09 - Chapter 3
09 - Chapter 3
1
Paula Becker and Dr. Jean-Aimé A. Raveloson. What is Democracy? Bachelor of Arts, Political
Science. University of Hamburg. 2008. p. 4.
2
Konrad-Adenauer-StiftungKonrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. Concepts and Principles of Democratic
Governance and Accountability. Uganda: ‘Action for Strengthening Good Governance and
Accountability press. 2011. p. 1.
3
Forbrig, Joerg. Revisiting Youth Political Participation, Challenges for research and democratic
practice in Europe. Europe: Council of Europe Publishing. 2005. p. 134.
79
among cultures and societies around the world. Democracies rest upon fundamental
principles, not uniform practices.
4
Cincotta, Howard. What is Democracy? U.S. Department of State: Office of International
Information Programs. 2007. p. 7.
5
Heywood, Andrew. Politics. New York: Macmillan Press Limited. 1997. p. 65.
80
6
Cincotta, Howard. Democracy in Brief .U.S. Department of State, Global Publishing Solutions.
2007. p. 4.
81
administer programmes for the public good. This type of democracy is limited and
indirect. It is limited in the sense that popular participation in government is
infrequent and brief, being restricted to the act of voting every few years. It is indirect
in that the public do not exercise power themselves; they merely select those who will
rule on their behalf. This form of rule is democratic only insofar as representation
establishes a reliable and effective link between the government and the governed.
In Uganda, for example, article 1(1) of the Ugandan Constitution provides that
‘all power belongs to the people who shall exercise their sovereignty in accordance
with the constitution’; Clause (4) provides that ‘the people shall express their will and
consent on who shall govern them and how they should be governed, through regular,
free and fair elections of their representatives or through referenda’.
performing to the required standards are rewarded by their continued stay in office
while those found to be lacking in one way or another are punished.
- Transparency: To be transparent means that leaders allow for public
scrutiny of what they do while in public office. The citizens are allowed to attend
public meetings and are free to obtain information on what happens in public offices,
who makes what decisions and why. Transparency is a step towards accountability.
- Regular, free and fair elections: Regular elections ensure that the citizens
are not stuck with bad leadership but that they have the opportunity to throw out
incompetent leaders through free and fair elections. Free and fair elections give the
citizens a chance to elect a leader of their choice as opposed to rigging elections that
return often unwanted leaders to power.10 Elections are the main avenue for all
citizens to exercise power by choosing their leaders and giving their vote to the
candidate whom they think will represent them best.
- Economic freedom: Economically handicapped citizens are the ones prone
to all types of abuses as they lack the economic base to meet the basic necessities of
life. As a result they are the ones often bribed with the smallest of gifts during
elections, the consequences of which are often adverse, such as returning corrupt and
morally bankrupt leaders to power. Economic independence creates the foundation on
which the citizens become vibrant and thus able to call their leaders to account for
their actions or inaction. In democracies, economic pluralism needs to go hand in
hand with political and social pluralism, i.e. the freedom to choose/select one’s
political leaders and the freedom to belong to one’s social/cultural associations,
respectively.
- Control of the abuse of power: Any government without checks and
balances on its powers is likely to abuse those powers. The most common form of
abuse of power is corruption by government officials. Control of power can be
achieved through a number of ways, i.e. by way of separation of powers of the three
arms of government – the legislature, executive and the Judiciary – and by ensuring
the independence of the three. Another way is by creation of institutions such as the
government ombudsman (Inspector of Government in the case of Uganda), which
10
Kenneth Janda, Jeffrey Berry, Jerry Goldman, Deborah Schildkraut. The Challenge of
Democracy. United States of America: Cengage Learning. 2012. p. 2.
84
11
Robert D. Putnam, Robert Leonardi, Raffaella Y. Nanetti. Making Democracy Work: Civic
Traditions in Modern Italy Princeton paperbacks. United Kingdom: Princeton University press.
1994. p. 121.
12
Dr Markus Thiel. The 'Militant Democracy' Principle in Modern Democracies. USA: Ashgate
Publishing, Ltd. 2013. p. 5.
85
13
Peter R. Kingstone, Timothy Joseph Power. Democratic Brazil: Actors, Institutions, and
Processes Pitt Latin American series. USA: University of Pittsburgh press. 2000. p. 126.
14
The Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University. Building Democratic
Institutions. United States of America. Stanford University press. 1995. p. 27.
86
15
Carlos G. Scartascini, Ernesto Stein, Mariano Tommasi. How Democracy Works: Political
Institutions, Actors, and Arenas in Latin American Policymaking. USA: Inter-American Development
Bank. 2010. p. 42.
16
U.S. Department of State. Democracy is a Discussion: Civic Engagement in Old and New
Democracies. A Joint Publication of the U.S. Department and Connecticut College. 1997. P.45.
87
The political executive is looked to, in particular, to develop coherent economic and
social programmes that meet the needs of more complex and politically sophisticated
societies, and to control the state’s various external relationships in an increasingly
interdependent world. At policy level, it is the ability of the executive to mobilise
support that ensures the compliance and cooperation of the general public. Without
support from the public, or from other key groups in society, policy implementation
becomes difficult or impossible.
- Bureaucratic management: The task of overseeing the implementation of
policy means that the political executive has a major bureaucratic and administrative
responsibility. In this sense, the chief executive, ministers and secretaries make up the
top management charged with running the machinery of government.
- Crisis response: The biggest advantage that the political executive has over
the other two arms of government is its ability to take swift and decisive action. When
crises break out in domestic or international politics, it is the political executive that
swings into action by virtue of its hierarchical structure and the scope it provides for
personal leadership. It is for this reason that the assemblies17 allow political
executives near-dictatorial powers in times of war, and for executives to seize
emergency powers when confronted with domestic crises such as natural disasters,
terrorist threats, industrial unrest and civil disorder.
The third arm of government is the Judiciary that is empowered to decide legal
disputes. The central function of judges is to adjudicate on the meaning of law, in the
sense that they interpret or construct law. This function arises because the makers of
law, i.e. the legislators are very often lay people as concerns matters of law. In
countries with written/codified constitutions, the function of the judges also involves
the interpretation of the constitution itself and this allows judges to arbitrate in
disputes between major institutions of government or in disputes between the state
and the individual.
One of the chief characteristics of the judiciary in liberal democratic systems
is that judges are strictly independent and non-political actors. This, however, remains
a very controversial and debatable issue in many countries where the involvement of
17
Michael H. Bernhard. Institutions and the Fate of Democracy: Germany and Poland in Twentieth
Century. USA: University of Pittsburgh press. 2005. p. 20.
88
judges in matters which are political is concerned. To ensure the impartiality of court
rulings18 judges, whether appointed or elected, must have job security or tenure
guaranteed by law, so that they can make decisions without concern over pressure or
attack by those in positions of authority.
The other democratic institutions and actors include the media, civil society,
political parties and, especially, a strong opposition in parliament.
A free and independent media is important in a democracy as it is the
mouthpiece for reaching out to the masses. As modern societies grow in size and
complexity, the arena for communication and public debate has become dominated by
the media. The media includes radio, television, newspapers, magazines, books and,
more recently, the internet and satellite television. The functions of the media are:19
- Information and education: The media has a central role to play in informing
and educating the citizens and in providing accurate information to public consumers.
It facilitates intelligent decisions about public policy by hosting debates and
dialogues. This role is especially important during election campaigns when few
voters will have the opportunity to see, much less talk, with candidates in person.
- Advocacy: Media audiences may benefit from various conflicting opinions,
in order to obtain a wide range of viewpoints.
- Acting as watchdog over government and other powerful institutions in
society: By holding to a standard of independence and objectivity, however
imperfectly, news media can expose the truth behind the claims of governments and
hold public officials accountable for their actions.
- Setting the agenda: Because the media cannot report on everything, they
must choose issues to highlight and which to ignore. This way the media decides what
news is and what is not. These decisions in turn influence the public’s perception of
what issues are most important.
18
Ian Shapiro, Stephen Macedo. Designing Democratic Institutions. New York: NYU press. 2000. p.
226.
19
G. Shabbir Cheema. Building Democratic Institutions: Governance Reform in Developing
Countries. USA: Kumarian press. 2005. p. 201.
89
20
Ibid., p. 202.
21
Anne-Marie Gardner. Democratic Governance and Non-State Actors. United Kingdom: Palgrave
Macmillan. 2011. p. 56.
90
22
Nariné Ghazaryan. The European Neighbourhood Policy and the Democratic Values of the EU: A
Legal Analysis. United Kingdom: Bloomsbury Publishing. 2014. p. 95.
91
and within CSOs. That way, every citizen in a democratic society is socialized into
the society’s democratic norms and practices.23
23
Michael Goodhart. Democracy as Human Rights: Freedom and Equality in the Age of
Globalization. United Kingdom: Routledge. 2005. p. 138.
24
Marieke van Doorn and Roel von Meijenfeldt. Democracy, Europe's Core Value? On the
European Profile in World-wide Democracy Assistance. The Netherlands: Eburon Uitgeverij B.V.
2007. p. 135.
92
25
Ibid., p. 136.
93
Declaration of Human Rights and in various international and regional treaties as well
as national constitutions.
These instruments oblige the government to protect the citizens from
violations of human rights and also limits the government’s ability to interfere with
the rights of the individual.26
Many commentators think that democracy and human rights are different sides
of the same coin and that advance in one necessarily brings advance in the other.
Conceptually, the two share a commitment to well-being and a set of principles
around accountability, representation, transparency, participation and inclusion.
Empirically, analyses have indeed shown a positive and significant relationship
between the two across large samples of countries and time. At both the conceptual
and the empirical level, however, there are certain challenges to the naïve view that
‘all good things go together’. Conceptually, democracy and human rights share
certain features, while other features remain quite distinct. Where democracy offers
political accommodation, spaces for deliberation and negotiation and the possibility
for peaceful resolution of conflicts, human rights are grounded in a strong moral
discourse and fortified through the rule of law, which has a particular judgmental and
‘adjudicative’ way of resolving disputes and finding particular actors and parties in
breach of their legal obligations. This judgmental, adversarial and confrontational
orientation of human rights, while motivated by a shared set of principles, can
sometimes be at odds with democracy and its ability to find common ground between
and among contending groups.27
While there are many studies in political science and international relations
that demonstrate the positive and significant relationship between democracy and
human rights (Landman 2005a), it is vitally important to understand that such a
relationship is very far from perfect. It was popular at the end of the last century to
identify the problem of ‘illiberal democracy’ as a trend among transitional countries
that had managed to establish basic democratic institutions, hold several free and fair
elections and guarantee at least the chance that the opposition could win power while
26
Falk, R. Human Rights Horizons: The Pursuit of Justice in a Globalizing World. London:
Routledge. 2000. p. 43.
27
Foley, Michael and Edwards, Bob. The Paradox of Civil Society, Journal of Democracy, 7 (3): 38-
52.
94
at the same time fail to provide protection for a wide range of different human rights
(Diamond 1999; Zakaria 2003; Landman 2005a). This ‘human rights gap’ is a
significant challenge not only for the new and restored democracies in the world but
also for the old and established democracies. The nature of precariousness developed
in this book is one that affects all societies, and defenders of human rights need to
remain vigilant in all political contexts. Explanations for the gap include weak state
institutions and the failure of a human rights culture to grip national consciousness in
ways that inculcate human rights values throughout societies.28
The post-9/11 ‘war on terror’ demonstrated how quickly long-fought and long-
held commitments to human rights can be undermined through appeal to external
threat and the priorities of national security. Democratic publics are quick to rush in
legislation that centralizes executive authority and provides legal means to subvert
rights protection at national and international levels. The international community
roundly condemned the Bush Administration’s rewriting (or reinterpreting) of
international law in ways that justified the use of extraordinary rendition, the
detention of ‘enemy combatants’ and the use of ‘intensive interrogation techniques’
such as waterboarding (Blakeley 2011). The election of Barack Obama in 2008 led
many to expect a reversal of such policies, which by and large has happened, but in
their place, President Obama has increased the use of targeted assassination carried
out primarily through drones and remote warfare, which many believe runs afoul of
international law.29 In late 2011, President Obama signed the National Defense
Authorization Act (NDAA), which codifies into law indefinite military detention
without charge or trial. The provisions in the act authorize the president to order the
military to pick up and imprison people who are captured anywhere in the world
indefinitely. The use of such practices sends strong and contradictory signals to both
allies and enemies of the United States in ways that continue to undermine human
rights and limit the ‘soft power’ (Nye 2005) of the world’s democracies.
28
Diamond, Larry. Democracy in Development. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University press. 1999. p.
92.
29
Donnelly, J. Human Rights in Theory and Practice. Ithaca and London: Cornell University press.
1989. p. 73.
95
30
Timm Beichelt. Civil Society and Democracy Promotion Challenges to Democracy in the 21st
Century.United Kingdom: Palgrave Macmillan. 2014. p. 26.
31
Lars Tragardh, Nina Witoszek and Bron Taylor. Civil Society In The Age Of Monitory
Democracy. New York: Berghahn Books. 2013. p. 291.
96
32
Nancy Gina Bermeo, Philip G. Nord. Civil Society Before Democracy: Lessons from Nineteenth-
century Europe. United States: Rowman & Littlefield. 2000. p. xv.
33
Gideon Baker, David Chandler. Global Civil Society:
Contested Futures Routledge Advances in International Relations and Global Politics. United
Kingdom: Routledge. 2004. p. 6.
97
34
Keane, J. Global Civil Society? Cambridge: Cambridge University press. 2003. p. 74.