NOBA

Aging
Tara Queen & Jacqui Smith

Traditionally, research on aging described only the lives of people over age 65 and the very
old. Contemporary theories and research recognizes that biogenetic and psychological
processes of aging are complex and lifelong. Functioning in each period of life is influenced
by what happened earlier and, in turn, affects subsequent change. We all age in specific social
and historical contexts. Together, these multiple influences on aging make it difficult to define
when middle-age or old age begins. This module describes central concepts and research
about adult development and aging. We consider contemporary questions about cognitive
aging and changes in personality, self-related beliefs, social relationships, and subjective well-
being. These four aspects of psychosocial aging are related to health and longevity

Learning Objectives

• Explain research approaches to studying aging.

• Describe cognitive, psychosocial, and physical changes that occur with age.

• Provide examples of how age-related changes in these domains are observed in the context
of everyday life.

Introduction

We are currently living in an aging society (Rowe, 2009). Indeed, by 2030 when the last of the
Baby Boomers reach age 65, the U.S. older population will be double that of 2010. Furthermore,
Aging 2

because of increases in average life

expectancy, each new generation can
expect to live longer than their parents’
generation and certainly longer than
their grandparents’ generation. As a
consequence, it is time for individuals of
all ages to rethink their personal life plans
and consider prospects for a long life.
When is the best time to start a family?
Will the education gained up to age 20 be
sufficient to cope with future technological
advances and marketplace needs? What
is the right balance between work, family,
and leisure throughout life? What's the
best age to retire? How can I age
Due to positive health trends the population of older adults is
successfully and enjoy life to the fullest
increasing steadily. Understanding the psychology of aging will be
more important than ever to support this group and help them when I'm 80 or 90? In this module we will
thrive. [Photo: Woody Hibbard, https://goo.gl/VP7pfz, CC BY 2.0, discuss several different domains of
https://goo.gl/JD0cjj] psychological research on aging that will
help answer these important questions.

Overview: Life Span and Life Course Perspectives on Aging

Just as young adults differ from one another, older adults are also not all the same. In each
decade of adulthood, we observe substantial heterogeneity in cognitive functioning,
personality, social relationships, lifestyle, beliefs, and satisfaction with life. This heterogeneity
reflects differences in rates of biogenetic and psychological aging and the sociocultural
contexts and history of people's lives (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Fingerman, Berg, Smith, &
Antonucci, 2011). Theories of aging describe how these multiple factors interact and change
over time. They describe why functioning differs on average between young, middle-aged,
young-old, and very old adults and why there is heterogeneity within these age groups. Life
course theories, for example, highlight the effects of social expectations and the normative
timing of life events and social roles (e.g., becoming a parent, retirement). They also consider
the lifelong cumulative effects of membership in specific cohorts (generations) and
sociocultural subgroups (e.g., race, gender, socioeconomic status) and exposure to historical
events (e.g., war, revolution, natural disasters; Elder, Johnson, & Crosnoe, 2003; Settersten,
2005). Life span theories complement the life-course perspective with a greater focus on
processes within the individual (e.g., the aging brain). This approach emphasizes the
Aging 3

patterning of lifelong intra- and inter-individual differences in the shape (gain, maintenance,
loss), level, and rate of change (Baltes, 1987, 1997). Both life course and life span researchers
generally rely on longitudinal studies to examine hypotheses about different patterns of
aging associated with the effects of biogenetic, life history, social, and personal factors. Cross-
sectional studies provide information about age-group differences, but these are confounded
with cohort, time of study, and historical effects.

Cognitive Aging

Researchers have identified areas of both losses and gains in cognition in older age. Cognitive
ability and intelligence are often measured using standardized tests and validated measures.
The psychometric approach has identified two categories of intelligence that show different
rates of change across the life span (Schaie & Willis, 1996). Fluid intelligence refers to
information processing abilities, such as logical reasoning, remembering lists, spatial ability,
and reaction time. Crystallized intelligence encompasses abilities that draw upon experience
and knowledge. Measures of crystallized intelligence include vocabulary tests, solving number
problems, and understanding texts.

With age, systematic declines are observed

on cognitive tasks requiring self-initiated,
effortful processing, without the aid of
supportive memory cues (Park, 2000). Older
adults tend to perform poorer than young
adults on memory tasks that involve recall
of information, where individuals must
retrieve information they learned previously
without the help of a list of possible choices.
For example, older adults may have more
difficulty recalling facts such as names or
contextual details about where or when
something happened (Craik, 2000). What
might explain these deficits as we age? As
we age, working memory, or our ability to There are many stereotypes of older adults. They are
sometimes seen as slow because of changes in cognitive
simultaneously store and use information,
processing speed. They are though, on average, excellent at
becomes less efficient (Craik & Bialystok,
drawing on personal experience and knowledge. And they tend
2006). The ability to process information to outperform young adults when it comes to social and
quickly also decreases with age. This slowing emotional challenges. [Image: Alex E. Proimos, https://goo.

of processing speed may explain age gl/20SbW8, CC BY-NC 2.0, https://goo.gl/FIlc2e]

Aging 4

differences on many different cognitive tasks (Salthouse, 2004). Some researchers have
argued that inhibitory functioning, or the ability to focus on certain information while
suppressing attention to less pertinent information, declines with age and may explain age
differences in performance on cognitive tasks (Hasher & Zacks, 1988). Finally, it is well
established that our hearing and vision decline as we age. Longitudinal research has proposed
that deficits in sensory functioning explain age differences in a variety of cognitive abilities
(Baltes & Lindenberger, 1997).

Fewer age differences are observed when memory cues are available, such as for recognition
memory tasks, or when individuals can draw upon acquired knowledge or experience. For
example, older adults often perform as well if not better than young adults on tests of word
knowledge or vocabulary. With age often comes expertise, and research has pointed to areas
where aging experts perform as well or better than younger individuals. For example, older
typists were found to compensate for age-related declines in speed by looking farther ahead
at printed text (Salthouse, 1984). Compared to younger players, older chess experts are able
to focus on a smaller set of possible moves, leading to greater cognitive efficiency (Charness,
1981). Accrued knowledge of everyday tasks, such as grocery prices, can help older adults to
make better decisions than young adults (Tentori, Osheron, Hasher, & May, 2001).

How do changes or maintenance of cognitive ability affect older adults’ everyday lives?
Researchers have studied cognition in the context of several different everyday activities. One
example is driving. Although older adults often have more years of driving experience,
cognitive declines related to reaction time or attentional processes may pose limitations under
certain circumstances (Park & Gutchess, 2000). Research on interpersonal problem solving
suggested that older adults use more effective strategies than younger adults to navigate
through social and emotional problems (Blanchard-Fields, 2007). In the context of work,
researchers rarely find that older individuals perform poorer on the job (Park & Gutchess,
2000). Similar to everyday problem solving, older workers may develop more efficient
strategies and rely on expertise to compensate for cognitive decline.

Personality and Self-Related Processes

Research on adult personality examines normative age-related increases and decreases in

the expression of the so-called "Big Five" traits—extraversion, neuroticism, conscientiousness,
agreeableness, and openness to new experience. Does personality change throughout
adulthood? Previously the answer was no, but contemporary research shows that although
some people’s personalities are relatively stable over time, others’ are not (Lucas & Donnellan,
2011; Roberts & Mroczek, 2008). Longitudinal studies reveal average changes during
Aging 5

adulthood in the expression of some traits (e.g., neuroticism and openness decrease with age
and conscientiousness increases) and individual differences in these patterns due to
idiosyncratic life events (e.g., divorce, illness). Longitudinal research also suggests that adult
personality traits, such as conscientiousness, predict important life outcomes including job
success, health, and longevity (Friedman, Tucker, Tomlinson-Keasey, Schwartz, Wingard, &
Criqui, 1993; Roberts, Kuncel, Shiner, Caspi, & Goldberg, 2007).

In contrast to the relative stability of personality traits, theories about the aging self-propose
changes in self-related knowledge, beliefs, and autobiographical narratives. Responses to
questions such as “Tell me something about yourself. Who are you?” "What are your hopes
for the future?" provide insight into the characteristics and life themes that an individual
considers uniquely distinguish him or herself from others. These self-descriptions enhance
self-esteem and guide behavior (Markus & Nurius, 1986; McAdams, 2006). Theory suggests
that as we age, themes that were relatively unimportant in young and middle adulthood gain
in salience (e.g., generativity, health) and that people view themselves as improving over time
(Ross & Wilson, 2003). Reorganizing personal life narratives and self-descriptions are the major
tasks of midlife and young-old age due to transformations in professional and family roles
and obligations. In advanced old age, self-descriptions are often characterized by a life review
and reflections about having lived a long life. Birren and Schroots (2006), for example, found
the process of life review in late life helped individuals confront and cope with the challenges
of old age.

One aspect of the self that particularly

interests life span and life course
psychologists is the individual’s perception
and evaluation of their own aging and
identification with an age group.
Subjective age is a multidimensional
construct that indicates how old (or
young) a person feels and into which age
group a person categorizes him- or
herself. After early adulthood, most
people say that they feel younger than
their chronological age and the gap
between subjective age and actual age
generally increases. On average, after
There is a difference between physical age and subjective age as age 40 people report feeling 20%
summarized in the saying "You are only as old as you feel." [Image: younger than their actual age (e.g., Rubin
Emar, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0, https://goo.gl/HEXbAA] & Berntsen, 2006). Asking people how
Aging 6

satisfied they are with their own aging assesses an evaluative component of age identity.
Whereas some aspects of age identity are positively valued (e.g., acquiring seniority in a
profession or becoming a grandparent), others may be less valued, depending on societal
context. Perceived physical age (i.e., the age one looks in a mirror) is one aspect that requires
considerable self-related adaptation in social and cultural contexts that value young bodies.
Feeling younger and being satisfied with one’s own aging are expressions of positive self-
perceptions of aging. They reflect the operation of self-related processes that enhance well-
being. Levy (2009) found that older individuals who are able to adapt to and accept changes
in their appearance and physical capacity in a positive way report higher well-being, have
better health, and live longer.

Social Relationships

Social ties to family, friends, mentors, and peers are primary resources of information, support,
and comfort. Individuals develop and age together with family and friends and interact with
others in the community. Across the life course, social ties are accumulated, lost, and
transformed. Already in early life, there are multiple sources of heterogeneity in the
characteristics of each person's social network of relationships (e.g., size, composition, and
quality). Life course and life span theories and research about age-related patterns in social
relationships focus on understanding changes in the processes underlying social connections.
Antonucci's Convoy Model of Social Relations (2001; Kahn & Antonucci, 1980), for example,
suggests that the social connections that people accumulate are held together by exchanges
in social support (e.g., tangible and emotional). The frequency, types, and reciprocity of the
exchanges change with age and in response to need, and in turn, these exchanges impact the
health and well-being of the givers and receivers in the convoy. In many relationships, it is not
the actual objective exchange of support that is critical but instead the perception that support
is available if needed (Uchino, 2009). Carstensen’s Socioemotional Selectivity Theory (1993;
Carstensen, Isaacowitz, & Charles, 1999) focuses on changes in motivation for actively seeking
social contact with others. She proposes that with increasing age our motivational goals
change from information gathering to emotion regulation. To optimize the experience of
positive affect, older adults actively restrict their social life to prioritize time spent with
emotionally close significant others. In line with this, older marriages are found to be
characterized by enhanced positive and reduced negative interactions and older partners
show more affectionate behavior during conflict discussions than do middle-aged partners
(Carstensen, Gottman, & Levenson, 1995). Research showing that older adults have smaller
networks compared to young adults and tend to avoid negative interactions also supports
this theory. Similar selective processes are also observed when time horizons for interactions
with close partners shrink temporarily for young adults (e.g., impending geographical
Aging 7

separations).

Much research focuses on the associations between specific effects of long-term social
relationships and health in later life. Older married individuals who receive positive social and
emotional support from their partner generally report better health than their unmarried
peers (Antonucci, 2001; Umberson, Williams, Powers, Liu, & Needham, 2006; Waite &
Gallagher, 2000). Despite the overall positive health effects of being married in old age
(compared with being widowed, divorced, or single), living as a couple can have a "dark side"
if the relationship is strained or if one partner is the primary caregiver. The consequences of
positive and negative aspects of relationships are complex (Birditt & Antonucci, 2008; Rook,
1998; Uchino, 2009). For example, in some circumstances, criticism from a partner may be
perceived as valid and useful feedback whereas in others it is considered unwarranted and
hurtful. In long-term relationships, habitual negative exchanges might have diminished
effects. Parent-child and sibling relationships are often the most long-term and emotion-laden
social ties. Across the life span, the parent-child tie, for example, is characterized by a paradox
of solidarity, conflict, and ambivalence (Fingerman, Chen, Hay, Cichy, & Lefkowitz, 2006).

Emotion and Well-being

As we get older, the likelihood of losing loved ones or experiencing declines in health increases.
Does the experience of such losses result in decreases in well-being in older adulthood?
Researchers have found that well-being differs across the life span and that the patterns of
these differences depend on how well-being is measured.

Measures of global subjective well-being assess individuals’ overall perceptions of their lives.
This can include questions about life satisfaction or judgments of whether individuals are
currently living the best life possible. What factors may contribute to how people respond to
these questions? Age, health, personality, social support, and life experiences have been
shown to influence judgments of global well-being. It is important to note that predictors of
well-being may change as we age. What is important to life satisfaction in young adulthood
can be different in later adulthood (George, 2010). Early research on well-being argued that
life events such as marriage or divorce can temporarily influence well-being, but people quickly
adapt and return to a neutral baseline (called the hedonic treadmill; Diener, Lucas, & Scollon,
2006). More recent research suggests otherwise. Using longitudinal data, researchers have
examined well-being prior to, during, and after major life events such as widowhood, marriage,
and unemployment (Lucas, 2007). Different life events influence well-being in different ways,
and individuals do not often adapt back to baseline levels of well-being. The influence of
events, such as unemployment, may have a lasting negative influence on well-being as people
Aging 8

age. Research suggests that global well-being is highest in early and later adulthood and
lowest in midlife (Stone, Schwartz, Broderick, & Deaton, 2010).

Hedonic well-being refers to the emotional component of well-being and includes measures
of positive (e.g., happiness, contentment) and negative affect (e.g., stress, sadness). The
pattern of positive affect across the adult life span is similar to that of global well-being, with
experiences of positive emotions such as happiness and enjoyment being highest in young
and older adulthood. Experiences of negative affect, particularly stress and anger, tend to
decrease with age. Experiences of sadness are lowest in early and later adulthood compared
to midlife (Stone et al., 2010). Other research finds that older adults report more positive and
less negative affect than middle age and younger adults (Magai, 2008; Mroczek, 2001). It should
be noted that both global well-being and positive affect tend to taper off during late older
adulthood and these declines may be accounted for by increases in health-related losses
during these years (Charles & Carstensen, 2010).

Psychological well-being aims to evaluate the positive aspects of psychosocial development,

as opposed to factors of ill-being, such as depression or anxiety. Ryff’s model of psychological
well-being proposes six core dimensions of positive well-being. Older adults tend to report
higher environmental mastery (feelings of competence and control in managing everyday life)
and autonomy (independence), lower personal growth and purpose in life, and similar levels
of positive relations with others as
younger individuals (Ryff, 1995). Links
between health and interpersonal
flourishing, or having high-quality
connections with others, may be
important in understanding how to
optimize quality of life in old age (Ryff &
Singer, 2000).

Successful Aging and Longevity

Increases in average life expectancy in

the 20th century and evidence from twin
studies that suggests that genes account
for only 25% of the variance in human life
Physical activity is one of the pillars of successful aging. [Image: spans have opened new questions about
William Murphy, https://goo.gl/Khsbsb, CC BY-SA 2.0, https://goo. implications for individuals and society
gl/jSSrcO] (Christensen, Doblhammer, Rau, &
Aging 9

Vaupel, 2009). What environmental and behavioral factors contribute to a healthy long life?
Is it possible to intervene to slow processes of aging or to minimize cognitive decline, prevent
dementia, and ensure life quality at the end of life (Fratiglioni, Paillard-Borg, & Winblad, 2004;
Hertzog, Kramer, Wilson, & Lindenberger, 2009; Lang, Baltes, & Wagner, 2007)? Should
interventions focus on late life, midlife, or indeed begin in early life? Suggestions that
pathological change (e.g., dementia) is not an inevitable component of aging and that
pathology could at least be delayed until the very end of life led to theories about successful
aging and proposals about targets for intervention. Rowe and Kahn (1997) defined three
criteria of successful aging: (a) the relative avoidance of disease, disability, and risk factors
like high blood pressure, smoking, or obesity; (b) the maintenance of high physical and
cognitive functioning; and (c) active engagement in social and productive activities. Although
such definitions of successful aging are value-laden, research and behavioral interventions
have subsequently been guided by this model. For example, research has suggested that age-
related declines in cognitive functioning across the adult life span may be slowed through
physical exercise and lifestyle interventions (Kramer & Erickson, 2007). It is recognized,
however, that societal and environmental factors also play a role and that there is much room
for social change and technical innovation to accommodate the needs of the Baby Boomers
and later generations as they age in the next decades.
Aging 10

Outside Resources

Web: Columbia Aging Society

http://www.agingsocietynetwork.org/

Web: Columbia International Longevity Center

http://www.mailman.columbia.edu/academic-departments/centers/columbia-aging/interna­
tional-longevity-center-knowledge-transfer

Web: National Institute on Aging

http://www.nia.nih.gov/

Web: Stanford Center Longevity

http://longevity3.stanford.edu/

Discussion Questions

1. How do age stereotypes and intergenerational social interactions shape quality of life in
older adults? What are the implications of the research of Levy and others?

2. Researchers suggest that there is both stability and change in Big Five personality traits
after age 30. What is stable? What changes?

3. Describe the Social Convoy Model of Antonucci. What are the implications of this model
for older adults?

4. Memory declines during adulthood. Is this statement correct? What does research show?

5. Is dementia inevitable in old age? What factors are currently thought to be protective?

6. What are the components of successful aging described by Rowe and Kahn (1998) and
others? What outcomes are used to evaluate successful aging?
Aging 11

Vocabulary

Age identity
How old or young people feel compared to their chronological age; after early adulthood,
most people feel younger than their chronological age.

Autobiographical narratives
A qualitative research method used to understand characteristics and life themes that an
individual considers to uniquely distinguish him- or herself from others.

Average life expectancy

Mean number of years that 50% of people in a specific birth cohort are expected to survive.
This is typically calculated from birth but is also sometimes re-calculated for people who have
already reached a particular age (e.g., 65).

Cohort
Group of people typically born in the same year or historical period, who share common
experiences over time; sometimes called a generation (e.g., Baby Boom Generation).

Convoy Model of Social Relations

Theory that proposes that the frequency, types, and reciprocity of social exchanges change
with age. These social exchanges impact the health and well-being of the givers and receivers
in the convoy.

Cross-sectional studies
Research method that provides information about age group differences; age differences are
confounded with cohort differences and effects related to history and time of study.

Crystallized intelligence
Type of intellectual ability that relies on the application of knowledge, experience, and learned
information.

Fluid intelligence
Type of intelligence that relies on the ability to use information processing resources to reason
logically and solve novel problems.

Global subjective well-being

Individuals’ perceptions of and satisfaction with their lives as a whole.
Aging 12

Hedonic well-being
Component of well-being that refers to emotional experiences, often including measures of
positive (e.g., happiness, contentment) and negative affect (e.g., stress, sadness).

Heterogeneity
Inter-individual and subgroup differences in level and rate of change over time.

Inhibitory functioning
Ability to focus on a subset of information while suppressing attention to less relevant
information.

Intra- and inter-individual differences

Different patterns of development observed within an individual (intra-) or between
individuals (inter-).

Life course theories

Theory of development that highlights the effects of social expectations of age-related life
events and social roles; additionally considers the lifelong cumulative effects of membership
in specific cohorts and sociocultural subgroups and exposure to historical events.

Life span theories

Theory of development that emphasizes the patterning of lifelong within- and between-person
differences in the shape, level, and rate of change trajectories.

Longitudinal studies
Research method that collects information from individuals at multiple time points over time,
allowing researchers to track cohort differences in age-related change to determine
cumulative effects of different life experiences.

Processing speed
The time it takes individuals to perform cognitive operations (e.g., process information, react
to a signal, switch attention from one task to another, find a specific target object in a complex
picture).

Psychometric approach
Approach to studying intelligence that examines performance on tests of intellectual
functioning.

Recall
Aging 13

Type of memory task where individuals are asked to remember previously learned information
without the help of external cues.

Recognition
Type of memory task where individuals are asked to remember previously learned information
with the assistance of cues.

Self-perceptions of aging
An individual’s perceptions of their own aging process; positive perceptions of aging have
been shown to be associated with greater longevity and health.

Social network
Network of people with whom an individual is closely connected; social networks provide
emotional, informational, and material support and offer opportunities for social
engagement.

Socioemotional Selectivity Theory

Theory proposed to explain the reduction of social partners in older adulthood; posits that
older adults focus on meeting emotional over information-gathering goals, and adaptively
select social partners who meet this need.

Subjective age
A multidimensional construct that indicates how old (or young) a person feels and into which
age group a person categorizes him- or herself

Successful aging
Includes three components: avoiding disease, maintaining high levels of cognitive and physical
functioning, and having an actively engaged lifestyle.

Working memory
Memory system that allows for information to be simultaneously stored and utilized or
manipulated.
Aging 14

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Queen, T. & Smith, J. (2020). Aging. In R. Biswas-Diener & E. Diener (Eds), Noba textbook series:
Psychology. Champaign, IL: DEF publishers. Retrieved from http://noba.to/gtp7r548