Diaz Rico Chapter 1
Diaz Rico Chapter 1
chapter
English learners
comprise a growing
proportion of school
children in the
United States.
I n sixth grade, I had one of the first in a lucky to be a flower with roots in the ground? Sister
line of English teachers who began to nurture in Maria filled the board with snowy print . . . until
me a love of language, a love that had been there English . . . became a charged, fluid mass that
since my childhood of listening closely to words. carried me in its great fluent waves, rolling and
Sister Maria Generosa did not make our class moving onward, to deposit me on the shores of
interminably diagram sentences from a workbook my new homeland, I was no longer a foreigner
or learn [a] catechism of grammar rules. Instead with no ground to stand on. I had landed in the
she asked us to write little stories imagining we English language.
were snowflakes, birds, pianos, a stone in the
pavement, a star in the sky.What would it feel like Julia Alvarez (2007, p. 34)
2
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California are New Mexico, Texas, New York, Hawaii, Arizona, and New Jersey
(see Table 1.1). Other states—Florida (3.5 million), Illinois (2.2 million), and Mass-
achusetts (1.1 million)—also have large populations of non-English-language speak-
ers. The majority of English learners in the United States are Spanish speaking
(28.1 million); Asian and Pacific Islanders constitute the second-largest demographic
group of English learners.
The National Clearinghouse for English Language Acquisition and Language In-
struction Educational Programs (NCELA) put the number of children of school age
with a home language other than English at 9,779,766—one of every six children of
school age—and 31 percent of all American-Indian/Alaska Native, Asian/Pacific
Islander, and Hispanic students enrolled in public schools (National Center for
Education Statistics, 2005). Of these language-minority students, in 2005–2006,
5,074,572 do not yet have sufficient proficiency in English to be able to succeed ac-
ademically in traditional all-English-medium classrooms (NCELA, 2007). Los Angeles
Unified School District leads all other school districts in the nation both in the num-
ber (326,040) of English learners (in 2006–2007), number of languages (56), and per-
cent of total enrollment (40 percent), followed by New York City; Dade County,
Florida; Chicago; Houston; Dallas; San Diego; and Long Beach. In 2008, California,
with a school enrollment of approximately 1.6 million English learners, led the states
in need for English-learner services at the K–12 level. In California, 85 percent of
English learners are Spanish-speaking, and 83 percent of these Spanish-speaking learn-
ers are from Mexico. The majority of them live in Southern California, the San
Francisco Bay area, and the Central Valley. Los Angeles Unified School District has
32 percent of all English learners (EdSource, 2008).
The national distribution of English learners by grade levels is as follows: Grades
PreK–3, 44 percent; grades 4–8, 35 percent; grades 9–12, 19 percent; and alternative
schools, 2 percent (Rahilly & Weinmann, 2007). Of children who speak a language
other than English at home, 81 percent are U.S.-born or naturalized U.S. citizens
(Lapkoff & Li, 2007).
Table 1.1
States with the Highest Percent of Population Speaking a Language Other Than English
Source: www.census.gov/population/www/cen2000/phc-t20.html/tab04.pdf
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These population demographics indicate that all states need to provide services
for English learners, with the need greatest in California, New Mexico, New York,
and Texas, serving Hispanics or Asian/Pacific Islanders. The linguistic and cultural
variety of English learners suggests that more and more teachers serve as intercultural
and interlinguistic educators—those who can reach out to learners from a variety of
backgrounds and offer effective learning experiences.
Cognitive Factors
Stage of L2 acquisition ___________________________________________________________________________
Cognitive style/Learning style ______________________________________________________________________
Learning strategies ______________________________________________________________________________
Sociocultural Factors
Family acculturation and use of L1 and L2_____________________________________________________________
Family values __________________________________________________________________________________
Institutional support for L1 ________________________________________________________________________
Sociocultural support for L1 in the classroom environment ________________________________________________
have a brother who is Hector José; for either to be called simply Hector would rep-
resent a loss of identity.
In many cultures, adults are referred to by their function rather than their name.
In Hmong, xib fwb means “teacher,” and Hmong children may use the English term
teacher in the classroom rather than a title plus surname, as in “Mrs. Jasko.” Middle-
class European-American teachers may consider this to be rude rather than realizing
this is a cultural difference.
Osgood (2002) suggests ways to enlist native-English-speaking students to make
friends with newcomers: Challenge them to teach a new student their names and to
learn the new student’s first and last names, using recess, lunchtime, or free time to
accomplish this task.
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Age. Second-language acquisition (SLA) is a complex process that occurs over a long
period of time. Although many people believe that children acquire a second language
more rapidly than adults, recent research counters this notion. While it is true that
the kind of instruction varies greatly according to the age of the learner, there is lit-
tle evidence to indicate that biology closes the door to learning a second language at
certain ages (see Singleton & Ryan [2004] and Han [2004] for further discussion of
age-related issues in SLA, as well as the Point/Counterpoint box on page 8).
First-Language Proficiency. Research has shown that proficiency in the first language
(L1) helps students to achieve in school. In order to learn a student’s strengths in the
first language, a teacher, primary-language-speaking aide, or parent who is fluent in
the language of the student may observe a student working or playing in the primary
language and take notes on the child’s language behavior, or schools may rely on for-
mal testing. Knowledge about the student’s linguistic and academic abilities may as-
sist the teacher in second-language academic content instruction.
Acceptance of the first language and use of the first language to support instruction
promotes a low-anxiety environment for students. A lower anxiety level in turn pro-
motes increased learning.
Point/Counterpoint:
What Is the Best Age for Second-Language Acquisition?
For adults, learning a second language can be a frustrat- lescents and adults outperform children in controlled
ing and difficult experience. In contrast, it seems so easy language-learning studies (e.g.,Snow & Hoefnagel-Hoehle,
for children. Is there a best age for learning a second 1978). Adults have access to more memory strategies;
language? are, as a rule, more socially comfortable; and have
greater experience with language in general. The self-
POINT: Children Learn Second Languages Easily. discipline,strategy use,prior knowledge,and metalinguistic
Those who argue that a child can learn a second language ability of the older learner create a distinct advantage for
more rapidly than an adult generally ascribe this ability the adult over the child in language acquisition.
to the critical period hypothesis—that the brain has a Marinova-Todd, Marshall, and Snow (2000) analyzed
language-acquisition processor that functions best before misconceptions about age and second-language learning
puberty (Lenneberg, 1967)—despite the fact that the and reached the following conclusions:“[O]lder learners
critical period hypothesis has not been proved. have the potential to learn second languages to a very
Evidence from child second-language studies indi- high level and introducing foreign languages to very young
cates that the language children speak is relatively sim- learners cannot be justified on grounds of biological readi-
ple compared to that of adults; it has shorter construc- ness to learn languages” (p. 10). “Age does influence
tions with fewer vocabulary words and thus appears more language learning, but primarily because it is associated
fluent. Moreover, adults are often unaware that a child’s with social, psychological, educational, and other factors
silence indicates lack of understanding or shyness,and they that can affect L2 proficiency, not because of any critical
underestimate the limitations of a child’s second-language period that limits the possibility of language learning by
acquisition skills. One area that seems to be a clear ad- adults” (p. 28).
vantage for children is phonology:The earlier a person
begins to learn a second language, the closer the accent
will become to that of a native speaker (Oyama, 1976). Implications for Teaching
Teachers need to be aware that learning a second
COUNTERPOINT: Adults Learn Languages language is difficult for children as well as for adults. Help-
More Skillfully Than Children. Research comparing ing children to feel socially comfortable reduces their anx-
adults to children has consistently demonstrated that ado- iety and assists acquisition.
levels of academic proficiency in both languages. The most positive cognitive effects
are experienced in proficient bilingualism, when students attain high levels of profi-
ciency in both languages. This is also called additive bilingualism.
Previous L2 Experience. English learners in the same grade may have had vastly dif-
ferent prior exposure to English, ranging from previous all-primary-language in-
struction to submersion in English—including students with no prior schooling at all.
Moreover, no two students have been exposed to exactly the same input of English
outside of class. Therefore, students’ prior exposure to English and attainment of pro-
ficiency are often highly varied.
Students who have been overcorrected when first learning English may have “shut
down” and be unwilling to speak. It may take time for a more positive approach to L2
instruction to produce results, combined with a positive attitude toward L1 maintenance.
Assessed L2 Level. An important part of the knowledge about the learner that a teacher
amasses as a foundation for instruction is the student’s assessed level of proficiency
in listening, speaking, reading, and writing in English. This can be obtained during
the process of assessment for placement. In California, the California English Lan-
guage Development Test (CELDT) (online at www.cde.ca.gov/ta/tg/el) is the desig-
nated placement instrument; other states have other ways to assess proficiency. (See
each state’s Department of Education Website.) No matter the source of information,
the student’s L2 level is the beginning point of instruction in English.
syntax errors are more noticeable than in the earlier stage (“Where you going?” “The
boy running.”). Once in intermediate fluency, students begin to initiate and sustain
conversations and are often able to recognize and correct their own errors.
Regardless of the way one labels the stages of second-language acquisition, it is
now recognized that, in natural situations, learners progress through predictable stages,
and learners advance through them at their own pace. Undue pressure to move through
the stages rapidly only frustrates and retards language learning.
Prior Academic Success. A valid predictor of school success is prior academic suc-
cess. By reading a student’s cumulative academic record, a teacher may get a sense
of the student’s strengths and weaknesses. This can be augmented by observations
of the student during academic activities and interviews of family members and for-
mer teachers. It is important for the current teacher to assemble as complete a record
of students’ prior schooling as possible to best inform instructional decisions.
Self-Esteem. A large part of one’s feelings revolve around how one feels about one-
self, one’s self-esteem. High self-esteem may cause language success or result from
language success. Many teachers, however, intuitively recognize that self-esteem is-
sues play important roles in their classrooms, and they encourage students to feel
proud of their successes and abilities. Self-esteem enhancement, such as efforts to
empower students with positive images of self, family, and culture, may facilitate lan-
guage learning. Teachers also strive to ensure that learners feel good about specific
aspects of their language learning (e.g., speaking, writing) or about their success with
a particular task.
Self-esteem is particularly at risk when learning a second language, because so
much identity and pride are associated with language competence. Schools that
honor the primary languages and cultures of students and help students to develop
additive bilingualism foster strong identities; schools in which students face
disrespect and discrimination hinder students’ social and emotional development
(Cummins, 2001).
Children who do poorly in school face daily degradation to their sense of self-
esteem as they often receive low grades, and experience disapproval from their teach-
ers and even social ostracism from peers (McKay, 2000). A healthy sense of success
is necessary not only to master academics, but also to feel valuable to society.
as their first name (the teacher may provide English learners with an alphabetized list
of adjectives). Each subsequent person repeats what the others have said in sequence.
Another activity, Name Interviews, lets students work in pairs to use a teacher-
provided questionnaire. This includes questions such as, “What do you like about
your name? Who named you? Were you named for someone? Are there members of
your family who have the same name?” and more (Siccone, 1995).
Motivation. “The impulse, emotion, or desire that causes one to act in a certain way”
is one way to define motivation. Gardner and Lambert (1972) postulated two types
of motivation in learning a second language: instrumental, the need to acquire a lan-
guage for a specific purpose such as reading technical material or getting a job, and
integrative, the desire to become a member of the culture of the second-language group.
Most situations involve a mixture of both types.
Generally, in classrooms, teachers may believe that motivation is a trait or a state.
As a trait, motivation is seen as being relatively consistent and persistent and is at-
tributed to various groups: parents, communities, or cultures. Students are motivated
to learn English by such incentives as the desire to please—or not to shame—their
families or by the drive to bring honor to their communities. As a state, motivation
is viewed as a more temporary condition that can be influenced by the use of highly
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Anxiety Level. Anxiety when learning a second language can be seen as similar to gen-
eral feelings of tension that students experience in the classroom. Almost everyone feels
some anxiety when learning a new language—that is, they have feelings of self-
consciousness, a desire to be perfect when speaking, and a fear of making mistakes.
Using a foreign language can threaten a person’s sense of self if speakers fear they
cannot represent themselves fully in a new language or understand others readily.
Anxiety can be debilitating. As one student recalled,
During these several months after my arrival in the U.S.A., every day I came back
exhausted so I had to take a rest for a while, stretching myself on the bed. For all the
time, I strained every nerve in order to understand what the people were saying and make
myself understood in my broken English. I sometimes have to pretend to understand by
smiling, even though I feel alienated, uneasy, and tense. (Barna, 2007, p. 71)
Because anxiety can cause learners to feel defensive and can block effective learn-
ing, language educators strive to make the classroom a place of warmth and friend-
liness, where risk-taking is rewarded and encouraged and where peer work,
small-group work, games, and simulations are featured. Highly anxious learners must
divide their attentional resources into both learning and worrying about learning. This
reduces the ability to concentrate and be successful at learning tasks. Accepting English
learners’ use of both languages during instruction may help reduce their anxiety about
speaking English (Pappamihiel, 2002).
Attitudes of the Learner. Attitudes play a critical role in learning English. Attitudes
toward self, toward language (one’s own and English), toward English-speaking people
(particularly peers), and toward the teacher and the classroom environment affect
students (Richard-Amato, 2003). One’s attitude toward the self involves cognition
about one’s ability in general, ability to learn language, and self-esteem and its related
emotions. These cognitions and feelings are seldom explicit and may be slow to change.
Attitudes toward language and those who speak it are largely a result of experi-
ence and the influence of people in the immediate environment, such as peers and
parents. Negative reactions are often the result of negative stereotypes or the experi-
ence of discrimination or racism. Peñalosa (1980) pointed out that if English learners
are made to feel inferior because of accent or language status, they may have a defen-
sive reaction against English and English speakers. Students may also experience
ambivalent feelings about their primary language. In some families, parents use English
at the expense of the primary language in the hope of influencing children to learn
English more rapidly. This can cause problems within the family and create a back-
lash against English or English speakers.
Students’ attitudes toward the primary language vary; some students may have
a defensive reaction or ambivalent feelings toward their own primary language as a
result of internalized shame if they have been made to feel inferior. Peers may incite
attitudes against the L1 or may try to tease or bully those who speak the same pri-
mary language with a different dialect.
Attitudes toward the teacher and the classroom environment play an important
role in school success in general and English acquisition in particular. One way to
create a sense of belonging is to assign a new student to a home group that remains
unchanged for a long time. If such groups are an ongoing aspect of classroom social
organization, with rules of caring, respect, and concern already in place, then the home
group provides an ideal social group to receive newcomers and help them develop in-
terdependence, support, and identity (Peregoy & Boyle, 2008).
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Teachers can do much to model positive attitudes toward the students’ primary
language (see Chapter 8). A teacher–family conference may be advisable if a student
continues to show poor attitudes toward the first or second language or the school.
(Chapter 10 offers a range of strategies for involving the family in schooling.)
Learning Styles. Many researchers have documented differences in the manner in which
learners approach the learning task. These preferences serve as models for instructors
in their efforts to anticipate the different needs and perspectives of students. Once learn-
ing styles have been identified, instructors can use the information to plan and to mod-
ify certain aspects of courses and assignments. Hruska-Riechmann and Grasha (1982)
offer six learning styles: competitive versus cooperative, dependent versus independ-
ent, and participant versus avoidant. For Sonbuchner (1991), learning styles refer to
information-processing styles and work environment preferences. Table 1.2 lists learn-
ing style variables that have been divided into four categories—cognitive, affective, in-
centive, and physiological—according to Keefe (1987).
Table 1.3 provides a list of learning style Websites that feature learning style in-
formation, diagnostic checklists, and ideas for adapted instruction. The teacher who
builds variety into instruction and helps learners to understand their own styles can
enhance students’ achievement.
■ Students who are highly competitive may be provided activities and assignments that
encourage collaboration and interdependent learning.
■ Students who show little tolerance for frustration can be given a range of tasks on the same
skill or concept that slowly increases in complexity, with the student gradually gaining skill and
confidence.
Table 1.2
Variables That Constitute Learning Style Differences
Table 1.3
Websites That Feature Learning Style Information, Diagnostic Inventories,
and Ideas for Adapted Instruction
are employed for transmitting an idea when the learner cannot produce precise lin-
guistic forms, whereas learning strategies relate to the individual’s processing, stor-
age, and retrieval of language concepts (Brown, 2000).
Communication strategies include avoiding sounds, structures, or topics that are
beyond current proficiency; memorizing stock phrases to rely on when all else fails;
asking a conversant for help or pausing to consult a dictionary; and falling back on
the primary language for help in communication. The last strategy, often called code
switching, has been studied extensively because it permeates a learner’s progression in
a second language. Code switching—the alternating use of two languages on the word,
phrase, clause, or sentence level—has been found to serve a variety of purposes, not
just as a strategy to help when expressions in the second language are lacking.
Baker (2001) lists ten purposes for code switching: (1) to emphasize a point,
(2) because a word is unknown in one of the languages, (3) for ease and efficiency of
expression, (4) as a repetition to clarify, (5) to express group identity and status and/or
to be accepted by a group, (6) to quote someone, (7) to interject in a conversation,
(8) to exclude someone, (9) to cross social or ethnic boundaries, and (10) to ease
tension in a conversation. Code switching thus serves a variety of intentions beyond
the mere linguistic. It has important power and social ramifications.
According to Buell (2004), “Code-switching is a key marker of social identities,
relations, and context. When a speaker uses or changes a code, she is signaling who
she is, how she relates to listeners or readers, how she understands the context and
what communication tools are available to her” (pp. 99, 100). Code switching can
be seen not only in spoken conversations but also in mass media, literature, in sci-
ence textbooks, and so on. Students’ writing and other discourse practices are apt to
be complex, multilayered, and sometimes contradictory. Understanding students in
the full splendor of their code-switching and use of dialect, peer-influenced, or idio-
syncratic language is part of the joy of teaching.
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Although language purists look down on language mixing, a more fruitful approach
is letting children learn in whatever manner they feel most comfortable, so that anxi-
ety about language will not interfere with concept acquisition. In fact, a teacher who
learns words and expressions in the students’ home language is able to use the stu-
dents’ language to express solidarity and share personal feelings when appropriate.
up-to-date pedagogy, may still fail to foster achievement if students are socially and
culturally uncomfortable with, resistant to, or alienated from schooling.
As students learn a second language, their success is dependent on sociocultural
factors. These factors are explored here with a view toward helping teachers facili-
tate student learning by bridging the culture and language gaps.
example, one can infer from the model that a family living in a predominantly primary-
language community will exert fewer pressures on the children to speak English.
A family’s use of L1 and L2 is also influenced by the relative status of the primary
language in the eyes of the dominant culture. In modern U.S. culture, the social value
and prestige of speaking a second language varies with socioeconomic position; it also
varies as to the second language that is spoken.
Many middle-class parents believe that learning a second language benefits their
children personally and socially and will later benefit them professionally. In fact, it is
characteristic of the elite group in the United States who are involved in scholarly work,
diplomacy, foreign trade, or travel to desire to be fully competent in two languages
(Porter, 1990). However, the languages that parents wish their children to study are of-
ten not those spoken by recently arrived immigrants (Dicker, 1992). This suggests that
a certain bias exists in being bilingual—that being competent in a “foreign language”
is valuable, whereas knowing an immigrant language is a burden to be overcome.
There are many ways in which a second-class status is communicated to speak-
ers of other languages, and because language attitudes usually operate at an incon-
spicuous level, school personnel and teachers are not always aware of the attitudes
they hold. For example, the interlanguage of English learners—the language they use
as they learn English—may be considered a dialect of English. Students learning En-
glish express themselves in many different dialects, depending on the language they
hear in their homes and communities. These forms of English vary in the pronunci-
ation of words, the selection of vocabulary that is used, and the way that words are
arranged in sentences.
Some teachers only accept Standard English, the English found in textbooks. They
may view nonstandard forms as less logical, less precise, or less elegant; sometimes
they may even stigmatized these forms as corrupt or debased. Worse, they may view
those who speak nonstandard English as less intelligent or less gifted linguistically.
Research has shown that incorporating nonstandard language use in the classroom
is often a helpful bridge to the learning of Standard English. When students feel that
they are accepted and are confident of their language skills, they are more likely to
want to acquire a second language (Siegel, 1999).
If teachers devalue the accent, syntax, or other speech characteristics of students as
they learn English, English learners receive the message that their dialect is not accepted.
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In this example, the teacher epitomizes a mainstream U.S. value: speed and effi-
ciency in learning. Teachers may describe students of other cultures as being lack-
adaisical and uncaring about learning, when in fact they may be operating within a
different time frame and value system.
Other values held by teachers and embodied in classroom procedures have to do
with task orientation. The typical U.S. classroom is a place of work in which students
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are expected to conform to a schedule, keep busy, maintain order, avoid wasting time,
conform to authority, and achieve academically in order to attain personal worth.
Working alone is also valued in school, and children may spend a great deal of time
in activities that do not allow them to interact verbally with other people or to move
physically around the room.
Children need to find within the structure and content of their schooling those
behaviors and perspectives that permit them to switch between home and school
cultural behaviors and values without inner conflict or crises of identity (Pérez &
Torres-Guzmán, 2002). Teachers need to feel comfortable with the values and be-
haviors of their students’ cultures in order to develop a flexible cultural repertoire
within the context of teaching.
The danger of excluding the students’ culture(s) from the classroom is that cul-
tural identity, if not included, may become oppositional. Ogbu and Matute-Bianchi
(1986) described how oppositional identity in a distinctly Mexican-American frame
of reference influenced the performance of Mexican-American children. They attrib-
uted achievement difficulties on the part of some Mexican-American children to a dis-
trust of academic effort. When schools were segregated and offered inferior education
to this community, a general mistrust of schools caused a difficulty in accepting, in-
ternalizing, and following school rules of behavior for achievement. This element of
resistance or opposition is not always overt but often takes the form of mental with-
drawal, high absenteeism, or reluctance to do classwork.
Schools with high concentrations of English learners often deprive children of the
use of their cultural knowledge and experience, even when staff are well meaning. It
is easy to give lip service to the validation of the students’ cultures and values. How-
ever, teachers should not use examples drawn from one culture and not another, use
literature that displays pictures and photographs of one culture only, and set up class-
room procedures that make some students feel less comfortable than others. This is
unfair and damaging. The implementation of a rich and flexible cultural repertoire
is the strategy that can allow cultures to mix constructively and promote achievement.
Dalle and Young (2003) suggest that teachers check with families
to see if family cultures have any “taboos” that would make
students uncomfortable performing certain activities; discuss with
family members the support available for homework, and arrange
for after-class supervision if needed; and explain key concepts
using ideas that are familiar from the students’ perspective.
students for failing in school often operate from the mistaken beliefs that students
and/or their parents are uninterested in education; that students who are raised as
native speakers of another language are handicapped in learning because they have
not acquired sufficient English; or that cultural differences between the ways children
learn at home or among their peers and the ways they are expected to learn at school
interfere with school learning.
In fact, schools often operate in ways that advantage certain children and disad-
vantage others, causing distinct outcomes that align with social and political forces
in the larger cultural context. Institutional support for the primary language and stu-
dents who speak it is a prime factor in school success for these students.
Some social theorists see the culture of the school as maintaining the poor in a per-
manent underclass and as legitimizing inequality (Giroux, 1983). In other words, school-
ing is used to reaffirm class boundaries. This creates an educational class system in which
minority students—or any students who are not successful in the classroom—emerge
from their schooling to occupy the same social status as their parents.
Consider this account from Erickson of a fourth-grade class that was electing student council
representatives.
Mrs.Lark called for nominations.Mary,a monolingual English-speaking European-American student,
nominated herself. Mrs. Lark accepted Mary’s self-nomination and wrote her name on the board.
Rogelio, a Spanish-speaking Mexican-American child with limited English proficiency, nominated
Pedro. Mrs. Lark reminded the class that the representative must be “outspoken.” Rogelio again
said “Pedro.” Mrs. Lark announced to the class again that the representative must be “a good
outspoken citizen.” Pedro turned red and stared at the floor. Mrs. Lark embarrassed Rogelio into
withdrawing the nomination. No other Mexican-American child was nominated, and Mary won
the election. Pedro and Rogelio were unusually quiet for the rest of the school day.
Source: Adapted from Erickson (1977, p. 59).
Incidents like the one in Mrs. Lark’s classroom are generally unintentional on the
teacher’s part. A beginning step in helping all students feel fully integrated into the
class and the learning environment is for teachers to become sensitive to their own
cultural and linguistic predispositions.
Nieto and Bode (2008) identified numerous structures within schools that affect
English learners: tracking, testing, the curriculum, pedagogy, the school’s physical
structure and disciplinary policies, the limited roles of both students and teachers, and
limited parent and community involvement.
Tracking. The practice of placing students in groups of matched abilities, despite its
superficial advantages, in reality often labels and groups children for years and al-
lows them little or no opportunity to change groups. Secondary school personnel who
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place English learners in low tracks or in nonacademic ELD classes preclude those
students from any opportunity for higher-track, precollege work. In contrast, a sup-
portive school environment offers equal education opportunity to all students, re-
gardless of their language background.
Testing. Students who respond poorly on standardized tests are often given “basic skills”
in a remedial curriculum that is essentially the same as the one in which they were not
experiencing success. A supportive school is one that offers testing adaptations for En-
glish learners as permitted by law; for example, academic testing in the primary lan-
guage, extended time for test taking, and fully trained testing administrators.
Curriculum Design. Only a small fraction of knowledge is codified into textbooks and
teachers’ guides, and this is rarely the knowledge that English learners bring from their
communities (see Loewen, 1995). In addition, the curriculum may be systematically
watered down for the “benefit” of children in language-minority communities through
the mistaken idea that such students cannot absorb the core curriculum. A support-
ive environment is one that maintains high standards while offering a curriculum that
is challenging and meaningful.
Pedagogy. The way students are taught is often tedious and uninteresting, particu-
larly for students who have been given a basic skills curriculum in a lower-track class-
room. The pressure to “cover” a curriculum may exclude learning in depth and
frustrate teachers and students alike. Pedagogy that is supportive fully involves
students—teachers make every effort to present understandable instruction that
engages students at high levels of cognitive stimulation.
Order predominated at the traditional high school that Wells (1996) studied. Control trumped
creativity.Teachers were not encouraged to voice their educational philosophies or innovate.
Instruction was driven by textbooks,with few opportunities for students to write.Reading became
an exercise in searching for answers to chapter questions or worksheet blanks. Little inquiry,
exploration, or reflection was asked of students. Pope (2002) came to a similar conclusion. Stu-
dents, for the most part, experienced little genuine engagement.They did schoolwork because
they had to—there was little evidence of curiosity or interest. If this is the case for the average
middle-class high school, conditions can only be worse in inner-city schools, where the majority
of immigrant students are educated.
The Physical Structure of the School. Architecture also affects the educational envi-
ronment. Many inner-city schools are built like fortresses to forestall vandalism and theft.
Rich suburban school districts, by contrast, may provide more space, more supplies,
and campuslike schools for their educationally advantaged students. Supportive school-
ing is observable—facilities are humane, well cared for, and materially advantaged.
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Disciplinary Policies. Certain students may be punished more often than others, par-
ticularly those who wear high-profile clothing, have high physical activity levels, or
tend to hold an attitude of resistance toward schooling. Rather than defining students’
predilections as deviant or disruptive, teachers can channel these interactions into co-
operative groups that allow children to express themselves and learn at the same time,
thus supporting rich cultural and linguistic expression.
The School Culture. The most powerful regularities about school are not found in the
formalities such as course offerings and schedules. They are found in the school culture—
such unspoken elements as the respect shown by students for academic endeavor, the
openness that the teachers show when the principal drops in to observe instruction,
and the welcome parents feel when they take an active role in the school. In its 1996
report What Matters Most: Teaching and America’s Future, the National Commission
on Teaching and America’s Future argued that without a formal overhaul of school
culture in America, students cannot learn well. This is a warning that applies especially
to the aspects of school culture that promote success for English learners.
The Limited Role of Students. Students may be excluded from taking an active part in
their own schooling, and alienation and passive frustration may result. However, in ad-
dition to language barriers, cultural differences may preclude some students from par-
ticipating in ways that the mainstream culture rewards. The accompanying Example of
Concept illustrates the ways in which the limited role of students is disempowering.
The Limited Role of Teachers. Teachers of CLD students may be excluded from de-
cision making just as students are disenfranchised. This may lead teachers to have
negative feelings toward their students. A supportive environment for CLD students
is supportive of their teachers as well.
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Limited Family and Community Involvement. Inner-city schools with large populations
of English learners may exclude families from participation. Parents may find it dif-
ficult to attend meetings, may be only symbolically involved in the governance of the
school, or may feel a sense of mismatch with the culture of the school just as their
children do. In circumstances like these, school personnel, in consultation with com-
munity and parent representatives, can begin to ameliorate such perceptions by talk-
ing with one another and developing means of communication and interaction
appropriate for both parent and school communities.
Learning More 27
This chapter introduced the English learner and highlighted a variety of factors that a
teacher must consider to design and deliver effective instruction. Some of these factors
lie within the student, and others are factors in society at large that affect the individ-
ual, the family, and the school. The teacher as an intercultural, interlinguistic educator
learns everything possible about the background of the students and marshals every
available kind of support to advance the education of English learners. The United
States is expected to need at least two million teachers by 2011 (Chan, 2004). These
teachers can greatly benefit from specific techniques in crosscultural, language, and
academic development for English learners. ■
LEARNING MORE
Further Reading
Carolyn Nelson (2004), in the article “Reclaiming Teacher Preparation for Success in High-
Needs Schools,” describes her first year of teaching in an inner-city school in Rochester,
New York. This article offers a memorable glimpse at her daily challenges in a school com-
prised largely of Puerto Rican and African-American students. She details the strengths
of the elementary teacher education curriculum at San José State in the context of prepar-
ing teachers as problem-solving intellectuals, a point of view that imparts a balance to the
“prescriptive, curriculum-in-a-box” approaches to teaching.
Web Search
The U.S. Census Bureau’s Website “Minority Links” (online at www.census.gov/
pubinfo/www/hotlinks.html) features demographic information on special populations
(Hispanic/Latino, Asian, Native Hawaiian and other Pacific Islander, and American
Indian/Alaska Native) that includes demographics by regional, state, and local areas.
Exploration
Find out about the number of English learners in your local school district by visiting a
local school district office, or look it up in the demographics section of the State Depart-
ment of Education Website in your state. Visit a school in a neighborhood that serves CLD
students, or visit your neighborhood school and ask if there are English learners being
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served. If there are local teachers who specialize in the education of English learners, ask
them about professional development opportunities in that field.
Experiment
Give a fifteen-word list in a foreign language to three different individuals: a primary school
student (age 6–11), a middle school student (age 12–14), and an adult (age 18 or older).
Let them study the words for five minutes and then ask them to recall the list. Compare
the success of these learners. Ask them what strategy they used to complete the memory
task. Which learner had more success? Which learner had more strategies?