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Gender, Alcohol, and the Media: The Portrayal of Men and Women in Alcohol
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Gender, Alcohol, and the Media: The Portrayal of

Men and Women in Alcohol Commercials

Gregory Hall & Robert Kappel

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The Portrayal of Men and Women in Alcohol Commercials, The Sociological Quarterly, DOI:
10.1080/00380253.2018.1479204

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THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY
https://doi.org/10.1080/00380253.2018.1479204

Gender, Alcohol, and the Media: The Portrayal of Men and

Women in Alcohol Commercials
Gregory Hall and Robert Kappel
Department of Sociology, SUNY at Buffalo, Buffalo, New York, USA

ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
In this article we focus on alcohol commercials in the media because Gender; Media; Alcohol;
they have a large influence on behaviors and the portrayal of gender. Gender Roles
This paper seeks to reevaluate and extend ideal types used to define
gendered behaviors in alcohol commercials. Through an analysis of 77
alcohol commercials out of an available 12,195 time slots we find that
alcohol advertisements portray deeply gender-specific messages about
social life through the following ideal types: hotties, bitches, losers, and
buddies. Beyond these established ideal types, we put forth new types
that include the 007, the prop, the party girl, and the worker. While more
nuanced, these ideal types still define and reinforce stereotypical and
traditional notions of gender and gender roles. In expanding previous
typologies we contribute to a greater understanding of advertising and
how displays of gender are currently becoming more spectacular.

Introduction
Historically the media has had strong ties with social behaviors, and research shows
that the media affects behaviors as much as behaviors influence the media (Grube
2004; Jernigan and O’Hara 2004; Smith, Cukier, and Jernigan 2014). More specifi-
cally, advertisements often have the aim of embedding products into our daily lives
(Jernigan and O’Hara 2004; Messner and Montez de Oca 2005), thus making adver-
tisements an important part of our learned behaviors and socialization (Grube 2004;
Krupka and Vener 1992; Law 1997; Smith et al. 2014; Towns, Parker, and Chase
2012). We focus on alcohol commercials in the media because of the prevalence of
alcohol in American society (Grube 2004; Krupka and Vener 1992; State 1991, 1992;
Wenner 2009) and the commercials’ emphasis on gender portrayals (Barthel 1992;
Krupka and Vener 1992; Law 1997; State 1992; Towns et al. 2012). As television
viewership increases, it not only provides more widely available messages about
gender roles but also leads to a younger drinking-initiation age (Grube 2004) and
can influence patterned behavior (Towns et al. 2012). In this paper we reevaluate the
ideal types used to define gendered behaviors in alcohol commercials and contribute
to the literature with the addition of new gendered ideal typologies put forth in
alcohol commercials.
This paper begins with an overview of the existing literature on gender portrayals
in alcohol commercials and other substance-related advertising. Next the research
methods are outlined. The data is then presented and analyzed in the context of how

CONTACT Gregory Hall gmhall@buffalo.edu SUNY at Buffalo, 430 Park Hall, Buffalo, New York, 14260, USA.
© 2018 Midwest Sociological Society
2 G. HALL AND R. KAPPEL

gender roles and gendered behaviors are portrayed in alcohol commercials. Finally,
gender roles are discussed as they relate to alcohol commercials; the paper concludes
by situating the study in present and future research.

Masculinity and alcohol in the media

Many cultures, including the United States, exhibit drinking and alcohol as having
strong ties to the construction and maintenance of masculinity and masculine inde-
pendence (Barthel 1992; Law 1997; State 1992). It is also more common for men to
stay out longer than women when drinking at community events (Allen 2002);
culturally and socially, it is more acceptable for men to drink at public locations
such as bars (Park 1995). Additionally, the ability to drink a substantial amount while
comporting yourself in a manner that does not demonstrate your intoxication is a sign
of masculinity (Roche 2001), and the media surrounding alcohol consumption con-
tinues to drive this notion. This is clearly not something innate to men but rather is a
part of the socialization of gender roles and accepted behaviors associated with these
roles. The media uses and reinforces gender roles and behaviors within their adver-
tisements to help perpetuate a cycle of socialization in the specific context of alcohol
consumption.
Alcohol in the media is often shown to be conducive to bonding between men without
sexual intimacy (Messner and Montez de Oca 2005; State 1991, 1992; Towns et al. 2012;
Wenner 2009; Wenner and Jackson 2009), and this reflects the culture in which the
commercials are being produced (Law 1997). Men are traditionally thought of as having
the capability to exert power over nature and other individuals (Barthel 1992). Having this
power over others and a mastery of nature is often reflected in alcohol advertising,
specifically within the commercials in this study. Men are not only in control of the
environment but also are in control of the objects and people within these environments—
often those being controlled are women.
Alcohol commercials show particular types of hypermasculine men such as jocks, cow-
boys, and pick-up artists (State 1992). Messner and Montez de Oca (2005) describe the
typologies of dominant gender types often seen in alcohol advertisements, the first being the
“losers.” The loser reflects the idea that masculinity is often precarious and that men usually
are “on the cusp of being humiliated, either by their own stupidity, by other men, or worse,
by a beautiful woman” (Messner 2010:175). The loser is a man who is on the verge of being
emasculated; for example, a man who is about to be estranged from his wife (Duncan and
Aycock 2009). To compensate for the loser in advertisements, another gender type emerges:
“buddies.” A group of men develops safety in numbers to rescue or take pressure off of an
individual man who is on the precipice of being emasculated. Friendship between men then
becomes the center of the advertisement because it promotes solidarity among the group
members (Messner and Montez de Oca 2005) and reinforces the idea of masculine bonding
through drinking and the prevention of becoming feminine (Messner and Montez de Oca
2005; State 1992; Towns et al. 2012; Wenner 2009; Wenner and Jackson 2009). These ideal
types, and masculinity as a whole, are most heavily displayed during sporting events, an arena
that has a strong connection to alcohol advertising and consumption.
 THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY 3

Sports, beer, and masculinity

Alcohol use is widespread in the media (Grube 2004), particularly during sporting events
(Duncan and Aycock 2009; Messner and Montez de Oca 2005; Sabo and Jansen 1992;
Wenner 2009; Wenner and Jackson 2009). This connection exists because, as with alcohol,
masculinity holds a strong association with sports (State 1992; Towns et al. 2012) and
sports hold a strong association with alcohol. Messner and Montez de Oca (2005) look at
the frequency of alcohol commercials during mega sporting events such as the Super
Bowl. Their research reveals a steady annual increase in alcohol commercials during the
Super Bowl. This is only one example of a mega sporting event, but every year it is the
most watched sporting event in the United States. The 2017 Super Bowl was the most
watched program in US television history (Fox Sports 2017). Advertising space during this
event is extremely expensive and limited. Thus, alcohol companies are willing to pay a
high price for advertising during game time, and the large audience is subject to stereo-
typical portrayals of gender in these commercials. While mega sporting events capture a
large swath of viewers with alcohol advertisements, these advertisements are also present
during local and regional broadcasts.
Though the approach to gender in advertisements has changed over time (Messner and
Montez de Oca 2005), the idea of masculinity and its association with sports has remained
consistent (Duncan and Aycock 2009; Sabo and Jansen 1992). A more recent development
in alcohol advertisements is the intersection of sports, men, and beer as they relate to the
performance of violent behaviors (Wenner and Jackson 2009). The male-centric focus of
alcohol commercials perpetuates violence and at the same time downplays the significance
of women by trivializing them in various settings (Duncan and Aycock 2009). Along with
being trivialized, women in advertisements are also usually hypersexualized (Messner and
Montez de Oca 2005; Wenner 2009). The key to these portrayals is the subtlety: a viewer
must actively seek out women in many commercials unless they are brought to the
forefront because of the actions of a man.

Women, substances, and media portrayal

One historic reason for the strict alcohol rules, norms, and mores imposed on women is
the relationship, or lack thereof, between alcohol and femininity in the media. “The
universal ideal of femininity discouraged drinking, and women were mostly required to
demonstrate restrain” (Roche 2001:14). Unlike men, it is within women’s gender norms to
avoid heavy intoxication (Schippers et al. 2001). Women who overconsume and over-
intoxicate become vulnerable to various types of assaults and to being victims of blame
(Kim, Johnson, and Juanjuan 2016; Ledray 2008). It has also been consistently found that
women drink smaller quantities and less often than their male counterparts (Gefou-
Madianou 1992; Heath 1995). Dietler (2006) describes expectancies of women and alcohol
as follows: (1) women will drink less than men, (2) women will behave differently than
men when drinking, (3) women prefer different drinks than men, (4) women drink at
different places than men, and (5) suppliers of alcohol for women are different than those
for men. It is thus not surprising that portrayals of women in alcohol advertisements are
drastically different than the portrayals of men. This can be seen by their lack of presence
and hypersexualized portrayals.
4 G. HALL AND R. KAPPEL

There is a distinct lack of women in many alcohol commercials (Barthel 1992), and this lack
of presence is most prominent in sports-related commercials (Sabo and Jansen 1992). When
women are present in these commercials their role is often hypersexualized (Wenner 2009) or
trivialized (Sabo and Jansen 1992). The sexualization of women in advertisements is a way to
promote and bolster masculinity (Messner and Montez de Oca 2005). This is done in commer-
cials through flirting (State 1991) or by using women to demonstrate a man’s ability to maintain
a healthy relationship (Duncan and Aycock 2009). The sexualization within the advertisements
is also expressed through the feminization of objects such as cars (State 1992) or beer bottles
(Messner and Montez de Oca 2005). This is central to the theme of power because a man’s
power over objects is constituted through constructing them as feminine.
Messner and Montez de Oca (2005) describe two typologies that fit the portrayal of
women in alcohol commercials. The first typology is “hotties,” women who are highly
sexualized fantasy objects and often are present to reaffirm masculinity. This holds a
strong connection to the loser since the hottie has the potential to humiliate the man and
strip him of his masculinity, which is what is most valuable to him. The second typology is
“bitches.” These are women who men are emotionally committed to yet who are almost
completely absent from the advertisements. When “bitches” do appear they exist to
undermine a man’s freedom to enjoy erotic pleasures and bond with other men.
Duncan and Aycock (2009) point out that commercials will often use humor as a way
to hide the sexist portrayals of the bitches and hotties; this highlights the subtlety of the
continual promotion of masculine norms in alcohol commercials. The exception to this
idea is commercials specifically targeted toward women. Advertisements for tobacco
brands like Virginia Slims, for diet pills, and for other substances relating to body issues
are focused on women. This explains the presence of women in commercials for low-
calorie alcoholic beverages (Krupka and Vener 1992). In the realm of alcohol commercials
there are brands such as Skinny Girl that focus only on women and reinforce traditional
gender stereotypes as they pertain to the norms and behaviors concerning the consump-
tion of alcohol.
The research presented here is an analysis of the intersection of alcohol, the media, and
gender as well as a contribution to established typologies. The emergence of new ideal
types is apparent because of types that have previously been established. With established
ideal types in mind, the analysis revealed types that have not been discussed or that may
have been present but have gone unnoticed. The new ideal types sit subtly couched in and
around established typologies and become more readily apparent with these in mind. The
intersection of alcohol, media, and gender persists, as do stereotypical notions of gender,
even in a climate where a number of individuals are more open minded to the construc-
tion of gender and gender norms. This is troublesome because the alcohol commercials
legitimize more traditional norms and delegitimize those that dissent.

Methods
The data was collected from the observation of 77 alcohol commercials on TV. The data
set is generated through stratified sampling wherein cable TV channels are divided into
available strata based on genre, including but not limited to: men’s, sports, entertainment,
and major network. Channels such as HBO are not included because of the lack of
commercials. Channels such as Nickelodeon are also excluded as their target audience is
 THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY 5

Table 1. Strata and channels.

Strata Description Channels
Big Four Four major network channels. Each was treated as ABC, CBS, FOX, NBC
its own stratum.
Sports Sports-oriented programming. Sports NY, ESPN, ESPN 2, MSG, YES, MSG Plus,
Speed, ESPN U, ESPN News, NBA TV, MLB Network,
Golf Channel, Fox Soccer Channel, TWC Sports, NBC
Sports, MLB SD, NFL SD
News News-oriented channels. C-Span, CNN, Weather Channel, Headline, Fox
News, CNBC, MSNBC, C-Span 2, Fox Business,
Bloomberg, CNBC World
Local Locally sponsored programming. YNN Buffalo, MYTV Buffalo
Men’s Male-oriented Spike, SyFy, FX, USA, Chiller
Programming.
Women’s Female-oriented programming. Lifetime, Bravo, Oxygen, OWN, Lifetime, Sopa, Style
Adult Programming geared toward adults: adult humor, A&E, Adult, TCM, AMC, TruTV, Reelz, Sundance, TV
language, movies, television dramas. One, Cloo, Inspiration, TV Guide
Educational Programming with educational value. Discovery, Animal Planet, History, TLC, Science,
Destination America, ID, Military, Halogen, National
Geographic, Dis F&H, National Geographic Wild, Bio,
History 2
Living Networks with programming on how to do things HGTV, Food Network, DIY
around the house.
Syndicated Networks that mainly show syndicated episodes CW, MeTV, ION, TBS, TNT, TV Land, ANTTV
of programming.
Entertainment Programming focused on music, popular culture, BET, VH1, MTV, E!, Game Show Network, Fuse,
and game shows. Youtoo, MTV2, GAC, VH1 Classics, MTV Jams, Pure
Country, MTVHits, Cent
Shopping Home shopping network. QVC, Shob NBC, HSN, Jewelry TV
International Channels from other countries or not in English. CTV, CBC, Univision, Telemundo, BBC AM, Russian
TV
Excluded Channels not included in sample for reasons PBS, Public Access, Government Access,
including programming geared toward children Nickelodeon, Cartoon Network, ABC Family, Disney,
and commercial-free programming. Hallmark, Fox Movie, Disney XD, Teen Nick, HBO
and other movie channels

well below the legal drinking age and thus not the audience alcohol commercials are
geared toward; nor are alcohol commercials aired on the networks (see Table 1).
Each channel in the strata was split into 30-minute time intervals for every 24-hour
period in the calendar week. The number of channels and potential recording times
yielded 12,195 time slots in which a commercial could be recorded. Sampling was limited
to prime time during weeknights as well as approximately 11:00 am–11:00 pm on week-
ends. We chose these time periods because they include commercials for a larger audience
that a majority of weekday programming does not target. The time intervals were
randomly selected and all programming during these periods was recorded on a DVR
one week at a time for a three-month period. All alcohol commercials were saved for
future analysis and coding. Although many commercials were recorded more than once
and appeared during different times, they are counted as one unit because the content of
the commercial is the focus of the research, not the number of occurrences. Alcohol
commercials are aimed at the US adult population at large, and alcohol advertising
continues to penetrate all forms and types of media (Jernigan and Babor 2015). With
this in mind at the onset of the research, alcohol commercials provided an avenue to study
social phenomenon with a likelihood of being able to capture a large enough amount of
this type of advertisement for analysis.
6 G. HALL AND R. KAPPEL

During the initial viewing each commercial was analyzed descriptively. Notes were
taken regarding the general scene, setting, and type of alcohol in each commercial. After
description each commercial was analyzed broadly for gender, interaction, activity, and
narration topic as these are the most discernable audio and visual elements of the
commercials. During the third viewing of each commercial the researchers counted the
number of people by gender, interpersonal interactions, and the time of day in each
commercial. Further analyzation of the content of the commercials yielded strong themes
of gender differentiation centered on masculinity and the reinforcement of the gender
dichotomy.
Prior to the last viewing of each commercial the researchers put forward a typology of
the men and women in the commercials based on the data and on extending previously
established types. The new typology is sorted by ideal types. The individuals in the
commercials highlighted gender differences across and between behaviors; the differences
emphasized were not general but rather consummate examples of particular modes of
behavior that can be associated with idealized versions of people. Using ideal types
provides more comprehensive explanations of what is observed because they frame sets
of behaviors (Rosenberg 2016:84) across and within the commercials. The existing ideal
types are as follows: (male) buddies and losers and (female) bitches and hotties. The
analysis yields examples of new ideal types: (male) the 007 and the worker and (female)
the prop, the party girl, and the skinny girl (for full descriptions of ideal types see Table 2).
Any instances of the ideal types were recorded during the final viewing of the
commercials.
The variables most strongly associated with masculinity are the narrator in the com-
mercial, the number of men and women, what is being talked about, behaviors, types of
interactions, and presence of the ideal types. The commercials in the sample were viewed
with established types in mind, and the sample displays an expansion of these typologies.
One limitation of this study highlights the pervasiveness of how we think of and construct
gender as a society. The strata include women’s and men’s programming, which can
contribute to a perpetuation of the roles discussed in the paper. These strata were defined

Table 2. Established and new ideal types.

ESTABLISHED IDEAL
TYPES DESCRIPTION
Hotties These women are highly sexualized fantasies and often are present to reaffirm a male’s
masculinity (Messner and Montez de Oca 2005).
Bitches Women who men are committed to yet are almost completely absent from the advertisements
(Messner and Montez de Oca 2005).
Losers Losers reflect the idea that masculinity is often precarious (Messner and Montez de Oca 2005).
Buddies A male group develops safety in numbers. Male friendship therefore becomes the center
(Messner and Montez de Oca 2005).
ADDITIONAL IDEAL DESCRIPTION
TYPES
007s Men who are suave, individual, and “ladies’” men.
Props Females that are used as objects, not present to be a hottie or bitch.
Not a hottie or bitch (not a deterrent for men).
Party girls Females concerned only with having a good time.
Not directly defined in terms of their relationships to men.
Skinny girls Females whose weight is the main object. Not directly defined in terms of their relationship to
men.
Workers Males who are shown working as bartenders or brewing beer.
 THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY 7

and aligned with programming that would fall in line with what has traditionally been
considered to be masculine or feminine behaviors and TV consumption. While this is a
limit to the study we find that it shows the depth of gender norms in US society.

Analysis
Dichotomy in Advertising Media
As discussed earlier, gender is linked to alcohol commercials and advertising at large and
is a force in promoting dual gender roles (Schroeder and Zwick 2004:21). In this study,
alcohol commercials often highlight exaggerated behaviors and at times can be more
offensive or explicit in their content. Alcohol commercials are a piece of the larger puzzle
when it comes to media advertisements and gender. Alcohol commercials and their
messages provide a mechanism that subtly displays gender-normative behavior surround-
ing a social activity. These displays regarding norms and behaviors can contribute to other
signs, symbols, interactions, and media that play larger roles in the formation of under-
standings of gender. Alcohol advertisements that resonate messages of what it means to be
a man or woman may be a lingering force in the minds of all individuals. At present, these
advertisements have yet to expand beyond the traditional gender dichotomy. Not only
does advertising put forward dualistic gender roles it also reinforces masculinity even
though it may appear at times to deconstruct it. While alcohol is the object of promotion
in the commercials, most of what occurs involves and centers on people not products.
Ninety-one percent of the commercials in this study contained people interacting with or
around alcohol. They are not necessary to promote the product but are ever present in the
commercials. The flavor, design, and availability of the product could stand alone in the
advertisements, yet people are included, which makes the commercials more complex and
influential in terms of signifying appropriate behaviors.
While different drinking contexts and cultures exist (Fortin, Belanger, and Moulin
2015), it is important to consider that they are continually framed using a gender
dichotomy premised on masculinity, with women as the “others.” Women that fall into
the categories of hotties or bitches exist as detriments to men and are never the focus of
the advertisement. Yet, at the same time, a loser who may be a detriment to himself and a
deterrent to obtaining a woman can be the focus of an advertisement. Even at the lowest
form in terms of typology, a man remains the center of the advertisement unless it
uniquely cates to women. The most prominent type found in the commercials is hotties
(N = 35) followed closely by the 007 and the prop (N = 23 respectively). Bitches and
losers, two of the original ideal types, have the lowest frequencies (bitches N = 1 and losers
N = 7). In between are the worker (N = 8), the skinny girl (N = 9), the party girl (N = 14),
and buddies (N = 17). Thus, we are seeing an expansion in the ideal types in alcohol
commercials. While the expansion indicates a large number of women in the commercials,
they remain as objects rather than subjects that drive the narrative or promotion.
In proposing the new ideal types this research has detailed an extension of the
individuals that compose alcohol commercials and a more nuanced portrayal of mascu-
linity. The prop is not in a commercial to reaffirm a particular male’s sexuality; rather, she
is there as a set piece to enhance the scene and the man or men in the commercial. This
set piece reasserts a male concept of femininity as well as the masculinity of a male viewer.
8 G. HALL AND R. KAPPEL

For example, an international beer commercial appearing on adult and entertainment

channels shows a chase through a train that culminates in a bar scene. Two men are at the
bar having a conversation with a female who is featured on screen but has no interactions
with the men or the camera. The woman has her attention focused on the men as they are
talking. She is only looking back and forth and smiling. She is a prop that is not directly
related to any male in the commercial but related more so to the viewer engaging her as a
feminine stereotype that reinforces masculinity and one of the roles a woman has within
it. The prop also prominently appears in an international beer commercial highlighting
“the most fascinating man on earth.” Even prior to engaging in an analysis, we can see that
the commercial is premised on the notion that the most interesting person alive on the
planet is a man. The commercials for this beer contain a number of women as props. One
commercial includes the main character sitting in a tent in the desert surrounded by
women who do not drive the narrative or even highlight the product. The women are
entirely focused on the man and have no other function than to direct your attention to
the male at the center of the ad. In these contexts, it is important that we see the women as
literal props as opposed to people. People do things; props have no purposeful action.
Props are lifeless objects constructed to highlight others. We do not see men as props in
any of the recorded alcohol commercials. Men are always active or the focus of the
advertisements. At a time when gender is more apparent in social conversation, the
same mass messages are still being broadcast in alcohol commercials. Women are there
to accentuate men or to provide an attractive set piece within the scenery. Surroundings
and scenery used in alcohol advertisements often act as agents of consumer socialization
(Solomon and Greenburg 1993:19), and the messages have not radically evolved over time.
In a country and society anchored to market capitalism, consumer socialization sets up
expectations for everyday social life and practiced behaviors. Using women as props in
alcohol commercials primes gendered consumption and expectations of gender roles
centered on male dominance within the context of consuming alcohol.
The party girl exists to have a good time—this is her drive and purpose. She is shown
experiencing pleasure from drinking and the atmosphere of the party. For example, a
major domestic beer brand shows a large party in multiple commercials. In these party
scenes men and women are seen interacting nonverbally through dancing. These com-
mercials show the women doing nothing other than enjoying the party: they dance in an
exaggerated fashion, displaying enjoyment and nothing else. They are vacant party and
pleasure vessels interested in only tangible visceral objects. In an international vodka
commercial, women are shown having their “ideal” night. This ideal night includes flirting
with a male server, dancing, and drinking. In a commercial where the main characters are
women there is no bonding or displays of having a drink to relax, unwind, and enjoy time
with friends as in commercials centered on men. These women appear to be programed to
party, to have fun, and to indulge in alcohol to a limited degree. The party girl is
important in considering party-oriented drinking and gender socialization. The sample
shows that men have purpose in their drinking and their activities surrounding drinking.
This can range from bonding with friends to actually drinking the product they them-
selves have made. The party girl has no substantive purpose, and this can be subliminally
dangerous considering sexual attacks on women in party environments and the continued
promotion of traditional gender norms. The party girl is a personification of the “girls’
night out” and as a pleasure vessel.
 THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY 9

The skinny girl is not directly defined by her relationship to men; rather, her relation-
ship with men and masculinity is more indirect. The women in these commercials are
highly gender normative and would not exist but for men and a society dominated by
men. The central message in these commercials is that the skinny girl must be thin for her
male counterparts and for society. For example, in an advertisement for a vodka branded
for women, there is a group of women laughing and talking with no men in the
commercial. The women are similar to party girls in that they do not have a quest or
motivation other than to drink and have a good time. What sets them apart is the skinny
girl is less demonstratively expressive than the party girl. They must keep in mind that
their ideal body, according to men, must be maintained even when relaxing. In commer-
cials with men as the focus the goal is friendship or partnership, while for the skinny girl it
is to have fun for fun’s sake—a concept highly connected to weight and physical appear-
ance. The tagline for this liquor is “drink like a lady,” and the skinny girls imply you must
also look like a lady. According to the commercial acting like a lady includes not over-
indulging in alcohol or calories, while looking like a lady entails long hair, makeup,
formfitting clothing, and being slim. This is highly gender normative and marginalizes
women who do not fit into traditional physical and social norms. In these advertisements
the drinks themselves are talked about as women. The objectification is twofold: there are
both feminine individuals and feminine beverages. In a commercial introducing new
products in the line, the narrator directs the audience to “meet the new girls.” The new
girls are the beverages. It is an empty pleasure to seek to link an alcoholic object to a
female object with the ideal traditional body type looming large over the commercial. The
skinny girl also highlights a lack of a similar type and brand for men. There is no brand of
vodka targeted at the tough-guy, muscle man, or skinny man types, for instance. Men can
be anything, in any form, and enjoy all things. The skinny girl is an explicit representation
of what it is to be a woman in the traditional sense. While these ideal types are a defining
up of the bitch or hottie, they are still trapped in terms of masculinity as a reference point.
For men, the defining up is more developed and positive. The 007 is a suave, collected,
and calculating conqueror who transcends other men and the precarious nature of their
masculinity. He not only conquers men but also women. The alcohol commercials in the
sample exhibit a variety of the conquering activities of the 007 and of all men. For
example, men are seen conquering the system by breaking out of jail and running to
their alcohol-infused freedom. Men are seen conquering nature by flying airplanes,
climbing mountains, and riding bulls. Men conquer other men by outwitting them
mentally and physically in their interactions. Men conquer women through their mere
presence or slight interactions with women. Men are more than masters of the social
situation—they are masters of other bodies and of the physical landscape. For the 007,
drinking accentuates and sheds light on men’s overall social dominance. The circuit of
advertising both creates and contributes to culture (Hall 1980), and in alcohol advertising
the circuit seems unchanging: it is man as master. This is problematic when it comes to
future discussions regarding gender and media because mass media has far-reaching
effects.
The analysis also brings forth the worker as an ideal type. The worker is a man who
works as a bartender or makes the alcohol. As a server the man is a gateway to the alcohol
experience. He is prominently featured serving a drink. Beyond this, men are shown as the
makers. A domestic beer company produced commercials showing workers at a brewery.
10 G. HALL AND R. KAPPEL

There are substantially more men than women shown in these commercials, and the men
are shown making the product. They are the life givers of the alcohol and the experience.
Even when they are making the product they are the gateway to the experience. Men are
adding ingredients, stirring the mixture, and testing the taste. All control of the product is
processed through masculinity. Another domestic beer company has an animated com-
mercial showing the creation of beer. The animated characters in the brewery are men
who work together and work hard to create the product with the tagline “never clock out.”
In a fictional animated brewery the employee demographics can be composed equally
regarding gender, but only men are present. This implies that the creation process is
masculine and where the alcohol experience begins. These commercials show man as
perpetual creator. Redefining gender and its understandings becomes increasingly difficult
when male dominance is continually reinforced in mass advertising, as seen in the alcohol
commercials in this sample.
As technology proliferates, advertising is literally in the palm of everyone’s hand.
Advertising is influence, and, as discussed earlier, alcohol advertising can have a large
impact on consumer identity and gender norms surrounding the consumption of alcohol.
While masculinity may be more increasingly questioned and gender re-defined, this
research points to an expansion rather than reduction of the gender dichotomy in the
alcohol advertising world. The additional ideal types proposed in this research extend
previous research and fill a gap in gendered advertising typologies. This may help put
forth more typologies highlighting the nuanced and growing gender dichotomy. More
detailed types are needed to help shed light on this type of advertising since what is
portrayed has been and is consistent in its masculinity. Alcohol advertisements are a piece
of media that can be influential in reinforcing and exaggerating gender normativity. This
may play a part in the evolution of people and how they frame gender but is by no means
the central agent of this development. The messages and behaviors in these commercials
highlight only a select part of life, which is alcohol consumption. Whether or not people
drink, there is a high likelihood that they will be in the presence of others consuming
alcohol at some point in their life. Part of the construction of how to behave or interact in
these situations may come from what is seen in alcohol commercials compounded by
experiences with other media and social institutions. These commercials show that
gendered behavior is not static but dynamic—it has different forms in different circum-
stances. Consuming alcohol is only one of them, but it provides insight on how physical
consumption of a product is constructed and maintained as a gendered activity.
Beyond this research, it is important to consider the context in which alcohol com-
mercials are viewed. Viewing alcohol commercials in a movie theater as opposed to at
home may have different ramifications (Engels and Koordeman 2011:472).
Advertisements are now consumed on phones and in spaces full of other advertisements.
Space and context can influence the lasting effects of masculinity in these advertisements,
particularly if space is considered masculine. Where something is consumed, on a mobile
device or online for instance, may make a big difference. Future research must also trace
alcohol commercials to larger commercial interests because the commercials are reflective
of large corporations and their subsidiaries. Yes, the commercials are about alcohol but
they are modeled in the eyes of influential business interests that exert influence on
society. These commercials are a small component in the complexity of understanding
and constructing gender. They also point to a need to further expand research on mass
 THE SOCIOLOGICAL QUARTERLY 11

media on a microplatform such as a smartphone. Over time, gendered messages from the
top down have not seemed to evolve much in the realm of alcohol consumption.

Conclusion
The new typologies produced may have evolved and existed previously, and this can be
addressed through future research examining alcohol commercials over a long period of
time. In some cases the new ideal types are present in commercials for beverages that are
more recently created than others, but their development may stem from types presented
in more established products and older commercials. While this research expands the
typologies, it also points to a gap in understanding the evolution of these typologies over
time. The new typologies do not come from nothing but are born from a fluid stream of
gender norms in alcohol advertising. Aiming future research at their development may
add insight into newer or more detailed ideal types over time, as even these new types are
likely to evolve or create further unique ideal types in alcohol advertising. Future research
may also benefit from examining the presence or lack thereof of sexual identity and
orientation in alcohol commercials as it will add to a more robust understanding of the
messages conveyed.
The definition of advertising must be reconsidered moving toward the future. At its
core advertising draws our attention to a product or service. This research contends that
advertising also draws attention to how we understand ourselves and others through
gendered portrayals specifically in the consumption of alcohol. Advertisements are a
form of social reflection. What is produced in the advertisements reflects the current
cultural and social realities surrounding alcohol because the advertisements are seen as
legitimized voices further supported by their consumption. It is essential to keep in mind
that advertisements generate typified notions of what life is or what life is supposed to be
like when it comes to particular social settings. Advertisements, in particular alcohol
advertisements, create a social reality in their portrayal of gender in alcohol-related
contexts. The portrayed social life surrounding alcohol has become more regressive rather
than progressive in this instance.
The typologies found in alcohol commercials are expanding and becoming more
exaggerated to reflect traditional gendered norms. The gendered differences portrayed
between men and women are more nuanced and therefore more pronounced and real.
They are no longer vacant generalizations; they are distinctive types pulled further
away from each other while engaged in a shared activity. In expanding previous
typologies this research contributes to a deeper understanding of advertising and
how displays of gender are becoming more spectacular. The alcohol advertisements
in this study define us in opposition to one another. Men and women are typed and
boxed with their roles clearly defined and exaggerated in the context of consuming
alcohol. The companies selling and promoting these products provide specific messages
about gender roles surrounding alcohol consumption. This is particularly important in
an age when media and advertising may be consumed at all times and in all places.
The messages conveyed are no longer contained in the household or automobile: they
are everywhere. The associations of these messages in a fluid advertising environment
may further complicate gender divisions at a time when they are best served to be
diminished.
12 G. HALL AND R. KAPPEL

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