 豐邑坊，582–904) in 587 by the Sui Emperor
Wendi 隋文帝 (Yang Jian 楊堅, 541–604, r. 581–604) for Lü Shi 呂師玄.27 They were
also active in the early Tang dynasty. In 621, these two Daoist priests composed Daoist
texts against Buddhism and clashed with Buddhist master Falin 法琳 who launched an
apologetic counterattack.28
The location of the Fengyi Quarter was noteworthy, since it was located on the
western edge of Chang’an and was only four quarters away from the Yining Quarter
(Yining fang 義寧坊) in the north.29 According to the Jingjiao monument, a Jingjiao
group led by Aluoben 阿羅本 arrived in Chang’an in 635 and was received by the
prime minister Fang Xuanling 房玄齡. Soon later in 638, under the edict of the
Emperor Taizong 唐太宗 (Li Shimin 李世民, 599–649, r. 627–649) a Jingjiao mon-
astery was erected in the Yining Quarter. There is no source revealing whether the
Daoists in the Qingxu Temple were aware of the erection of the Jingjiao monastery or
not and how they responded to the newly organized Jingjiao community nearby.
Nevertheless, the Jingjiao monument that was constructed in 781 has borrowed many
Daoist terms. As I will show, the Jingjiao text Anle jing also shared some very similar
sentences and vocabulary with the Daoist text Benji jing. It is likely that the Jingjiao
community acquired very rich knowledge about the Daoist texts since their monastery
and temple were not far away from each other.
In fact, the Daoist text Benji jing was a very influential text in early Tang dynasty,
especially under the sponsorship of the Tang Emperor Gaozong 高宗 (Li Zhi 李治,
 218 H. Chen

628–683, r. 649–683) and Xuanzong 玄宗 (Li Longji 李隆基, 685–762, r. 712–756).

More than 140 manuscripts of the Benji jing have been found in the cave library of
Dunhuang, which strongly suggests it was one of the most popular Daoist texts in this
area. Among these copies, about 15 manuscripts are from chapter three.30
In the Tang dynasty, this text was often used by the Daoist priests to perform rituals
for making vows, bringing blessings, curing illness and praying for the deceased.31 In the
Early Tang, the copying and dissemination of this text was often sponsored by the royal
court, especially during the reigns of the Emperor Gaozong and Xuanzong. In the second
year of the Shangyuan reign period (675), the crown prince Li Hong 李弘 passed away, so
Emperor Gaozong issued an edict for making copies of all available Daoist scriptures to
pray for his son. In the Dunhuang area, the Daoist priests from two official Daoist temples
Chongxu Temple (Chongxu guan 沖虛觀) and Shenquan Temple (Shenquan guan 神泉
觀) were dispatched to the capital city Chang’an to obtain copies of these scriptures. Some
copies of the Benji jing likely came to Dunhuang with these Daoist priests.32 In the
twelfth month of the twenty-ninth year of the Kaiyuan reign period (741), the Emperor
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Xuanzong ordered that all Daoist temples under heaven make copies of the Benji jing for
strengthening the country and calming the people. In 742, again he ordered all Daoist
priests, both male and female, to recite Benji jing and to lecture on this scripture.
Apparently, the royal sponsorship helped enhance the dissemination of the Benji jing
across the country, including to some frontier areas, such as Dunhuang and Turfan.
Despite pressures on Daoism that resulted in its decline after the An Lushan rebellion,
the remaining textual fragments of the Benji jing indicate that Daoism continued to be
practiced in Northwestern China.33
The Turfan fragments of the Benji jing are from the reign period of Emperor Gaozong
yet they were based on a different edition than that of the Dunhuang manuscripts. As I
will show in the following section, the Turfan fragments of the Benji jing have some
different characters from those of the Benji jing manuscripts from Dunhuang, which
indicates that the Benji jing texts from Dunhuang and Turfan were based on different
original editions. One remarkable feature of the Turfan fragments should be noted here.
The fragments of the Benji jing from Turfan followed the taboo of using a reigning
emperor’s given name. In this case, the given name Zhi 治 of Gaozong Li Zhi 治 was
replaced with li 理. This name taboo is our strongest evidence that this fragment was
written during the reign period of Emperor Gaozong.

The Benji jing and Anle jing: A cross-cultural and inter-religious connection
While reading the Daoist text Benji jing, I was impressed by its literary style. It quickly
reminds me of an important Chinese Christian document in the Tang dynasty discovered
from Dunhuang. In 2009, the Kyōu Shōku 杏雨書屋, a private library of the Takeda
Science Foundation in Osaka, released the catalogue and the photographs of all manu-
scripts from Dunhuang and Central Asia in its Haneda Toru 羽田亨 collection,34 which
consists of four Chinese Christian Jingjiao manuscripts. These four Chinese manuscripts
include No. 13 (Zhixuan anle jing 志玄安樂經 Scripture on Desiring Mysterious
Tranquillity and Joy; hereafter abbreviated as Anle jing), No. 431 (Da Qin Jingjiao
Xuanyuan zhiben jing 大秦景教宣元至本經), No. 459 (Xuting mishisuo jing 序聼迷詩
所經), and No. 460 (Yishen lun 一神論). The first two of them are authentic yet the latter
two are considered suspect by scholars, particularly in China, such as Rong Xinjiang and
Lin Wushu.35 In this paper, I will discuss the connection between the Daoist text Benji
jing and Christian text Anle jing, by focusing on similar vocabulary and sentences.
 Studies in Chinese Religions 219

In contrast to contemporary scholarship on the connection between Buddhism and

Christianity, little work has been done on the relation between Daoism and Christianity in
medieval China.. Stephen Edkildsen has published one article dealing with two important
parallel themes, including the Way of Salvation and Divine Mercy.36 He has analyzed the
Chinese jingjiao text Sūtra on Mysterious Rest and Joy (Zhixuan anle jing 志玄安樂經,
hereafter abbreviated as Anle jing) and several Daoist texts such as Taixuan zhenyi benji
jing 太玄真一本際經 (hereafter abbreviated as Benji jing), and Taishang laojun shuo
chang qingjing jing 太上老君說常清淨經, Taishang laojun shuo xuwu ziran benqi jing
太上老君說虛無自然本起經. He first noted that these texts all emphasize non-action,
non-desire, and the purification of mind. He also suggested that both Anle jing and the two
Daoist texts Qingjing jing and Taishang laojun neiguan jing present a subtle paradox, ‘in
attaining this enlightenment, there is actually no enlightenment that is attained; one should
not purposely seek for spiritual attainments, or rewards.’37 Second, he attempted to
establish the connection between the ‘Ten Insights (Shiguan 十觀)’ in Anle jing and the
Ten Emblems (Shizhong fayin 十種法印) in Benji jing (juan 2). Third, he also noted that
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the ideas of omniscience and omnipotence have been discussed as the Way of Salvation in
both the Nestorian text Anle jing and a Daoist text Zuowang lun 坐忘論 by Sima
Chengzhen 司馬承楨 (647–735). Finally, he argued that both Anle jing and the Daoist
text Yuanshi wuliang duren jing 元始無量度人經 indicate that the salvation comes
through divine grace.
However, when Edkildsen wrote his article, the complete text of the Jingjiao
manuscript Anle jing was not yet available. The ideas presented in this Christian
text are not limited to non-action, non-desire, and the purification of mind.
Furthermore, his article focuses on the doctrines and does not offer sufficient informa-
tion on the historical context in which Christians and Daoists learned about each other.
Given that some new materials have surface in recent years, this paper will re-examine
some of these issues with the aim of providing an alternative comparison to replace
Edkildsen’s connection between the Christian idea of the ‘Ten Insights’ and the Daoist
thought of the ‘Ten Emblems.’
This section will offer a philological analysis on the connection between the Christian
text Anle jing and the Daoist text Benji jing. The Benji jing was compiled in early Tang
dynasty and antedates the translation of the Jingjiao text Anle jing. According to the
‘Venerables and Scriptures’ (Zunjing 尊經) section of the Dunhuang manuscript P. 3847
in the Pelliot collection, the Chinese translation of the Anle jing was attributed to Jingjing
景淨, or Adam. Jingjing also appears as the chief priest of the Jingjiao church in
Chang’an in the late eighth and early ninth centuries as recorded on the Jingjiao monu-
ment erected there in 781. The Chinese translation of the Jingjiao text Gloria in excelsis
Deo (Sanwei mengdu zan 三威蒙度讚) has also appeared in the manuscript P. 3847. That
translation is also attributed to Jingjiao. However, these three Chinese Jingjiao texts, the
Jingjiao monument, the Gloria in excelsis Deo and the Anle jing differ other in terms of
significantly in style and vocabulary, and look to be texts produced by three different
writers and translators.
Given the historical context in which Jingjing served as the chief priest in China in his
era, it is likely that as the head of the Jingjiao community, Jingjing was responsible for
overseeing the translation project and the erection of the monument, but was not directly
involved in the day-to-day translation and writing activities. In other words, the project
was under his supervision and endorsed with his name but was not directly produced by
him. Some Chinese literati must have assisted in the translation project in the Jingjiao
community. Since the Jingjiao community was located near the Daoist temple in
 220 H. Chen

Chang’an, we could speculate that the Jingjiao translators and their assistants shared in
the same intellectual and literary resources in Chang’an. In other words, the Jingjiao
translation team and the Daoist priests shared an intellectual and literary milieu. In this
sense, the Jingjiao priests and the Daoist priests in Chang’an area could use the same set
of terms and vocabulary in their literary works, though these terms and vocabulary would
have very different religious meanings and implications. In the following discussion, I
hope to illustrate how the Jingjiao text Anle jing has used similar expressions to those in
the Daoist text Benji jing.
In general, the Anle jing and the Benji jing shared some vocabulary and similar
expressions, though they denote different meanings in respective texts and contexts. For
instance the term ‘Anle 安樂,’ which refers to ‘rest and joy’ in the Anle jing, also appear
frequently in the third chapter of the Benji jing. In the latter, it says that,

Understand that all the worldly marks are all empty and tranquil. Enter formless38 gate and
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leave behind the mind of love and defilement. Cut off vexations and reach the ground of
liberation. Arrive at the palace of longevity and remain eternal clarity and purity. Be oneself
without bondage and enjoy rest and joy 知世俗相，皆悉空寂; 入无相门，离爱染心; 断灭
烦惚, 到解脱地; 诣长寿宫，常住清淨; 自在无碍，安隐快乐.

This passage partially appeared in the fragment T II B 66, No. 18 from Turfan. In the
same chapter of the Benji jing, it also says that,

. . . for those who are not yet enlightened and saved, vow to help them enlightened and saved;
for those who are not yet in rest and joy, vow to help them enjoy rest and joy; for those who
are not liberated, swear to make them be liberated; for those who are not ascending to the
mysterious, swear to make them ascend the mysterious 未开度者，誓使开度；未安乐者，
誓使安乐；未解脱者，誓使解脱；未升玄者，誓使升玄.39

Clearly in the Benji jing, the rest and joy (Anle) was connected with the Daoist notions
of clarity, purity, liberation, enlightenment, and being oneself as it is.
Furthermore, the Daoist text Benji jing is significant in particular for its teaching on
the dao-nature (Daoxing 道性) an idea inspired by the Buddhist concept, Buddha-nature
(foxing 佛性).40 Interestingly, the Chinese term daoxing also can be found in the Jingjiao
text Anle jing. In chapter four of the Benji jing, it says that,

. . . the Most High Daoist Lord of the World of Renouncing the Worthies, sends out such
radiance, just like the method of the previous sages. Certainly he wanted to open and expound
True Unity Original Limit, to show the origin of life and death, to speak on the fruit of seeking
the ultimate, to reveal the true Dao-nature, and to illustrate the lineage of great mystery 棄賢世
界太上道君, 放此光明, 如前聖法, 必欲開演真一本際, 示生死源, 說究竟果, 開真道性, 顯
太玄宗.41

It seems that so-called the True Unity Original Limit in the title of this Daoist text
indicates the ideas about the origin of life and death, the fruits of seeking the ultimate, and
the true Dao-nature. So-called the True Dao-nature, or in Chinese ‘Zhen Daoxing 真道
性,’ also appears in the Jingjiao text Anle jing, especially in the section on four superb
methods (Sisheng fa 四勝法) of cultivation, including non-desire (wuyu 無欲), non-
action (wuwei 無爲), non-virtue (wude 無德), and non-verification (wuzheng 無證).
The first two cultivation methods non-desire and non-action are common words in
medieval Chinese Daoist and Buddhist literature. The latter two are rare terms.
 Studies in Chinese Religions 221

However, the section in the Anle jing explains the non-verification thought in detail,
which astonishingly used the term ‘true Dao-nature (zhen daoxing 真道性).’ It says that,

The fourth one is non-verification. For various verifications, there is no consciousness and
comprehension, preposterously abandoning the distinction between truth and falseness, eliminat-
ing the sameness of obtainment and lose. Even though it is called being oneself, it is ultimately
void. Why is that? It is like a bright mirror that shines myriad things. No matter they are in blue,
yellow or other miscellaneous colors, or they are long, short or in other various shapes, all can be
thoroughly shined, without knowing what they could fit. A person is same as this. One can
realize the true Dao-nature, obtaining the mind of rest and joy, thoroughly seeing the suffering of
all affinities. If the suffering one could comprehend and achieve at this stage, awakening and
forgetting all things without keeping anything, this is called non-verification 四者無證, 于諸實
證, 無所覺知; 妄棄是非, 泯齊德失; 雖曰自在，邈然虛空; 何以故？ 譬如明鏡, 鑒照一切,
青黃雜色, 長短衆形, 盡能洞徹, 莫知所宜. 人亦如是, 悟真道性, 得安樂心, 遍見衆緣. 患能
通達于彼, 覺了忘盡無遺; 是名無證.
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Later on this text also says that,

If there are men and women who follow what I have said and diligently cultivate the superb
methods, meditating from day to night, detaching from various defilements and impurities,
clarifying and purifying their true nature, reaching clarity and complete brightness, know that
these persons will in the end achieve liberation. One should know that the benefits associated
with this scripture are those all the heavens explain without end. For this we know that, this
scripture will produce benefits. So all heavens speak about it without exhausting the true limit
若有男女, 依我所言, 勤修上法, 晝夜思惟, 離諸染污, 清淨真性, 湛然圓明, 即知其人終
當解脫, 是知此經, 所生利益, 衆天說之, 不窮真際.

The speaker here is Jesus Christ who explained the teaching of rest and joy in
response to a question asked by Simon Peter. The first passage I cited here indicates
that realizing the Dao-nature was connected with the mind of rest and joy, which was
the state of non-verification. The second passage shows that detaching from the
defilements and impurities is for clear and pure Dao-nature. The clear and pure
Dao-nature would lead to the voidness, as the Anle jing suggests in another passage
as follows:

If one has comprehension and sight, it is because one has body. For having a body, one
embraces the mind of birth. For embracing the mind of birth, one seeks action. For seeking
action, one mobilizes his desire. Once one has mobilized his desire, for various bitterness and
distress from which one cannot detach, how can he attain the mind of rest and joy? For
obtaining the mind of rest and joy, I speak about non-desire and non-action, detaching from
the realm of defilements, and entering the origin of purity. For detaching from defilements
and being able to purify oneself, it is same as voidness, and it can send out radiance and be
able to illustrate everything. For its illustrating everything, it is called the way of rest and joy
若有知見，則為有身；以有身故，則懷生想；懷生想故，則有求為；有所求為，是名
動欲；有動欲者，于諸苦惱，猶未能免，況于安樂？而得成就是故，我言無欲無為、
離諸染境、入諸淨源。離染能淨故，等于虛空. 發惠光明，能照一切，照一切，故名
安樂道.

In both the Daoist text Benji jing and Jingjiao text Anle jing, some similar expressions
and ideas can found. Both texts proposed the state of rest and joy and this state was from
clarity and purity by detaching from defilements and purifying the Dao-nature. They both
use the Chinese term ‘xukong 虚空 (voidness)’ and ‘guangming 光明 (radiance)’ as part
of their metaphoric language.
 222 H. Chen

In the Benji jing, it also explains obtaining the Way (dedao 得道). In the first chapter
of this Daoist text, it says:

Obtaining the Dao means to obtain that which cannot be obtained. What is called extinction
means blowing up nothing that is in extinction. What is the reason for this? The nature of the
delusion is empty. Holding illusion as it exists and regarding this holding as the mind can be
called the delusion. If one knows that the original nature of delusion is empty, the mind has
nothing to grasp is not firmly attached, and all illusions are exhausted, it can be called the
extinction of all delusions. The illness of delusion is eliminated, for this reason it is called
obtaining the Dao. Although it is called obtaining the Way, in fact there is nothing to obtain.
Nothing to obtain and nothing in extinction, in the name of skillful means for the sake of
transforming sentient beings, can be called obtaining the Dao 所謂得道，得無所得；所謂
斷滅，斷無所斷；何以故？煩惱性空，執計為有，以執為心，故名為煩惱。若知煩惱
本性是空，心無所著，諸計皆盡，名斷煩惱。煩惱病除，故名得道。雖名得道，實無
所得。無得無斷，假名方便，為化衆生，名為得道。42
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Basically obtaining the Dao is defined as nothing to obtain. The extinction of attach-
ment leads to obtaining the Way. It also explains that the nature of delusion is empty and
one’s mind should not attach to anything.
In the second chapter of the Benji jing, it again emphasizes the idea of the Dao-
nature and it mentions the ‘true Dao (zhendao 真道),’ ‘Dao body (daoshen 道身),’ and
‘Dao-nature (daoxing 道性).’ It claims that the mediators of the Dao could eliminate
all evil roots, just as the diamond blade could cut off everything and the strong fire
could burn everything. According to this chapter, there are two kinds of meditations.
First, one should visualize the wondrous body with 72 marks and 81 excellent signs.
Second, one should visualize that the Dharma body is like the voidness, complete,
clean, and pure, which is the true Dao, and also called the Dao body, and the Dao-
nature. Some of these expressions also appeared in the Anle jing. The Benji jing uses
both the term ‘daoxing (Dao-nature)’ and the term ‘zhenxing 真性 (true nature).’ In the
second chapter, it states that the true nature of the right Dao is neither living nor
extinct, and neither existing nor non-existing.
Finally, the expressions on the non-desire (wuyu 無欲) in both Benji jing and Anle
jing are also remarkable. The non-desire appears in the Benji jing as a cultivation method
for the beginners. The beginners should first diligently work on 10 actions (shixing 十
行) in order to comprehend that all sentient beings do not have real body and to realize
that anything as tiny as dust does not have true nature and therefore everything is
illustrious. Then one could work on the non-desire practice that helps the practitioners
thoroughly understand the voidness of the true nature. Clearly in the Benji jing, the
practice of the non-desire focuses on comprehending body and nature as being void. The
non-desire thought can be seen in the Anle jing. It also focuses on the practice centered
on body. In particular it claims to cut off the origin of the desire by working on body,
with the focus on the movements of four limbs (sizhi 四肢, arms and legs) and seven
cavities (Qiqiao 七竅).43 This emphasis on bodily movements in the Jingjiao text Anle
jing seems to be a Daoist influence. Interestingly, the non-desire practice in the Benji
jing was listed following 10 actions. And in the Anle jing, the practice of non-desire is
described in terms of the practice of 10 visualizations (shiguan 十觀).44 Nevertheless,
though both the Anle jing and Benji jing mention non-action (Wuwei 無爲), they refer to
very different practices.
If we read other sections in the Benji jing, it is even more interesting to see that one
poetic eulogy dedicated to the highest god, the Lord of Supreme Great Dao (Taishang
 Studies in Chinese Religions 223

dadao jun 太上大道君) used the similar vocabulary as those in the Jingjiao Chinese text
Sanwei mengdu zan (Gloria in Deo Excelsis). I translate this eulogy as follows:

Your ultimate high, pure, wondrous, true wise body, 無上淨妙真智身

cannot be seen for its extinction and formlessness. 寂滅無相莫能睹
It only manifests itself while its resonant-body returning to original source, 但見應体還本源
For this reason it always embraces the bitterness of great worries. 是故各懷大憂苦
[We] rely on the Supreme Boundless Honored One, 仰賴太上無極尊
which is same as relying on a merciful father for losing a mother. 猶如失母依慈父
We have lost in the fire of worries, 我等沒在憂火中
and we only wish that it will pour dew rain in time. 唯願時注甘露雨
We would cut off the mind of upside down and attachment, 斷絕倒想戀著心
and extinct all minds and destroy deviant path. 消除諸見滅邪取

These sentences have their parallels or similar expressions in the Jingjiao Chinese text
Sanwei mengdu zan. For example, in the latter, one couplet says that, ‘From the beginning
Downloaded by [Huaiyu Chen] at 18:33 24 November 2015

no one has ever been able to see you [the God], nor may [you] be imaged by the eye of
flesh 自始無人嘗得見, 復以色見不可相.’ It also says that ‘The great Master is our
merciful Father 大師是我等慈父.’ For the fire metaphor, in the Jingjiao text, it says that,
the sentient beings would pray to the Lord that, ‘[he would] send down the raft to grant
escape from tossing on the stream of fire 降筏使免火江漂.’ And the Jingjiao text also
uses the dew metaphor for referring to the teaching of the Lord, ‘And also on the withered
and parched sends down sweet dew, that all existence may be watered and the root of
goodness be refreshed 復與枯燋降甘露, 所有蒙潤善根滋.’ Certainly these metaphors
are also common in medieval Chinese Buddhist literature.45 It seems that the ‘authors’ of
both Christian and Daoist texts knew a set of shared vocabulary and expressions, though
they applied these terms in their own religious writings for their own religious purpose.

Concluding remarks
Since it is possible to identify the two fragments T II B 66 No. 17r and No. 18r as part of
the Tang version of the Daoist text Benji jing, it is clear that the Jingjiao community in the
Gaochang Uyghur kingdom reused the paper from the Daoist community to copy out a
Christian text. The copies of the Daoist text Benji jing found in the area surrounding
Turfan were the product of the imperial patronage movement; launched by the emperors
Gaozong and Xuanzong. For this reason, we cannot discuss these fragments from Central
Asia without looking at the religious communities in Central China, especially those in
Chang’an, the capital city of the Tang dynasty. Given that the Jingjiao church and Daoist
temple were both located at the western edge of the capital city, it seems likely that they
were aware of each other. Naturally the translation enterprise within the Jingjiao commu-
nity benefited from the rich textual corpuses of both the Buddhists and Daoists available
in the capital city. Therefore, it should not be surprising that the Jingjiao text Anle jing that
was translated in the Jingjiao church under the leadership of Jingjing borrowed vocabulary
and expressions from the Daoist literature, especially the Benji jing, as a detailed
philological analysis here reveals.
Since many technical terms in the Christian text Anle jing also appeared in both Daoist
and Buddhist texts in the Tang dynasty, such as non-action, voidness, Dao-nature, and so
forth, it seems that those Buddhists, Christians, and Daoists in the Tang shared a set of
similar if not the same vocabulary. It seems that at least the scholarly priests of Buddhism,
Christianity, and Daoism in Chang’an read some texts from the Chinese literary corpus,
 224 H. Chen

which were either part of Buddhist literature or Daoist literature. I would further hypothe-
size that there was an intellectual and literary community in Chang’an comprised of these
scholarly priests from diverse religious, ethnic, and intellectual backgrounds. Besides
these priests, perhaps Confucian scholars, government officials, and other literati in the
metropolitan Chang’an area from different political, religious, ethnic, and cultural back-
grounds shared a literary sphere. Some texts such as the Buddhist texts Lotus Sūtra and
the Diamond Sūtra, and the Daoist text Benji jing might be more crucial than other texts
in that they were part of a set of common readings. The readership of these texts certainly
has crossed the boundaries of religious and ethnic traditions in Tang capital Chang’an and
some other trade centers along the Silk Road, such as Dunhuang and Turfan, which
deserve further academic explorations in future.

Acknowledgements
Downloaded by [Huaiyu Chen] at 18:33 24 November 2015

The earlier versions of this paper have been presented at the 4th international conference on the
Church of the East in China and Central Asia held in Salzburg, June 1–4, 2013 and the international
conference on the study of Dunhuang manuscripts in Princeton, September 6-8, 2014. Many
colleagues have provided invaluable comments for improving this paper. All errors are solely my
responsibility.

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes
1. I use Chinese term Jingjiao 景教 (literarily Brilliant Teaching) to refer to the Christian
tradition in medieval Chinese context in which the name was used by the Christians them-
selves as the Xi’an monument and the Christian manuscripts from Dunhuang have shown. It
was a tradition from the Church of the East. Scholars have agreed that Nestorianism was
labeled with bias as a heretic tradition by the Catholic Church so it would not be used in
current scholarship.
2. Nishiwaki Tsuneki 西脇常記, Berurin Torufan korekushon dōkyo monjo, 47–66, esp. 49–50.
He noted it as Syr1749v as this number appeared on the original fragment.
3. Chinesische und Manjurische Handscriften und Seltene Drucke, 133; For the Japanese ver-
sion, see Nishiwaki Tsuneki, Doitsu shōrai no Torufan kango monjo.
4. Nicolas Sims-Williams, Iranian Manuscript in Syriac Script, 53: E 11 Liturgy, SyrHT 3
(=1749=T II B 66 No. 17), and E 11, n296 (1750=T II B 66 No. 18). The complete catalogue
is compiled by Erica C. D. Hunter and Mark Dickens, see Syriac Texts from the Berlin Turfan
Collection.
5. Taiping yulan, juan 673, 3000.
6. The picture of the fragment No. 17 can be seen at http://idp.bbaw.de/database/oo_scroll_h.a4d?
uid=-13277455226;recnum=89999;index=1; and the picture of T II B 66, No. 18 can be seen at
http://idp.bbaw.de/database/oo_scroll_h.a4d?uid=-13277455226;bst=101;recnum=85229;index=
131. (Accessed on 8 December 2012). I benefit from reading this manuscript with my colleague,
Stephen R. Bokenkamp. Earlier scholarship about this text has been very rich. Some major works
include Chiyu Wu, Pen-tsi king; Sunayama Minoru, Zui Tō Dōkyō shisōshi kenkyū; Yamada
Takshi, Tōsho Dōkyō shisōshi kenkyū; Ye Guiliang, Dunhuang ben Taixuan zhenyi benji jing
jijiao; Huang Kunwei, Dunhuang ben Taixuan zhenyi benji jing sixiang yanjiu.
7. Such as Ganoderma lucidum and other herbs.
8. Taishang dongxuan lingbao shihao gongde yinyuan miaojing 太上洞玄靈寳十號功德因緣妙
經, in Zhonghua daozang, vol. 4, 220b. Wang Zongyu 王宗昱 argues that this text was under
the influence of Lu Xiujing’s 陸修靜 classification system of Daoist texts in the Numinous
Treasure tradition and the latter could be seen in the Dunhuang manuscript P. 2256 in the
 Studies in Chinese Religions 225

Pelliot collection; see his Daojiao yishu yanjiu, 186–187. The same idea of classification also
appeared in the later Numinous Treasure ritual text Liturgical Manual for the Yellow Register
Retreat from the Most High (Taishang huanglu zhai yi 太上黃籙齋儀) compiled by Du
Guangting 杜光庭 (850–933) around 891.
9. The phrase ‘Three vehicles’ is a common term borrowed from medieval Chinese Mahāyāna
Buddhism, and refers to śrāvakayāna, Pratyekabuddhayāna, and Bodhisattvayāna, which are
three paths/vehicles for the attainment of enlightenment.
10. The phrase ‘one vehicle’ here refers to the medieval Chinese Buddhist concept of
Buddhayāna, the ultimate enlightenment toward Buddhahood.
11. Franciscus Verellen, “Daomen jingfa xiangcheng cixu,” in The Daoist Canon, vol. 1, 454.
12. Following Bokenkamp, I translate this as Celestial Worthy.
13. Stephen R. Bokenkamp, “Stages of Transcendence,” 132–134; for a lengthier study of this
Daoist text, see Kamitsuka Yoshiko, “Kaikō chizō kyō nitsuite,” 29–84, she noted that this
Daoist text was highly influenced by the Buddhist text Mahāparinirvāṇa-Sūtra 大般涅槃經;
earlier Kamata Shigeo also noted the Dao-nature thought in this text, see his article “Dōshō
shisō no keisei katei,” 61–157; for a short introduction to this text in English, see also Livia
Kohn and Russell Kirkland, “Daoism in the Tang (618–907),” in Daoism Handbook, vol. 1,
356–357; and John Lagerwey, “Taishang yicheng haikong zhizang jing,” in The Daoist
Downloaded by [Huaiyu Chen] at 18:33 24 November 2015

Canon, vol. 1: 527–529.

14. Daomen jingfa xiangcheng cixu 道門經法相承次序，juan shang 卷上; see Zhonghua daozang,
vol. 5, 584c. For a brief note on this text, see Bokenkamp, “Stages of Transcendence,” 133.
15. See Bokenkamp, “Haikong zhizang jing,” in The Encyclopedia of Taoism, 470–471.
16. Li Defan, Dunhuang daozang (Daoist Literature from Dunhuang), vol. 1, 59–110.
17. Wang Chengwen, Dunhuang gulingbaojing yu Jin Tang Daojiao, 756; Liu Yi, “Dunhuang ben
Tongmen lun,” 47–55. For an earlier discussion see Ōfuchi Ninji, “On Ku Ling-pao-ching,”
33–56; idem., Dōkyō to sono kyōten, 596–600.
18. The Secret Essentials of the Most High (Wushang miyao 無上祕要), juan 57, 太真上元齋品;
Zhonghua daozang, vol. 28, 218c.
19. Ritual of Confession and Atonement for the Retreat of the Divine Incantations of the Samādhi and
the Abyssal Caverns [Revealed] by the Most High (Taishang dongyuan sanmei shenzhou zhai
chanxie yi 太上洞淵三昧神呪齋懺謝儀), see Zhonghua daozang, vol. 30, 142b; as Christine
Mollier remarks, this liturgical text explains the ritual for a family to cure illnesses, to expel
demons, to avoid calamities, and etc.; see the entry of this text by her in The Daoist Canon,
510–511.
20. The Superior Scripture of the Jeweled Primordial of the Most High Cavern Mystic (Taishang
dongxuan baoyuan shangjing 太上洞玄寳元上經), see Zhonghua daozang, vol. 8, 173c.
21. For a study and an annotated French translation of this text, see Christine Mollier, Une
Apocalypse taoïste du Ve siècle.
22. For a study and an annotated English translation of this text, see Bokenkamp, Early Daoist
Scriptures, 373–438.
23. Ch. 243 is a text merged from two fragments T III T 514 and Ch. 286 which also has a number
T II 1178 in German collection.
24. Rong Xinjiang, “Tangdai Xizhou de daojiao,” 127–144; also see Lei Wen, “Guojia gongguan
wangluo zhong de Xizhou daojiao,” 117–127. Earlier in 1960, Ogasawara Senshū has offered
a preliminary observation on Daoism in the Turfan region, see his “Torufān shutsudo,”
249–278.
25. Nicolas Sims-Williams, “Sogdian and Turkish Christians,“ 43–61; Ian Gillman and H.-J.
Klimkeit, Christianity in Asia before 1500, 205–262.
26. Besides this Daoist-Christian fragment, the Christians in this area also reused the paper of
Buddhist texts, such as the Lotus Sūtra; see Nicolas Sims-Williams, “A Sogdian Version of the
‘Gloria in excelsis Deo’,” 257–262; Sims-Williams mainly dealt with a Sogdian fragment of
the “Gloria in excelsis Deo”and Yoshida Yutaka identified the Lotus Sūtra on the recto side.
27. Wang Pu 王溥, Tang huiyao 唐會要 (compiled in 961), juan 50, says that it was Lü Shi 呂師;
Song Minqiu 宋敏求, Chang’an zhi 長安志 (compiled in 1076), juan 5, says that it was Lü
Shixuan 呂師玄.
28. See Yancong 彥悰, Tang hufa shamen Falin biezhuan 唐護法沙門法琳別傳, in T., vol. 50,
no. 2051: 205b.
29. Perhaps the distance between these two sites was less than 4000 meters or 2.5 miles.
 226 H. Chen

30. This text has been incorporated into the newly compiled Chinese Buddhist canon, see
Zhonghua daozang, vol. 5, Wang Ka edited this text for this canon. Earlier editing efforts
have been done by Wan Yi, “Dunhuang Daojiao wenxian Benji jing,” 367–484; so far for the
most comprehensive modern edition, see Ye Guiliang, Dunhuang ben Taixuan zhenyi benji
jing jijiao.
31. Wang Ka, Dunhuang Daojiao wenxian yanjiu, 36.
32. Jiang Boqin, “Benji jing yu Dunhuang Daojiao,” 1–16.
33. For the discussion on Daoism in Dunhuang and Turfan, see Wang Ka, “Dunhuang Daojiao
wenxian yanjiu,” 9–15, 36; Rong Xinjiang, “Tangdai Xizhou de Daojiao,”127–144; Lei Wen,
“Guojia gongguan,” 117–127.
34. Atsushi Iwamoto, “Kyo-u Shooku zo Tonko-Hikyu gaikan,” 55–81.
35. Lin Wushu, Tangdai Jingjiao zai yanjiu, 176–228; Rong Xinjiang, “Dunhuang Jingjiao
wenxian xieben de zhen yu wei,” 286–289.
36. See his “Parallel Themes,” 57–91.
37. Edkildsen, “Parallel Themes,” 64.
38. It is a common Buddhist word for translating Sanskrit word “animmitta.” It refers to the
condition close to cessation or nirvana in some Buddhist texts. For a discussion on its meaning
Downloaded by [Huaiyu Chen] at 18:33 24 November 2015

in the Ariyapariyesana Sutta, see Dan Lusthaus, Buddhist Phenomenology, 131.

39. See Zhonghua daozang, vol. 5, 228c.
40. Numerous works have discussed the Dao nature in the Benji jing; see Chiyu Wu, Pen-tsi king;
Sunayama Minoru, Zui Tō Dōkyō shisōshi kenkyū; Lu Guolong, Zhongguo chongxuan xue;
Yamada Takshi, Tōsho Dōkyō shisōshi kenkyū; Huang Kunwei, Dunhuang ben Taixuan zhenyi
benji jing sixiang yanjiu.
41. See Zhonghua daozang, Vol. 5, 233c.
42. Zhonghua daozang, vol. 5, 215b.
43. In Daoism, the seven cavities include eyes, ears, noses, and mouth, referring to
the Seven Mysterious Gates, which are essential for the circulation of pneuma and
Yin Yang.
44. Wang Lanping suggested that the 10 visualizations in the Anle jing are very similar to ten
actions in the Benji jing, yet he does not pay attention to the connection between 10
visualizations and non-desire and; see Wang Lanping, “Yi Zhixuan anle jing shiguan wei
li,” 160–161.
45. For further discussion, see Huaiyu Chen, “The Connection between Nestorian and Buddhist
Texts,” 93–113.
46. Zhonghua daozang, vol. 5, 228–229. This edition is edited by Wang Ka 王卡, which is based
on the Dunhuang manuscripts P. 2795 and P. 2398.
47. Zhonghua daozang, vol. 5, 229.

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