5 Star Inv Journalism
5 Star Inv Journalism
Investigative Journalism1
Why did we lose Panatag or Scarborough Shoal to China, and what is the better
policy in the territorial disputes in South China Sea? Despite crass language,
impulsive decisions and relentless criticisms against his bloody drug war, why is
Duterte still widely popular?
If you are looking for sensible answers to these and related contentious questions
and issues of the day, grab a copy and read the Manila Times’ columnist Rigoberto
Tiglao’s Debunked: Uncovering Hard Truths About EDSA, Martial Law. Marcos.
Aquino. With a Special Section on the Duterte Presidency (Akropolis Publishing,
2018).
Written in plain English with lucidity and personal anecdotes, Tiglao answers
current issues and questions with fact-based accounts and impassioned argument.
Its title is a giveaway. It seeks to expose the falseness and hollowness of an idea or
belief. Dominant post-EDSA narratives and truths — notably the heroic and
freedom-loving Aquinos and their polar opposite, the dictatorial, ruthless and
rapacious Marcoses—are dismissed as myths useful for extolling the Aquinos and
demonizing their political rival, the Marcoses.
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BY DR. RENATO VELASCO, MARCH 07, 2019
Akin to Roland Barthes’ concept of myth as the representation of the dominant
ideologies that engenders Gramscian “false consciousness” through signs,
narratives and appearances widely accepted as static, natural and normal, Tiglao is
skeptical of the validity and truthfulness of post-EDSA narratives.
Citing US documents and events before the EDSA revolt, Tiglao concludes that the
event was a simple circulation of elites or the replacement of the discredited
Marcos with the popular Cory Aquino by the US.
Tiglao also slams the Filipino elite as responsible for the birth and continuing
armed communist insurgency. He claims its existence is an indictment against the
retrogressive elite whose exploitation, collaboration and incompetence sustains the
communist insurgency despite its failed ideology and copycat, ruthless and
opportunist leaders.
The chapters to demonstrate that Noynoy Aquino is the worst Philippine president
ever are the longest and most documented. The Daang Matuwid rhetoric of
Aquino’s camp is hollow and fake given the many cases of corruption, hypocrisy
and incompetence during the Aquino 2 administration. It is worth noting that its
well-funded presidential bet Mar Roxas was roundly defeated by the least-known,
least-funded and least-organized candidate from Mindanao – Duterte.
For Tiglao, Aquino’s sordid failures are recent and crystal-clear: the destruction of
the independence of the judiciary and Congress via the rushed impeachment of CJ
Rene Corona and the unconstitutional DAP: the criminal negligence in the killing
of SAF 44 in Mamasapano, Magindanao; the incompetence and insensitivity in the
Yolanda aftermath; the MRT-3 graft mess; the P3.5-billion Dengvaxia scandal; and
the incompetence and subservience to the US in the handling of the territorial
dispute in the South China Sea.
Tiglao is blunt and harsh against the Aquinos and their allies but very supportive of
Arroyo and Duterte. If Noynoy is the worst president, Duterte seems to be the best
ever whom Tiglao regards as an iconoclastic or one above peers in boldness in
defying established yet erroneous norms, symbols and beliefs. Be that as it may,
Tiglao’s fidelity to fact-based argument is not lacking here.
Duterte’s bold policies are evident in the distancing from the US and rebalancing
to China and Russia, his better policy of promoting cooperation over confrontation
with China, the closure and rehabilitation of Boracay. and the courage to stand up
to the interventionist actions of well-established agencies like the UN, EU, ICC
and Catholic Church. Tiglao claims it is this courage, or katapangan, more than
compassion and incorrigibility, that is the main driver of Duterte’s high popularity.
The last chapter on “Harsh Realities” serves as the socio-historical context which
tries to explain the structures and determines the nature, direction and impact of the
several pieces on presidential policies and programs. Tiglao puts forward a Marxist
cum nationalist perspective in which he enjoins readers to think and act above
one’s family and group, and embrace the sense of belonging to a nation-state.
Similar to his call in his previous book, he prescribes nationalism as the key to
meaningful growth and development and rewarding lives for Filipinos.
Plotting the seizure of state power against Marcos as a top communist cadre before
working as business reporter in prestigious newspapers and studying at UP and
Harvard, and finally ending up as a Presidential Chief of Staff in Malacañang, and
an ambassador to Greece, Tiglao has the broad experience, special skills and
unique perspective for analyzing the many issues in the compendium.