Spaced Repetition PDF
Spaced Repetition PDF
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The winter sun sets in mid-afternoon in Kolobrzeg, Poland, but the early twilight does not
deter people from taking their regular outdoor promenade. Bundled up in parkas with fur-
trimmed hoods, strolling hand in mittened hand along the edge of the Baltic Sea, off-season
tourists from Germany stop openmouthed when they see a tall, well-built, nearly naked man
running up and down the sand.
"Kalt? Kalt?" one of them calls out. The man gives a polite but vague answer, then turns and
dives into the waves. After swimming back and forth in the 40-degree water for a few
minutes, he emerges from the surf and jogs briefly along the shore. The wind is strong, but the
man makes no move to get dressed. Passersby continue to comment and stare. "This is one of
the reasons I prefer anonymity," he tells me in English. "You do something even slightly out of
the ordinary and it causes a sensation."
Piotr Wozniak's quest for anonymity has been successful. Nobody along this string of little
beach resorts recognizes him as the inventor of a technique to turn people into geniuses. A
portion of this technique, embodied in a software program called SuperMemo, has
enthusiastic users around the world. They apply it mainly to learning languages, and it's
popular among people for whom fluency is a necessity — students from Poland or other poor
countries aiming to score well enough on English-language exams to study abroad. A
substantial number of them do not pay for it, and pirated copies are ubiquitous on software
bulletin boards in China, where it competes with knockoffs like SugarMemo.
SuperMemo is based on the insight that there is an ideal moment to practice what you've
learned. Practice too soon and you waste your time. Practice too late and you've forgotten the
material and have to relearn it. The right time to practice is just at the moment you're about to
forget. Unfortunately, this moment is different for every person and each bit of information.
Imagine a pile of thousands of flash cards. Somewhere in this pile are the ones you should be
practicing right now. Which are they?
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Twenty years ago, Wozniak realized that computers could easily calculate the moment of
forgetting if he could discover the right algorithm. SuperMemo is the result of his research. It
predicts the future state of a person's memory and schedules information reviews at the
optimal time. The effect is striking. Users can seal huge quantities of vocabulary into their
brains. But for Wozniak, 46, helping people learn a foreign language fast is just the tiniest part
of his goal. As we plan the days, weeks, even years of our lives, he would have us rely not
merely on our traditional sources of self-knowledge — introspection, intuition, and conscious
thought — but also on something new: predictions about ourselves encoded in machines.
Given the chance to observe our behaviors, computers can run simulations, modeling
different versions of our path through the world. By tuning these models for top performance,
computers will give us rules to live by. They will be able to tell us when to wake, sleep, learn,
and exercise; they will cue us to remember what we've read, help us track whom we've met,
and remind us of our goals. Computers, in Wozniak's scheme, will increase our intellectual
capacity and enhance our rational self-control.
The reason the inventor of SuperMemo pursues extreme anonymity, asking me to conceal his
exact location and shunning even casual recognition by users of his software, is not because
he's paranoid or a misanthrope but because he wants to avoid random interruptions to a
long-running experiment he's conducting on himself. Wozniak is a kind of algorithmic man.
He's exploring what it's like to live in strict obedience to reason. On first encounter, he
appears to be one of the happiest people I've ever met.
In the late 1800s, a German scientist named Hermann Ebbinghaus made up lists of nonsense
syllables and measured how long it took to forget and then relearn them. (Here is an example
of the type of list he used: bes dek fel gup huf jeik mek meun pon daus dor gim ke4k be4p
bCn hes.) In experiments of breathtaking rigor and tedium, Ebbinghaus practiced and recited
from memory 2.5 nonsense syllables a second, then rested for a bit and started again.
Maintaining a pace of rote mental athleticism that all students of foreign verb conjugation will
regard with awe, Ebbinghaus trained this way for more than a year. Then, to show that the
results he was getting weren't an accident, he repeated the entire set of experiments three
years later. Finally, in 1885, he published a monograph called Memory: A Contribution to
Experimental Psychology. The book became the founding classic of a new discipline.
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Ebbinghaus discovered many lawlike regularities of mental life. He was the first to draw a
learning curve. Among his original observations was an account of a strange phenomenon
that would drive his successors half batty for the next century: the spacing effect.
Ebbinghaus showed that it's possible to dramatically improve learning by correctly spacing
practice sessions. On one level, this finding is trivial; all students have been warned not to
cram. But the efficiencies created by precise spacing are so large, and the improvement in
performance so predictable, that from nearly the moment Ebbinghaus described the spacing
effect, psychologists have been urging educators to use it to accelerate human progress. After
all, there is a tremendous amount of material we might want to know. Time is short.
H thi t h i
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However, this technique never caught on. The spacing effect is "one of the most remarkable
phenomena to emerge from laboratory research on learning," the psychologist Frank
Dempster wrote in 1988, at the beginning of a typically sad encomium published in American
Psychologist under the title "The Spacing Effect: A Case Study in the Failure to Apply the
Results of Psychological Research." The sorrrowful tone is not hard to understand. How would
computer scientists feel if people continued to use slide rules for engineering calculations?
What if, centuries after the invention of spectacles, people still dealt with nearsightedness by
holding things closer to their eyes? Psychologists who studied the spacing effect thought they
possessed a solution to a problem that had frustrated humankind since before written
language: how to remember what's been learned. But instead, the spacing effect became a
reminder of the impotence of laboratory psychology.
As a student at the Poznan University of Technology in western Poland in the 1980s, Wozniak
was overwhelmed by the sheer number of things he was expected to learn. But that wasn't his
most troubling problem. He wasn't just trying to pass his exams; he was trying to learn. He
couldn't help noticing that within a few months of completing a class, only a fraction of the
knowledge he had so painfully acquired remained in his mind. Wozniak knew nothing of the
spacing effect, but he knew that the methods at hand didn't work.
The most important challenge was English. Wozniak refused to be satisfied with the broken,
half-learned English that so many otherwise smart students were stuck with. So he created an
analog database, with each entry consisting of a question and answer on a piece of paper.
Every time he reviewed a word, phrase, or fact, he meticulously noted the date and marked
whether he had forgotten it. At the end of the session, he tallied the number of remembered
and forgotten items. By 1984, a century after Ebbinghaus finished his second series of
experiments on nonsense syllables, Wozniak's database contained 3,000 English words and
phrases and 1,400 facts culled from biology, each with a complete repetition history. He was
now prepared to ask himself an important question: How long would it take him to master the
things he wanted to know?
The answer: too long. In fact, the answer was worse than too long. According to Wozniak's
first calculations, success was impossible. The problem wasn't learning the material; it was
retaining it. He found that 40 percent of his English vocabulary vanished over time. Sixty
percent of his biology answers evaporated. Using some simple calculations, he figured out
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that with his normal method of study, it would require two hours of practice every day to
learn and retain a modest English vocabulary of 15,000 words. For 30,000 words, Wozniak
would need twice that time. This was impractical.
Wozniak's discouraging numbers were roughly consistent with the results that Ebbinghaus
had recorded in his own experiments and that have been confirmed by other psychologists in
the decades since. If students nonetheless manage to become expert in a few of the things
they study, it's not because they retain the material from their lessons but because they
specialize in a relatively narrow subfield where intense practice keeps their memory fresh.
When it comes to language, the received wisdom is that immersion — usually amounting to
actual immigration — is necessary to achieve fluency. On one hand, this is helpful advice. On
the other hand, it's an awful commentary on the value of countless classroom hours. Learning
things is easy. But remembering them — this is where a certain hopelessness sets in.
As Wozniak later wrote in describing the failure of his early learning system: "The process of
increasing the size of my databases gradually progressed at the cost of knowledge retention."
In other words, as his list grew, so did his forgetting. He was climbing a mountain of loose
gravel and making less and less progress at each step.
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Photo:
Patrick VoigtThe problem of forgetting might not torment us so much if we could only
convince ourselves that remembering isn't important. Perhaps the things we learn — words,
dates, formulas, historical and biographical details — don't really matter. Facts can be looked
up. That's what the Internet is for. When it comes to learning, what really matters is how
things fit together. We master the stories, the schemas, the frameworks, the paradigms; we
rehearse the lingo; we swim in the episteme.
The disadvantage of this comforting notion is that it's false. "The people who criticize
memorization — how happy would they be to spell out every letter of every word they read?"
asks Robert Bjork, chair of UCLA's psychology department and one of the most eminent
memory researchers. After all, Bjork notes, children learn to read whole words through
intense practice, and every time we enter a new field we become children again. "You can't
escape memorization," he says. "There is an initial process of learning the names of things.
That's a stage we all go through. It's all the more important to go through it rapidly." The
human brain is a marvel of associative processing, but in order to make associations, data
must be loaded into memory.
Once we drop the excuse that memorization is pointless, we're left with an interesting
mystery. Much of the information does remain in our memory, though we cannot recall it. "To
this day," Bjork says, "most people think about forgetting as decay, that memories are like
footprints in the sand that gradually fade away. But that has been disproved by a lot of
research. The memory appears to be gone because you can't recall it, but we can prove that
it's still there. For instance, you can still recognize a 'forgotten' item in a group. Yes, without
continued use, things become inaccessible. But they are not gone."
After an ichthyologist named David Starr Jordan became the first president of Stanford
University in the 1890s, he bequeathed to memory researchers one of their favorite truisms:
Every time he learned the name of a student, Jordan is said to have complained, he forgot the
name of a fish. But the fish to which Jordan had devoted his research life were still there,
somewhere beneath the surface of consciousness. The difficulty was in catching them.
During the years that Wozniak struggled to master English Bjork and his collaborator
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During the years that Wozniak struggled to master English, Bjork and his collaborator,
Elizabeth Bjork (she is also a professor of psychology; the two have been married since 1969),
were at work on a new theory of forgetting. Both were steeped in the history of laboratory
research on memory, and one of their goals was to get to the bottom of the spacing effect.
They were also curious about the paradoxical tendency of older memories to become
stronger with the passage of time, while more recent memories faded. Their explanation
involved an elegant model with deeply counterintuitive implications.
Long-term memory, the Bjorks said, can be characterized by two components, which they
named retrieval strength and storage strength. Retrieval strength measures how likely you are
to recall something right now, how close it is to the surface of your mind. Storage strength
measures how deeply the memory is rooted. Some memories may have high storage strength
but low retrieval strength. Take an old address or phone number. Try to think of it; you may
feel that it's gone. But a single reminder could be enough to restore it for months or years.
Conversely, some memories have high retrieval strength but low storage strength. Perhaps
you've recently been told the names of the children of a new acquaintance. At this moment
they may be easily accessible, but they are likely to be utterly forgotten in a few days, and a
single repetition a month from now won't do much to strengthen them at all.
The Bjorks were not the first psychologists to make this distinction, but they and a series of
collaborators used a broad range of experimental data to show how these laws of memory
wreak havoc on students and teachers. One of the problems is that the amount of storage
strength you gain from practice is inversely correlated with the current retrieval strength. In
other words, the harder you have to work to get the right answer, the more the answer is
sealed in memory. Precisely those things that seem to signal we're learning well — easy
performance on drills, fluency during a lesson, even the subjective feeling that we know
something — are misleading when it comes to predicting whether we will remember it in the
future. "The most motivated and innovative teachers, to the extent they take current
performance as their guide, are going to do the wrong things," Robert Bjork says. "It's almost
sinister."
The most popular learning systems sold today — for instance, foreign language software like
Rosetta Stone — cheerfully defy every one of the psychologists' warnings. With its constant
feedback and easily accessible clues, Rosetta Stone brilliantly creates a sensation of progress.
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"Go to Amazon and look at the reviews," says Greg Keim, Rosetta Stone's CTO, when I ask him
what evidence he has that people are really remembering what they learn. "That is as
objective as you can get in terms of a user's sense of achievement." The sole problem here,
from the psychologists' perspective, is that the user's sense of achievement is exactly what we
should most distrust.
The battle between lab-tested techniques and conventional pedagogy went on for decades,
and it's fair to say that the psychologists lost. All those studies of human memory in the lab —
using nonsense syllables, random numbers, pictures, maps, foreign vocabulary, scattered dots
— had so little influence on actual practice that eventually their irrelevance provoked a revolt.
In the late '70s, Ulric Neisser, the pioneering researcher who coined the term cognitive
psychology, launched a broad attack on the approach of Ebbinghaus and his scientific kin.
"We have established firm empirical generalizations, but most of them are so obvious that
every 10-year-old knows them anyway," Neisser complained. "We have an intellectually
impressive group of theories, but history offers little confidence that they will provide any
meaningful insight into natural behavior." Neisser encouraged psychologists to leave their labs
and study memory in its natural environment, in the style of ecologists. He didn't doubt that
the laboratory theories were correct in their limited way, but he wanted results that had
power to change the world.
Many psychologists followed Neisser. But others stuck to their laboratory methods. The
spacing effect was one of the proudest lab-derived discoveries, and it was interesting
precisely because it was not obvious, even to professional teachers. The same year that
Neisser revolted, Robert Bjork, working with Thomas Landauer of Bell Labs, published the
results of two experiments involving nearly 700 undergraduate students. Landauer and Bjork
were looking for the optimal moment to rehearse something so that it would later be
remembered. Their results were impressive: The best time to study something is at the
moment you are about to forget it. And yet — as Neisser might have predicted — that insight
was useless in the real world. Determining the precise moment of forgetting is essentially
impossible in day-to-day life.
Obviously, computers were the answer, and the idea of using them was occasionally
suggested starting in the 1960s But except for experimental software nothing was built The
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suggested, starting in the 1960s. But except for experimental software, nothing was built. The
psychologists were interested mainly in theories and models. The teachers were interested in
immediate signs of success. The students were cramming to pass their exams. The payoff for
genuine progress was somehow too abstract, too delayed, to feed back into the system in a
useful way. What was needed was not an academic psychologist but a tinkerer, somebody
with a lot of time on his hands, a talent for mathematics, and a strangely literal temperament
that made him think he should actually recall the things he learned.
The day I first meet Wozniak, we go for a 7-mile walk down a windy beach. I'm in my
business clothes and half comatose from jet lag; he's wearing a track suit and comes toward
me with a gait so buoyant he seems about to take to the air. He asks me to walk on the side
away from the water. "People say that when I get excited I tend to drift in their direction, so it
is better that I stand closer to the sea so I don't push you in," he says.
Wozniak takes an almost physical pleasure in reason. He loves to discuss things with people,
to get insight into their personalities, and to give them advice — especially in English. One of
his most heartfelt wishes is that the world have one language and one currency so this could
all be handled more efficiently. He's appalled that Poland is still not in the Eurozone. He's
baffled that Americans do not use the metric system. For two years he kept a diary in
Esperanto.
Although Esperanto was the ideal expression of his universalist dreams, English is the leading
real-world implementation. Though he has never set foot in an English-speaking country, he
speaks the language fluently. "Two words that used to give me trouble are perspicuous and
perspicacious," he confessed as we drank beer with raspberry syrup at a tiny beachside
restaurant where we were the only customers. "Then I found a mnemonic to enter in
SuperMemo: clear/clever. Now I never misuse them."
Wozniak's command of English is the result of a series of heroic experiments, in the tradition
of Ebbinghaus. They involved relentless sessions of careful self-analysis, tracked over years.
He began with the basic conundrum of too much to study in too little time. His first solution
was based on folk wisdom. "It is a common intuition," Wozniak later wrote, "that with
successive repetitions, knowledge should gradually become more durable and require less
frequent review."
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This insight had already been proven by Landauer and Bjork, but Wozniak was unaware of
their theory of forgetting or of any of the landmark studies in laboratory research on memory.
This ignorance was probably a blessing, because it forced him to rely on pragmatic
engineering. In 1985, he divided his database into three equal sets and created schedules for
studying each of them. One of the sets he studied every five days, another every 18 days, and
the third at expanding intervals, increasing the period between study sessions each time he
got the answers right.
This experiment proved that Wozniak's first hunch was too simple. On none of the tests did
his recall show significant improvement over the naive methods of study he normally used.
But he was not discouraged and continued making ever more elaborate investigations of
study intervals, changing the second interval to two days, then four days, then six days, and so
on. Then he changed the third interval, then the fourth, and continued to test and measure,
measure and test, for nearly a decade. His conviction that forgetting could be tamed by
following rules gave him the intellectual fortitude to continue searching for those rules. He
doggedly traced a matrix of paths, like a man pacing off steps in a forest where he is lost.
All of his early work was done on paper. In the computer science department at the Poznan
University of Technology, "we had a single mainframe of Polish-Russian design, with punch
cards," Wozniak recalls. "If you could stand in line long enough to get your cards punched, you
could wait a couple of days more for the machine to run your cards, and then at last you got a
printout, which was your output."
The personal computer revolution was already pretty far along in the US by the time Wozniak
managed to get his hands on an Amstrad PC 1512, imported through quasi-legal means from
Hamburg, Germany. With this he was able to make another major advance in SuperMemo —
computing the difficulty of any fact or study item and adjusting the unique shape of the
predicted forgetting curve for every item and user. A friend of Wozniak's adapted his software
to run on Atari machines, and as access to personal computers finally spread among students,
so did SuperMemo.
After the collapse of Polish communism, Wozniak and some fellow students formed a
company, SuperMemo World. By 1995, their program was one of the most successful
applications developed by the country's fledgling software industry and they were searching
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applications developed by the country s fledgling software industry, and they were searching
for funding that would allow them to relocate to Silicon Valley. That year, at Comdex in Las
Vegas, 200,000 people got a look at Sony's new DVD technology, prototypes of flatscreens,
and Wozniak's SuperMemo, which became the first Polish product shown at the great geek
carnival, then at the height of its influence. In Europe, the old communist experiment in
human optimization had run its course. Wozniak believed that in a world of open
competition, where individuals are rewarded on merit, a scientific tool that accelerated
learning would find customers everywhere.
Wozniak's chief partner in the campaign to reprogram the world's approach to learning
through SuperMemo was Krzysztof Biedalak, who had been his classmate at the University of
Technology. The two men used to run 6 miles to a nearby lake for an icy swim. Biedalak
agrees with Wozniak that winter swimming is good for mental health. Biedalak also agrees
with Wozniak that SuperMemo produces extreme learning. But Biedalak does not agree with
Wozniak about everything. "I don't apply his whole technique," he says. "In my context, his
technique is inapplicable."
Biedalak and I meet and talk in a restaurant in downtown Warsaw where the shelves are
covered in gingham and the walls are lined with jars of pickled vegetables. He has an
intelligent, somewhat hangdog expression, like a young Walter Matthau, and his tone is as
measured as Wozniak's is impulsive. Until I let the information slip, he doesn't even know the
exact location of his partner and friend.
"Piotr would never go out to promote the product, wouldn't talk to journalists, very rarely
agreed to meet with somebody," Biedalak says. "He was the driving force, but at some point I
had to accept that you cannot communicate with him in the way you can with other people."
The problem wasn't shyness but the same intolerance for inefficient expenditure of mental
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resources that led to the invention of SuperMemo in the first place. By the mid-'90s, with
SuperMemo growing more and more popular, Wozniak felt that his ability to rationally control
his life was slipping away. "There were 80 phone calls per day to handle. There was no time
for learning, no time for programming, no time for sleep," he recalls. In 1994, he disappeared
for two weeks, leaving no information about where he was. The next year he was gone for
100 days. Each year, he has increased his time away. He doesn't own a phone. He ignores his
email for months at a time. And though he holds a PhD and has published in academic
journals, he never attends conferences or scientific meetings.
These techniques are designed to overcome steep learning curves through automated steps,
like stairs on a hill. He calls it incremental reading, and it has come to dominate his
intellectual life. Wozniak no longer wastes time worrying that he hasn't gotten to some article
he wants to read; once it's loaded into the system, he trusts his algorithm to apportion it to his
consciousness at the appropriate time.
The appropriate time, that is, for him. Having turned over his mental life to a computerized
system, he refuses to be pushed around by random inputs and requests. Naturally, this can be
annoying to people whose messages tend to sift to the bottom. "After four months," Biedalak
says sadly, "you sometimes get a reply to some sentence in an email that has been scrambled
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For Wozniak, these misfires were less a product of scrambling than of an inevitable clash of
goals. A person who understands the exact relationship between learning and time is forced
to measure out his hours with a certain care. SuperMemo was like a genie that granted
Wozniak a wish: unprecedented power to remember. But the value of what he remembered
depended crucially on what he studied, and what he studied depended on his goals, and the
selection of his goals rested upon the efficient acquisition of knowledge, in a regressive
function that propelled him relentlessly along the path he had chosen. The guarantee that he
would not forget what he learned was both a gift and a demand, requiring him to sacrifice
every extraneous thing.
From the business side of SuperMemo, Wozniak's priorities can sometimes look selfish. Janusz
Murakowski, one of Wozniak's friends who worked as a manager at the company during its
infancy, thinks that Wozniak's focus on his own learning has stunted the development of his
invention. "Piotr writes this software for himself," says Murakowski, now a professor of
electrical engineering at the University of Delaware. "The interface is just impossible." This is
perhaps a bit unfair. SuperMemo comes in eight flavors, some of which were coded by
licensees: SuperMemo for Windows, for Palm devices, for several cell phones, even an
Internet version. It's true that Wozniak is no Steve Jobs, and his software has none of the viral
friendliness of a casual game like Brain Age for Nintendo DS. Still, it can hardly be described
as the world's most difficult program. After all, photographers can learn to produce the most
arcane effects in Photoshop. Why shouldn't more people be able to master SuperMemo?
"It was never a feel-good product," Murakowski says, and here he may be getting closer to the
true conflict that lies at the heart of the struggle to optimize intelligence, a conflict that
transcends design and touches on some curious facts about human nature. We are used to the
idea that normal humans can perform challenging feats of athleticism. We all know someone
who has run a marathon or ridden a bike cross-country. But getting significantly smarter —
that seems to be different. We associate intelligence with pure talent, and academic learning
with educational experiences dating far back in life. To master a difficult language, to become
expert in a technical field, to make a scientific contribution in a new area — these seem like
rare things. And so they are, but perhaps not for the reason we assume.
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The failure of SuperMemo to transform learning uncannily repeats the earlier failures of
cognitive psychology to influence teachers and students. Our capacity to learn is amazingly
large. But optimal learning demands a kind of rational control over ourselves that does not
come easily. Even the basic demand for regularity can be daunting. If you skip a few days, the
spacing effect, with its steady march of sealing knowledge in memory, begins to lose its force.
Progress limps. When it comes to increasing intelligence, our brain is up to the task and our
technology is up to the task. The problem lies in our temperament.
The Baltic Sea is dark as an unlit mirror. Wozniak and I walk along the shore, passing the
wooden snack stands that won't be open until spring, and he tells me how he manages his life.
He's married, and his wife shares his lifestyle. They swim together in winter, and though
Polish is their native language, they communicate in English, which she learned with
SuperMemo. Wozniak's days are blocked into distinct periods: a creative period, a reading and
studying period, an exercise period, an eating period, a resting period, and then a second
creative period. He doesn't get up at a regular hour and is passionate against alarm clocks. If
excitement over his research leads him to work into the night, he simply shifts to sleeping in
the day. When he sits down for a session of incremental reading, he attends to whatever
automatically appears on his computer screen, stopping the instant his mind begins to drift or
his comprehension falls too low and then moving on to the next item in the queue.
SuperMemo graphs a distribution of priorities that he can adjust as he goes. When he
encounters a passage that he thinks he'll need to remember, he marks it; then it goes into a
pattern of spaced repetition, and the information it contains will stay in his brain indefinitely.
"Once you get the snippets you need," Wozniak says, "your books disappear. They gradually
evaporate. They have been translated into knowledge."
As a science fiction fan, I had always assumed that when computers supplemented our
intelligence, it would be because we outsourced some of our memory to them. We would ask
questions, and our machines would give oracular — or supremely practical — replies.
Wozniak has discovered a different route. When he entrusts his mental life to a machine, it is
not to throw off the burden of thought but to make his mind more swift. Extreme knowledge
is not something for which he programs a computer but for which his computer is
programming him.
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I've already told Wozniak that I am not optimistic about my ability to tame old reading habits
in the name of optimized knowledge. Books, for me, are not merely sources of information I
might want to load into memory but also subjective companions, almost substitute people,
and I don't see why I would want to hold on to them in fragments. Still, I tell him I would like
to give it a shot.
"Yes."
At the edge of the sea, I become afraid. I'm a strong swimmer, but there's something about
standing on the beach in the type of minuscule bathing suit you get at the gift shop of a
discount resort in Eastern Europe, and watching people stride past in their down parkas, that
smacks of danger.
I realize he must be correct. Poland has few freeways, and in the rural north, lines of cars
jockey behind communist-era farm machinery until they defy the odds and try to pass. There
are spectacular wrecks. Wozniak gives close attention to the qualitative estimate of fatal risks.
By graphing the acquisition of knowledge in SuperMemo, he has realized that in a single
lifetime one can acquire only a few million new items. This is the absolute limit on intellectual
achievement defined by death. So he guards his health. He rarely gets in a car. The Germans
on the beach are staring at me. I dive in.
Philosopher William James once wrote that mental life is controlled by noticing. Climbing out
of the sea and onto the windy beach, my skin purple and my mind in a reverie provoked by
shock, I find myself thinking of a checklist Wozniak wrote a few years ago describing how to
become a genius. His advice was straightforward yet strangely terrible: You must clarify your
goals, gain knowledge through spaced repetition, preserve health, work steadily, minimize
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goa s, ga ow edge t oug spaced epet t o , p ese ve ea t , wo stead y, e
stress, refuse interruption, and never resist sleep when tired. This should lead to radically
improved intelligence and creativity. The only cost: turning your back on every convention of
social life. It is a severe prescription. And yet now, as I grin broadly and wave to the gawkers,
it occurs to me that the cold rationality of his approach may be only a surface feature and
that, when linked to genuine rewards, even the chilliest of systems can have a certain visceral
appeal. By projecting the achievement of extreme memory back along the forgetting curve, by
provably linking the distant future — when we will know so much — to the few minutes we
devote to studying today, Wozniak has found a way to condition his temperament along with
his memory. He is making the future noticeable. He is trying not just to learn many things but
to warm the process of learning itself with a draft of utopian ecstasy.
Contributing editor Gary Wolf ([email protected]) wrote about futurist Ray Kurzweil in issue
16.04.
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